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"slug": "farmworkers-in-sonoma-county-win-settlement-after-alleged-retaliation",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11958506 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12042828/campesinos-sonoma-logran-acuerdo-tras-sufrir-represalias\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surrounded by elegant tasting rooms and high-end hotels, farmworkers and labor organizers rallied Wednesday in Healdsburg — the center of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County’s\u003c/a> multimillion-dollar wine industry — to announce a settlement with Redwood Empire Vineyard Management, a Geyserville-based company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“¿Tienen miedo? ¡No! ¿Están cansados! ¡No!” workers chanted in Spanish, which translates to “Are you afraid? No! Are you tired? No!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">REVM will pay $33,548 to seven former and current employees after the state’s Agricultural Labor Relations Board determined the company refused to offer them jobs because of their involvement in efforts to improve working conditions. The ALRB also found that REVM required farmworkers last year to sign a contract stating they would be immediately fired if they attempted to renegotiate their compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">\u003cb>\u003ca href=\"#A\">Jump to: What to do if something similar happens to you\u003c/a>\u003c/b>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to state officials, the company’s actions are considered unfair labor practices in violation of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.alrb.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/196/2018/05/ALRA_010112.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Agricultural Labor Relations Act\u003c/a>.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all have the right to be able to organize with our coworkers to ask for better working conditions and not be retaliated against,” said Yesenia De Luna, ALRB’s regional director. “In this case, workers were going to protests and marches asking for better wages. That’s a working condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>REVM did not return KQED’s multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-5-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Yesenia De Luna, regional director at the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board (ALRB), speaks at a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the ALRB over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>José Alejandro Cuevas Fuentes and Yolanda Prida González are among the farmworkers named in the ALRB investigation. Both worked for REVM for several years, helping to care for and harvest the many vineyards the company manages around the region. But things changed when they attended \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997877/farmworkers-remain-in-the-fields-during-wildfires-now-theyre-marching-for-hazard-pay\">a march on July 28 in Healdsburg\u003c/a>, where farmworkers called for hazard pay — higher wages to reflect the risks they take during wildfire season.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when things started to get bad,” Cuevas Fuentes said in Spanish, adding that a colleague gave him a heads-up that managers had seen \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/news/farmworkers-march-wages-healdsburg/?artslide=10\">a photo of him at the march\u003c/a> taken by \u003ci>The Press Democrat\u003c/i>. On Aug. 14, Cuevas Fuentes tried to attend a meeting held by REVM for workers included in the 2024 fall harvest but was blocked by management, who pointed out that his name no longer appeared on the work crew list despite years of harvest experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When Alejandro told me that he was rejected from the harvest, that’s when I fell into a depression,” said Prida González, Cuevas Fuentes’ partner. Together, they are raising two daughters. By that point, she had also been laid off by REVM. “I was really disappointed in my managers because I had worked with them for many years, but all I got from them was their rejection and indifference,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the help of the labor rights group North Bay Jobs With Justice, the couple, along with five coworkers, filed complaints with the ALRB, which began a months-long investigation that included interviews with REVM employees and management. The couple still had to find a way to pay bills and support their daughters while the investigation continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this made my depression much more difficult. I would never want anyone else to go through this,” Prida González said. “I want all my fellow workers to understand that they have these rights as farmworkers and let go of that fear of speaking up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fear, lack of information and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11918317/blacklisted-for-speaking-up-how-california-farmworkers-fighting-abuses-are-vulnerable-to-retaliation\">intimidation from management\u003c/a> are all factors that make it very difficult for farmworkers to seek help, said United Farm Workers Secretary Treasurer Armando Elenes, who talks to workers across the state about their protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although California has mechanisms in place to hold employers accountable, Elenes added, “Many workers just accept the retaliation and then move on to another employer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more workers come together and form unions or take action together, the more we can deal with these issues,” he said. “Having workers participate and be part of the process, that’s the key — that’s what makes everything else work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of the settlement, REVM will no longer require employees to sign a contract with language that threatens termination for requesting higher wages. Additionally, the company has promised the ALRB that it will respect the rights of its workers to organize for better working conditions. ALRB officials will also be speaking to REVM farmworkers in the coming weeks about what rights protect them and how to identify retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All seven workers in the case also have the opportunity to return to REVM. For the time being, Cuevas Fuentes won’t be coming back, but Prida González has returned to make sure the company keeps its part of the settlement agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We workers need to see changes,” she said, adding that she believes her return to the company will show her fellow farmworkers that taking the risk of speaking up has results. “Things have to get better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041951\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041951\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Community supporters attend a press conference after seven farmworkers were awarded nearly $34,000 as settlement of a complaint issued by the Agricultural Labor Relations Board against Redwood Empire Vineyard Management over unlawful retaliation and coercion, at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>What if something like this happens to you?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>KQED has\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958506/guide-unsafe-working-conditions-employer-retaliation-and-worker-protections\"> a guide available for what to do if you are a farmworker\u003c/a> and your employer has retaliated against you for speaking up about working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you are not a farmworker, keep reading for insight from attorneys familiar with employment law in California to learn what rights and protections all workers have when asking for higher pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>The risks of acting alone\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Want to talk to your employer about how much you’re getting paid? You’re usually more protected if you do this together with your coworkers, said Juan Villalvazo, a labor rights attorney at La Raza Centro Legal, a San Francisco legal aid group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you were to approach your boss by yourself with the motive of \u003ci>only\u003c/i> talking about your own compensation, it could be a very different story, Villalvazo said. In California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">having a job is considered “at-will,”\u003c/a> which means an employer can fire a worker at any moment. Of course, at-will employment also means an employee can quit at any time, but it gives “the employer a lot of deference and protection,” Villalvazo said, and “your employer has the right to fire you for whatever reason, so long as the underlying reason isn’t illegal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What \u003ci>would \u003c/i>be illegal in this case? An employer could be in trouble \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">if the reason they fire someone is discriminatory\u003c/a> (based on their race, religion, gender, disability, sexual orientation or another protected category) or to retaliate against an employee \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/TerminationOfEmployment.pdf\">who engaged in a “protected activity”\u003c/a> like speaking up about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999014/working-inside-during-a-heat-wave-what-to-know-about-californias-new-protections\">unsafe working conditions\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the conversation you want to have with your boss is just about your \u003ci>own\u003c/i> individual wages, at-will employment rules give your employer a lot more power. You \u003ci>could \u003c/i>go to your boss and ask for a raise for yourself, Villalvazo said, but “not only are they not required to give it, they could take the action of firing you and say, ‘Well, I’m just gonna hire somebody who’s content with the pay rate.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Palmer, co-managing partner at the New York office of Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, a firm that offers legal services to workers, agreed that employees are more vulnerable when acting alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employees are in a much more legally sound position if they are raising concerns about their compensation not only on behalf of themselves, but on the behalf of others,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042239\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042239\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20240728_FarmworkersMarch_GC-14_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of farmworkers with North Bay Jobs With Justice and community supporters march on the Healdsburg Memorial Bridge, demanding higher wages and disaster pay, on July 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Strength in numbers\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Approaching your boss to talk about wages — this time, accompanied by your coworkers who have the same concerns about their own pay — not only places you in a stronger position to negotiate, but also gives you a layer of legal protection, Palmer said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because state and federal law protect the right of workers to engage in “concerted activity” — defined as any action taken by employees on behalf of a group, not just themselves — Palmer said. “It can be an action taken as a group, or it could be one individual who is taking the lead and raising concerns on behalf of other people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One very familiar example of concerted activity is workers forming a union. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/guidance/key-reference-materials/national-labor-relations-act\">National Labor Relations Act\u003c/a> protects the rights of all employees to collectively seek better working conditions — not just those who are part of a union. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">1935 law\u003c/a>, passed by Congress \u003ca href=\"https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/national-labor-relations-act\">after decades of worker-led organizing\u003c/a>, protects the right of workers to:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"ul1\">\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk among themselves about their wages and working conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Circulate a petition asking for better hours.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Participate in a concerted refusal to work in unsafe conditions.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli class=\"li1\">Talk — along with their coworkers — to their employer, government agency or the media about problems in their workplace.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board — the federal agency that enforces the NLRA — warns that employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/employees/concerted-activity\">could lose their protections\u003c/a> if they communicate with their employer in a way that could be deemed “egregiously offensive or knowingly and maliciously false” or by “publicly disparaging” the employer’s products in a way that’s not related to the issues at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Palmer recommends employees to always “raise concerns respectfully,” as well as “with confidence of their concerns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041955\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250528_FIREDASKINGFORRAISE_GC-13-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers hold signs in Spanish reading ‘la unión hace la fuerza’ and ‘escuchen a los trabajadores’ at a press conference organized by North Bay Jobs with Justice at Healdsburg Plaza in Healdsburg on May 28, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Can a contract prohibit you from talking about higher pay?\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the case of the farmworkers in Sonoma County, their employer included a clause in their contract that threatened immediate termination if employees spoke up about their wages. ARLB officials determined that the clause was in violation of the state law that protects the rights of farmworkers to bargain collectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That contract is basically stopping them before they can even start to organize themselves or talk about that,” ALRB’s De Luna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if you work in another industry that’s not agriculture, can your employer still add a clause in your work contract that prevents you or your colleagues from asking for a raise?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would still be a violation of the law, said Villavalzo from La Raza Centro Legal. “As a collective, you have the right to discuss amongst yourselves about wages, benefits and conditions in the workplace,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Palmer, from Sanford Heisler Sharp McKnight, said the contract REVM offered workers in 2024 is written vaguely enough that it restricts employees from engaging in a wide range of actions, including concerted activities. He added that the clause, which threatens termination for employees who “create discontent in the crews, interrupting work,” is also problematic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is a clear attempt to try to prevent employees from communicating with their colleagues about concerns that they have,” Palmer said. While employers \u003ci>can \u003c/i>fire workers who start fights or create an unsafe work environment, “that’s not what this kind of provision is getting at,” he said. Instead, “it is just a clear demand that employees not engage in any kind of concerted activity or communication about working conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Talking to your boss about pay: What legal experts suggest\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Palmer, it’s important that workers feel comfortable expressing “that they know their worth,” but he said “there is always this risk” in asking for a raise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you and other colleagues believe what you’re being paid doesn’t reflect the work you do and think you have a strong case, there are things you can do to protect yourself during and after conversations with your employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, remember you are more protected if you request a raise “as part of a concerted action where you’re bringing the request along with that of others,” Palmer said. But it’s also a good idea to check ahead of time what compensation people are getting for doing similar work at other places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo emphasizes the importance of maintaining good relationships with your coworkers. “If you’re friends with your coworkers, it’s gonna be easier to work collectively,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo also recommends keeping written records of conversations you have with both coworkers — as you decide collectively what to request — and with your employer when presenting the request. The written communication doesn’t have to be very formal, he said, and “could just mean a text message.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use WhatsApp to talk about work matters, keep in mind that the application allows an individual user to delete messages and chats for \u003ci>all \u003c/i>other people in the conversation. You may consider taking screenshots of the chat to keep a backup record of the conversations — or even propose that colleagues communicate through another app altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villalvazo points out that in many workplaces in California, some employees are working with a legal immigration status, while some of their colleagues may not be. “Stay in solidarity with all of your coworkers regardless of their immigration status, because at the end of the day, you all \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/factsheet/immigration-related-retaliation-in-the-workplace/#:~:text=In%20California%2C%20an%20employer%20who,law%20license%20for%20their%20actions.\">share many of the same rights\u003c/a>,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you and your colleagues believe your employer cut your wages or fired you for collectively requesting a raise, you can file a complaint with the state Labor Commissioner’s Office. You can \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/howtofileretaliationcomplaint.htm\">file a retaliation complaint online\u003c/a> or by calling 714-558-4913.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it can take several months for a complaint to move through the Labor Commissioner’s Office, the agency does have the power to investigate employers, impose penalties and give certain workers their lost wages or job back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Weeks after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040473/trouble-at-san-francisco-zoo-could-soon-lead-to-ceos-removal\">attempt to oust\u003c/a> the embattled CEO of the struggling \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-zoo\">San Francisco Zoo\u003c/a>, it appears that she’s come out on top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanya Peterson, who has been under fire for growing concerns over safety and alleged mismanagement at the facility in recent years, will remain CEO while the chair of the zoo’s board of directors, who supported the effort to remove her, resigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board chair Melinda Dunn is among five members of the San Francisco Zoological Society board who have left their posts since last week, according to Corey Hallman of Teamsters Local Union 856, which represents about 100 zookeepers, dieticians, gardeners and other zoo workers. Dunn declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wave of board resignations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-zoo-ceo-remains-power-leader-attempted-20350320.php\">first reported\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>, comes after the board deliberated about Peterson’s employment during its regular meeting on May 20, according to Hallman. He said the body held two other discussions on the topic in the following days, but no decision was made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees and community advocates have been increasingly adamant that Peterson be removed since reports began surfacing last year about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907448/sf-zoo-is-unsafe-for-visitors-and-animals-according-to-city-report\">unsafe conditions\u003c/a> for workers and animals at the San Francisco Zoo, including a 2023 incident during which a grizzly bear briefly chased a zookeeper after a door was mistakenly left unlocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unionized employees took an overwhelming vote of no confidence in Peterson last fall, and the city’s Board of Supervisors requested an audit of the facility in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-800x727.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1020x927.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-160x145.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1536x1396.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1920x1745.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pair of macaws perch on a tree inside the newly renovated South American Tropical Forest exhibit at the San Francisco Zoo in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 17, 2010. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last week, Matthew Miller, the former chair of the Zoological Society’s risk committee, resigned, citing the board’s inability to decide whether to remove Peterson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hallman said he believes the resignations this week were also “what seems like protest for the dysfunction of the zoological board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m shocked at how dysfunctional the board is and how they’ve ignored union members [and] nonunion members employed at the zoo [and] community members and seem to just keep moving forward as if there’s no problem,” he told KQED on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, a group of 12 unionized and nonunionized zoo employees sent the board of directors an anonymous letter, viewed by KQED, calling for Peterson’s removal. They wrote that she has created an environment that is “toxic beyond comprehension,” led by a lack of transparency, increasingly siloed departments and caused high employee turnover.[aside postID=news_12040473 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/SFZooGetty1-1020x752.jpg']The dozen signatories, who said they are members of the zoo’s leadership team and sent the letter anonymously for fear of retaliation, wrote that employees would be able to step up to lead the facility if Peterson were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will reverse the erosion of the programs, facilities, and standards that have progressively declined each year [Peterson] has held onto her power,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A zoo manager, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, told KQED that communication between departments has been siloed since the COVID-19 pandemic, and that earlier this year, he and other managers were barred from contacting the board of directors without Peterson’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any communication with members of the Board are cleared through the CEO,” reads a draft communication policy viewed by KQED, which the manager said he and other managers had to verbally agree to. He said that their emails can be viewed by zoo leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoo spokesperson Sam Singer denied the existence of such a communication policy and said employees can call an anonymous hotline with issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The manager told KQED that the whistleblower hotline isn’t trusted by employees, because “previously, it went to the zoo’s own deputy director who then handed over everything to the CEO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the apparent controversy, Singer said that Peterson has the “unanimous support” of the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the facility also remains committed to a plan spearheaded by former Mayor London Breed and Peterson to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036582/sf-zoo-says-on-track-pandas-no-tariffs-endangered-species\">host a set of giant pandas\u003c/a> from China next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tanya Peterson has raised millions of dollars to improve the zoo, to open it up to more children and families throughout the Bay Area,” Singer said. “She has helped create and fund an award-winning children’s playground, plus the highly anticipated giant pandas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Weeks after an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12040473/trouble-at-san-francisco-zoo-could-soon-lead-to-ceos-removal\">attempt to oust\u003c/a> the embattled CEO of the struggling \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-zoo\">San Francisco Zoo\u003c/a>, it appears that she’s come out on top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tanya Peterson, who has been under fire for growing concerns over safety and alleged mismanagement at the facility in recent years, will remain CEO while the chair of the zoo’s board of directors, who supported the effort to remove her, resigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board chair Melinda Dunn is among five members of the San Francisco Zoological Society board who have left their posts since last week, according to Corey Hallman of Teamsters Local Union 856, which represents about 100 zookeepers, dieticians, gardeners and other zoo workers. Dunn declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wave of board resignations, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-zoo-ceo-remains-power-leader-attempted-20350320.php\">first reported\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>, comes after the board deliberated about Peterson’s employment during its regular meeting on May 20, according to Hallman. He said the body held two other discussions on the topic in the following days, but no decision was made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees and community advocates have been increasingly adamant that Peterson be removed since reports began surfacing last year about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907448/sf-zoo-is-unsafe-for-visitors-and-animals-according-to-city-report\">unsafe conditions\u003c/a> for workers and animals at the San Francisco Zoo, including a 2023 incident during which a grizzly bear briefly chased a zookeeper after a door was mistakenly left unlocked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unionized employees took an overwhelming vote of no confidence in Peterson last fall, and the city’s Board of Supervisors requested an audit of the facility in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-800x727.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1020x927.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-160x145.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1536x1396.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1920x1745.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pair of macaws perch on a tree inside the newly renovated South American Tropical Forest exhibit at the San Francisco Zoo in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 17, 2010. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last week, Matthew Miller, the former chair of the Zoological Society’s risk committee, resigned, citing the board’s inability to decide whether to remove Peterson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hallman said he believes the resignations this week were also “what seems like protest for the dysfunction of the zoological board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m shocked at how dysfunctional the board is and how they’ve ignored union members [and] nonunion members employed at the zoo [and] community members and seem to just keep moving forward as if there’s no problem,” he told KQED on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, a group of 12 unionized and nonunionized zoo employees sent the board of directors an anonymous letter, viewed by KQED, calling for Peterson’s removal. They wrote that she has created an environment that is “toxic beyond comprehension,” led by a lack of transparency, increasingly siloed departments and caused high employee turnover.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The dozen signatories, who said they are members of the zoo’s leadership team and sent the letter anonymously for fear of retaliation, wrote that employees would be able to step up to lead the facility if Peterson were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will reverse the erosion of the programs, facilities, and standards that have progressively declined each year [Peterson] has held onto her power,” the letter reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A zoo manager, who spoke on the condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, told KQED that communication between departments has been siloed since the COVID-19 pandemic, and that earlier this year, he and other managers were barred from contacting the board of directors without Peterson’s approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any communication with members of the Board are cleared through the CEO,” reads a draft communication policy viewed by KQED, which the manager said he and other managers had to verbally agree to. He said that their emails can be viewed by zoo leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zoo spokesperson Sam Singer denied the existence of such a communication policy and said employees can call an anonymous hotline with issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The manager told KQED that the whistleblower hotline isn’t trusted by employees, because “previously, it went to the zoo’s own deputy director who then handed over everything to the CEO.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the apparent controversy, Singer said that Peterson has the “unanimous support” of the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that the facility also remains committed to a plan spearheaded by former Mayor London Breed and Peterson to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036582/sf-zoo-says-on-track-pandas-no-tariffs-endangered-species\">host a set of giant pandas\u003c/a> from China next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tanya Peterson has raised millions of dollars to improve the zoo, to open it up to more children and families throughout the Bay Area,” Singer said. “She has helped create and fund an award-winning children’s playground, plus the highly anticipated giant pandas.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Pauses Job Corps, Leaving San José Trade Students in Turmoil",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:42 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Thursday, the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José’\u003c/a>s Job Corps center, Davina Wong, gathered students at the federally funded trade school for an emergency town hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site, Wong said, was at serious risk of being shut down by the Trump administration, leaving \u003ca href=\"https://www.careersystems.com/centers/san-jose/#:~:text=Covering%2010%20acres%20near%20Silicon,%2C%20workshops%2C%20and%20recreation%20facilities.\">about 350 students\u003c/a> who study and live there without anywhere to go, according to Brandon Marroquin, who studies mechatronics there. An additional 110 students commute to the center’s technical training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement came after months of uncertainty following DOGE-led federal workforce and program cuts. A week later, the Department of Labor announced in a blanket release on May 29 that it would pause operations at 99 out of 131 Job Corps centers, including San José’s, on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A startling number of serious incident reports and our in-depth fiscal analysis reveal the program is no longer achieving the intended outcomes that students deserve,” DOL Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marroquin said he was told by staffers at the San José center that they want all students who board at the center to leave by June 6, and for any student who has a home to which they can return to leave “today or in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people on campus don’t have anywhere to go, or they escaped from abusive homes. I am in that category,” Marroquin, 23, told KQED. “If they shut down Job Corps, a good chunk of these students are going to be homeless, are going to go back to their abusive homes. This is going to affect a lot of communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enrolled in a mechatronics program at Silicon Valley Career Technical Education through San José’s Job Corps, which is operated by Career Systems Development Corporation, last summer. Marroquin grew up in Fresno County, where he had been attending community college, but left to escape an abusive home environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Job Corps Center in San José on May 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He told KQED that Job Corps was his opportunity to turn over a “new leaf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my second chance, my second lease on life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Job Corps became the central program of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “War on Poverty” in 1964, offering education and housing to youth who were unemployed through the Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers offer free enrollment, furnished dormitories, three meals a day and basic medical care for low-income 16- to 24-year-olds who take part in one of its more than 10 technical training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also provides access to recreational activities, books and supplies and bimonthly living allowances, according to its website.[aside postID=news_12041847 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250528-SJSMOKESHOPS-JG-5-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Marroquin plans to complete his basic trade training in an engineering specialty next week. After that, he had hoped to pursue an advanced training program through Job Corps, which provides housing and access to college-level courses in specific fields, including in his engineering field at its New Hampshire site in Manchester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he’s worried he might not even have a place to stay come June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really unfortunate how I can’t even do my education correctly. I can’t even work [up] the career ladder,” Marroquin said. “I can’t even focus on my future because I’m worried about if I’m not going to have a place to even live or to eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s Job Corps personnel were not available for comment in time for this story’s publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Job Corps operated with a $140 million deficit in 2024, and that shortfall is expected to balloon to $213 million in 2025, according to the department. It is the most expensive of the Department of Labor’s programs, costing about $1.7 billion in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2008 study from Mathematica showed that the program had beneficial impacts on disadvantaged youth and reduced their involvement in criminal activity or need for public assistance programs. But it also showed a lack of long-term earnings impacts for participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent data from the DOL found that participants earn $16,695 per year on average when they leave Job Corps programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1536x1000.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1920x1250.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/Pool/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also shows that in 2023, serious incident reports were written for more than 1,700 acts of violence, about 2,700 instances of drug use and more than 1,160 breaches of security across Job Corps’ roughly 100 sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department’s decision aligns with President [Trump]’s FY 2026 budget proposal and reflects the Administration’s commitment to ensure federal workforce investments deliver meaningful results for both students and taxpayers,” the DOL statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite apparent issues, Marroquin said his experience over the past 10 months has been positive — barring some issues with declining services, staff and resources since the Trump administration took office in January, during which he enacted a temporary funding freeze and offered a voluntary buy-out to federal employees.[aside postID=news_12041294 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-1246387515-1020x680.jpg']“I had a safe place of shelter,” he told KQED. “I’ve learned so much here, not only for my trade but also social skills and going to counselors, going to staff members … Basically, the structure and order has taught me a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s worried about other students who began their studies early in 2025, before a pause on background checks halted new enrollments around March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, they’re in the middle of doing their trade,” he said. “I feel bad for them now because we don’t know what’s going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOL said it plans to work with state and workforce partners “to assist current students in advancing their training and connecting them with education and employment opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Marroquin isn’t counting on the federal government’s help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Job Corps shuts down, I will be homeless,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marroquin added that he’s been asking around campus for places to stay, but is also considering taking out loans to afford to go back to a community college, and holding out some hope that he’ll get to enroll in Job Corps’ advanced program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m at this weird place where not only am I going forward with New Hampshire — if it’s going to go on or not — and I’m also applying for homeless shelters,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:42 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last Thursday, the director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José’\u003c/a>s Job Corps center, Davina Wong, gathered students at the federally funded trade school for an emergency town hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The site, Wong said, was at serious risk of being shut down by the Trump administration, leaving \u003ca href=\"https://www.careersystems.com/centers/san-jose/#:~:text=Covering%2010%20acres%20near%20Silicon,%2C%20workshops%2C%20and%20recreation%20facilities.\">about 350 students\u003c/a> who study and live there without anywhere to go, according to Brandon Marroquin, who studies mechatronics there. An additional 110 students commute to the center’s technical training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement came after months of uncertainty following DOGE-led federal workforce and program cuts. A week later, the Department of Labor announced in a blanket release on May 29 that it would pause operations at 99 out of 131 Job Corps centers, including San José’s, on June 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A startling number of serious incident reports and our in-depth fiscal analysis reveal the program is no longer achieving the intended outcomes that students deserve,” DOL Secretary Lori Chavez-DeRemer said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marroquin said he was told by staffers at the San José center that they want all students who board at the center to leave by June 6, and for any student who has a home to which they can return to leave “today or in a few days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people on campus don’t have anywhere to go, or they escaped from abusive homes. I am in that category,” Marroquin, 23, told KQED. “If they shut down Job Corps, a good chunk of these students are going to be homeless, are going to go back to their abusive homes. This is going to affect a lot of communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He enrolled in a mechatronics program at Silicon Valley Career Technical Education through San José’s Job Corps, which is operated by Career Systems Development Corporation, last summer. Marroquin grew up in Fresno County, where he had been attending community college, but left to escape an abusive home environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250529-JOBCORPSCENTER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Job Corps Center in San José on May 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He told KQED that Job Corps was his opportunity to turn over a “new leaf.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s my second chance, my second lease on life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Job Corps became the central program of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s “War on Poverty” in 1964, offering education and housing to youth who were unemployed through the Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Centers offer free enrollment, furnished dormitories, three meals a day and basic medical care for low-income 16- to 24-year-olds who take part in one of its more than 10 technical training programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also provides access to recreational activities, books and supplies and bimonthly living allowances, according to its website.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Marroquin plans to complete his basic trade training in an engineering specialty next week. After that, he had hoped to pursue an advanced training program through Job Corps, which provides housing and access to college-level courses in specific fields, including in his engineering field at its New Hampshire site in Manchester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he’s worried he might not even have a place to stay come June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really unfortunate how I can’t even do my education correctly. I can’t even work [up] the career ladder,” Marroquin said. “I can’t even focus on my future because I’m worried about if I’m not going to have a place to even live or to eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s Job Corps personnel were not available for comment in time for this story’s publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Job Corps operated with a $140 million deficit in 2024, and that shortfall is expected to balloon to $213 million in 2025, according to the department. It is the most expensive of the Department of Labor’s programs, costing about $1.7 billion in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2008 study from Mathematica showed that the program had beneficial impacts on disadvantaged youth and reduced their involvement in criminal activity or need for public assistance programs. But it also showed a lack of long-term earnings impacts for participants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent data from the DOL found that participants earn $16,695 per year on average when they leave Job Corps programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12023747\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12023747\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1302\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1536x1000.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/DonaldTrumpEOGetty-1920x1250.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">U.S. President Donald Trump signs an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jim Watson/Pool/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It also shows that in 2023, serious incident reports were written for more than 1,700 acts of violence, about 2,700 instances of drug use and more than 1,160 breaches of security across Job Corps’ roughly 100 sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The department’s decision aligns with President [Trump]’s FY 2026 budget proposal and reflects the Administration’s commitment to ensure federal workforce investments deliver meaningful results for both students and taxpayers,” the DOL statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite apparent issues, Marroquin said his experience over the past 10 months has been positive — barring some issues with declining services, staff and resources since the Trump administration took office in January, during which he enacted a temporary funding freeze and offered a voluntary buy-out to federal employees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I had a safe place of shelter,” he told KQED. “I’ve learned so much here, not only for my trade but also social skills and going to counselors, going to staff members … Basically, the structure and order has taught me a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s worried about other students who began their studies early in 2025, before a pause on background checks halted new enrollments around March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, they’re in the middle of doing their trade,” he said. “I feel bad for them now because we don’t know what’s going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The DOL said it plans to work with state and workforce partners “to assist current students in advancing their training and connecting them with education and employment opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Marroquin isn’t counting on the federal government’s help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Job Corps shuts down, I will be homeless,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marroquin added that he’s been asking around campus for places to stay, but is also considering taking out loans to afford to go back to a community college, and holding out some hope that he’ll get to enroll in Job Corps’ advanced program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m at this weird place where not only am I going forward with New Hampshire — if it’s going to go on or not — and I’m also applying for homeless shelters,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Judge in SF Extends Order Halting Mass Federal Layoffs, Saying Trump Exceeded Authority",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:07 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> extended a court-ordered halt to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration’s mass layoff of federal workers on Thursday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Susan Illston granted a preliminary injunction that was sought by labor unions and cities — one of multiple legal challenges to Republican President Donald Trump’s efforts to shrink the size of a federal government he calls bloated and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence before the court suggests that plaintiffs will likely succeed on the merits of their claims that the President, the Office of Management and Budget, the Office of Personnel Management and DOGE, have exceeded their authority by directing large scale reductions in force and reorganizations,” Illston said at the start of a Thursday hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039690/sf-judge-pauses-much-of-trump-administrations-massive-downsizing-of-federal-agencies\">temporary restraining order\u003c/a> in the case was set to expire on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illston said a decision to extend the order “remains necessary to preserve the status quo and protect the power of the legislative branch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly said voters gave him a mandate to remake the federal government, and he tapped billionaire Elon Musk to lead the charge through DOGE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been fired, left their jobs via deferred resignation programs or have been placed on leave as a result of Trump’s government-shrinking efforts.[aside postID=news_12041305 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/GettyImages-2201320740-1020x680.jpg']There is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/doge-firings-layoffs-federal-government-workers-musk-d33cdd7872d64d2bdd8fe70c28652654\">no official figure for the job cuts\u003c/a>, but at least 75,000 federal employees took deferred resignation, according to the White House, and thousands of probationary workers have already been let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge also moved to apply the injunction retrospectively to workers who’ve already been placed on administrative leave, but she paused that from taking effect pending a decision in the case, to prevent workers from being “ping-ponged” on and off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for The American Federation of Government Employees and the AFL-CIO have also asked the court to require the Trump administration to provide detailed reports on how they are complying with the temporary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making her decision, Illston said she considered 1,500 pages of evidence from attorneys of federal employees. The government chose not to present evidence to support its position that the mass firings and reorganizations were legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Upon receiving a fuller evidentiary record, my conclusions may change,” Illston said, “but the evidence before the court today strongly suggests that the recent actions of the executive branch usurp the constitutional powers of Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the Trump administration appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court to lift Illston’s previous order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:07 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal judge in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> extended a court-ordered halt to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Trump\u003c/a> administration’s mass layoff of federal workers on Thursday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Susan Illston granted a preliminary injunction that was sought by labor unions and cities — one of multiple legal challenges to Republican President Donald Trump’s efforts to shrink the size of a federal government he calls bloated and expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The evidence before the court suggests that plaintiffs will likely succeed on the merits of their claims that the President, the Office of Management and Budget, the Office of Personnel Management and DOGE, have exceeded their authority by directing large scale reductions in force and reorganizations,” Illston said at the start of a Thursday hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039690/sf-judge-pauses-much-of-trump-administrations-massive-downsizing-of-federal-agencies\">temporary restraining order\u003c/a> in the case was set to expire on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Illston said a decision to extend the order “remains necessary to preserve the status quo and protect the power of the legislative branch.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has repeatedly said voters gave him a mandate to remake the federal government, and he tapped billionaire Elon Musk to lead the charge through DOGE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of federal workers have been fired, left their jobs via deferred resignation programs or have been placed on leave as a result of Trump’s government-shrinking efforts.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There is \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/doge-firings-layoffs-federal-government-workers-musk-d33cdd7872d64d2bdd8fe70c28652654\">no official figure for the job cuts\u003c/a>, but at least 75,000 federal employees took deferred resignation, according to the White House, and thousands of probationary workers have already been let go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge also moved to apply the injunction retrospectively to workers who’ve already been placed on administrative leave, but she paused that from taking effect pending a decision in the case, to prevent workers from being “ping-ponged” on and off the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for The American Federation of Government Employees and the AFL-CIO have also asked the court to require the Trump administration to provide detailed reports on how they are complying with the temporary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In making her decision, Illston said she considered 1,500 pages of evidence from attorneys of federal employees. The government chose not to present evidence to support its position that the mass firings and reorganizations were legal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Upon receiving a fuller evidentiary record, my conclusions may change,” Illston said, “but the evidence before the court today strongly suggests that the recent actions of the executive branch usurp the constitutional powers of Congress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the Trump administration appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court to lift Illston’s previous order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "ousd-cancels-controversial-after-school-cuts-but-deep-divisions-within-school-board-remain",
"title": "OUSD Cancels Controversial After-School Cuts, but Deep Divisions Within School Board Remain",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-school-board\">Oakland’s school board\u003c/a> voted Wednesday to cancel spending caps that would have cut after-school care by at least 50% next year. However, that funding will likely remain in limbo until the new fiscal year begins in July, adding uncertainty for the services’ providers, already wary of infighting in district leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas Brekke-Miesner, the executive director of Oakland Kids First, which runs Castlemont High School’s after-school enrichment program, told KQED that his and other agencies were instructed Wednesday by the district’s head of expanded learning to plan for programs as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, “If July becomes this really critical moment to figure everything out, I wouldn’t say that this board has demonstrated sufficient acumen to navigate what could be a very difficult process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I’m unclear within the central office who would be equipped to shepherd that through,” Brekke-Miesner continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year has been a rollercoaster for the Oakland Unified School District. Board members are deeply divided and a majority voted last month on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037315/oakland-school-board-votes-remove-superintendent-sparking-worries-instability\">separation agreement with longtime Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell\u003c/a>, terminating her contract early this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the controversy between board members began surrounding a set of budget proposals co-sponsored by Board President Jennifer Brouhard in March — one of which, referred to as alternative budget adjustments, put caps on contracts the district has with consultants and service providers, certain employee salaries and for books and supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12041367 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District board president Jennifer Brouhard speaks during a meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Members of the district’s budget staff and board member Mike Hutchinson, who chairs the budget and finance committee, adamantly opposed the resolution at the time, saying it was rushed and could have unintended consequences. But the budget measures passed with a slim majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the resolution aimed to restrict spending on services and salaries that don’t directly serve students, the language used caused it to backfire, leading district staff to place caps on contracts with local nonprofits who provide enrichment and after care services in OUSD schools next fall, requiring at least 50% reductions in their services. In total, the resolution would have resulted in $29 million in budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After community outrage, the board held a special meeting on Wednesday where it debated for nearly three hours whether to slash the alternative budget adjustments, or add last-minute changes to the legislation it was discussing that would keep but delay the cuts. Those changes earned frank criticism from district staff.[aside postID=news_12039737 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/OaklandSchoolChildren-1020x696.jpg']“If you don’t want this repeat cycle, we would have conferred and I would have been able to see this [amendment] prior to 30 minutes before the meeting,” budget chief Lisa Grant-Dawson said. “Please know that if you adopt this [amended] resolution, it still will have problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board majority chose to repeal the resolution entirely, but the meeting further deepened the chasm between board members and with staff — and could threaten their collective goal to serve Oakland students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant-Dawson told KQED after the meeting that even with the budget adjustments repealed, staff won’t have time to reinstate the funding to schools until after the budget process is completed at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re too far into budget development to take off the [caps] and then rebalance and still be ready for the [Local Control and Accountability Plan] and budget,” she said. “We’re literally weeks away from our public hearing as well as the adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has created a whole different degree of consternation of us having to adjust all these budgets. It took me almost a month to figure out what was the most equitable way to do it, because we’re not talking about five lines of data, we are talking about thousands of lines of data to change,” Grant-Dawson continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the plan is to lift the spending limits once the budget process wraps up at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, executive director of Oakland Kids First, which helped launch youth voting in Oakland in 2019, at Willard Park in Berkeley on Feb. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Brekke-Miesner, stalling that technical change won’t financially impact his program, but it does extend his and other aftercare program providers’ uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a lot of confusion, and a delay like this basically means that agencies are going into summer not knowing if everything is going to be remediated and restored,” Brekke-Miesner said. “That means that they could then have to lay off staff in July or August, or tell families in July or August that, ‘Actually, your kid doesn’t have aftercare next year,’ when the ship has sailed on any other alternatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is expected that when Johnson-Trammell departs the district at the end of June, other executive staff, including Grant-Dawson, could leave with her. Grant-Dawson was previously set to depart OUSD in alignment with Johnson-Trammell’s transition out in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An application was also opened for an interim superintendent earlier this month, but no one has been named to take over in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brekke-Miesner said that while questions of who will be district leadership are a concern, ultimately, his main worry is with the school board’s inability to get along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of discourse and derision and disrespect is just so constant and high level that I think it thwarts the ability to really effectively try to solve some really complicated problems,” he told KQED. “I think collectively, the board has to kind of have a ‘Come to Jesus moment’ because it’s going to require a lot more cooperation and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
"blocks": [],
"excerpt": "Oakland schools repealed a measure that accidentally cut school nonprofit funding, but the debacle only heightened tensions between school board members after a year of turmoil. ",
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"title": "OUSD Cancels Controversial After-School Cuts, but Deep Divisions Within School Board Remain | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-school-board\">Oakland’s school board\u003c/a> voted Wednesday to cancel spending caps that would have cut after-school care by at least 50% next year. However, that funding will likely remain in limbo until the new fiscal year begins in July, adding uncertainty for the services’ providers, already wary of infighting in district leadership.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lukas Brekke-Miesner, the executive director of Oakland Kids First, which runs Castlemont High School’s after-school enrichment program, told KQED that his and other agencies were instructed Wednesday by the district’s head of expanded learning to plan for programs as usual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, “If July becomes this really critical moment to figure everything out, I wouldn’t say that this board has demonstrated sufficient acumen to navigate what could be a very difficult process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I’m unclear within the central office who would be equipped to shepherd that through,” Brekke-Miesner continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year has been a rollercoaster for the Oakland Unified School District. Board members are deeply divided and a majority voted last month on a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12037315/oakland-school-board-votes-remove-superintendent-sparking-worries-instability\">separation agreement with longtime Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell\u003c/a>, terminating her contract early this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the controversy between board members began surrounding a set of budget proposals co-sponsored by Board President Jennifer Brouhard in March — one of which, referred to as alternative budget adjustments, put caps on contracts the district has with consultants and service providers, certain employee salaries and for books and supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12041367 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1316\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-800x526.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1020x671.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1536x1011.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250423_OUSDSupe_GC-18_qed-1920x1263.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland Unified School District board president Jennifer Brouhard speaks during a meeting at Metwest High School in Oakland on April 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Members of the district’s budget staff and board member Mike Hutchinson, who chairs the budget and finance committee, adamantly opposed the resolution at the time, saying it was rushed and could have unintended consequences. But the budget measures passed with a slim majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the resolution aimed to restrict spending on services and salaries that don’t directly serve students, the language used caused it to backfire, leading district staff to place caps on contracts with local nonprofits who provide enrichment and after care services in OUSD schools next fall, requiring at least 50% reductions in their services. In total, the resolution would have resulted in $29 million in budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After community outrage, the board held a special meeting on Wednesday where it debated for nearly three hours whether to slash the alternative budget adjustments, or add last-minute changes to the legislation it was discussing that would keep but delay the cuts. Those changes earned frank criticism from district staff.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you don’t want this repeat cycle, we would have conferred and I would have been able to see this [amendment] prior to 30 minutes before the meeting,” budget chief Lisa Grant-Dawson said. “Please know that if you adopt this [amended] resolution, it still will have problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the board majority chose to repeal the resolution entirely, but the meeting further deepened the chasm between board members and with staff — and could threaten their collective goal to serve Oakland students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grant-Dawson told KQED after the meeting that even with the budget adjustments repealed, staff won’t have time to reinstate the funding to schools until after the budget process is completed at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re too far into budget development to take off the [caps] and then rebalance and still be ready for the [Local Control and Accountability Plan] and budget,” she said. “We’re literally weeks away from our public hearing as well as the adoption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This has created a whole different degree of consternation of us having to adjust all these budgets. It took me almost a month to figure out what was the most equitable way to do it, because we’re not talking about five lines of data, we are talking about thousands of lines of data to change,” Grant-Dawson continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the plan is to lift the spending limits once the budget process wraps up at the end of June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12041376\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12041376\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250226_Youth-Vote_DMB_00088_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lukas Brekke-Miesner, executive director of Oakland Kids First, which helped launch youth voting in Oakland in 2019, at Willard Park in Berkeley on Feb. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(David M. Barreda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Brekke-Miesner, stalling that technical change won’t financially impact his program, but it does extend his and other aftercare program providers’ uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a lot of confusion, and a delay like this basically means that agencies are going into summer not knowing if everything is going to be remediated and restored,” Brekke-Miesner said. “That means that they could then have to lay off staff in July or August, or tell families in July or August that, ‘Actually, your kid doesn’t have aftercare next year,’ when the ship has sailed on any other alternatives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is expected that when Johnson-Trammell departs the district at the end of June, other executive staff, including Grant-Dawson, could leave with her. Grant-Dawson was previously set to depart OUSD in alignment with Johnson-Trammell’s transition out in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An application was also opened for an interim superintendent earlier this month, but no one has been named to take over in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brekke-Miesner said that while questions of who will be district leadership are a concern, ultimately, his main worry is with the school board’s inability to get along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The level of discourse and derision and disrespect is just so constant and high level that I think it thwarts the ability to really effectively try to solve some really complicated problems,” he told KQED. “I think collectively, the board has to kind of have a ‘Come to Jesus moment’ because it’s going to require a lot more cooperation and respect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sfusd-reverses-over-150-layoffs-but-hiring-teachers-may-still-be-an-uphill-battle",
"title": "SFUSD Reverses Over 150 Layoffs, But Hiring Teachers May Still Be an Uphill Battle",
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"headTitle": "SFUSD Reverses Over 150 Layoffs, But Hiring Teachers May Still Be an Uphill Battle | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After months of uncertainty, San Francisco’s teachers union is celebrating a win in the district’s move to rescind nearly all of the layoff notices it had planned for school-site staffers. Now, union representatives say the district’s staffing woes have shifted to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039904/sfusd-cuts-spending-dozens-classroom-roles-still-need-filled\">filling classrooms that will be left empty\u003c/a> by retiring and resigning teachers next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, grim budget predictions suggested that hundreds of teachers, counselors and other San Francisco Unified School District employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028317/sf-schools-brace-hundreds-layoffs-including-teachers-librarians-counselors\">could be laid off\u003c/a> as part of significant cuts to patch a $114 million deficit. But on Friday afternoon, the district announced that it would pull back pink slips that had been approved for 34 school counselors and 117 paraeducators, who provide instructional support to teachers, leaving just nine remaining notices going out to school-site staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials said they were able to cut the number down significantly through collaboration with the county and state boards of education, along with a successful early retirement buyout offer to educators. About 100 staffers in SFUSD’s administrative central office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036914/more-sfusd-layoffs-to-target-central-office-bringing-budget-gap-closer-to-zero\">were also laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Lara, the vice president of SFUSD’s teachers union, called the announcement a victory and commended the district for its work to balance the budget, but he emphasized that there is still work to be done. Before children return to campuses next fall, he said, the district will have to replace classroom teachers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031347/san-francisco-schools-may-cut-staff-face-backlash-over-new-hiring-limits\">taking the voluntary buyout\u003c/a> as well as others who could announce their resignations this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have a lot of work to do to fully staff classrooms, and we very much are in collaboration with the district to get that done,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District Superintendent Dr. Maria Su speaks during a press conference at the school district offices in San Francisco on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for SFUSD said the exact number of classroom vacancies throughout the district’s 120 campuses fluctuates significantly, but each year, a couple of hundred teachers often leave their roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hiring freeze has limited the district’s ability to make staffing decisions without state approval for the last year, but according to a spokesperson, it’s been approved to hire 77 additional classroom teachers, on top of the 162 hires it was granted to fill open positions earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara said SFUSD’s hiring allowance is enough to offer every eligible temporary teacher in the district a new contract for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, principals have a list of all these individuals and principals are calling these folks to get into the classroom and offering them contracts,” Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s more worried that some schools will be unable to fill classroom openings, especially if the number grows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they end the school year, [teachers] often announce in their email threads to their school community that they’re leaving, so we expect that number to increase while the pool of candidates will decrease,” Lara said. “We’re not out of the woodwork yet in terms of staffing, but at least everybody now knows what the rules are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12039904 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250418-SFUSD-06-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The volume of open positions at this point in the school year has some principals worried, according to Anna Klafter, the president of the district’s administrators union and principal at Independence High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every school has open positions, she said, and a principal at one of the westside high schools is looking to fill about 30 open roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School is over in two and a half weeks,” she said, adding that principals aren’t paid to work throughout all of summer break. “Principals will be forced to work over the summer to staff their schools because the alternative is not working and not having staff in your schools, and that’s just not OK. And then we’ll be asking for money to be paid because it is a lot of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD said it plans to first offer open roles to internal candidates who were laid off from the central office or are on temporary contracts, then open hiring to others, which could extend the hiring timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klafter said her union is pushing to open hiring to all as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re quite late in the hiring season to have this many open positions,” Klafter told KQED. “Other districts around us are done hiring teachers in May, and we’re just beginning our opening hiring. That makes school leaders nervous because we have to assume first, are we going to get enough candidates for these positions? And then second, are these going to be the best candidates out there?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco’s teachers union is celebrating a win after the district rescinded the layoff notices late last week, but many classroom openings still need to be filled.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After months of uncertainty, San Francisco’s teachers union is celebrating a win in the district’s move to rescind nearly all of the layoff notices it had planned for school-site staffers. Now, union representatives say the district’s staffing woes have shifted to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039904/sfusd-cuts-spending-dozens-classroom-roles-still-need-filled\">filling classrooms that will be left empty\u003c/a> by retiring and resigning teachers next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, grim budget predictions suggested that hundreds of teachers, counselors and other San Francisco Unified School District employees \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028317/sf-schools-brace-hundreds-layoffs-including-teachers-librarians-counselors\">could be laid off\u003c/a> as part of significant cuts to patch a $114 million deficit. But on Friday afternoon, the district announced that it would pull back pink slips that had been approved for 34 school counselors and 117 paraeducators, who provide instructional support to teachers, leaving just nine remaining notices going out to school-site staffers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials said they were able to cut the number down significantly through collaboration with the county and state boards of education, along with a successful early retirement buyout offer to educators. About 100 staffers in SFUSD’s administrative central office \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036914/more-sfusd-layoffs-to-target-central-office-bringing-budget-gap-closer-to-zero\">were also laid off\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Lara, the vice president of SFUSD’s teachers union, called the announcement a victory and commended the district for its work to balance the budget, but he emphasized that there is still work to be done. Before children return to campuses next fall, he said, the district will have to replace classroom teachers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12031347/san-francisco-schools-may-cut-staff-face-backlash-over-new-hiring-limits\">taking the voluntary buyout\u003c/a> as well as others who could announce their resignations this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We still have a lot of work to do to fully staff classrooms, and we very much are in collaboration with the district to get that done,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250421-SFUSDCentralCuts-11-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Unified School District Superintendent Dr. Maria Su speaks during a press conference at the school district offices in San Francisco on April 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for SFUSD said the exact number of classroom vacancies throughout the district’s 120 campuses fluctuates significantly, but each year, a couple of hundred teachers often leave their roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A hiring freeze has limited the district’s ability to make staffing decisions without state approval for the last year, but according to a spokesperson, it’s been approved to hire 77 additional classroom teachers, on top of the 162 hires it was granted to fill open positions earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara said SFUSD’s hiring allowance is enough to offer every eligible temporary teacher in the district a new contract for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, principals have a list of all these individuals and principals are calling these folks to get into the classroom and offering them contracts,” Lara said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s more worried that some schools will be unable to fill classroom openings, especially if the number grows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once they end the school year, [teachers] often announce in their email threads to their school community that they’re leaving, so we expect that number to increase while the pool of candidates will decrease,” Lara said. “We’re not out of the woodwork yet in terms of staffing, but at least everybody now knows what the rules are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The volume of open positions at this point in the school year has some principals worried, according to Anna Klafter, the president of the district’s administrators union and principal at Independence High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every school has open positions, she said, and a principal at one of the westside high schools is looking to fill about 30 open roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“School is over in two and a half weeks,” she said, adding that principals aren’t paid to work throughout all of summer break. “Principals will be forced to work over the summer to staff their schools because the alternative is not working and not having staff in your schools, and that’s just not OK. And then we’ll be asking for money to be paid because it is a lot of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD said it plans to first offer open roles to internal candidates who were laid off from the central office or are on temporary contracts, then open hiring to others, which could extend the hiring timeline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klafter said her union is pushing to open hiring to all as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re quite late in the hiring season to have this many open positions,” Klafter told KQED. “Other districts around us are done hiring teachers in May, and we’re just beginning our opening hiring. That makes school leaders nervous because we have to assume first, are we going to get enough candidates for these positions? And then second, are these going to be the best candidates out there?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Santa Clara County’s First Charter School to Close All Campuses, Laying Off 100 Staff",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:02 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 100 teachers and staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County’s\u003c/a> first charter school received layoff notices in late April, as the school prepares to shutter its three remaining schools at the end of the school year due to financial strain and declining enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sal Williams, an English teacher at Downtown College Preparatory’s El Primero Middle School, one of the three schools, said that while the educators are likely to find other jobs, the closure of the schools after nearly 25 years is heartbreaking for the Alum Rock and Downtown San José communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DCP has been such a wonderful gift to both this side of San José, as well as the Alum Rock community. It’s offered a lot of underrepresented students a chance to thrive,” he told KQED. “It’s been really great both to see how it helps the immediate community, but also the larger community of teachers as well as students, and I think it’s just going to be a huge, huge loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downtown College Prep announced in January that it would close its two middle schools and one high school in June due to decreasing enrollment at its campuses and in San José’s public schools. The decision came less than a year after DCP abruptly closed its Alum Rock High School last spring, giving families just a few months’ notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DCP is a fantastic organization and was the original charter school in San José, and it is with great sadness that we’re in this position,” Valerie Royaltey-Quandt, DCP’s interim executive director, said Monday. “And we know that there are a lot of other schools in this situation in our area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP has a budget deficit of $4.5 million, according to public documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The organization has taken significant steps to mitigate the situation over the last 12–18 months, including the closure of one high school, staff reductions and discussions with debt holders,” the school’s board wrote in a message shared with the school community in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12007683 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Downtown College Prep will close its two middle schools and one high school in June, citing declining enrollment and a $4.5 million budget deficit — less than a year after abruptly shutting its Alum Rock campus. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, with the current limited financial resources and considering the overall trend of lower enrollment in San José, the board made the extremely difficult decision to close all three schools at the end of the 2024–2025 school year,” the message continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three schools serve about 950 students in grades 5 through 12. More than 90% of each campus identify as Hispanic or Latino and more than 80% of students qualify as low-income. At its peak, DCP had about 1,600 students, Royaltey-Quandt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who also serves as the president of the school’s teachers union, said DCP was unique in San José, offering students who don’t traditionally have access to small learning environments the chance to foster closer relationships with classmates and teachers.[aside postID=news_12033787 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/250401-REGIONALMED-JG-1_qed-1020x680.jpg']“It just helps to personalize education,” he said. “Being in such a small setting, you really get to see these students as people and connect with them that way. That’s just how I like to be as an educator, but I think students really respond to it that their teachers and educators and staff members and admin — everyone knows them as people first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s especially devastating, Williams said, for teachers and students who transferred into El Primero High School from Alum Rock High this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to absorb some of the teachers and some of the students and for them to have to go through this again… I teach juniors and seniors, so I have some students who have lost two schools in the span of their high school career,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 850 students will need to find new schools, which Royaltey-Quandt said the school has been supporting heavily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We started having planning meetings with parents, with students through our curriculum advisory program. We had a very large high school and middle school fair and invited all of our local charter schools and private schools, and we had a good turnout for that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP officials have also been working with local public school districts to verify that transfers of student records are going smoothly, and sending families surveys as well as checking in with parents directly about every two weeks to offer support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The schools struggled financially since at least the COVID-19 pandemic. Shortly after employees unionized in 2020 — a rare feat for charter staff — they began to raise concerns about some of DCP’s funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As members began trying to track DCP’s finances, Williams said they started to think more and more that, “It doesn’t seem like we’re operating in the green.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12009621 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1536x961.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1920x1201.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The closure of Downtown College Preparatory’s El Primero Middle School marks a heartbreaking loss for the Alum Rock and Downtown San José communities, especially for students and staff who recently transferred from Alum Rock High. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It kind of came to a head last year … that the organization had a huge fiscal deficit,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last March, the union passed a vote of no confidence in Pete Settelmeyer, the CEO at the time, citing fiscal mismanagement and the abrupt Alum Rock High closure. Settelmeyer resigned months later, and Royaltey-Quandt later took his place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to dwindling enrollment-based funding, DCP has struggled to make up for its reliance on one-time COVID-19 relief funding and the $30 million it owes on bonds used for major construction the school began in 2015.[aside postID=news_12037680 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/20240403_BETTYDUONG_GC-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“What really sank our organization are these crazy bonds they took out in order to move two schools, including the one I’m working at, into the old Southern Lumber site… and then renovate what we’ve called the ‘Super Gym,’ a gymnasium over at the Alum Rock site,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP made a deal with the San José Unified School District 10 years ago to lease a 3.4-acre property on Monterey Road, which now houses its administrative offices along with El Camino Middle School and El Primero High School, for just $1 per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school was issued $34 million in bonds to significantly renovate the property, according to board documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The expectation and the budgeting forecasting at that time was that DCP would continue to stabilize and even increase in enrollment,” Royaltey-Quandt said. “And of course, we know in this area, especially post-COVID, our school-age students have been in decline. So all of those factors really contributed to us not being able to pay what we needed to on the debt owed regarding the bond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that with the coming closures of all DCP schools, the organization will be in default on its bonds, and the bondholders will likely sell the property to cover the remaining debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Taking out huge bonds on buildings that we can’t pay for, I mean, I’m not a real estate person, but it’s not a business move I would ever make,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams told KQED the closures signal a need to reevaluate the charter system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to take a little bit of a closer look at how charter schools are run, because this is something that you just don’t see in the traditional public school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jgeha\">\u003cem>Joseph Geha\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:02 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 100 teachers and staff at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/santa-clara-county\">Santa Clara County’s\u003c/a> first charter school received layoff notices in late April, as the school prepares to shutter its three remaining schools at the end of the school year due to financial strain and declining enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sal Williams, an English teacher at Downtown College Preparatory’s El Primero Middle School, one of the three schools, said that while the educators are likely to find other jobs, the closure of the schools after nearly 25 years is heartbreaking for the Alum Rock and Downtown San José communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DCP has been such a wonderful gift to both this side of San José, as well as the Alum Rock community. It’s offered a lot of underrepresented students a chance to thrive,” he told KQED. “It’s been really great both to see how it helps the immediate community, but also the larger community of teachers as well as students, and I think it’s just going to be a huge, huge loss.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Downtown College Prep announced in January that it would close its two middle schools and one high school in June due to decreasing enrollment at its campuses and in San José’s public schools. The decision came less than a year after DCP abruptly closed its Alum Rock High School last spring, giving families just a few months’ notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DCP is a fantastic organization and was the original charter school in San José, and it is with great sadness that we’re in this position,” Valerie Royaltey-Quandt, DCP’s interim executive director, said Monday. “And we know that there are a lot of other schools in this situation in our area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP has a budget deficit of $4.5 million, according to public documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The organization has taken significant steps to mitigate the situation over the last 12–18 months, including the closure of one high school, staff reductions and discussions with debt holders,” the school’s board wrote in a message shared with the school community in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12007683 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1792528853-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Downtown College Prep will close its two middle schools and one high school in June, citing declining enrollment and a $4.5 million budget deficit — less than a year after abruptly shutting its Alum Rock campus. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, with the current limited financial resources and considering the overall trend of lower enrollment in San José, the board made the extremely difficult decision to close all three schools at the end of the 2024–2025 school year,” the message continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The three schools serve about 950 students in grades 5 through 12. More than 90% of each campus identify as Hispanic or Latino and more than 80% of students qualify as low-income. At its peak, DCP had about 1,600 students, Royaltey-Quandt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams, who also serves as the president of the school’s teachers union, said DCP was unique in San José, offering students who don’t traditionally have access to small learning environments the chance to foster closer relationships with classmates and teachers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It just helps to personalize education,” he said. “Being in such a small setting, you really get to see these students as people and connect with them that way. That’s just how I like to be as an educator, but I think students really respond to it that their teachers and educators and staff members and admin — everyone knows them as people first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s especially devastating, Williams said, for teachers and students who transferred into El Primero High School from Alum Rock High this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to absorb some of the teachers and some of the students and for them to have to go through this again… I teach juniors and seniors, so I have some students who have lost two schools in the span of their high school career,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 850 students will need to find new schools, which Royaltey-Quandt said the school has been supporting heavily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We started having planning meetings with parents, with students through our curriculum advisory program. We had a very large high school and middle school fair and invited all of our local charter schools and private schools, and we had a good turnout for that,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP officials have also been working with local public school districts to verify that transfers of student records are going smoothly, and sending families surveys as well as checking in with parents directly about every two weeks to offer support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The schools struggled financially since at least the COVID-19 pandemic. Shortly after employees unionized in 2020 — a rare feat for charter staff — they began to raise concerns about some of DCP’s funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As members began trying to track DCP’s finances, Williams said they started to think more and more that, “It doesn’t seem like we’re operating in the green.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009621\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12009621 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1251\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-800x500.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1020x638.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1536x961.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SchoolLockers-1920x1201.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The closure of Downtown College Preparatory’s El Primero Middle School marks a heartbreaking loss for the Alum Rock and Downtown San José communities, especially for students and staff who recently transferred from Alum Rock High. \u003ccite>(Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It kind of came to a head last year … that the organization had a huge fiscal deficit,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last March, the union passed a vote of no confidence in Pete Settelmeyer, the CEO at the time, citing fiscal mismanagement and the abrupt Alum Rock High closure. Settelmeyer resigned months later, and Royaltey-Quandt later took his place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to dwindling enrollment-based funding, DCP has struggled to make up for its reliance on one-time COVID-19 relief funding and the $30 million it owes on bonds used for major construction the school began in 2015.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“What really sank our organization are these crazy bonds they took out in order to move two schools, including the one I’m working at, into the old Southern Lumber site… and then renovate what we’ve called the ‘Super Gym,’ a gymnasium over at the Alum Rock site,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DCP made a deal with the San José Unified School District 10 years ago to lease a 3.4-acre property on Monterey Road, which now houses its administrative offices along with El Camino Middle School and El Primero High School, for just $1 per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school was issued $34 million in bonds to significantly renovate the property, according to board documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The expectation and the budgeting forecasting at that time was that DCP would continue to stabilize and even increase in enrollment,” Royaltey-Quandt said. “And of course, we know in this area, especially post-COVID, our school-age students have been in decline. So all of those factors really contributed to us not being able to pay what we needed to on the debt owed regarding the bond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that with the coming closures of all DCP schools, the organization will be in default on its bonds, and the bondholders will likely sell the property to cover the remaining debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Taking out huge bonds on buildings that we can’t pay for, I mean, I’m not a real estate person, but it’s not a business move I would ever make,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams told KQED the closures signal a need to reevaluate the charter system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to take a little bit of a closer look at how charter schools are run, because this is something that you just don’t see in the traditional public school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jgeha\">\u003cem>Joseph Geha\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "All Oakland Fire Stations Open Ahead of Wildfire Season for First Time in Decades",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the first time in years, all 25 of Oakland’s fire stations will remain open at the same time as the city prepares for heightened wildfire risk, city leaders announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move, which went into effect Sunday, includes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020393/2-oakland-fire-stations-close-amid-budget-crisis-more-could-follow\">reopening of two stations in the fire-prone hills\u003c/a> that have been closed since January. A station in the Grand Lake area that was taken offline for renovations in 2022 but remained closed due to the city’s ongoing budget woes will also reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopenings are being funded by the Alameda Coliseum Joint Powers Authority, which brought in $2.5 million for the city this year, interim Mayor Kevin Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time in over two decades that we’ve had all of our firehouses open at once,” Oakland Fire Chief Damon Covington said at a press conference outside Station 25 in the Oakland Hills. “So this really is a monumental and historic day. For the first time, going into wildland season, we have our full complement of engines and trucks and firefighters that are ready to respond to whatever call comes through the 911 center.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement marks a sharp reversal from what was included in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038739/oakland-budget-keeps-fire-stations-closed-police-cuts-in-place-despite-new-sales-tax\">a two-year budget\u003c/a> that Jenkins presented earlier this month, which proposed extending millions of dollars in public safety service cuts to close the city’s projected $260 million deficit. The plan would have reopened the two hills fire stations, but identified two other stations to close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Seth Olyer, the president of Oakland firefighter union, expressed frustration, especially after voters overwhelmingly approved a new sales tax in April. Not having all the stations fully operational, he said, created serious safety concerns and compromised response times.[aside postID=news_12021147 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250105_OakFireClose_DMB_00056_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that Measure A was going to reopen and keep these firehouses open is exactly how I personally helped pass this measure,” he said. “Oaklanders deserve fully staffed open fire houses all around the city, and it doesn’t look like that’s what the city is proposing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s press conference, Olyer struck a decidedly different tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of how we get the job done from the labor side,” he said. “It’s constant pressure for what is right. And what is right are all of our fire stations open, all of our fire engines fully staffed and Oakland firefighters taken care of so they can do what they took a sworn oath to do, which is to serve the citizens of Oakland every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just incredibly proud and ready to get to work Sunday morning,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who represents District 4 in the hills near regional parks where fire risk is high, said the fire stations serve as a critical frontline defense against wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opening of these fire stations is not just for the benefit of these hills residents in our district,” she said. “The effects go throughout the city for a variety of communities, for a variety of resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the first time in years, all 25 of Oakland’s fire stations will remain open at the same time as the city prepares for heightened wildfire risk, city leaders announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move, which went into effect Sunday, includes the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020393/2-oakland-fire-stations-close-amid-budget-crisis-more-could-follow\">reopening of two stations in the fire-prone hills\u003c/a> that have been closed since January. A station in the Grand Lake area that was taken offline for renovations in 2022 but remained closed due to the city’s ongoing budget woes will also reopen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reopenings are being funded by the Alameda Coliseum Joint Powers Authority, which brought in $2.5 million for the city this year, interim Mayor Kevin Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time in over two decades that we’ve had all of our firehouses open at once,” Oakland Fire Chief Damon Covington said at a press conference outside Station 25 in the Oakland Hills. “So this really is a monumental and historic day. For the first time, going into wildland season, we have our full complement of engines and trucks and firefighters that are ready to respond to whatever call comes through the 911 center.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement marks a sharp reversal from what was included in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038739/oakland-budget-keeps-fire-stations-closed-police-cuts-in-place-despite-new-sales-tax\">a two-year budget\u003c/a> that Jenkins presented earlier this month, which proposed extending millions of dollars in public safety service cuts to close the city’s projected $260 million deficit. The plan would have reopened the two hills fire stations, but identified two other stations to close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, Seth Olyer, the president of Oakland firefighter union, expressed frustration, especially after voters overwhelmingly approved a new sales tax in April. Not having all the stations fully operational, he said, created serious safety concerns and compromised response times.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that Measure A was going to reopen and keep these firehouses open is exactly how I personally helped pass this measure,” he said. “Oaklanders deserve fully staffed open fire houses all around the city, and it doesn’t look like that’s what the city is proposing right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s press conference, Olyer struck a decidedly different tone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is kind of how we get the job done from the labor side,” he said. “It’s constant pressure for what is right. And what is right are all of our fire stations open, all of our fire engines fully staffed and Oakland firefighters taken care of so they can do what they took a sworn oath to do, which is to serve the citizens of Oakland every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just incredibly proud and ready to get to work Sunday morning,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Janani Ramachandran, who represents District 4 in the hills near regional parks where fire risk is high, said the fire stations serve as a critical frontline defense against wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The opening of these fire stations is not just for the benefit of these hills residents in our district,” she said. “The effects go throughout the city for a variety of communities, for a variety of resources.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> contributed reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trouble-at-san-francisco-zoo-could-soon-lead-to-ceos-removal",
"title": "Trouble at San Francisco Zoo Could Soon Lead to CEO’s Removal",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dissatisfaction with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-zoo\">San Francisco Zoo\u003c/a>’s leadership appears to have hit a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Embattled CEO Tanya Peterson, who has been under fire since questions about the facility’s safety and her ability to lead it began swirling in recent years, could face a vote to remove her next week, according to a union representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The executive board [of the nonprofit San Francisco Zoological Society] is holding an emergency meeting on Tuesday next week where they are going to be discussing the removal of Tanya Peterson from the executive director role,” Corey Hallman of Teamsters Local Union 856, which represents about 100 zookeepers, dieticians, gardeners and other zoo workers, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of Peterson’s potential ouster was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoo-tanya-peterson-20313664.php\">first reported\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> late Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Peterson, who has helmed the organization for nearly 17 years, said the CEO wasn’t aware of a vote on her employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Peterson said she accepted the resignation last week of the board chair of the San Francisco Zoological Society, which runs the zoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-800x727.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1020x927.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-160x145.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1536x1396.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1920x1745.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pair of macaws perch on a tree inside the newly renovated South American Tropical Forest exhibit at the San Francisco Zoo in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 17, 2010. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 7, Peterson wrote in an email to chair Melinda Dunn and Mindy Henderson, another board member, that she had received Dunn’s written resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While you verbally proffered a different reason for your resignation, your written resignation states that it is because you no longer get along with me as CEO,” the email reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson confirmed that she had received the message, but an email sent to board members on May 9 by attorney Christina Bouchot, who identifies herself as its human resources counsel, said that Dunn never submitted a formal resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that Tanya has informed some of you that Melinda has resigned from the Board. However, this is incorrect for several important reasons,” the message from Bouchot reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bouchot said that while Dunn did send some board members communication late last year discussing a possible “transition in leadership,” she never sent any resignation to Peterson, as required by the organization’s bylaws, and later followed up with a “clear decision to remain as chair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson’s spokesperson said Bouchot was hired by Dunn hired and does not work for the zoo.[aside postID=news_12036582 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/PandaGetty-1020x764.jpg']Dunn declined to comment on whether or not there is a vote next week, citing an employment matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hallman said the vote is coming. Since hearing of the meeting, he said, current and former employees and community organizations have begun a “grassroots movement” asking the board to remove Peterson after a few rough years for her and the zoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors requested an audit of the facility following a scathing report produced by the Animal Control and Welfare Commission, which found that it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907448/sf-zoo-is-unsafe-for-visitors-and-animals-according-to-city-report\">“unsafe for visitors and animals.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2024, the union took a vote of no confidence in Peterson, passed by 93% of voting members, after news that a grizzly bear had briefly chased a zookeeper raised alarms in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the controversy, Peterson has been leading the charge to bring a pair of giant pandas to San Francisco in an effort to revive the zoo’s declining attendance and profitability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989335/sf-mayors-bid-to-raise-25-million-for-pandas-spurs-skepticism-amid-budget-crunch\">Launched\u003c/a> in partnership with then-Mayor London Breed last year, the $25 million plan to borrow the pair of pandas from China for three years is not a done deal, even though they’re expected to be on exhibit by next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036582/sf-zoo-says-on-track-pandas-no-tariffs-endangered-species\">hesitant to promise their arrival\u003c/a> since his election, and increasingly tense relations between the federal government and China could mean reversing course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the pandas arrive in San Francisco or whether Peterson will be around to welcome them is unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just hopeful that the board makes the right decision,” Hallman told KQED. That, he said, would be “a change in leadership at the zoo and the removal of Tanya Peterson from her role as the executive director.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Trouble at San Francisco Zoo Could Soon Lead to CEO’s Removal | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dissatisfaction with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-zoo\">San Francisco Zoo\u003c/a>’s leadership appears to have hit a breaking point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Embattled CEO Tanya Peterson, who has been under fire since questions about the facility’s safety and her ability to lead it began swirling in recent years, could face a vote to remove her next week, according to a union representative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The executive board [of the nonprofit San Francisco Zoological Society] is holding an emergency meeting on Tuesday next week where they are going to be discussing the removal of Tanya Peterson from the executive director role,” Corey Hallman of Teamsters Local Union 856, which represents about 100 zookeepers, dieticians, gardeners and other zoo workers, told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>News of Peterson’s potential ouster was \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/zoo-tanya-peterson-20313664.php\">first reported\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> late Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Peterson, who has helmed the organization for nearly 17 years, said the CEO wasn’t aware of a vote on her employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Peterson said she accepted the resignation last week of the board chair of the San Francisco Zoological Society, which runs the zoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017694\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017694\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1818\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-800x727.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1020x927.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-160x145.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1536x1396.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/SFZooGetty-1920x1745.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A pair of macaws perch on a tree inside the newly renovated South American Tropical Forest exhibit at the San Francisco Zoo in San Francisco, California, on Sept. 17, 2010. \u003ccite>(Paul Chinn/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On May 7, Peterson wrote in an email to chair Melinda Dunn and Mindy Henderson, another board member, that she had received Dunn’s written resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While you verbally proffered a different reason for your resignation, your written resignation states that it is because you no longer get along with me as CEO,” the email reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henderson confirmed that she had received the message, but an email sent to board members on May 9 by attorney Christina Bouchot, who identifies herself as its human resources counsel, said that Dunn never submitted a formal resignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand that Tanya has informed some of you that Melinda has resigned from the Board. However, this is incorrect for several important reasons,” the message from Bouchot reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bouchot said that while Dunn did send some board members communication late last year discussing a possible “transition in leadership,” she never sent any resignation to Peterson, as required by the organization’s bylaws, and later followed up with a “clear decision to remain as chair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peterson’s spokesperson said Bouchot was hired by Dunn hired and does not work for the zoo.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Dunn declined to comment on whether or not there is a vote next week, citing an employment matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Hallman said the vote is coming. Since hearing of the meeting, he said, current and former employees and community organizations have begun a “grassroots movement” asking the board to remove Peterson after a few rough years for her and the zoo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors requested an audit of the facility following a scathing report produced by the Animal Control and Welfare Commission, which found that it was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101907448/sf-zoo-is-unsafe-for-visitors-and-animals-according-to-city-report\">“unsafe for visitors and animals.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April 2024, the union took a vote of no confidence in Peterson, passed by 93% of voting members, after news that a grizzly bear had briefly chased a zookeeper raised alarms in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the controversy, Peterson has been leading the charge to bring a pair of giant pandas to San Francisco in an effort to revive the zoo’s declining attendance and profitability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989335/sf-mayors-bid-to-raise-25-million-for-pandas-spurs-skepticism-amid-budget-crunch\">Launched\u003c/a> in partnership with then-Mayor London Breed last year, the $25 million plan to borrow the pair of pandas from China for three years is not a done deal, even though they’re expected to be on exhibit by next spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Daniel Lurie has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12036582/sf-zoo-says-on-track-pandas-no-tariffs-endangered-species\">hesitant to promise their arrival\u003c/a> since his election, and increasingly tense relations between the federal government and China could mean reversing course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the pandas arrive in San Francisco or whether Peterson will be around to welcome them is unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m just hopeful that the board makes the right decision,” Hallman told KQED. That, he said, would be “a change in leadership at the zoo and the removal of Tanya Peterson from her role as the executive director.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>About two dozen demonstrators were arrested Wednesday morning after staging a sit-in to support UC laborers during the final day of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/university-of-california\">University of California’\u003c/a>s Board of Regents meeting in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Gonzalez, the president of the California Labor Federation, and Teresa Romero, the national president of United Farm Workers, joined about 20 union-backed UC workers who were zip-tied and removed from the William J. Rutter Center at UC San Francisco’s Mission Bay campus just after 9:30 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators refused to leave the room as the board prepared to go into a closed-door meeting, chanting “Whose university? Our university” in an effort to call out UC leadership for what they say are unsafe job vacancy rates and unfair wages amid ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our UC unions have been on strike four times, they’ve been without a contract since November, and it’s time for the UC Regents to intervene and settle the contract,” Gonzalez said as campus police officers arrested her and others who remained in the conference hall after the public comment period of the Regents’ regularly scheduled bi-monthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the UC said it “supports our employees’ rights to engage in lawful protests and free speech activities. At the same time, all community members must abide by the University’s reasonable time, place and manner rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action follows four recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034098/nearly-60000-uc-workers-hit-picket-lines-in-3rd-statewide-strike-in-recent-months\">work stoppages by members\u003c/a> of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Local 3299 and University Professional and Technical Employees (UPTE) Local 9119 unions, which represent a collective 55,000 UC employees, since they kicked off bargaining campaigns last June and January, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/IMG_7525-scaled-e1747342689641.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040397\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/IMG_7525-scaled-e1747342689641.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">About two dozen demonstrators were arrested on May 15, 2025, after staging a sit-in to protest what they called “unsafe job vacancy rates and unfair wages amid ongoing contract negotiations” on the final day of the University of California’s Board of Regents meeting in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both negotiations have been in a stalemate for months as the unions lobby for higher wages, which they say haven’t kept up with the cost of living around UC campuses, leaving some workers without stable housing and others with hour-long commutes to their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has offered UPTE a 5% wage increase starting July 1, 2025, followed by a 3% raise both in 2026 and 2027. Its “best and final” offer for AFSCME in April included raises of 5% in 2025, 4% in 2026 and 3% in 2027, 2028 and 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While university officials said earlier this month that they have attempted to negotiate “mutually beneficial contracts” with both unions repeatedly, the unions have said the proposals are insufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want these workers to accept a permanent wage cut, higher healthcare costs, continued desperate under-staffing, no assistance with housing, even though they’re giving all the assistance in the world to their wealthiest executives who clearly don’t need it,” said Todd Steinhaus, a spokesperson for AFSCME. The union’s stance is that meager wage increases are outpaced by inflation, netting a loss of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers are also pushing for increased staffing at medical sites, like UCSF, that they say are chronically understaffed, contributing to employee burnout and poor patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12039972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/DSC06624_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UPTE said UCSF’s social workers are paid 32% less than hospital-based workers, compounding staffing shortages within the school’s citywide case management programs through San Francisco’s public-private partnership with Tipping Point Community, Mayor Daniel Lurie’s anti-poverty nonprofit, that offers housing-focused services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the school enacted a \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/president-drake-on-the-university-of-california-financial-outlook/\">systemwide hiring freeze\u003c/a> in response to the Trump administration’s threats to university funding, prompting complaints with state workforce regulators alleging that the UC failed to notify them of the hiring freeze or to allow bargaining over it ahead of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the arrests on Wednesday, hundreds of union members marched through the campus, holding signs that read “Safe Staffing Now” and “Fair Contract Now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the continued threats to federal funding, the University is grateful it has been able to provide its UPTE and AFSCME-represented employees with fair and reasonable wage and health care offers,” the UC statement said. It said that AFSCME has only provided one counteroffer, and UPTE has yet to provide a counteroffer to its deal proposed late last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Strater, the national vice president of United Farm Workers, was among the crowd gathered to oppose UC leaders. She said the wider labor movement in the state is watching to see how the school system handles its contract negotiations with workers moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole of the California labor movement has got their eyes on UC right now,” she told KQED at the meeting. “We’ve been watching people really try to get some justice for these frontline workers for a long period of time, and I think we’re at a point right now where we’re not asking anymore. We really do expect [the UC] to do right by these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>About two dozen demonstrators were arrested Wednesday morning after staging a sit-in to support UC laborers during the final day of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/university-of-california\">University of California’\u003c/a>s Board of Regents meeting in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorena Gonzalez, the president of the California Labor Federation, and Teresa Romero, the national president of United Farm Workers, joined about 20 union-backed UC workers who were zip-tied and removed from the William J. Rutter Center at UC San Francisco’s Mission Bay campus just after 9:30 a.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demonstrators refused to leave the room as the board prepared to go into a closed-door meeting, chanting “Whose university? Our university” in an effort to call out UC leadership for what they say are unsafe job vacancy rates and unfair wages amid ongoing contract negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our UC unions have been on strike four times, they’ve been without a contract since November, and it’s time for the UC Regents to intervene and settle the contract,” Gonzalez said as campus police officers arrested her and others who remained in the conference hall after the public comment period of the Regents’ regularly scheduled bi-monthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the UC said it “supports our employees’ rights to engage in lawful protests and free speech activities. At the same time, all community members must abide by the University’s reasonable time, place and manner rules.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action follows four recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12034098/nearly-60000-uc-workers-hit-picket-lines-in-3rd-statewide-strike-in-recent-months\">work stoppages by members\u003c/a> of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) Local 3299 and University Professional and Technical Employees (UPTE) Local 9119 unions, which represent a collective 55,000 UC employees, since they kicked off bargaining campaigns last June and January, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/IMG_7525-scaled-e1747342689641.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040397\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/IMG_7525-scaled-e1747342689641.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">About two dozen demonstrators were arrested on May 15, 2025, after staging a sit-in to protest what they called “unsafe job vacancy rates and unfair wages amid ongoing contract negotiations” on the final day of the University of California’s Board of Regents meeting in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both negotiations have been in a stalemate for months as the unions lobby for higher wages, which they say haven’t kept up with the cost of living around UC campuses, leaving some workers without stable housing and others with hour-long commutes to their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university has offered UPTE a 5% wage increase starting July 1, 2025, followed by a 3% raise both in 2026 and 2027. Its “best and final” offer for AFSCME in April included raises of 5% in 2025, 4% in 2026 and 3% in 2027, 2028 and 2029.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While university officials said earlier this month that they have attempted to negotiate “mutually beneficial contracts” with both unions repeatedly, the unions have said the proposals are insufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want these workers to accept a permanent wage cut, higher healthcare costs, continued desperate under-staffing, no assistance with housing, even though they’re giving all the assistance in the world to their wealthiest executives who clearly don’t need it,” said Todd Steinhaus, a spokesperson for AFSCME. The union’s stance is that meager wage increases are outpaced by inflation, netting a loss of income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers are also pushing for increased staffing at medical sites, like UCSF, that they say are chronically understaffed, contributing to employee burnout and poor patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UPTE said UCSF’s social workers are paid 32% less than hospital-based workers, compounding staffing shortages within the school’s citywide case management programs through San Francisco’s public-private partnership with Tipping Point Community, Mayor Daniel Lurie’s anti-poverty nonprofit, that offers housing-focused services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the school enacted a \u003ca href=\"https://ucnet.universityofcalifornia.edu/employee-news/president-drake-on-the-university-of-california-financial-outlook/\">systemwide hiring freeze\u003c/a> in response to the Trump administration’s threats to university funding, prompting complaints with state workforce regulators alleging that the UC failed to notify them of the hiring freeze or to allow bargaining over it ahead of time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the arrests on Wednesday, hundreds of union members marched through the campus, holding signs that read “Safe Staffing Now” and “Fair Contract Now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Given the continued threats to federal funding, the University is grateful it has been able to provide its UPTE and AFSCME-represented employees with fair and reasonable wage and health care offers,” the UC statement said. It said that AFSCME has only provided one counteroffer, and UPTE has yet to provide a counteroffer to its deal proposed late last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elizabeth Strater, the national vice president of United Farm Workers, was among the crowd gathered to oppose UC leaders. She said the wider labor movement in the state is watching to see how the school system handles its contract negotiations with workers moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole of the California labor movement has got their eyes on UC right now,” she told KQED at the meeting. “We’ve been watching people really try to get some justice for these frontline workers for a long period of time, and I think we’re at a point right now where we’re not asking anymore. We really do expect [the UC] to do right by these workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "how-a-ford-factory-in-milpitas-changed-the-face-of-a-town",
"title": "How a Ford Factory in Milpitas Changed the Face of a Town",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Karl Cortese, the Great Mall of Milpitas is much more than just a mall. He’s come here often over the years, to go shopping with his wife or spend time at the Dave and Buster’s with his grandkids. But each time he visits, he can’t help but remember the place as it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Karl’s day, the building was home to a massive Ford factory. Officially known as the San José Assembly Plant, the factory opened its doors in 1955. Karl started working there in 1968 and spent 15 years on the assembly line. For him, the mall’s shipping center offers the best window into the building’s industrial past. “There was that old green color and white letters and … the floor was all concrete,” Karl said. If you peek inside these days, not much has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"750\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The green walls at Ford’s San José Assembly Plant are still part of the Great Mall today. \u003ccite>(The Milpitas Beat, courtesy of the Sabin family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, the only other way a visitor might know this building used to manufacture Ford cars is a small — and easy-to-overlook — display case of Ford-era memorabilia. For the most part, mall goers seem unaware of the factory’s history and its importance to the surrounding area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Ford plant put Milpitas on the map, forever changing what had been a sleepy agricultural town into a thriving city. The factory’s opening also sparked historic social change: the creation of one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039976\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039976\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Karl Cortese, a former employee at the Ford Motor Company’s San José Assembly Plant, stands outside the Great Mall in Milpitas on April 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Moving to Milpitas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Ford opened its Milpitas plant, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/places/ford-motor-company-assembly-plant.htm\">the automaker had already been operating in Richmond for decades\u003c/a>. During World War II, the so-called “Richmond Tank Depot” helped produce jeeps, tanks, and other military vehicles. After the war ended, the American economy began to boom and demand for American cars increased. The outdated Richmond factory struggled to meet demand. Ford needed to expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1950s California, Milpitas was a great option. The agricultural town offered expansive acreage at an affordable price. According to historian Herbert Ruffin II, Milpitas “was just a place that you drive through [and] you see nothing but cornfields.” Ruffin spent part of his childhood in Milpitas, a town so agriculturally rooted its name literally means “little cornfield.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After staving off annexation from San José, Milpitas was officially incorporated in 1954. According to Herbert, “San José wanted Milpitas real bad, primarily because they wanted … the tax money that came from that [Ford] plant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Ford factory opened in 1955, just a year later, it called Milpitas home.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working at the San José Assembly Plant\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>David McFeely grew up in Milpitas, with the Ford factory in the background. “On a clear summer night, when sound really carries, you could hear the switch engines moving all the freight cars in and out of the Ford plant,” McFeely said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a high school graduate on the job hunt, Ford was a great option. It offered some of the highest pay in the Santa Clara Valley. McFeely’s plan was to stay short-term and save up money to go to college. So, he joined the factory’s part-time replacement program. When he finally got the chance to peek behind the curtain, he was in awe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean for a technical mind, it was like being a kid in a candy store,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1920x1483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vehicle frames on the assembly line at the San José Assembly Plant, 1974. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Ford Motor Company)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Milpitas operation was responsible for making some iconic Ford models — the Mustang, F-series pickups, Pintos, and Falcons. The 1.4 million square-foot factory served as Ford’s West Coast production outpost. At its peak, the plant employed nearly 6,000 workers and operated at a rate of 55 cars and 22 trucks per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God knows how they were able to do this,” McFeely said. “But the logistical coordination was fascinating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansive factory was a network of assembly lines. There was the paint department, the trim department, the chassis department, the repair hole, just to name a few. Workers were assigned a station and task to repeat ad nauseam. Former Ford worker John Wilcoxson said that “[the work] could get boring at times, but … you kind of had to make your own fun.” He remembered causing a stir when he smuggled headphones into the factory to provide a soundtrack to the monotonous, repetitive work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just sort of some nice background noise, instead of the constant clash of metal and things going on around me,” Wilcoxson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039981\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039981\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1920x1483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inside look at the San José Assembly Plant, 1974. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Ford Motor Company)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former workers remember a strong community around the plant. There was a company softball team where different departments competed against one another and during the holiday season, workers barbecued on the blacksmith’s forge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many workers lived in a nearby neighborhood called Sunnyhills, which Ford’s local union built to accommodate an influx of workers to Milpitas. There was even a Ford Union Hall in the development. But the most remarkable thing about the neighborhood was its diversity. In 1956, when it opened, Sunnyhills was one of the first planned integrated neighborhoods in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Story of Sunnyhills\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S5QKBKrNKGo\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Ford shut down its Richmond plant to relocate to Milpitas, many workers opted to continue at the new location. But Milpitas lacked housing, particularly for African American workers who were barred from buying or renting homes in the surrounding towns. Historian Herbert Ruffin II says many of these workers first tried commuting from Richmond by car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There [was] no BART, there [was] no Caltrain, there [was] none of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was a long commute, over 40 miles. Ford’s union leaders were determined to find a solution to this housing problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge was\u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ben-gross-1921/\"> an African American worker by the name of Ben Gross\u003c/a>. Gross was born and raised in Arkansas, lived under Jim Crow laws, and picked cotton during the Great Depression. After leaving the army, he joined Ford and quickly became an active union member. In 1950, he was the first African American elected to the Local 560s bargaining committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gross believed that he worked on the same lines as everybody, African Americans, and that they should be afforded the same type of treatments,” Ruffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1954, Gross was appointed to the union’s special housing subcommittee tasked with finding a plot of land to build an integrated housing development. The project \u003ca href=\"https://www.habitatebsv.org/blog/milpitas-fair-housing-history\">met its fair share of setbacks\u003c/a> along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At every point in time as this is being developed … [there were always] these barriers that would be thrown out there,” Ruffin said. “You can’t build this here because of sewage. You can’t do this because of this. You can’t do this because of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite obstacles, Gross and local union members were able to find some old ranch land for a housing development. With funding and additional support from a handful of Quaker-affiliated organizations, they started to build. When it was completed, it was one of the first integrated neighborhoods in the country, and it helped diversify Milpitas’ population, which had previously been majority white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it did open … it was a big deal … it was plastered all over newspapers,” Ruffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gross was eventually elected mayor of Milpitas. He was one of the first African Americans to hold that office in the state of California. Reflecting on his legacy, Gross was quoted in \u003cem>The Peninsula Times Tribune\u003c/em>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A citizens’ group said they wanted to change the city’s name … I told them we should change its image instead. We sat down and developed a master plan that brought Milpitas from a small farm community to the thriving city it is today. It’s a city on the move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Ford Factory Closes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ford changed the face of Milpitas, but the golden age of American cars wouldn’t last forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"750\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the last Ford cars built at the San José Assembly Plant before the factory closed in 1983. \u003ccite>(The Milpitas Beat, courtesy of the Sabin family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was the late [19]70s, and all the different auto manufacturers, they were producing more cars than they were selling,” Wilcoxson remembered. The \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/oil-embargo\">1973 oil crisis spelled disaster\u003c/a> for big American cars. “Everything kind of shut back the amount of cars people were buying.” And Japanese automakers started gaining market share with their smaller, more fuel-efficient cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford eventually closed the Milpitas operation in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had a manager’s meeting that the plant was going to be closing, that they were completely shutting it down and moving production to the Midwest,” Wilcoxson recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who stayed until the end helped to pack up the plant, stripping it of anything valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were literally having a yard sale in the parking lot of tool benches, air guns,” Wilcoxson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Becoming the Great Mall of Milpitas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the factory closed in 1983, Milpitas’ economy took a hit. Thousands of high-paying jobs were gone. Soon enough, however, the 1980s and ’90s Silicon Valley boom brought new opportunities to the area, but not in manufacturing. The factory itself sat vacant for nearly ten years before it would be transformed into the mall it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, the Great Mall of Milpitas celebrated its grand opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040155\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Great Mall of Milpitas holds a secret history. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The grand opening was an exciting event, tying up traffic on the nearby freeways and bringing shoppers out to marvel at the massive retail space. There was even an old Ford car on display, a nod to the building’s prior use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visit the Great Mall today, and it’s much harder to see remnants of the past. The high ceilings crisscrossed with industrial beams are one tell, and the shipping area’s green paint is yet another. But standing in the food court, it’s hard to imagine Mustangs rolling off an assembly line. That doesn’t mean you shouldn’t close your eyes and try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Post World War II America was a time of economic opportunity and people wanted cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement:\u003c/strong> Mustang, the original, America’s favorite sports car. With three new models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Imagine the open road, cruising with the windows down, radio blaring. The epitome of freedom. That’s the image Ford was selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>Falcon 1966, low, lean, long hooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>At the start of the 1960s Ford had cornered nearly a third of the U.S. car market. Many of those vehicles were manufactured in the Midwest, but Ford automobiles were so popular the company had expanded manufacturing nationwide. Ford had outposts in Edgewater, New Jersey, Seattle, Washington, Dallas, Texas, just to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>You’re ahead in a Ford, all the way!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Many of these factories have since closed but some of this history is still hidden in plain sight. You might have even stepped foot in an old Ford factory without knowing it. Take the Great Mall of Milpitas in the San Francisco Bay Area, for instance.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Marsden:\u003c/strong> This is Bob Marsden, reporting from the Ford Motor Company assembly plant at Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That’s right. The Great Mall of Milpitas used to be an enormous Ford factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Marsden: \u003c/strong>This particular facility which employees 3,000 is the West Coast plant for Mustang and light truck assemblage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>The plant first opened seventy years ago, on May 17th, 1955. At the time, it was one of the largest automotive assembly plants on the West Coast. It represented thousands of good jobs and brought social change to what had been a small, agricultural community. But visit the mall today and there isn’t much left to mark this history. Bay Curious listener Brandon Choy only knows about it because he saw a plaque once that mentioned the old Ford factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brandon Choy:\u003c/strong> I was just wondering what the story behind this former Ford plant is and how it eventually became the Great Mall?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This week on Bay Curious, we dive into the history of the Ford factory that put Milpitas on the map. We’ll hear from former Ford workers about life at the factory and then we’ll explore how the plant changed Milpitas itself, transforming a quiet agricultural town into a bustling city, a city with one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> The Ford factory opened in Milpitas in 1955. To help us understand its history and how it became the Great Mall of Milpitas, we sent Bay Curious producer Gabriela Glueck to the Mall to meet up with someone who used to work there when it was a Ford plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck:\u003c/strong> Standing inside of the Great Mall today, it feels like any other American mall. But it’s got kind of an unusual shape. It’s a rough oval with a band of stores around the outside and a hidden open space in the middle where trucks can drive in shipments. It’s this secret inner area Karl Cortese is most excited to show me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I just kind of know where everything is at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Karl started working in this building back in 1968 when it was a Ford plant. He spent 15 years sweating on the assembly line.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>There wasn’t any air conditioning. So I remember that very well, because I used to take it all the way down to my underwear and then put my coveralls on and that’s all I had to wear, because it was so hot in here, so noisy and everything else. So I put up with it like I said for a long time, but it’s okay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Walking through the Great Mall with Karl is a strange experience. Where I see a food court, he sees an assembly line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I could tell you small parts here, upholstery was here, trim was over here, chassis was over here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It’s like he can still hear the clanging metal, the chatter of workers, the sounds of nonstop progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>They’re rolling and they’re moving fast. They’re the new Ford trucks 460 with certified economy. And they’re coming off the assembly lines and onto the highways, heading for Ford dealers all over America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Talking with Karl got me wondering why Ford decided to build a factory in Milpitas at all. The answer is actually pretty simple. In the 1950s, Milpitas was largely agricultural land. The name Milpitas means “little cornfield” and after World War II, Ford was looking to expand. Ford had already been operating for decades in Richmond, California. During the war, the factory there manufactured tanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But post-war, the Richmond plant was just too small and outdated. So in 1955, Ford packed up its boxes and moved to Milpitas, quite the upgrade. The new factory was roughly three times as big. 1,414,000 square feet to be exact. That’s nearly 25 football fields dedicated to making as many cars as humanly possible. I spoke with a handful of men who worked at the Milpitas Ford Factory about their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I put the back hinges on for the three doors and things like that, and the station wagons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don Conley:\u003c/strong> So I was putting in the glass, the side glass, the quarter glass windshield and back glass, wherever they needed me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Leo Cozzo: \u003c/strong>I worked in the Mustang, putting the pin stripes on and big emblems and louvers and stuff like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>I also worked in the repair hole at the end of the production line on cars that had missing parts, damaged parts, that sort of thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Each worker was assigned a station and a task, to repeat, repeat, repeat. One former worker told me it was a job that could turn young bodies into old ones real fast. They worked on all sorts of models, the F-series pickups, the Mustangs, the Falcons and the Pintos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pinto Advertisement:\u003c/strong> The new little car from Ford, moves with a tough little engine that’s not only frisky but thrifty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>But outside of the factory walls a problem was brewing: a housing problem. When Ford relocated to Milpitas, many Richmond workers came with it, including many of the plant’s African American employees. They needed a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II: \u003c/strong>And they’re looking around, and they’re like, you know, okay, so what’s down there? And so how are we going to keep our jobs going back and forth? There is no BART, there is no CalTrain, there is none of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>That’s Herbert Ruffin II. He’s an Associate Professor of African American studies at Syracuse University. He also spent part of his childhood in Milpitas. He says an African American worker named Ben Gross was a key player in solving this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gross was born and raised in Arkansas, lived under Jim Crow laws, and picked cotton during the Great Depression. He joined the army, then joined Ford. He quickly became involved in union politics with the Local 560, a branch of the United Auto Workers Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II:\u003c/strong> Gross believed that he worked on the same lines as everybody, African Americans, and that they should be afforded the same type of treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Top of mind was housing for Black workers who were barred from buying or renting homes in many towns nearby. Gross was appointed to a special housing subcommittee, tasked with finding a plot of land to build an integrated community. But prior to Ford’s move, Milpitas had been almost entirely white. And not everyone was thrilled at the prospect of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II:\u003c/strong> But at every point in time as this is being developed, there were always like these, these barriers that would be thrown out there. Well, you can’t build this here because of sewage. You can’t do this because of this. You can’t do this because of that, that, that, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Despite obstacles, Gross and local union members were able to find some old ranch land for a housing development. It would become one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America. And with funding and additional support from a handful of Quaker affiliated organizations, they started to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II: \u003c/strong>When it did open it, and it was a big deal, you know, it was plastered all over newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Called Sunnyhills, it opened in 1956, just a year after the factory. Soon families like John Wilcoxson’s started moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>We had a Black family on one side of us, a Hispanic family on the other side, and we had a Polish family on the backside of our fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>John is white and was young enough that he didn’t realize there was anything special about such a diverse community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> And we knew all of them going in, and my father worked with them. All knew him by name, and it was just something that I grew up with, and I thought was normal everywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>The Union Hall was at the entrance to the neighborhood and pretty much everyone who lived there worked at Ford. John told me there was a real community feel to the place. From the Fourth of July parties to the potlucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors also came together on more somber occasions, like the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In its wake, the Sunnyhills United Methodist Church held a mourning event, with an open conversation about race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> And it wasn’t until I was older and actually we were moving away that my parents told me that – and this is when the ‘65 riots were starting – that not everybody lived in a nice community like we had been in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Ben Gross, the man responsible for getting Sunnyhills built, was eventually elected Mayor of Milpitas. He was one of the first African Americans to hold that office in the state of California. Reflecting on his legacy in Milpitas, Gross was quoted in \u003cem>The Peninsula Times Tribune\u003c/em> saying that when:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ben Gross:\u003c/strong> A citizens’ group said they wanted to change the city’s name, I told them we should change its image instead. We sat down and developed a master plan that brought Milpitas from a small farm community to the thriving city it is today. It’s a city on the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Ford was a big part of this “city on the move.” And many neighborhood kids like John, who grew up in Sunnyhills, ended up working at the factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>Going into Ford, it was not something I originally had planned on doing, but it was sort of a natural event once it kind of came about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>For many, working at the Ford plant was a pathway to the middle class, they could buy a home, have a family, and a guaranteed retirement. But all that was threatened when American automobile sales started slowing. John remembers it all too well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> Well it was the late ’70s, and everybody, all the different auto manufacturers, they were producing more cars than they were selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It was a real rough patch for the American car industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>There was the oil crisis, everything kind of shut back the amount of cars people were buying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>He remembers seeing last year’s models lined up in the factory lot, Ford had made more than they could sell. It was evidence of a changing tide. In 1983, the factory closed its doors, thousands of well-paid jobs were gone. But this was the hey-day of Silicon Valley and tech companies were bringing a new kind of job to the area. The factory itself lay vacant for a while — nearly 10 years — until it would get the chance to fulfill its second destiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV: \u003c/strong>A huge commercial venture that’s opened up hundreds of jobs in Milpitas tied up traffic on the Montague expressway today and sent thousands of people into a shopping frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>In 1990s America, a massive indoor space like that could only really become one thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV:\u003c/strong> And with that, the Great Mall opened its doors today, offering the promise of an economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Local TV station KGO was there to cover the mall’s 1994 opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV:\u003c/strong> Built on the site of the old Ford Motor Company plant, this monster outlet mall is expected to generate 350 million dollars worth of annual sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It was a festive occasion, people milling around, exploring all the new stores. The footage is grainy, but you can still make out what looks like an old-school Ford car on the floor. A small history exhibit commemorating the factory. These days, that car and the exhibit are no more. But traces of the past still linger, if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was Bay Curious producer Gabriela Glueck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brandon Choy: \u003c/strong>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Our show is made by: Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale, and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Alana Walker, Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Holly Kernan, and everyone on team KQED. Thanks for listening. Have a great week!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Karl Cortese, the Great Mall of Milpitas is much more than just a mall. He’s come here often over the years, to go shopping with his wife or spend time at the Dave and Buster’s with his grandkids. But each time he visits, he can’t help but remember the place as it used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Karl’s day, the building was home to a massive Ford factory. Officially known as the San José Assembly Plant, the factory opened its doors in 1955. Karl started working there in 1968 and spent 15 years on the assembly line. For him, the mall’s shipping center offers the best window into the building’s industrial past. “There was that old green color and white letters and … the floor was all concrete,” Karl said. If you peek inside these days, not much has changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040150\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040150\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"750\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/FordInterior-copy-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The green walls at Ford’s San José Assembly Plant are still part of the Great Mall today. \u003ccite>(The Milpitas Beat, courtesy of the Sabin family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, the only other way a visitor might know this building used to manufacture Ford cars is a small — and easy-to-overlook — display case of Ford-era memorabilia. For the most part, mall goers seem unaware of the factory’s history and its importance to the surrounding area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Ford plant put Milpitas on the map, forever changing what had been a sleepy agricultural town into a thriving city. The factory’s opening also sparked historic social change: the creation of one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039976\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039976\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GREATMALLMILPITAS-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Karl Cortese, a former employee at the Ford Motor Company’s San José Assembly Plant, stands outside the Great Mall in Milpitas on April 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Moving to Milpitas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Ford opened its Milpitas plant, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/places/ford-motor-company-assembly-plant.htm\">the automaker had already been operating in Richmond for decades\u003c/a>. During World War II, the so-called “Richmond Tank Depot” helped produce jeeps, tanks, and other military vehicles. After the war ended, the American economy began to boom and demand for American cars increased. The outdated Richmond factory struggled to meet demand. Ford needed to expand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1950s California, Milpitas was a great option. The agricultural town offered expansive acreage at an affordable price. According to historian Herbert Ruffin II, Milpitas “was just a place that you drive through [and] you see nothing but cornfields.” Ruffin spent part of his childhood in Milpitas, a town so agriculturally rooted its name literally means “little cornfield.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After staving off annexation from San José, Milpitas was officially incorporated in 1954. According to Herbert, “San José wanted Milpitas real bad, primarily because they wanted … the tax money that came from that [Ford] plant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Ford factory opened in 1955, just a year later, it called Milpitas home.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Working at the San José Assembly Plant\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>David McFeely grew up in Milpitas, with the Ford factory in the background. “On a clear summer night, when sound really carries, you could hear the switch engines moving all the freight cars in and out of the Ford plant,” McFeely said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a high school graduate on the job hunt, Ford was a great option. It offered some of the highest pay in the Santa Clara Valley. McFeely’s plan was to stay short-term and save up money to go to college. So, he joined the factory’s part-time replacement program. When he finally got the chance to peek behind the curtain, he was in awe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean for a technical mind, it was like being a kid in a candy store,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039982\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039982\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-3-KQED-1920x1483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vehicle frames on the assembly line at the San José Assembly Plant, 1974. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Ford Motor Company)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Milpitas operation was responsible for making some iconic Ford models — the Mustang, F-series pickups, Pintos, and Falcons. The 1.4 million square-foot factory served as Ford’s West Coast production outpost. At its peak, the plant employed nearly 6,000 workers and operated at a rate of 55 cars and 22 trucks per hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“God knows how they were able to do this,” McFeely said. “But the logistical coordination was fascinating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The expansive factory was a network of assembly lines. There was the paint department, the trim department, the chassis department, the repair hole, just to name a few. Workers were assigned a station and task to repeat ad nauseam. Former Ford worker John Wilcoxson said that “[the work] could get boring at times, but … you kind of had to make your own fun.” He remembered causing a stir when he smuggled headphones into the factory to provide a soundtrack to the monotonous, repetitive work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just sort of some nice background noise, instead of the constant clash of metal and things going on around me,” Wilcoxson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12039981\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12039981\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-800x618.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-160x124.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1536x1187.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250513-GREAT-MALL-OF-MILPITAS-ARCHIVAL-2-KQED-1920x1483.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An inside look at the San José Assembly Plant, 1974. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Ford Motor Company)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former workers remember a strong community around the plant. There was a company softball team where different departments competed against one another and during the holiday season, workers barbecued on the blacksmith’s forge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many workers lived in a nearby neighborhood called Sunnyhills, which Ford’s local union built to accommodate an influx of workers to Milpitas. There was even a Ford Union Hall in the development. But the most remarkable thing about the neighborhood was its diversity. In 1956, when it opened, Sunnyhills was one of the first planned integrated neighborhoods in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Story of Sunnyhills\u003c/h2>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/S5QKBKrNKGo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/S5QKBKrNKGo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>When Ford shut down its Richmond plant to relocate to Milpitas, many workers opted to continue at the new location. But Milpitas lacked housing, particularly for African American workers who were barred from buying or renting homes in the surrounding towns. Historian Herbert Ruffin II says many of these workers first tried commuting from Richmond by car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There [was] no BART, there [was] no Caltrain, there [was] none of that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was a long commute, over 40 miles. Ford’s union leaders were determined to find a solution to this housing problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge was\u003ca href=\"https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/ben-gross-1921/\"> an African American worker by the name of Ben Gross\u003c/a>. Gross was born and raised in Arkansas, lived under Jim Crow laws, and picked cotton during the Great Depression. After leaving the army, he joined Ford and quickly became an active union member. In 1950, he was the first African American elected to the Local 560s bargaining committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gross believed that he worked on the same lines as everybody, African Americans, and that they should be afforded the same type of treatments,” Ruffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1954, Gross was appointed to the union’s special housing subcommittee tasked with finding a plot of land to build an integrated housing development. The project \u003ca href=\"https://www.habitatebsv.org/blog/milpitas-fair-housing-history\">met its fair share of setbacks\u003c/a> along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At every point in time as this is being developed … [there were always] these barriers that would be thrown out there,” Ruffin said. “You can’t build this here because of sewage. You can’t do this because of this. You can’t do this because of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite obstacles, Gross and local union members were able to find some old ranch land for a housing development. With funding and additional support from a handful of Quaker-affiliated organizations, they started to build. When it was completed, it was one of the first integrated neighborhoods in the country, and it helped diversify Milpitas’ population, which had previously been majority white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it did open … it was a big deal … it was plastered all over newspapers,” Ruffin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gross was eventually elected mayor of Milpitas. He was one of the first African Americans to hold that office in the state of California. Reflecting on his legacy, Gross was quoted in \u003cem>The Peninsula Times Tribune\u003c/em>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A citizens’ group said they wanted to change the city’s name … I told them we should change its image instead. We sat down and developed a master plan that brought Milpitas from a small farm community to the thriving city it is today. It’s a city on the move.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The Ford Factory Closes\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ford changed the face of Milpitas, but the golden age of American cars wouldn’t last forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040154\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"750\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/LastFordCar-copy-160x120.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of the last Ford cars built at the San José Assembly Plant before the factory closed in 1983. \u003ccite>(The Milpitas Beat, courtesy of the Sabin family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was the late [19]70s, and all the different auto manufacturers, they were producing more cars than they were selling,” Wilcoxson remembered. The \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/oil-embargo\">1973 oil crisis spelled disaster\u003c/a> for big American cars. “Everything kind of shut back the amount of cars people were buying.” And Japanese automakers started gaining market share with their smaller, more fuel-efficient cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ford eventually closed the Milpitas operation in 1983.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had a manager’s meeting that the plant was going to be closing, that they were completely shutting it down and moving production to the Midwest,” Wilcoxson recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who stayed until the end helped to pack up the plant, stripping it of anything valuable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were literally having a yard sale in the parking lot of tool benches, air guns,” Wilcoxson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Becoming the Great Mall of Milpitas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the factory closed in 1983, Milpitas’ economy took a hit. Thousands of high-paying jobs were gone. Soon enough, however, the 1980s and ’90s Silicon Valley boom brought new opportunities to the area, but not in manufacturing. The factory itself sat vacant for nearly ten years before it would be transformed into the mall it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, the Great Mall of Milpitas celebrated its grand opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12040155\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12040155\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250429-GreatMallofMilpitas-24-BL-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Great Mall of Milpitas holds a secret history. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The grand opening was an exciting event, tying up traffic on the nearby freeways and bringing shoppers out to marvel at the massive retail space. There was even an old Ford car on display, a nod to the building’s prior use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Visit the Great Mall today, and it’s much harder to see remnants of the past. The high ceilings crisscrossed with industrial beams are one tell, and the shipping area’s green paint is yet another. But standing in the food court, it’s hard to imagine Mustangs rolling off an assembly line. That doesn’t mean you shouldn’t close your eyes and try.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Post World War II America was a time of economic opportunity and people wanted cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement:\u003c/strong> Mustang, the original, America’s favorite sports car. With three new models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Imagine the open road, cruising with the windows down, radio blaring. The epitome of freedom. That’s the image Ford was selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>Falcon 1966, low, lean, long hooded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>At the start of the 1960s Ford had cornered nearly a third of the U.S. car market. Many of those vehicles were manufactured in the Midwest, but Ford automobiles were so popular the company had expanded manufacturing nationwide. Ford had outposts in Edgewater, New Jersey, Seattle, Washington, Dallas, Texas, just to name a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>You’re ahead in a Ford, all the way!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Many of these factories have since closed but some of this history is still hidden in plain sight. You might have even stepped foot in an old Ford factory without knowing it. Take the Great Mall of Milpitas in the San Francisco Bay Area, for instance.\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Marsden:\u003c/strong> This is Bob Marsden, reporting from the Ford Motor Company assembly plant at Milpitas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That’s right. The Great Mall of Milpitas used to be an enormous Ford factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Bob Marsden: \u003c/strong>This particular facility which employees 3,000 is the West Coast plant for Mustang and light truck assemblage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>The plant first opened seventy years ago, on May 17th, 1955. At the time, it was one of the largest automotive assembly plants on the West Coast. It represented thousands of good jobs and brought social change to what had been a small, agricultural community. But visit the mall today and there isn’t much left to mark this history. Bay Curious listener Brandon Choy only knows about it because he saw a plaque once that mentioned the old Ford factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brandon Choy:\u003c/strong> I was just wondering what the story behind this former Ford plant is and how it eventually became the Great Mall?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This week on Bay Curious, we dive into the history of the Ford factory that put Milpitas on the map. We’ll hear from former Ford workers about life at the factory and then we’ll explore how the plant changed Milpitas itself, transforming a quiet agricultural town into a bustling city, a city with one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America. I’m Katrina Schwartz. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> The Ford factory opened in Milpitas in 1955. To help us understand its history and how it became the Great Mall of Milpitas, we sent Bay Curious producer Gabriela Glueck to the Mall to meet up with someone who used to work there when it was a Ford plant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck:\u003c/strong> Standing inside of the Great Mall today, it feels like any other American mall. But it’s got kind of an unusual shape. It’s a rough oval with a band of stores around the outside and a hidden open space in the middle where trucks can drive in shipments. It’s this secret inner area Karl Cortese is most excited to show me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I just kind of know where everything is at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Karl started working in this building back in 1968 when it was a Ford plant. He spent 15 years sweating on the assembly line.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>There wasn’t any air conditioning. So I remember that very well, because I used to take it all the way down to my underwear and then put my coveralls on and that’s all I had to wear, because it was so hot in here, so noisy and everything else. So I put up with it like I said for a long time, but it’s okay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Walking through the Great Mall with Karl is a strange experience. Where I see a food court, he sees an assembly line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I could tell you small parts here, upholstery was here, trim was over here, chassis was over here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It’s like he can still hear the clanging metal, the chatter of workers, the sounds of nonstop progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Advertisement: \u003c/strong>They’re rolling and they’re moving fast. They’re the new Ford trucks 460 with certified economy. And they’re coming off the assembly lines and onto the highways, heading for Ford dealers all over America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Talking with Karl got me wondering why Ford decided to build a factory in Milpitas at all. The answer is actually pretty simple. In the 1950s, Milpitas was largely agricultural land. The name Milpitas means “little cornfield” and after World War II, Ford was looking to expand. Ford had already been operating for decades in Richmond, California. During the war, the factory there manufactured tanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But post-war, the Richmond plant was just too small and outdated. So in 1955, Ford packed up its boxes and moved to Milpitas, quite the upgrade. The new factory was roughly three times as big. 1,414,000 square feet to be exact. That’s nearly 25 football fields dedicated to making as many cars as humanly possible. I spoke with a handful of men who worked at the Milpitas Ford Factory about their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Karl Cortese: \u003c/strong>I put the back hinges on for the three doors and things like that, and the station wagons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Don Conley:\u003c/strong> So I was putting in the glass, the side glass, the quarter glass windshield and back glass, wherever they needed me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Leo Cozzo: \u003c/strong>I worked in the Mustang, putting the pin stripes on and big emblems and louvers and stuff like that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>I also worked in the repair hole at the end of the production line on cars that had missing parts, damaged parts, that sort of thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Each worker was assigned a station and a task, to repeat, repeat, repeat. One former worker told me it was a job that could turn young bodies into old ones real fast. They worked on all sorts of models, the F-series pickups, the Mustangs, the Falcons and the Pintos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pinto Advertisement:\u003c/strong> The new little car from Ford, moves with a tough little engine that’s not only frisky but thrifty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>But outside of the factory walls a problem was brewing: a housing problem. When Ford relocated to Milpitas, many Richmond workers came with it, including many of the plant’s African American employees. They needed a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II: \u003c/strong>And they’re looking around, and they’re like, you know, okay, so what’s down there? And so how are we going to keep our jobs going back and forth? There is no BART, there is no CalTrain, there is none of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>That’s Herbert Ruffin II. He’s an Associate Professor of African American studies at Syracuse University. He also spent part of his childhood in Milpitas. He says an African American worker named Ben Gross was a key player in solving this housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gross was born and raised in Arkansas, lived under Jim Crow laws, and picked cotton during the Great Depression. He joined the army, then joined Ford. He quickly became involved in union politics with the Local 560, a branch of the United Auto Workers Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II:\u003c/strong> Gross believed that he worked on the same lines as everybody, African Americans, and that they should be afforded the same type of treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Top of mind was housing for Black workers who were barred from buying or renting homes in many towns nearby. Gross was appointed to a special housing subcommittee, tasked with finding a plot of land to build an integrated community. But prior to Ford’s move, Milpitas had been almost entirely white. And not everyone was thrilled at the prospect of change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II:\u003c/strong> But at every point in time as this is being developed, there were always like these, these barriers that would be thrown out there. Well, you can’t build this here because of sewage. You can’t do this because of this. You can’t do this because of that, that, that, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Despite obstacles, Gross and local union members were able to find some old ranch land for a housing development. It would become one of the first integrated neighborhoods in America. And with funding and additional support from a handful of Quaker affiliated organizations, they started to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Herbert Ruffin II: \u003c/strong>When it did open it, and it was a big deal, you know, it was plastered all over newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Called Sunnyhills, it opened in 1956, just a year after the factory. Soon families like John Wilcoxson’s started moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>We had a Black family on one side of us, a Hispanic family on the other side, and we had a Polish family on the backside of our fence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>John is white and was young enough that he didn’t realize there was anything special about such a diverse community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> And we knew all of them going in, and my father worked with them. All knew him by name, and it was just something that I grew up with, and I thought was normal everywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>The Union Hall was at the entrance to the neighborhood and pretty much everyone who lived there worked at Ford. John told me there was a real community feel to the place. From the Fourth of July parties to the potlucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors also came together on more somber occasions, like the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In its wake, the Sunnyhills United Methodist Church held a mourning event, with an open conversation about race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> And it wasn’t until I was older and actually we were moving away that my parents told me that – and this is when the ‘65 riots were starting – that not everybody lived in a nice community like we had been in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Ben Gross, the man responsible for getting Sunnyhills built, was eventually elected Mayor of Milpitas. He was one of the first African Americans to hold that office in the state of California. Reflecting on his legacy in Milpitas, Gross was quoted in \u003cem>The Peninsula Times Tribune\u003c/em> saying that when:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ben Gross:\u003c/strong> A citizens’ group said they wanted to change the city’s name, I told them we should change its image instead. We sat down and developed a master plan that brought Milpitas from a small farm community to the thriving city it is today. It’s a city on the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Ford was a big part of this “city on the move.” And many neighborhood kids like John, who grew up in Sunnyhills, ended up working at the factory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>Going into Ford, it was not something I originally had planned on doing, but it was sort of a natural event once it kind of came about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>For many, working at the Ford plant was a pathway to the middle class, they could buy a home, have a family, and a guaranteed retirement. But all that was threatened when American automobile sales started slowing. John remembers it all too well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson:\u003c/strong> Well it was the late ’70s, and everybody, all the different auto manufacturers, they were producing more cars than they were selling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It was a real rough patch for the American car industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>John Wilcoxson: \u003c/strong>There was the oil crisis, everything kind of shut back the amount of cars people were buying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>He remembers seeing last year’s models lined up in the factory lot, Ford had made more than they could sell. It was evidence of a changing tide. In 1983, the factory closed its doors, thousands of well-paid jobs were gone. But this was the hey-day of Silicon Valley and tech companies were bringing a new kind of job to the area. The factory itself lay vacant for a while — nearly 10 years — until it would get the chance to fulfill its second destiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV: \u003c/strong>A huge commercial venture that’s opened up hundreds of jobs in Milpitas tied up traffic on the Montague expressway today and sent thousands of people into a shopping frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>In 1990s America, a massive indoor space like that could only really become one thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV:\u003c/strong> And with that, the Great Mall opened its doors today, offering the promise of an economic boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>Local TV station KGO was there to cover the mall’s 1994 opening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>KGO-TV:\u003c/strong> Built on the site of the old Ford Motor Company plant, this monster outlet mall is expected to generate 350 million dollars worth of annual sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gabriela Glueck: \u003c/strong>It was a festive occasion, people milling around, exploring all the new stores. The footage is grainy, but you can still make out what looks like an old-school Ford car on the floor. A small history exhibit commemorating the factory. These days, that car and the exhibit are no more. But traces of the past still linger, if you know where to look.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That was Bay Curious producer Gabriela Glueck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brandon Choy: \u003c/strong>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>Our show is made by: Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale, and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Alana Walker, Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien, Holly Kernan, and everyone on team KQED. Thanks for listening. Have a great week!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Americans Still Dream About Factory Jobs. Can They Be Brought Back?",
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"content": "\u003cp>“Jobs in factories will come roaring back into our country,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E6uFW0gHwXU\">said\u003c/a> President Trump when he announced reciprocal tariffs last month. “We will supercharge our domestic industrial base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American manufacturing sector is not what it once was. Since its \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/btn/volume-9/forty-years-of-falling-manufacturing-employment.htm#:~:text=Despite%20being%20a%20leading%20driver,May%201953%20at%2032%20percent.\">peak\u003c/a> of 19.6 million workers in 1979, American manufacturing has lost over a third of its workers, \u003ca href=\"https://nam.org/mfgdata/facts-about-manufacturing-expanded/\">now employing\u003c/a> 12.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people aside from President Trump want these jobs back. Factory work has been a political focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/business/currency/why-we-pine-for-manufacturing\">both sides\u003c/a> of the aisle for years. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/americans-think-manufacturing-employment-greatfor-other-people\">one poll\u003c/a> from the Cato Institute and YouGov shows that 80% of Americans say the country would be better off if more Americans worked in manufacturing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why do Americans of all stripes want these jobs back so much — and why does factory work seem so culturally charged? And how does the dream of bringing more factory jobs back stack up against the reality of how American manufacturing works today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/07/1263527111/its-been-a-minute-bringing-back-factory-jobs-fantasy-vs-reality\">We looked into\u003c/a> some of these big cultural questions around factory jobs — and here are the four main takeaways.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 1: Why is there so much cultural nostalgia around factory jobs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Gonzalez, associate professor of English at Montclair State University, wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-american-studies/article/abs/wages-work-and-the-industrial-past-in-three-contemporary-labor-market-narratives/F1F008AAD21D25082D4B1C133CFFBCB5\">paper\u003c/a> about “smokestack nostalgia” in different pieces of art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The picture that we get with smokestack nostalgia is that these were good, solid jobs that people had for generations,” he says, “that forgets that it was union activity that secured those [wages]. And it was often [a] violent struggle, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101908039 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2024/12/GettyImages-2188263215-1-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, salaries for manufacturing jobs are now in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2022011pap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bottom half (PDF)\u003c/a> of all jobs. And one paper by researchers at the Federal Reserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2022011pap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that the decline in unionization rates is, by and large, responsible for the drop in wages for factory work compared to other jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[And] the northern factories where that union work happened, they were undercut by laws in the south that made manufacturing \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2015-10-07/manufacturing-moved-south-then-it-moved-to-china?embedded-checkout=true\">move south\u003c/a>, where [it was] so much harder to create a union,” adds Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vox\u003c/em> senior correspondent Dylan Matthews adds that some of the cultural nostalgia for factory work might stem from guilt some people might have about their “email jobs,” as opposed to making something physical for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think I very much have an email job now,” he says. “What am I doing? I’m trying to create page views, so that we can sell money to advertisers, so they can sell cars. The whole economic process I am a part of is so baroque and so apart from what it is I’m actually doing day to day that you lose that kind of connection. And I think that’s an important emotional thing for some people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 2: What’s the political appeal of bringing more factory jobs back?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there may be other incentives for more American manufacturing jobs, Matthews also thinks narratives about factory work align with conservative views around traditional families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the conservative mythologies [about factory work include] the idea of a ‘family wage,’ that you can make enough money in a factory to pay for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailysignal.com/2024/07/09/sen-josh-hawley-america-founded-on-christian-nationalism/\">full family\u003c/a>, which implicitly means the wife does not have to work,” says Matthews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican politicians \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zmrHyHhwKqY\">including\u003c/a> Vice President J.D. Vance have also made national security arguments for opening more factories in the U.S. that could produce weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been giving a lot of artillery shells to Ukraine in their battle with Russia, and we’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/us-navy-admiral-sounds-alarm-weapons-stockpile-samuel-paparo-1988586\">run through\u003c/a> a lot of existing stockpiles,” says Matthews. “And I think the other thing is [that] a surprising amount of the Ukraine war has been both sides using \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/graphics/UKRAINE-CRISIS/DRONES/dwpkeyjwkpm/\">drones\u003c/a> to do reconnaissance on each other and try to anticipate attacks. And those drones are [largely] made in \u003ca href=\"https://www.csis.org/analysis/why-chinas-uav-supply-chain-restrictions-weaken-ukraines-negotiating-power#:~:text=Ukraine's%20Dependence%20on%20Chinese%20Drones%20and%20Components&text=Ukraine%20heavily%20relies%20on%20Chinese,of%20Mavic%20quadcopters%20in%202023)\">China\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some conservatives – that’s a big problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people in DC who are very convinced that China is a deep adversary, and if this is an important military technology that they make [a lot] of, I think within that worldview, it makes sense to be a little worried about this,” says Matthews. “Now, whether you think China is the big adversary and we should be preparing for war against them, that’s a bigger question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the issue of bringing back more manufacturing jobs cuts across political lines. Bernie Sanders has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SenSanders/status/1848482946816041240\">recently\u003c/a> called for rebuilding American manufacturing. Revitalizing American manufacturing was also a priority of former Presidents \u003ca href=\"https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/02/08/remarks-by-president-biden-on-rebuilding-our-manufacturing-to-make-more-in-america/\">Biden\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2014/01/15/262788908/obama-unveils-new-plans-to-encourage-manufacturing-jobs\">Obama\u003c/a>. And Matthews believes there is a particular political nostalgia around factory work for people on the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look back at the ’50’s and ’60’s, the heyday of American manufacturing was also the heyday of American unions,” Matthews said. “The [United Auto Workers Union] was incredibly powerful, and that in turn supported a Democratic Party where labor was an incredibly important part of the coalition. Spending programs like Medicare [might] not have passed without strong union support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 3: Does the desire to bring jobs back match up with the reality of American manufacturing today?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many manufacturing jobs in the U.S. are already available. In fact, there are 400,000 open positions in manufacturing as of February, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nam.org/mfgdata/facts-about-manufacturing-expanded/\">National Association of Manufacturers\u003c/a>. Some factory owners are \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/help-wanted-u-s-factories-seek-workers-for-the-nearshoring-boom-ef0209aa\">having trouble\u003c/a> filling these existing positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A manufacturing job looks very different from what it did in the fifties,” says Matthews. “If part of the appeal of manufacturing was that it provided decent wage jobs for people straight out of high school, that is not the way a lot of these factories operate these days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But can we add more jobs in the sector? Matthews says there’s reason to think that could be tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there’s been disagreement about the main cause of factory job losses, one \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w24151/w24151.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new paper (PDF)\u003c/a> by Robert Z. Lawrence, Harvard’s Albert L. Williams Professor of International Trade and Investment, suggests that productivity growth beats out foreign competition for the most blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if we add more factories – we might not be adding that many jobs along with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just been a lot of money invested in making humans less essential to the production process,” he adds. “It’s incredibly automated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matthews argues that there’s nothing special about manufacturing work that made it a “good job,” and that other work should also have that “good job” status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love for politicians to stand up and say Amazon warehouse workers need to make more money. I want to make that a job that is good the same way that working at a GM line was a good job,” he says. “We can make the jobs good if we want them to be good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 4: What might be the impact of President Trump’s policies on bringing factory jobs back?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The last time President Trump issued import tariffs, they did not increase or decrease employment in protected sectors, according to one \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/papers/w32082\">analysis\u003c/a> in the National Bureau of Economic Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the best analogy I’ve heard for using tariffs to try to get manufacturing jobs back is: if you run someone over with your car, and then to fix the situation, you back over them again,” Matthews says. “It just doesn’t follow that if the U.S. changing its trade policy one way led to this exit of jobs, reversing [it] will bring them back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also potential effects from President Trump’s immigration policies. \u003ca href=\"https://usafacts.org/articles/which-industries-employ-the-most-immigrant-workers/\">As of 2023\u003c/a>, there are 3.2 million foreign-born workers in manufacturing, about 25% of all manufacturing workers. His large-scale deportation efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/28/g-s1-50958/business-workplace-raids-immigration-ice-deportation\">may add\u003c/a> to the number of open jobs in the sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Liam McBain contributed reporting, Neena Pathak and Luis Clemens edited the text.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“Jobs in factories will come roaring back into our country,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E6uFW0gHwXU\">said\u003c/a> President Trump when he announced reciprocal tariffs last month. “We will supercharge our domestic industrial base.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American manufacturing sector is not what it once was. Since its \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/btn/volume-9/forty-years-of-falling-manufacturing-employment.htm#:~:text=Despite%20being%20a%20leading%20driver,May%201953%20at%2032%20percent.\">peak\u003c/a> of 19.6 million workers in 1979, American manufacturing has lost over a third of its workers, \u003ca href=\"https://nam.org/mfgdata/facts-about-manufacturing-expanded/\">now employing\u003c/a> 12.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people aside from President Trump want these jobs back. Factory work has been a political focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/business/currency/why-we-pine-for-manufacturing\">both sides\u003c/a> of the aisle for years. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/americans-think-manufacturing-employment-greatfor-other-people\">one poll\u003c/a> from the Cato Institute and YouGov shows that 80% of Americans say the country would be better off if more Americans worked in manufacturing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But why do Americans of all stripes want these jobs back so much — and why does factory work seem so culturally charged? And how does the dream of bringing more factory jobs back stack up against the reality of how American manufacturing works today?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/07/1263527111/its-been-a-minute-bringing-back-factory-jobs-fantasy-vs-reality\">We looked into\u003c/a> some of these big cultural questions around factory jobs — and here are the four main takeaways.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 1: Why is there so much cultural nostalgia around factory jobs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Gonzalez, associate professor of English at Montclair State University, wrote a \u003ca href=\"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-american-studies/article/abs/wages-work-and-the-industrial-past-in-three-contemporary-labor-market-narratives/F1F008AAD21D25082D4B1C133CFFBCB5\">paper\u003c/a> about “smokestack nostalgia” in different pieces of art.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The picture that we get with smokestack nostalgia is that these were good, solid jobs that people had for generations,” he says, “that forgets that it was union activity that secured those [wages]. And it was often [a] violent struggle, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, salaries for manufacturing jobs are now in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2022011pap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">bottom half (PDF)\u003c/a> of all jobs. And one paper by researchers at the Federal Reserve \u003ca href=\"https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/feds/files/2022011pap.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">shows (PDF)\u003c/a> that the decline in unionization rates is, by and large, responsible for the drop in wages for factory work compared to other jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[And] the northern factories where that union work happened, they were undercut by laws in the south that made manufacturing \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/view/articles/2015-10-07/manufacturing-moved-south-then-it-moved-to-china?embedded-checkout=true\">move south\u003c/a>, where [it was] so much harder to create a union,” adds Gonzalez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Vox\u003c/em> senior correspondent Dylan Matthews adds that some of the cultural nostalgia for factory work might stem from guilt some people might have about their “email jobs,” as opposed to making something physical for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think I very much have an email job now,” he says. “What am I doing? I’m trying to create page views, so that we can sell money to advertisers, so they can sell cars. The whole economic process I am a part of is so baroque and so apart from what it is I’m actually doing day to day that you lose that kind of connection. And I think that’s an important emotional thing for some people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 2: What’s the political appeal of bringing more factory jobs back?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While there may be other incentives for more American manufacturing jobs, Matthews also thinks narratives about factory work align with conservative views around traditional families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the conservative mythologies [about factory work include] the idea of a ‘family wage,’ that you can make enough money in a factory to pay for the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailysignal.com/2024/07/09/sen-josh-hawley-america-founded-on-christian-nationalism/\">full family\u003c/a>, which implicitly means the wife does not have to work,” says Matthews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican politicians \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zmrHyHhwKqY\">including\u003c/a> Vice President J.D. Vance have also made national security arguments for opening more factories in the U.S. that could produce weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been giving a lot of artillery shells to Ukraine in their battle with Russia, and we’ve \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/us-navy-admiral-sounds-alarm-weapons-stockpile-samuel-paparo-1988586\">run through\u003c/a> a lot of existing stockpiles,” says Matthews. “And I think the other thing is [that] a surprising amount of the Ukraine war has been both sides using \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/graphics/UKRAINE-CRISIS/DRONES/dwpkeyjwkpm/\">drones\u003c/a> to do reconnaissance on each other and try to anticipate attacks. And those drones are [largely] made in \u003ca href=\"https://www.csis.org/analysis/why-chinas-uav-supply-chain-restrictions-weaken-ukraines-negotiating-power#:~:text=Ukraine's%20Dependence%20on%20Chinese%20Drones%20and%20Components&text=Ukraine%20heavily%20relies%20on%20Chinese,of%20Mavic%20quadcopters%20in%202023)\">China\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some conservatives – that’s a big problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people in DC who are very convinced that China is a deep adversary, and if this is an important military technology that they make [a lot] of, I think within that worldview, it makes sense to be a little worried about this,” says Matthews. “Now, whether you think China is the big adversary and we should be preparing for war against them, that’s a bigger question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the issue of bringing back more manufacturing jobs cuts across political lines. Bernie Sanders has \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/SenSanders/status/1848482946816041240\">recently\u003c/a> called for rebuilding American manufacturing. Revitalizing American manufacturing was also a priority of former Presidents \u003ca href=\"https://bidenwhitehouse.archives.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2022/02/08/remarks-by-president-biden-on-rebuilding-our-manufacturing-to-make-more-in-america/\">Biden\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2014/01/15/262788908/obama-unveils-new-plans-to-encourage-manufacturing-jobs\">Obama\u003c/a>. And Matthews believes there is a particular political nostalgia around factory work for people on the left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look back at the ’50’s and ’60’s, the heyday of American manufacturing was also the heyday of American unions,” Matthews said. “The [United Auto Workers Union] was incredibly powerful, and that in turn supported a Democratic Party where labor was an incredibly important part of the coalition. Spending programs like Medicare [might] not have passed without strong union support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 3: Does the desire to bring jobs back match up with the reality of American manufacturing today?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many manufacturing jobs in the U.S. are already available. In fact, there are 400,000 open positions in manufacturing as of February, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nam.org/mfgdata/facts-about-manufacturing-expanded/\">National Association of Manufacturers\u003c/a>. Some factory owners are \u003ca href=\"https://www.wsj.com/articles/help-wanted-u-s-factories-seek-workers-for-the-nearshoring-boom-ef0209aa\">having trouble\u003c/a> filling these existing positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A manufacturing job looks very different from what it did in the fifties,” says Matthews. “If part of the appeal of manufacturing was that it provided decent wage jobs for people straight out of high school, that is not the way a lot of these factories operate these days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But can we add more jobs in the sector? Matthews says there’s reason to think that could be tough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While there’s been disagreement about the main cause of factory job losses, one \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w24151/w24151.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new paper (PDF)\u003c/a> by Robert Z. Lawrence, Harvard’s Albert L. Williams Professor of International Trade and Investment, suggests that productivity growth beats out foreign competition for the most blame.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So even if we add more factories – we might not be adding that many jobs along with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just been a lot of money invested in making humans less essential to the production process,” he adds. “It’s incredibly automated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Matthews argues that there’s nothing special about manufacturing work that made it a “good job,” and that other work should also have that “good job” status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love for politicians to stand up and say Amazon warehouse workers need to make more money. I want to make that a job that is good the same way that working at a GM line was a good job,” he says. “We can make the jobs good if we want them to be good.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Question 4: What might be the impact of President Trump’s policies on bringing factory jobs back?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The last time President Trump issued import tariffs, they did not increase or decrease employment in protected sectors, according to one \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/papers/w32082\">analysis\u003c/a> in the National Bureau of Economic Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the best analogy I’ve heard for using tariffs to try to get manufacturing jobs back is: if you run someone over with your car, and then to fix the situation, you back over them again,” Matthews says. “It just doesn’t follow that if the U.S. changing its trade policy one way led to this exit of jobs, reversing [it] will bring them back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are also potential effects from President Trump’s immigration policies. \u003ca href=\"https://usafacts.org/articles/which-industries-employ-the-most-immigrant-workers/\">As of 2023\u003c/a>, there are 3.2 million foreign-born workers in manufacturing, about 25% of all manufacturing workers. His large-scale deportation efforts \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/02/28/g-s1-50958/business-workplace-raids-immigration-ice-deportation\">may add\u003c/a> to the number of open jobs in the sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Liam McBain contributed reporting, Neena Pathak and Luis Clemens edited the text.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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