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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a typical afternoon, shoppers pour in and out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.maiwandmarket.com/\">Maiwand Market \u003c/a>in Fremont’s Centerville District, making a beeline for the bakery, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/2584/afghan-bread-in-fremonts-little-kabul\">traditional Afghan naan is made fresh each day\u003c/a>. Customers bag their loaves up themselves at a nearby table — some stocking up on a dozen at a time. A short walk in either direction leads to additional grocery stores and restaurants serving Afghan delicacies like beef kabobs, bolani kachaloo and qabilil pallow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is home to one of the largest concentrations of Afghans in the United States. Over the past 40-some years, this community — often celebrated for its thriving tech industry and diverse population — has even become known as Little Kabul.[baycuriouspodcastinfo] It’s a fact that has made its way into pop culture, including the 2023 indie film \u003cem>Fremont\u003c/em> and Khaled Hosseini’s bestselling novel, \u003cem>The Kite Runner\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The name Little Kabul, along with the frequent cultural references, got one Bay Curious listener wondering: How did Fremont become a cultural hub for so many Afghan Americans?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer goes back more than 45 years and can be broken down into four distinct waves of immigration, each based on a moment of conflict and political change in Afghanistan. But, it’s also a story of people fleeing their home country, a place they love, and looking for community and something familiar in their new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050024\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer buys Afghan bread made at Maiwand Market in Fremont on Aug. 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Soviets invade Afghanistan, spark first major exodus\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first wave of Afghan immigrants left home during the \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1977-1980/soviet-invasion-afghanistan\">Soviet Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan\u003c/a>. The USSR seized military control of Kabul and transformed the country into a war zone. Millions of Afghans were killed and millions more were forced to flee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This wave of refugees included ordinary civilians and religious minorities, as well as those who had held government jobs under previous administrations. Many Afghans fled to neighboring countries like Iran and Pakistan. Others immigrated to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t come by our choice; we were forced to leave the country,” said Hanifa Sai Tokhi, a volunteer who helps run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.afghanelderlyassociation.org/our-programs.html\">Afghan Elderly Association’s Healthy Aging Program\u003c/a> in Fremont. “I was crying for two and a half years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tokhi vividly remembers leaving Afghanistan 47 years ago. Her husband was a government employee under \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/april-27/afghan-president-is-overthrown-and-murdered\">Afghan President Mohammad Daoud Khan\u003c/a>. After the Soviet invasion, their family received a notice that he would be arrested for his work under the country’s previous leadership.[aside postID=news_12040425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250514_AFGHANREFUGEESTPS_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']With just $1,000 to their names, Tokhi, her husband and their two small children made their way to the Bay Area. By the time they joined their extended family in San Jose, Tokhi said they had just $22 left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tokhi, who had been an assistant professor of chemistry and biology back in Kabul, said that establishing herself in California was hard. She and her husband struggled to pay the mortgage and sometimes went without electricity. But eventually, they got political asylum and work permits. They were able to land jobs in the early days of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many immigrant communities, Afghans like Tokhi came to Northern California because they knew someone in the area. When it was no longer safe to stay in Afghanistan, entire families relocated to where family members had come for work or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fremont was like a magnet for Afghans to come and join this beautiful city,” said Dr. Masoud Juya, the associate director of the \u003ca href=\"https://afghancoalition.org/\">Afghan Coalition\u003c/a>. “One reason that [is] a big attractive factor for Afghans is definitely this landscape, the beauty, the geography, and the weather.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay hills reminded many Afghans of the mountainous terrain of their homeland. Entrepreneurial immigrants opened mosques, rug stores, and halal butcher shops. Specialty grocery stores like Maiwand Market soon opened their doors, offering fresh bread and other imported goods to local Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Fremont supported these endeavors by offering grants to Afghan business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont was more affordable than bigger cities like San Francisco or Oakland, and California also had generous welfare benefits that helped people get resettled here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slowly it started to get built until this city was called ‘Little Kabul,’ which is a very attractive name,” said Juya.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A civil war prompts more people to leave Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second wave of immigration took place in the 1990s during the Afghan Civil War, following the collapse of the Soviet-backed Afghan government. The war took place between different ethnic groups and eventually resulted in the Taliban’s rise to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Juya was in elementary school at the time, he still remembers how tumultuous and disruptive the civil war was. Tens of thousands of Afghans — mostly civilians — were killed throughout the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050014\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050014\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Participants wave colorful scarves during an exercise segment at the Afghan Elderly Association’s weekly wellness gathering in Fremont on July 23, 2025. The event is part of the nonprofit’s Healthy Aging Program, supporting Afghan elders through social connection, movement, meals, and health education. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of homes were destroyed due to the civil war, and our home was no exception,” Juya recalled, adding that he had been buried under the rubble. His family was displaced to a new city, though many Afghans left Afghanistan altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, many migrated to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they ended up here, then the first question they asked was like, ‘OK, which state has more Afghans? Let’s go and join our communities there,’” Juya said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the second wave of immigrants arrived in Northern California, the first wave was ready to help them get settled. The Afghan Coalition, was established in Fremont during this time. Since 1996, the mission of this international organization has been to offer social services to Afghan refugees, including assistance with housing, professional resources and mental health support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Afghan Elderly Association was founded a year earlier to provide Afghans with culturally appropriate health programs. The organization’s founders went door-to-door, individually recruiting each elder.[aside postID=news_11883382 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Josie-Manalo-leaving-for-America-1920x1080-1.jpg']“We were going with these ladies to advocate to the doctors and translate,” said Tokhi, who worked with the group as a health promoter. “We were going to their homes. We were doing medication management. Sometimes they cannot read English, and we would ask, ‘What is this medicine for?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the organization knew that healthy living wasn’t just about medication and doctor’s visits. There needed to be a social element, \u003ca href=\"https://www.afghanelderlyassociation.org/our-programs.html\">which they eventually offered through its Healthy Aging Program\u003c/a>. Each week, the program offers a hot meal, exercise classes and medical check-ups from Afghan nurses who speak Farsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They brought these ladies out of isolation,” Tokhi said. She now helps run the program as a volunteer. “There is some gossip, too,” Tokhi said with a laugh. “I have to have gossip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs like this created more opportunities for immigrants to feel comfortable and connected when they got to Fremont. And the city supported them. For years, Fremont’s Human Services Department collaborated with the Afghan Elderly Association by providing staffing support, along with office and meeting spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>9/11 upends the social order in Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The third wave of immigration to Fremont occurred after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001. The United States sent troops into Afghanistan to oust the Taliban leaders, sparking an overseas conflict that continued for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toppling of the Taliban regime ushered in a new Afghan government and constitution. With the end of the Taliban’s religious extremism also came opportunities for women to work and girls to get an education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteer Hanifa Tokhi speaks to the group at the Afghan Elderly Association’s weekly wellness gathering in Fremont on July 23, 2025. The event is part of the nonprofit’s Healthy Aging Program, supporting Afghan elders through social connection, movement, meals, and health education. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was the beginning of a big change for Afghanistan,” said Juya. “It was the first time after all those dark periods that Afghanistan was connected to the rest of the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than needing to flee as refugees as in the earlier immigration waves, Afghans could finally come to the U.S. on cultural exchange programs or to study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They freely moved out of Afghanistan because of the opportunities that were available,” Juya said.[aside postID=news_12048251 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250716-CherrylandUnincorporated-11-BL_qed.jpg']Juya himself first came to the United States during the third wave, in 2009. He’d just graduated medical school and was pursuing a Fulbright scholarship. He later traveled back and forth to Afghanistan, where he opened a successful university and a health science institute inspired by his time in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We put into practice pretty much every bit of information we learned here,” said Dr. Juya. “We were really revolutionists in terms of helping Afghanistan develop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he’s grateful for all he learned studying in the U.S., the experience wasn’t all positive. He, like other Afghan immigrants, faced discrimination as a Muslim.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an added layer of difficulty because of stigma, discrimination,” he said. “This in itself is also another factor that might motivate community members to come together so that they prevent themselves from additional threats or risks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Fremont experienced that stigma. In 2001, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/a-worrisome-wake-fear-of-backlash-lurks-in-a-2878560.php\">local news outlets\u003c/a> reported on hate crimes directed at Afghans, including death threats and a smashed store window around Little Kabul. A few days later, the owner of the vandalized store put an American flag in those same windows to show his loyalty to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, Afghan Americans asked the City Council to formally recognize the area known as Little Kabul. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/09/27/fremont-wont-have-a-little-kabul/\">the initiative stalled after local businesses banded together to oppose the idea\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>US troops withdraw from Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The fourth and largest wave of immigration started in 2021 with President Biden’s decision to withdraw U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Almost immediately, the Taliban returned to power and anyone who had participated in opening Afghanistan up, making it more liberal and democratic, was in danger. People like Juya.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was fighting hard as a member of my community against extremism,” Juya said. “I was really at high risk, and I had to leave as soon as I could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050012\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050012\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Associate Director Masoud Juya sits in a conference room at the offices of the Afghan Coalition in Fremont on July 21, 2025. The organization provides health, education, and social services to support Afghan and other immigrant communities in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juya eventually left Afghanistan through an American Ph.D. program, after which he settled in Concord in search of a stable life.**\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/12395/638119693632730000\">roughly 10,000 Afghans\u003c/a> who ended up in California after the 2021 withdrawal. The refugees during this fourth wave came from all parts of Afghan society, including academics, musicians, journalists, human rights advocates, and those who had worked with the U.S. military and allied forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many people wanted to get out of Afghanistan during the hectic withdrawal that \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FiRJRjsLx-M&ab_channel=GuardianNews\">some people sprinted after U.S. military planes trying to get onboard\u003c/a> and others held onto the wings as the planes took off.[aside postID=news_11887630 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51406_021_Fremont_MaiwandMarket_08272021-qut-1020x680.jpg']As these horrific scenes unfolded, the City of Fremont again stepped up to support its local Afghan community. The Human Services Department raised $485,000 for an \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/12395/638119693632730000\">Afghan Refugee Help Fund\u003c/a>, which paid for necessities like filing immigration documents, temporary housing, new cell phones, mental health resources, and driving lessons for recent arrivals. The effort was coordinated in collaboration with Afghan organizations and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ever, the Afghans who had already established themselves in the Bay Area mobilized to help newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after Juya arrived in Fremont, his fellow Afghans hired him to help run the Afghan Coalition. But, he said, the volume of new Afghan arrivals has made a competitive job market even tougher. And many people don’t have the skills to fit into Silicon Valley’s high-tech, AI-driven economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were professionals back home,” he said. “They come here but they cannot find a professional job, so I see a lot of frustration for some of the young, talented Afghans.” Many are hustling as DoorDash or Uber drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Promoting ‘positive energy’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The music composer and producer Hasib Sepand was lucky enough to arrive in Fremont before the U.S. military withdrew from Afghanistan. He opened a music school, called \u003ca href=\"https://www.sepandstudios.com/service/sepand-music-academy/\">The Sepand Music Academy\u003c/a>. Just six months later, the Taliban came back to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody was interested in music, even myself,” he said. “We were like mentally very depressed. I didn’t have that courage to play music because my family’s over there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hasib Sepand plays the harmonium at Sepand Studios in Fremont on July 21, 2025, where his music academy offers instruction in sitar, tabla, harmonium, and other instruments, and he composes and produces music. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sepand came from a family of well-known musicians in Afghanistan, who were forced to relocate to Pakistan after the Taliban’s first rise to power. During the U.S. war with Afghanistan, Sepand’s family had also worked with the American Army. They were able to qualify for Special Immigrant Visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last American plane that flew from Afghanistan included my family,” Sepand said. “It’s like a film.”[aside postID=news_12045917 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/ATK6-KQED.jpg']After he helped resettle his family in the Bay Area, Sepand reached out to the City of Fremont. They collaborated to offer three months of free music classes to new arrivals as a part of the Afghan Refugee Help Fund. Sepand taught students to sing traditional Afghan music and play instruments like the tabla and sitar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My class is not only a music class,” he said. “I tried to give a positive energy, especially for the newcomers, because they face a lot of problems. They face stress, depression, different culture, different language, sometimes no job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sepand said that students would often tell him his music class was the highlight of their week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he came to Fremont and learned the firsthand challenges of starting over in America, Sepand thought it would be a more glamorous place. But Fremont was not the America Hasib had pictured. Over time, as he has watched the community come together to support one another, he has come to love this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to me, it looks a hundred times better than every place in America because I live here and I have friends and I enjoy everything in Fremont,” Sepand said. “I love Fremont.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*An earlier version of this story stated that Juya experienced discrimination for being Muslim and Arab. But Afghans are not Arab. We regret the error.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>**A previous version of this story stated that Juya settled in Fremont. In fact, he lives in Concord.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Fremont is the fourth-largest town in the Bay Area, but it doesn’t always get the love it deserves. It’s a quiet place, but has a thriving tech industry, an incredibly diverse population and played an important role in the early silent film industry. It’s also home to one of the largest Afghan populations in the country…a fact that often shows up in pop culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from \u003cem>Fremont\u003c/em>: \u003c/strong>Do you live in Fremont? Are you also from Afghanistan? Yes, I am. On the Special Immigration Visa? Yes. I was a translator in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That’s a clip from the 2023 indie film “Fremont” about a military translator starting over in Fremont after being forced to leave Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a premise rooted in reality. Over the past 40-some years, Fremont’s Afghans have slowly built a cultural hub here. There’s even a business district known as Little Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That name, Little Kabul, sparked the interest of one Bay Curious listener who wanted to know more about how Fremont became home to so many Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today on Bay Curious, we’re tracing four distinct waves of Afghan immigration to the U.S. and illuminating how 40 years of U.S. foreign policy have led us to this point. We’ll meet Afghan refugees who’ve settled here, learn what makes this community unique and dig into some of the challenges they face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Katrina Schwartz, filling in for Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Northern California is home to the largest concentration of Afghans in the United States. And many have settled in the Bay Area city of Fremont. Reporter Asal Ehsanipour went to find out why so many folks have decided to make this East Bay town home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour:\u003c/strong> Recently, I went to an Eid dinner to celebrate the end of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>We have, of course, the delicious kabuli pulao, which is a very common Afghan dish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Tables piled with plates of homemade rice and pastries made by local Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> This is called simion. It’s a very popular dried fruit, usually during Eid, it is used in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Guiding me on this food tour is Dr. Masoud Juya, the associate director of a local nonprofit called the Afghan Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>We have come here today to celebrate Eid and also to enjoy the Afghan culture, food, music. And to kind of enhance our collegiality, you know, over the joy and feast of Eid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Roughly 66,000 people of Afghan descent live in California, according to the 2019 Census. And historically, the highest concentration has been right here in Fremont. Making it one of the largest Afghan communities in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>Fremont was like a magnet for Afghans to come and join this beautiful city. And one reason that it’s a big attractive factor for Afghans is definitely this landscape, the beauty, the geography, and the weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>It doesn’t hurt that the East Bay has these majestic hills, which remind Afghans of home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When you see these hills, it’s really reminiscent of those beautiful memories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Fremont’s Afghan community has been growing for decades. Masoud says you can break it down into four – distinct waves, each based on a moment of conflict and political change in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first wave of immigration began in the late 1970s when the USSR invaded Afghanistan and took control of Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News Clip: \u003c/strong>In 1979, the Soviet Union determined that Afghanistan would be a communist nation … forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The Soviet invasion and the U.S. decision to arm rebel groups within Afghanistan as part of a proxy Cold War kicked off decades of instability for Afghanistan. Millions were killed. And millions more fled as refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News Clip: \u003c/strong>In that decade of war, over 1,000 villages and towns have been destroyed by tanks and bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> The immigrants from that era were those who were persecuted by the communist regime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>They included religious minorities and people who’d held government jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> As well as civilians, ordinary civilians who did not feel safe to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Many Afghans fled to neighboring countries, like Iran and Pakistan. Others came to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Some of them ended up in Virginia first, and then they knew somebody who had recently come to this part of the country, and they were satisfied. So then they talked together and they decided to join each other here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Like so many immigrant communities, Afghans came to California because that’s where they knew people. If entire families were to uproot their lives and move across the world, they needed to stick together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a weekly health event put on by the Afghan Elderly Association, women I met said they’d followed family members who’d come to Fremont for work or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 1: \u003c/strong>My daughter, she went to San José State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 2: \u003c/strong>Aunts and uncle.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 3: \u003c/strong>My friend, my relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 2: \u003c/strong>Everybody was here in Fremont, so I came to join them, join the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi came to the Bay Area 47 years ago. But she still feels the pain of leaving Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> I was crying for two and a half years. We didn’t come by our choice. We were forced to leave the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa’s husband had worked for the Afghan government before the Soviet invasion. One day, they heard a knock at the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> They sent the notices that they’re going to arrest him and put him in jail. And even they told him to be ready when the soldiers come, go with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>With just $1,000 to their names, Hanifa, her husband, and their two small children made their way to the Bay Area. Hanifa had a brother-in-law in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> By the time we came, we had $22 because most of the money was spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa says life was hard. They struggled to pay the mortgage, sometimes went without electricity. Eventually, she and her husband got political asylum and work permits, applied for jobs in the early days of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> But then, there is not a lot of people coming to San Jose, but mostly was coming to Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Almost immediately, Fremont became the center of Afghan life. Grocery stores like Maiwand Market sold tastes of home. And immigrants opened mosques, rug stores, and Halal butcher shops. And the City of Fremont supported them. It offered grants to help Afghan business owners get started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Slowly, it started to get built. Until this city was called Little Kabul, which is a very attractive name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud Juya says Fremont was more affordable than bigger cities like San Francisco or Oakland. Plus, California had generous welfare benefits that helped people get resettled here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Afghans trickled into Fremont throughout the 1980s until the next big wave of immigration a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The second wave actually was in the 1990s, when Afghanistan was experiencing a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip:\u003c/strong> The Shiite Southwest District of Kabul begin the latest battlefield in the fight to control Afghanistan’s capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The civil war was between different ethnic groups in Afghanistan and resulted in the Taliban’s rise to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masoud remembers how tumultuous and disruptive that time was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>I was actually in the primary school, and the war was terrible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>Rebels reportedly fired hundreds of rockets in the residential area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>A lot of homes were destroyed due to the civil war, and our home was no exception. So every Afghan was doing their best to get out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Again, many Afghans came to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When they ended up here, then the first question they asked was like, OK, which state has more Afghans? Let’s go and join our communities there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>When the \u003cem>second\u003c/em> wave of immigrants got to Fremont, the \u003cem>first\u003c/em> wave was ready to help them get settled. That’s how Masoud’s organization, the Afghan Coalition, was founded in 1996. Since then, they’ve offered social services to Afghan refugees, helping them find housing, jobs, and mental health support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it was around the time the Afghan Elderly Association started its work. The founders went door to door individually recruiting each member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>I was working with this association for 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Here’s Hanifa Sai Tokhi again. After leaving Afghanistan during the Soviet Invasion, she eventually became a \u003cem>health promoter\u003c/em> for the Afghan Elderly Association. Her job was to bring culturally appropriate health services to older community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>We were going with these ladies to advocate to the doctors and translate. Like sometimes they cannot read English, and we would ask what is this medicine for?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>But the organization knew that healthy living wasn’t just about medication and doctor’s visits. There needed to be a social element. So, they created the Healthy Aging Program. And, it still exists!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>They brought these ladies out of isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Here, each week, they offer a hot meal, exercise classes and medical check-ups from Afghan nurses who speak Farsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>And also, there is some gossip, too. I have to have gossip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Programs like this created more opportunities for immigrants to feel comfortable and connected when they got to Fremont. And for years, the city of Fremont’s Human Services Department collaborated with the Afghan Elderly Association. They provided staffing support, along with office and meeting spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so with that second wave, the Afghan community was growing. Thriving in a Fremont bubble, until the 9/11 attacks put the international spotlight back on Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>We have a very tragic alert for you right now. An incredible plane crash into the World Trade Center here at the lower tip of Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George W. Bush: \u003c/strong>On my orders, the United States military has begun strikes against al-Qaeda terrorist training camps and military installations of the Taliban regime and Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The Taliban government was toppled post-9/11, and a new administration was built in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>With the new government came a new constitution. It meant an end to the Taliban’s religious extremism, opportunities for women to work, and girls to get an education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>So this was the beginning of a big change for Afghanistan. It was the first time after all those dark periods that Afghanistan was connected to the rest of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Rather than needing to flee as refugees, people could finally come to the U.S. on cultural exchange programs or to study. But when they got here, they were faced with a very Islamophobic America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When there is maybe an added layer of difficulty because of stigma, discrimination, or whatsoever, this in itself is also another factor that might motivate community members to come together so that they prevent themselves from additional threats or risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud first came to the U.S. during this third wave after the fall of the Taliban. He wanted to learn as much as he could and bring that knowledge back to Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> We put into practice pretty much every bit of information we learned here. And we were really, in our own sense, we were really revolutionists in terms of helping Afghanistan develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Inspired by his time in the States, he opened a successful university and a health science institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>And that’s why people like me were always staying there until we really had to leave post-2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>2021, when the United States \u003cem>withdrew\u003c/em> from Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Biden:\u003c/strong> I concluded it’s time to end America’s longest war. It’s time for American troops to come home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The Taliban took back control of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>The Taliban advance appears unstoppable. Ruthless as ever, to those who stand in their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This U.S. policy decision caused the fourth and most recent wave of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>Now the Taliban is back, anyone who worked for the Afghan government has fled or is in hiding. Women and girls live in fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud was also afraid. He had been at the forefront of trying to rebuild a more liberal, democratic Afghanistan. But now, all of that was smoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> I was fighting hard as a member of my community against extremism. So I was really at high risk, and I had to leave as soon as I could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud explored every avenue and eventually got out through an American Ph.D. program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> But after I completed my Ph.D., then I was thinking of staying somewhere for a stable life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The obvious choice: Fremont. Masoud is one of roughly 10,000 Afghans who ended up in California after the 2021 withdrawal. And this time, the refugees came from all parts of Afghan society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The fourth wave is actually a very, very different group of people: vocalists, musicians, academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Journalists and human rights advocates, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> More importantly, people who really worked with the Afghan government and the U.S. Government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Including members of the U.S. military and allied forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> But then there were also some civilians who just went to the airport because they are also afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>You might remember news footage of desperate Afghans sprinting after U.S. military planes trying to get onboard. Some even held onto the wings as the planes took off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> People who were really scared of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>As these horrific scenes unfolded, the city of Fremont again stepped up to support the Afghan community. It raised $485,000 for an Afghan Refugee Help Fund … to help pay for things like filing immigration documents, temporary housing, mental health resources, and driving lessons for recent arrivals. This was done in collaboration with Afghan organizations and businesses. As ever, those who had already established themselves mobilized to help newcomers. And new immigrants leveraged what earlier waves had built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Yeah, all these resources that Afghans created, institutions that they built, connections that they had, the knowledge that they have from navigating the U.S. System, I think they were all transferred into the new waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>When Masoud got to Fremont, his expertise building institutions in Afghanistan made him the perfect guy for a job at the Afghan Coalition, helping other refugees get settled. But he was one of the lucky few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Afghans come here, and I see they were professionals back home. They come here, but they cannot find a professional job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This fourth wave is bigger than the prior ones. And people don’t have the skills to fit into the Bay Area’s high-tech, AI-driven economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> So I see a lot of frustration for some of the young, talented Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>One of those young, talented Afghans is Hasib Sepand. He arrived in Fremont before the U.S. military withdrew from Afghanistan and started a music school, called The Sepand Academy … Just six months later, the Taliban came back to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Nobody was interested in music, even myself. So, we were like mentally very depressed. I didn’t have that courage to play music. Because my family’s over there.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Like Hasib, his family were musicians. And Hasib’s siblings had also worked with the American Army. Because of that, they were able to qualify for Special Immigrant Visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> And the last American plane that flew from Afghanistan included my family. It’s like a film.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hasib was so grateful his family made it to safety, he wanted to help other newcomers. With the city’s help, Hasib offered three months of free music classes to new arrivals. They sang and played instruments like the tabla and sitar. You’re hearing them play now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of music class playing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> I tried to give a positive energy, especially for the newcomers, because they face a lot of problems. They face stress, depression, different culture, different language, sometimes no job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hasib says before he came to Fremont — before he knew anything about how hard it would be to live in the U.S. — he thought it would be a more glamorous place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand: \u003c/strong>My Afghan friends, they used to tell me, “OK, so you are going to Fremont. Oh my god. That’s a dream city.” And they gave me kind of like wrong imagination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This was not the “America” Hasib had pictured. But as he’s watched the community come together to support one another, he’s come to love this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Now, to me, it looks a hundred times better than every place in America because I live here and I have friends and I enjoy everything in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>He says he loves the people, the fellowship created at local Afghan bakeries and banquet halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Right now, I feel that I’m in Afghanistan. I’m in my hometown. Most of the time, I don’t speak English because everywhere I go is like Afghans. And when my friends come from Canada or from Europe, they are jealous. I love Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Or as Hasib calls it: Little Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That was reporter Asal Ehsanipour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont’s Afghan community is under threat once again. President Trump recently announced plans to end temporary protected status for a host of countries, including Afghanistan. The administration also put a halt to most refugee resettlements programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other big difficulty facing this community is cost of living in the Bay Area. More Afghans are choosing to settle in Sacramento than Fremont now because it’s more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you may have heard, this is a perilous time for public media and KQED. So, if you have a moment, head on over to kqed dot org slash donate. Every little bit helps to support the shows you love, and we appreciate you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Have a great week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The East Bay town of Fremont is known for its diversity and growing tech sector, but also as a hub of Afghan life and culture. We explore the forces that created Little Kabul.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#A\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a typical afternoon, shoppers pour in and out of \u003ca href=\"https://www.maiwandmarket.com/\">Maiwand Market \u003c/a>in Fremont’s Centerville District, making a beeline for the bakery, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/bayareabites/2584/afghan-bread-in-fremonts-little-kabul\">traditional Afghan naan is made fresh each day\u003c/a>. Customers bag their loaves up themselves at a nearby table — some stocking up on a dozen at a time. A short walk in either direction leads to additional grocery stores and restaurants serving Afghan delicacies like beef kabobs, bolani kachaloo and qabilil pallow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont is home to one of the largest concentrations of Afghans in the United States. Over the past 40-some years, this community — often celebrated for its thriving tech industry and diverse population — has even become known as Little Kabul.\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp> It’s a fact that has made its way into pop culture, including the 2023 indie film \u003cem>Fremont\u003c/em> and Khaled Hosseini’s bestselling novel, \u003cem>The Kite Runner\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The name Little Kabul, along with the frequent cultural references, got one Bay Curious listener wondering: How did Fremont become a cultural hub for so many Afghan Americans?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answer goes back more than 45 years and can be broken down into four distinct waves of immigration, each based on a moment of conflict and political change in Afghanistan. But, it’s also a story of people fleeing their home country, a place they love, and looking for community and something familiar in their new home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050024\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050024\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/006_FREMONT_MAIWANDMARKET_08272021-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer buys Afghan bread made at Maiwand Market in Fremont on Aug. 27, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Soviets invade Afghanistan, spark first major exodus\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The first wave of Afghan immigrants left home during the \u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1977-1980/soviet-invasion-afghanistan\">Soviet Union’s 1979 invasion of Afghanistan\u003c/a>. The USSR seized military control of Kabul and transformed the country into a war zone. Millions of Afghans were killed and millions more were forced to flee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This wave of refugees included ordinary civilians and religious minorities, as well as those who had held government jobs under previous administrations. Many Afghans fled to neighboring countries like Iran and Pakistan. Others immigrated to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t come by our choice; we were forced to leave the country,” said Hanifa Sai Tokhi, a volunteer who helps run the \u003ca href=\"https://www.afghanelderlyassociation.org/our-programs.html\">Afghan Elderly Association’s Healthy Aging Program\u003c/a> in Fremont. “I was crying for two and a half years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tokhi vividly remembers leaving Afghanistan 47 years ago. Her husband was a government employee under \u003ca href=\"https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/april-27/afghan-president-is-overthrown-and-murdered\">Afghan President Mohammad Daoud Khan\u003c/a>. After the Soviet invasion, their family received a notice that he would be arrested for his work under the country’s previous leadership.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>With just $1,000 to their names, Tokhi, her husband and their two small children made their way to the Bay Area. By the time they joined their extended family in San Jose, Tokhi said they had just $22 left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tokhi, who had been an assistant professor of chemistry and biology back in Kabul, said that establishing herself in California was hard. She and her husband struggled to pay the mortgage and sometimes went without electricity. But eventually, they got political asylum and work permits. They were able to land jobs in the early days of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like so many immigrant communities, Afghans like Tokhi came to Northern California because they knew someone in the area. When it was no longer safe to stay in Afghanistan, entire families relocated to where family members had come for work or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fremont was like a magnet for Afghans to come and join this beautiful city,” said Dr. Masoud Juya, the associate director of the \u003ca href=\"https://afghancoalition.org/\">Afghan Coalition\u003c/a>. “One reason that [is] a big attractive factor for Afghans is definitely this landscape, the beauty, the geography, and the weather.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay hills reminded many Afghans of the mountainous terrain of their homeland. Entrepreneurial immigrants opened mosques, rug stores, and halal butcher shops. Specialty grocery stores like Maiwand Market soon opened their doors, offering fresh bread and other imported goods to local Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Fremont supported these endeavors by offering grants to Afghan business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont was more affordable than bigger cities like San Francisco or Oakland, and California also had generous welfare benefits that helped people get resettled here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Slowly it started to get built until this city was called ‘Little Kabul,’ which is a very attractive name,” said Juya.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A civil war prompts more people to leave Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The second wave of immigration took place in the 1990s during the Afghan Civil War, following the collapse of the Soviet-backed Afghan government. The war took place between different ethnic groups and eventually resulted in the Taliban’s rise to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Juya was in elementary school at the time, he still remembers how tumultuous and disruptive the civil war was. Tens of thousands of Afghans — mostly civilians — were killed throughout the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050014\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050014\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-04-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Participants wave colorful scarves during an exercise segment at the Afghan Elderly Association’s weekly wellness gathering in Fremont on July 23, 2025. The event is part of the nonprofit’s Healthy Aging Program, supporting Afghan elders through social connection, movement, meals, and health education. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of homes were destroyed due to the civil war, and our home was no exception,” Juya recalled, adding that he had been buried under the rubble. His family was displaced to a new city, though many Afghans left Afghanistan altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, many migrated to the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they ended up here, then the first question they asked was like, ‘OK, which state has more Afghans? Let’s go and join our communities there,’” Juya said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the second wave of immigrants arrived in Northern California, the first wave was ready to help them get settled. The Afghan Coalition, was established in Fremont during this time. Since 1996, the mission of this international organization has been to offer social services to Afghan refugees, including assistance with housing, professional resources and mental health support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Afghan Elderly Association was founded a year earlier to provide Afghans with culturally appropriate health programs. The organization’s founders went door-to-door, individually recruiting each elder.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We were going with these ladies to advocate to the doctors and translate,” said Tokhi, who worked with the group as a health promoter. “We were going to their homes. We were doing medication management. Sometimes they cannot read English, and we would ask, ‘What is this medicine for?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the organization knew that healthy living wasn’t just about medication and doctor’s visits. There needed to be a social element, \u003ca href=\"https://www.afghanelderlyassociation.org/our-programs.html\">which they eventually offered through its Healthy Aging Program\u003c/a>. Each week, the program offers a hot meal, exercise classes and medical check-ups from Afghan nurses who speak Farsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They brought these ladies out of isolation,” Tokhi said. She now helps run the program as a volunteer. “There is some gossip, too,” Tokhi said with a laugh. “I have to have gossip.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Programs like this created more opportunities for immigrants to feel comfortable and connected when they got to Fremont. And the city supported them. For years, Fremont’s Human Services Department collaborated with the Afghan Elderly Association by providing staffing support, along with office and meeting spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>9/11 upends the social order in Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The third wave of immigration to Fremont occurred after the terrorist attacks on Sept. 11, 2001. The United States sent troops into Afghanistan to oust the Taliban leaders, sparking an overseas conflict that continued for 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The toppling of the Taliban regime ushered in a new Afghan government and constitution. With the end of the Taliban’s religious extremism also came opportunities for women to work and girls to get an education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050017\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-AFGHANSINFREMONT-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Volunteer Hanifa Tokhi speaks to the group at the Afghan Elderly Association’s weekly wellness gathering in Fremont on July 23, 2025. The event is part of the nonprofit’s Healthy Aging Program, supporting Afghan elders through social connection, movement, meals, and health education. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This was the beginning of a big change for Afghanistan,” said Juya. “It was the first time after all those dark periods that Afghanistan was connected to the rest of the world.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than needing to flee as refugees as in the earlier immigration waves, Afghans could finally come to the U.S. on cultural exchange programs or to study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They freely moved out of Afghanistan because of the opportunities that were available,” Juya said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Juya himself first came to the United States during the third wave, in 2009. He’d just graduated medical school and was pursuing a Fulbright scholarship. He later traveled back and forth to Afghanistan, where he opened a successful university and a health science institute inspired by his time in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We put into practice pretty much every bit of information we learned here,” said Dr. Juya. “We were really revolutionists in terms of helping Afghanistan develop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he’s grateful for all he learned studying in the U.S., the experience wasn’t all positive. He, like other Afghan immigrants, faced discrimination as a Muslim.*\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is an added layer of difficulty because of stigma, discrimination,” he said. “This in itself is also another factor that might motivate community members to come together so that they prevent themselves from additional threats or risks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Fremont experienced that stigma. In 2001, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/a-worrisome-wake-fear-of-backlash-lurks-in-a-2878560.php\">local news outlets\u003c/a> reported on hate crimes directed at Afghans, including death threats and a smashed store window around Little Kabul. A few days later, the owner of the vandalized store put an American flag in those same windows to show his loyalty to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, Afghan Americans asked the City Council to formally recognize the area known as Little Kabul. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2004/09/27/fremont-wont-have-a-little-kabul/\">the initiative stalled after local businesses banded together to oppose the idea\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>US troops withdraw from Afghanistan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The fourth and largest wave of immigration started in 2021 with President Biden’s decision to withdraw U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Almost immediately, the Taliban returned to power and anyone who had participated in opening Afghanistan up, making it more liberal and democratic, was in danger. People like Juya.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was fighting hard as a member of my community against extremism,” Juya said. “I was really at high risk, and I had to leave as soon as I could.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050012\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050012\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AFGHANSINFREMONT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Associate Director Masoud Juya sits in a conference room at the offices of the Afghan Coalition in Fremont on July 21, 2025. The organization provides health, education, and social services to support Afghan and other immigrant communities in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Juya eventually left Afghanistan through an American Ph.D. program, after which he settled in Concord in search of a stable life.**\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is one of \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/12395/638119693632730000\">roughly 10,000 Afghans\u003c/a> who ended up in California after the 2021 withdrawal. The refugees during this fourth wave came from all parts of Afghan society, including academics, musicians, journalists, human rights advocates, and those who had worked with the U.S. military and allied forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So many people wanted to get out of Afghanistan during the hectic withdrawal that \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FiRJRjsLx-M&ab_channel=GuardianNews\">some people sprinted after U.S. military planes trying to get onboard\u003c/a> and others held onto the wings as the planes took off.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As these horrific scenes unfolded, the City of Fremont again stepped up to support its local Afghan community. The Human Services Department raised $485,000 for an \u003ca href=\"https://www.fremont.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/12395/638119693632730000\">Afghan Refugee Help Fund\u003c/a>, which paid for necessities like filing immigration documents, temporary housing, new cell phones, mental health resources, and driving lessons for recent arrivals. The effort was coordinated in collaboration with Afghan organizations and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ever, the Afghans who had already established themselves in the Bay Area mobilized to help newcomers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after Juya arrived in Fremont, his fellow Afghans hired him to help run the Afghan Coalition. But, he said, the volume of new Afghan arrivals has made a competitive job market even tougher. And many people don’t have the skills to fit into Silicon Valley’s high-tech, AI-driven economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were professionals back home,” he said. “They come here but they cannot find a professional job, so I see a lot of frustration for some of the young, talented Afghans.” Many are hustling as DoorDash or Uber drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Promoting ‘positive energy’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The music composer and producer Hasib Sepand was lucky enough to arrive in Fremont before the U.S. military withdrew from Afghanistan. He opened a music school, called \u003ca href=\"https://www.sepandstudios.com/service/sepand-music-academy/\">The Sepand Music Academy\u003c/a>. Just six months later, the Taliban came back to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody was interested in music, even myself,” he said. “We were like mentally very depressed. I didn’t have that courage to play music because my family’s over there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050026\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250721-AfghansinFremont-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hasib Sepand plays the harmonium at Sepand Studios in Fremont on July 21, 2025, where his music academy offers instruction in sitar, tabla, harmonium, and other instruments, and he composes and produces music. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sepand came from a family of well-known musicians in Afghanistan, who were forced to relocate to Pakistan after the Taliban’s first rise to power. During the U.S. war with Afghanistan, Sepand’s family had also worked with the American Army. They were able to qualify for Special Immigrant Visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last American plane that flew from Afghanistan included my family,” Sepand said. “It’s like a film.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After he helped resettle his family in the Bay Area, Sepand reached out to the City of Fremont. They collaborated to offer three months of free music classes to new arrivals as a part of the Afghan Refugee Help Fund. Sepand taught students to sing traditional Afghan music and play instruments like the tabla and sitar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My class is not only a music class,” he said. “I tried to give a positive energy, especially for the newcomers, because they face a lot of problems. They face stress, depression, different culture, different language, sometimes no job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sepand said that students would often tell him his music class was the highlight of their week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before he came to Fremont and learned the firsthand challenges of starting over in America, Sepand thought it would be a more glamorous place. But Fremont was not the America Hasib had pictured. Over time, as he has watched the community come together to support one another, he has come to love this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Now, to me, it looks a hundred times better than every place in America because I live here and I have friends and I enjoy everything in Fremont,” Sepand said. “I love Fremont.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>*An earlier version of this story stated that Juya experienced discrimination for being Muslim and Arab. But Afghans are not Arab. We regret the error.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>**A previous version of this story stated that Juya settled in Fremont. In fact, he lives in Concord.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"A\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Fremont is the fourth-largest town in the Bay Area, but it doesn’t always get the love it deserves. It’s a quiet place, but has a thriving tech industry, an incredibly diverse population and played an important role in the early silent film industry. It’s also home to one of the largest Afghan populations in the country…a fact that often shows up in pop culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip from \u003cem>Fremont\u003c/em>: \u003c/strong>Do you live in Fremont? Are you also from Afghanistan? Yes, I am. On the Special Immigration Visa? Yes. I was a translator in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>That’s a clip from the 2023 indie film “Fremont” about a military translator starting over in Fremont after being forced to leave Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a premise rooted in reality. Over the past 40-some years, Fremont’s Afghans have slowly built a cultural hub here. There’s even a business district known as Little Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That name, Little Kabul, sparked the interest of one Bay Curious listener who wanted to know more about how Fremont became home to so many Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today on Bay Curious, we’re tracing four distinct waves of Afghan immigration to the U.S. and illuminating how 40 years of U.S. foreign policy have led us to this point. We’ll meet Afghan refugees who’ve settled here, learn what makes this community unique and dig into some of the challenges they face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Katrina Schwartz, filling in for Olivia Allen-Price. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sponsor message\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> Northern California is home to the largest concentration of Afghans in the United States. And many have settled in the Bay Area city of Fremont. Reporter Asal Ehsanipour went to find out why so many folks have decided to make this East Bay town home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour:\u003c/strong> Recently, I went to an Eid dinner to celebrate the end of Ramadan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>We have, of course, the delicious kabuli pulao, which is a very common Afghan dish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Tables piled with plates of homemade rice and pastries made by local Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> This is called simion. It’s a very popular dried fruit, usually during Eid, it is used in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Guiding me on this food tour is Dr. Masoud Juya, the associate director of a local nonprofit called the Afghan Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>We have come here today to celebrate Eid and also to enjoy the Afghan culture, food, music. And to kind of enhance our collegiality, you know, over the joy and feast of Eid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Roughly 66,000 people of Afghan descent live in California, according to the 2019 Census. And historically, the highest concentration has been right here in Fremont. Making it one of the largest Afghan communities in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>Fremont was like a magnet for Afghans to come and join this beautiful city. And one reason that it’s a big attractive factor for Afghans is definitely this landscape, the beauty, the geography, and the weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>It doesn’t hurt that the East Bay has these majestic hills, which remind Afghans of home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When you see these hills, it’s really reminiscent of those beautiful memories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Fremont’s Afghan community has been growing for decades. Masoud says you can break it down into four – distinct waves, each based on a moment of conflict and political change in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first wave of immigration began in the late 1970s when the USSR invaded Afghanistan and took control of Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News Clip: \u003c/strong>In 1979, the Soviet Union determined that Afghanistan would be a communist nation … forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The Soviet invasion and the U.S. decision to arm rebel groups within Afghanistan as part of a proxy Cold War kicked off decades of instability for Afghanistan. Millions were killed. And millions more fled as refugees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News Clip: \u003c/strong>In that decade of war, over 1,000 villages and towns have been destroyed by tanks and bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> The immigrants from that era were those who were persecuted by the communist regime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>They included religious minorities and people who’d held government jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> As well as civilians, ordinary civilians who did not feel safe to stay in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Many Afghans fled to neighboring countries, like Iran and Pakistan. Others came to America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Some of them ended up in Virginia first, and then they knew somebody who had recently come to this part of the country, and they were satisfied. So then they talked together and they decided to join each other here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Like so many immigrant communities, Afghans came to California because that’s where they knew people. If entire families were to uproot their lives and move across the world, they needed to stick together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a weekly health event put on by the Afghan Elderly Association, women I met said they’d followed family members who’d come to Fremont for work or school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 1: \u003c/strong>My daughter, she went to San José State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 2: \u003c/strong>Aunts and uncle.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 3: \u003c/strong>My friend, my relative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Woman 2: \u003c/strong>Everybody was here in Fremont, so I came to join them, join the group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi came to the Bay Area 47 years ago. But she still feels the pain of leaving Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> I was crying for two and a half years. We didn’t come by our choice. We were forced to leave the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa’s husband had worked for the Afghan government before the Soviet invasion. One day, they heard a knock at the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> They sent the notices that they’re going to arrest him and put him in jail. And even they told him to be ready when the soldiers come, go with them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>With just $1,000 to their names, Hanifa, her husband, and their two small children made their way to the Bay Area. Hanifa had a brother-in-law in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> By the time we came, we had $22 because most of the money was spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hanifa says life was hard. They struggled to pay the mortgage, sometimes went without electricity. Eventually, she and her husband got political asylum and work permits, applied for jobs in the early days of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi:\u003c/strong> But then, there is not a lot of people coming to San Jose, but mostly was coming to Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Almost immediately, Fremont became the center of Afghan life. Grocery stores like Maiwand Market sold tastes of home. And immigrants opened mosques, rug stores, and Halal butcher shops. And the City of Fremont supported them. It offered grants to help Afghan business owners get started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Slowly, it started to get built. Until this city was called Little Kabul, which is a very attractive name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud Juya says Fremont was more affordable than bigger cities like San Francisco or Oakland. Plus, California had generous welfare benefits that helped people get resettled here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, Afghans trickled into Fremont throughout the 1980s until the next big wave of immigration a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The second wave actually was in the 1990s, when Afghanistan was experiencing a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip:\u003c/strong> The Shiite Southwest District of Kabul begin the latest battlefield in the fight to control Afghanistan’s capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The civil war was between different ethnic groups in Afghanistan and resulted in the Taliban’s rise to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Masoud remembers how tumultuous and disruptive that time was.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>I was actually in the primary school, and the war was terrible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>Rebels reportedly fired hundreds of rockets in the residential area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>A lot of homes were destroyed due to the civil war, and our home was no exception. So every Afghan was doing their best to get out of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Again, many Afghans came to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When they ended up here, then the first question they asked was like, OK, which state has more Afghans? Let’s go and join our communities there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>When the \u003cem>second\u003c/em> wave of immigrants got to Fremont, the \u003cem>first\u003c/em> wave was ready to help them get settled. That’s how Masoud’s organization, the Afghan Coalition, was founded in 1996. Since then, they’ve offered social services to Afghan refugees, helping them find housing, jobs, and mental health support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it was around the time the Afghan Elderly Association started its work. The founders went door to door individually recruiting each member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>I was working with this association for 16 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Here’s Hanifa Sai Tokhi again. After leaving Afghanistan during the Soviet Invasion, she eventually became a \u003cem>health promoter\u003c/em> for the Afghan Elderly Association. Her job was to bring culturally appropriate health services to older community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>We were going with these ladies to advocate to the doctors and translate. Like sometimes they cannot read English, and we would ask what is this medicine for?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>But the organization knew that healthy living wasn’t just about medication and doctor’s visits. There needed to be a social element. So, they created the Healthy Aging Program. And, it still exists!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>They brought these ladies out of isolation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Here, each week, they offer a hot meal, exercise classes and medical check-ups from Afghan nurses who speak Farsi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hanifa Sai Tokhi: \u003c/strong>And also, there is some gossip, too. I have to have gossip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Programs like this created more opportunities for immigrants to feel comfortable and connected when they got to Fremont. And for years, the city of Fremont’s Human Services Department collaborated with the Afghan Elderly Association. They provided staffing support, along with office and meeting spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so with that second wave, the Afghan community was growing. Thriving in a Fremont bubble, until the 9/11 attacks put the international spotlight back on Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>We have a very tragic alert for you right now. An incredible plane crash into the World Trade Center here at the lower tip of Manhattan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>George W. Bush: \u003c/strong>On my orders, the United States military has begun strikes against al-Qaeda terrorist training camps and military installations of the Taliban regime and Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The Taliban government was toppled post-9/11, and a new administration was built in Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>With the new government came a new constitution. It meant an end to the Taliban’s religious extremism, opportunities for women to work, and girls to get an education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>So this was the beginning of a big change for Afghanistan. It was the first time after all those dark periods that Afghanistan was connected to the rest of the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Rather than needing to flee as refugees, people could finally come to the U.S. on cultural exchange programs or to study. But when they got here, they were faced with a very Islamophobic America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>When there is maybe an added layer of difficulty because of stigma, discrimination, or whatsoever, this in itself is also another factor that might motivate community members to come together so that they prevent themselves from additional threats or risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud first came to the U.S. during this third wave after the fall of the Taliban. He wanted to learn as much as he could and bring that knowledge back to Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> We put into practice pretty much every bit of information we learned here. And we were really, in our own sense, we were really revolutionists in terms of helping Afghanistan develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Inspired by his time in the States, he opened a successful university and a health science institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>And that’s why people like me were always staying there until we really had to leave post-2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>2021, when the United States \u003cem>withdrew\u003c/em> from Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Joe Biden:\u003c/strong> I concluded it’s time to end America’s longest war. It’s time for American troops to come home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The Taliban took back control of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>The Taliban advance appears unstoppable. Ruthless as ever, to those who stand in their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This U.S. policy decision caused the fourth and most recent wave of immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News clip: \u003c/strong>Now the Taliban is back, anyone who worked for the Afghan government has fled or is in hiding. Women and girls live in fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud was also afraid. He had been at the forefront of trying to rebuild a more liberal, democratic Afghanistan. But now, all of that was smoke.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> I was fighting hard as a member of my community against extremism. So I was really at high risk, and I had to leave as soon as I could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Masoud explored every avenue and eventually got out through an American Ph.D. program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> But after I completed my Ph.D., then I was thinking of staying somewhere for a stable life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>The obvious choice: Fremont. Masoud is one of roughly 10,000 Afghans who ended up in California after the 2021 withdrawal. And this time, the refugees came from all parts of Afghan society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya: \u003c/strong>The fourth wave is actually a very, very different group of people: vocalists, musicians, academics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Journalists and human rights advocates, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> More importantly, people who really worked with the Afghan government and the U.S. Government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Including members of the U.S. military and allied forces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> But then there were also some civilians who just went to the airport because they are also afraid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>You might remember news footage of desperate Afghans sprinting after U.S. military planes trying to get onboard. Some even held onto the wings as the planes took off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> People who were really scared of their lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>As these horrific scenes unfolded, the city of Fremont again stepped up to support the Afghan community. It raised $485,000 for an Afghan Refugee Help Fund … to help pay for things like filing immigration documents, temporary housing, mental health resources, and driving lessons for recent arrivals. This was done in collaboration with Afghan organizations and businesses. As ever, those who had already established themselves mobilized to help newcomers. And new immigrants leveraged what earlier waves had built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Yeah, all these resources that Afghans created, institutions that they built, connections that they had, the knowledge that they have from navigating the U.S. System, I think they were all transferred into the new waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>When Masoud got to Fremont, his expertise building institutions in Afghanistan made him the perfect guy for a job at the Afghan Coalition, helping other refugees get settled. But he was one of the lucky few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> Afghans come here, and I see they were professionals back home. They come here, but they cannot find a professional job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This fourth wave is bigger than the prior ones. And people don’t have the skills to fit into the Bay Area’s high-tech, AI-driven economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Masoud Juya:\u003c/strong> So I see a lot of frustration for some of the young, talented Afghans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>One of those young, talented Afghans is Hasib Sepand. He arrived in Fremont before the U.S. military withdrew from Afghanistan and started a music school, called The Sepand Academy … Just six months later, the Taliban came back to power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Nobody was interested in music, even myself. So, we were like mentally very depressed. I didn’t have that courage to play music. Because my family’s over there.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Like Hasib, his family were musicians. And Hasib’s siblings had also worked with the American Army. Because of that, they were able to qualify for Special Immigrant Visas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> And the last American plane that flew from Afghanistan included my family. It’s like a film.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hasib was so grateful his family made it to safety, he wanted to help other newcomers. With the city’s help, Hasib offered three months of free music classes to new arrivals. They sang and played instruments like the tabla and sitar. You’re hearing them play now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of music class playing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> I tried to give a positive energy, especially for the newcomers, because they face a lot of problems. They face stress, depression, different culture, different language, sometimes no job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Hasib says before he came to Fremont — before he knew anything about how hard it would be to live in the U.S. — he thought it would be a more glamorous place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand: \u003c/strong>My Afghan friends, they used to tell me, “OK, so you are going to Fremont. Oh my god. That’s a dream city.” And they gave me kind of like wrong imagination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>This was not the “America” Hasib had pictured. But as he’s watched the community come together to support one another, he’s come to love this place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Now, to me, it looks a hundred times better than every place in America because I live here and I have friends and I enjoy everything in Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>He says he loves the people, the fellowship created at local Afghan bakeries and banquet halls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hasib Sepand:\u003c/strong> Right now, I feel that I’m in Afghanistan. I’m in my hometown. Most of the time, I don’t speak English because everywhere I go is like Afghans. And when my friends come from Canada or from Europe, they are jealous. I love Fremont.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Asal Ehsanipour: \u003c/strong>Or as Hasib calls it: Little Kabul.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/strong> That was reporter Asal Ehsanipour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fremont’s Afghan community is under threat once again. President Trump recently announced plans to end temporary protected status for a host of countries, including Afghanistan. The administration also put a halt to most refugee resettlements programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other big difficulty facing this community is cost of living in the Bay Area. More Afghans are choosing to settle in Sacramento than Fremont now because it’s more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As you may have heard, this is a perilous time for public media and KQED. So, if you have a moment, head on over to kqed dot org slash donate. Every little bit helps to support the shows you love, and we appreciate you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is produced in San Francisco at member-supported KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien and everyone on team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by the Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Have a great week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Day in the Life of San José’s Rapid Response Network, Built to Resist ICE Fear",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051668/la-red-de-respuesta-rapida-en-el-condado-de-santa-clara\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What once was one of the busiest shopping plazas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">in San José\u003c/a> is now a much quieter place. At Placita Tropicana — located on the corner of Story and King roads — quinceañera dresses still sparkle, pupusas still sizzle and pan dulce is baked fresh every morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But people are too afraid to come out now,” said Elizabeth Ramírez, who works at Joyería Cruz, a boutique and clothing store. “Once there’s a rumor out on social media that immigration agents are at Tropicana, everyone disappears and sales go down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when customers do come in, she said, they’re often scared that Immigration and Customs Enforcement may be nearby. “When I see that look on their face, I give them these cards,” she said, holding up two sets of cards: one red and the other yellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red card\u003c/a>, provided by the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, lists in both English and Spanish the rights of individuals during encounters with federal immigration agents. But it’s the yellow card that has a much more direct message: “Protect our community. Report ICE activity!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yellow cards are from the \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, a coalition of 11 organizations and hundreds of volunteers who work around the clock to verify possible ICE sightings. Many volunteers are immigrants or children of immigrants, all driven by the belief that immigrant families have a home in San José and the South Bay, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with a business owner about how to report ICE activity and the network’s efforts to verify sightings in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The goal: spread the word about ICE activity as quickly as possible. The network’s hotline connects callers to responders who can confirm or refute rumors of immigration enforcement. If ICE \u003cem>is\u003c/em> present, the network swiftly alerts thousands of community members through social media and group chats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ICE plans to further expand its operations nationwide — with an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">additional $75 billion in funding\u003c/a> from President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill — the network is doubling down on its efforts. When not staffing the hotline, volunteers are training neighbors on how to correctly spot ICE, what immigration agents can and cannot do and even how to prepare for a potential family separation. While the Bay Area has not seen immigration raids \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">at the same scale as Los Angeles\u003c/a> earlier this summer, volunteers do not want their community to be caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rapid response sends alerts, they’re not asking the government for permission,” said Socorro Montaño, codirector of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos United for a New America\u003c/a>, a San José-based group in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">Santa Clara County Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>. “In minutes, the network is having a tangible impact on people’s lives … This is people power without having to concede power in the political sphere.”[aside postID=news_12049326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']On a recent Friday morning, Montaño visited Ramírez at her shop to ensure she had enough cards. The network, Montaño said, is only as strong as the community that powers it. “Everybody who has our number saved, everybody who’s ever called us or shared the number with a loved one — they are part of the network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this works,” said Ramírez. When she hears a rumor on WhatsApp about ICE moving through San José, she said the first thing she does is check in with the rapid response network. Within minutes, she shares verified updates from volunteers with her loved ones. “You take what you need from this. And for me, it has been an incredible support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re not managing the phone lines, Montaño and other volunteers visit local South Bay businesses to hand out cards and educate residents. Their next stop: a jewelry and watch repair shop next door, filled with the high-pitched whirring and humming of polishing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro,” Montaño introduced themselves. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida.” (“What’s most important for me today is to talk to you about the rapid response network.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, the shop’s owner, had seen the red cards before but didn’t know about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole situation almost paralyzes you,” he said, “Honestly, I wouldn’t know what to do if I were stopped by immigration. But now I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who picks up the phone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Montaño and others spread the word, coalition members stand by for calls to come in. Staffing the hotline is often difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pick up a call, you can hear how anxious people are,” said Carmen Torres, an organizer with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>, another group in the coalition. This year alone, the hotline has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">thousands of calls\u003c/a>. Some are false alarms — people mistaking San José police officers for ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (left), lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with Cruz (middle) and Monse Roa in San José on July 21, 2025. The Rapid Response Network operates a hotline to mobilize volunteers and support immigrant families during ICE actions. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, callers are overwhelmed by the fear that ICE will separate their family. “People tell us that they’ve been calling everywhere trying to find a lawyer, but no one is taking new cases,” Torres said. “But what more can I say to them then? I think that’s when I feel like the expression, ‘I go to the wall.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for immigration lawyers is so great right now in the Bay Area that the network can only mobilize attorneys in urgent situations. Acknowledging the limitation, SIREN also helps families make plans in case a parent or guardian is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people get scared with just hearing that word — plan — because it means thinking that the worst could happen to us,” said María Aceves, who, along with her husband, Eliseo, has volunteered with SIREN and other immigration justice efforts for more than 20 years. “But I tell them that the best thing we can do is to be prepared and research how to prepare and defend yourself instead of staying in your house in fear.”[aside postID=news_12045336 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SAN-JOSE-AC-09-KQED.jpg']The fear of deportation is not just affecting San José businesses. In immigrant communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">across California\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">rest of the country\u003c/a>, fewer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">shopping\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">working\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">taking their children to school\u003c/a>. Central Valley school districts facing increased immigration enforcement saw an average 22% rise in student absences earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that [Trump] will only be in power for four years, but in those four years, they could destroy us,” said Aceves. As an immigrant, she understands the fear others in her community feel but insists that it needs to be faced directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter sometimes tells me to stop coming out to volunteer,” she said. “But I tell her that I’ve done this work for longer than she’s been alive, and I like it … You know what to do in case something happens. I will let God guide me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said it feels good to give people accurate information about immigration enforcement so they can continue with their lives. The network’s motto, after all, is “Power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what Trump’s thinking. We don’t know what immigration enforcement is thinking. But we do know what rights we have,” she said. “When we go out to the community, give out information and then come back and pick up the phones, it’s all connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A San José original\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the summer sun rises higher over Alum Rock, a historic Mexican American district, the streets warm. Montaño — joined by two organizers from \u003ca href=\"https://www.amigoscenter.com/rapid-respon\">Amigos de Guadalupe\u003c/a> — make their way from business to business to talk about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some vendors recognized them and showed off their supply of red and yellow cards placed near their front doors. Others received their decks for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Moreno (center), a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store, speaks to Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, about how to report ICE activity in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We all need to have these cards ready,” said María Moreno, a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store in Alum Rock. “I want to share these with my customers. We need to feel confident walking down the street again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the shops in Alum Rock have been owned by Mexican and Mexican American families for generations. But you will also find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">Vietnamese, South Asian and Colombian restaurants\u003c/a> — a reflection of how much of San José’s culture and economy depends on immigrant labor. More than 40% of the city’s population \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">is foreign-born\u003c/a>, a percentage higher than both San Francisco and New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Montaño, protecting the city’s immigrants from deportation is part of what it means to be from San José. Born and raised in the city, one side of their family recently migrated from Nicaragua — while the other has lived in Santa Clara County for three generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a Bay Area kid,” they said. “Almost wherever I am, our community runs so deep and thick that I know I can find trusted people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2016 election, a handful of volunteers formed the rapid response network in Santa Clara County. As more groups joined, the network’s reach expanded: both \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">the city of San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">the county\u003c/a> now list it as a resource. Similar networks are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">forming across the country\u003c/a>, inspired by the belief that immigrant communities have the capacity to respond to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Montaño and others are focused on ensuring this work can be sustained for the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, I was asked an icebreaker question: ‘If you could live anywhere in the world, where would you live?’” Montaño said. “I answered ‘San José, California.’ This is my home. And this is the home that I’m building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051668/la-red-de-respuesta-rapida-en-el-condado-de-santa-clara\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What once was one of the busiest shopping plazas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">in San José\u003c/a> is now a much quieter place. At Placita Tropicana — located on the corner of Story and King roads — quinceañera dresses still sparkle, pupusas still sizzle and pan dulce is baked fresh every morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But people are too afraid to come out now,” said Elizabeth Ramírez, who works at Joyería Cruz, a boutique and clothing store. “Once there’s a rumor out on social media that immigration agents are at Tropicana, everyone disappears and sales go down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when customers do come in, she said, they’re often scared that Immigration and Customs Enforcement may be nearby. “When I see that look on their face, I give them these cards,” she said, holding up two sets of cards: one red and the other yellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red card\u003c/a>, provided by the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, lists in both English and Spanish the rights of individuals during encounters with federal immigration agents. But it’s the yellow card that has a much more direct message: “Protect our community. Report ICE activity!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yellow cards are from the \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, a coalition of 11 organizations and hundreds of volunteers who work around the clock to verify possible ICE sightings. Many volunteers are immigrants or children of immigrants, all driven by the belief that immigrant families have a home in San José and the South Bay, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with a business owner about how to report ICE activity and the network’s efforts to verify sightings in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The goal: spread the word about ICE activity as quickly as possible. The network’s hotline connects callers to responders who can confirm or refute rumors of immigration enforcement. If ICE \u003cem>is\u003c/em> present, the network swiftly alerts thousands of community members through social media and group chats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ICE plans to further expand its operations nationwide — with an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">additional $75 billion in funding\u003c/a> from President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill — the network is doubling down on its efforts. When not staffing the hotline, volunteers are training neighbors on how to correctly spot ICE, what immigration agents can and cannot do and even how to prepare for a potential family separation. While the Bay Area has not seen immigration raids \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">at the same scale as Los Angeles\u003c/a> earlier this summer, volunteers do not want their community to be caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rapid response sends alerts, they’re not asking the government for permission,” said Socorro Montaño, codirector of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos United for a New America\u003c/a>, a San José-based group in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">Santa Clara County Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>. “In minutes, the network is having a tangible impact on people’s lives … This is people power without having to concede power in the political sphere.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On a recent Friday morning, Montaño visited Ramírez at her shop to ensure she had enough cards. The network, Montaño said, is only as strong as the community that powers it. “Everybody who has our number saved, everybody who’s ever called us or shared the number with a loved one — they are part of the network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this works,” said Ramírez. When she hears a rumor on WhatsApp about ICE moving through San José, she said the first thing she does is check in with the rapid response network. Within minutes, she shares verified updates from volunteers with her loved ones. “You take what you need from this. And for me, it has been an incredible support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re not managing the phone lines, Montaño and other volunteers visit local South Bay businesses to hand out cards and educate residents. Their next stop: a jewelry and watch repair shop next door, filled with the high-pitched whirring and humming of polishing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro,” Montaño introduced themselves. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida.” (“What’s most important for me today is to talk to you about the rapid response network.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, the shop’s owner, had seen the red cards before but didn’t know about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole situation almost paralyzes you,” he said, “Honestly, I wouldn’t know what to do if I were stopped by immigration. But now I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who picks up the phone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Montaño and others spread the word, coalition members stand by for calls to come in. Staffing the hotline is often difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pick up a call, you can hear how anxious people are,” said Carmen Torres, an organizer with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>, another group in the coalition. This year alone, the hotline has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">thousands of calls\u003c/a>. Some are false alarms — people mistaking San José police officers for ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (left), lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with Cruz (middle) and Monse Roa in San José on July 21, 2025. The Rapid Response Network operates a hotline to mobilize volunteers and support immigrant families during ICE actions. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, callers are overwhelmed by the fear that ICE will separate their family. “People tell us that they’ve been calling everywhere trying to find a lawyer, but no one is taking new cases,” Torres said. “But what more can I say to them then? I think that’s when I feel like the expression, ‘I go to the wall.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for immigration lawyers is so great right now in the Bay Area that the network can only mobilize attorneys in urgent situations. Acknowledging the limitation, SIREN also helps families make plans in case a parent or guardian is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people get scared with just hearing that word — plan — because it means thinking that the worst could happen to us,” said María Aceves, who, along with her husband, Eliseo, has volunteered with SIREN and other immigration justice efforts for more than 20 years. “But I tell them that the best thing we can do is to be prepared and research how to prepare and defend yourself instead of staying in your house in fear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The fear of deportation is not just affecting San José businesses. In immigrant communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">across California\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">rest of the country\u003c/a>, fewer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">shopping\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">working\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">taking their children to school\u003c/a>. Central Valley school districts facing increased immigration enforcement saw an average 22% rise in student absences earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that [Trump] will only be in power for four years, but in those four years, they could destroy us,” said Aceves. As an immigrant, she understands the fear others in her community feel but insists that it needs to be faced directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter sometimes tells me to stop coming out to volunteer,” she said. “But I tell her that I’ve done this work for longer than she’s been alive, and I like it … You know what to do in case something happens. I will let God guide me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said it feels good to give people accurate information about immigration enforcement so they can continue with their lives. The network’s motto, after all, is “Power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what Trump’s thinking. We don’t know what immigration enforcement is thinking. But we do know what rights we have,” she said. “When we go out to the community, give out information and then come back and pick up the phones, it’s all connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A San José original\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the summer sun rises higher over Alum Rock, a historic Mexican American district, the streets warm. Montaño — joined by two organizers from \u003ca href=\"https://www.amigoscenter.com/rapid-respon\">Amigos de Guadalupe\u003c/a> — make their way from business to business to talk about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some vendors recognized them and showed off their supply of red and yellow cards placed near their front doors. Others received their decks for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Moreno (center), a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store, speaks to Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, about how to report ICE activity in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We all need to have these cards ready,” said María Moreno, a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store in Alum Rock. “I want to share these with my customers. We need to feel confident walking down the street again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the shops in Alum Rock have been owned by Mexican and Mexican American families for generations. But you will also find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">Vietnamese, South Asian and Colombian restaurants\u003c/a> — a reflection of how much of San José’s culture and economy depends on immigrant labor. More than 40% of the city’s population \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">is foreign-born\u003c/a>, a percentage higher than both San Francisco and New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Montaño, protecting the city’s immigrants from deportation is part of what it means to be from San José. Born and raised in the city, one side of their family recently migrated from Nicaragua — while the other has lived in Santa Clara County for three generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a Bay Area kid,” they said. “Almost wherever I am, our community runs so deep and thick that I know I can find trusted people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2016 election, a handful of volunteers formed the rapid response network in Santa Clara County. As more groups joined, the network’s reach expanded: both \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">the city of San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">the county\u003c/a> now list it as a resource. Similar networks are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">forming across the country\u003c/a>, inspired by the belief that immigrant communities have the capacity to respond to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Montaño and others are focused on ensuring this work can be sustained for the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, I was asked an icebreaker question: ‘If you could live anywhere in the world, where would you live?’” Montaño said. “I answered ‘San José, California.’ This is my home. And this is the home that I’m building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of faith leaders and activists set up camp outside of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a>’s office in Santa Rosa on Tuesday, vowing not to eat or leave until the jurisdiction declares itself a sanctuary for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen people, coordinated by the Sonoma County Sanctuary Coalition, a group of local faith-based and immigrants’ rights organizers, plan to hunger strike outside of the county’s Board of Supervisors’ chamber until the county agrees to pass a resolution protecting immigrants from federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the large immigrant community that [Sonoma County] has — immigrant workers who sustain the wine industry and the hospitality and tourism industries — it really is a slap in the face that the Board of Supervisors has not yet passed this law,” said Renee Saucedo, a community organizer with environmental group Raizes Collective and one of the strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to camp all day, every day, and we’re not going to give up until Sonoma County minimally passes a sanctuary ordinance so that people can feel safe that local law enforcement will not report them to ICE,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo said that activists have urged the county to pass a sanctuary policy for years, but that the need has become increasingly pressing in recent months as ICE enforcement has escalated throughout California and after the agency received a federal budget boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miguel Trujillo listens to speakers alongside leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the Sanctuary Coalition, which formed after President Trump’s election in November, is worried that Sonoma could begin to see more widespread raids like those occurring at farms, hardware stores and gas stations in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043885/increased-ice-raids-send-shock-waves-through-farm-worker-community\">Southern California\u003c/a>, and more recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County is one of four Bay Area counties that does not have a local ordinance declaring itself a sanctuary for undocumented people, but in January, supervisors did pass a resolution pledging to protect immigrants’ civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Supervisor Lynda Hopkins said the resolution — which is less forceful than an ordinance — directed county departments to safeguard immigrants’ sensitive information and ensure they can continue to access services. The resolution also calls for the county to comply with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">trio of California sanctuary laws\u003c/a> that limit how local law enforcement agencies interact with ICE.[aside postID=news_12050403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2180061713_qed-1020x680.jpg']Hopkins, who chairs the board, said she and Vice Chair Rebecca Hermosillo met with the Sanctuary Coalition earlier this summer, and have another discussion set for later this month. Hopkins said she respects their pledge to strike, and believes the activists and county largely have the same priorities for protecting immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her opinion, however, a sanctuary ordinance would do little to expand actual protections for undocumented people, while peddling false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We, at this point, can’t actually create a sanctuary county,” Hopkins said. “Even if we called ourselves a sanctuary county, ICE is still able to come in here and, honestly, take folks anytime, anywhere. That’s a really alarming reality that we’re facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also reiterated a fear expressed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/napa/immigration-napa-ice-state-california/\">Napa police\u003c/a> officials in January when discussing why they had not passed local sanctuary laws: that doing so could draw scrutiny from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might actually put a target on the backs of our immigrant community and lead to increased ICE action and ICE presence in our community,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Along with Napa and Sonoma, Contra Costa and Marin counties also lack express sanctuary laws. Contra Costa County has said it follows state law and supports immigrants in the East Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County, a tense, hourslong debate at a Board of Supervisors meeting in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20220527210637/https://www.marinij.com/2020/09/16/marin-supervisors-reject-call-for-sanctuary-county/\">ended without a sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. The supervisors at the time passed a resolution calling on the Sheriff’s Office to greatly reduce its correspondence with ICE, but stopped short of declaring a sanctuary county, citing disagreements with the sheriff over what he should report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike cities, whose councils directly oversee their police chiefs, county officials do not have authority over sheriff’s offices beyond approving their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Marin County Sheriff Robert Doyle defended sharing information — like when some incarcerated people will be released — with ICE, according to reporting from the \u003cem>Marin Independent Journal\u003c/em> at the time. Supervisors passed a resolution urging Doyle to limit publicly posting release dates, limit reporting released to ICE to only undocumented people with serious or violent felony convictions, and notify ICE if someone facing pending charges for a serious crime is undocumented, only if a judge determines there is probable cause at a preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Hernandez, from Almas Libres, leads a cleansing for hunger strikers during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Saucedo said she believes Sonoma’s sheriff is complying with ICE, Hopkins believes California law already prevents the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office from sharing personal information, like immigration status, with ICE unless it is subpoenaed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Sheriff’s Office doesn’t ask people their immigration status, and if ICE were to subpoena their data collection system, the records would not include that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s actually going above and beyond [California law] in terms of noncooperation with ICE or non-notification based on ICE requests,” Hopkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Juan Valencia told KQED that the department doesn’t proactively contact ICE, and only responds to its information requests when it seeks public intel or is legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will only hold a person being released for immigration officials if they receive a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050968\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t actually do any enforcement at all of immigration, that’s not our job,” Valencia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the state law, Saucedo said several other Bay Area counties, including San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Alameda, have passed local ordinances expanding sanctuary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pointed out that Humboldt County in Northern California — “which,” she said, “is not considered to be the bastion of radical politics” — has one of the state’s strongest laws against ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is unforgivable,” she told KQED, that Sonoma has not followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and a group of 10 to 15 strikers began their action on Tuesday at 9 a.m., pitching tents and holding a ceremonial opening with dozens more activists and faith leaders. Throughout the week, Saucedo said people plan to join the core group of strikers for a day of fasting or support, but only a small group will remain camped outside the county office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re holding this hunger strike to convey the message to the Board of Supervisors and to the community at large that we won’t stop until our law passes, and immigrant communities are safer,” Saucedo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">\u003cem>Carly Severn\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of faith leaders and activists set up camp outside of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a>’s office in Santa Rosa on Tuesday, vowing not to eat or leave until the jurisdiction declares itself a sanctuary for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen people, coordinated by the Sonoma County Sanctuary Coalition, a group of local faith-based and immigrants’ rights organizers, plan to hunger strike outside of the county’s Board of Supervisors’ chamber until the county agrees to pass a resolution protecting immigrants from federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the large immigrant community that [Sonoma County] has — immigrant workers who sustain the wine industry and the hospitality and tourism industries — it really is a slap in the face that the Board of Supervisors has not yet passed this law,” said Renee Saucedo, a community organizer with environmental group Raizes Collective and one of the strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to camp all day, every day, and we’re not going to give up until Sonoma County minimally passes a sanctuary ordinance so that people can feel safe that local law enforcement will not report them to ICE,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo said that activists have urged the county to pass a sanctuary policy for years, but that the need has become increasingly pressing in recent months as ICE enforcement has escalated throughout California and after the agency received a federal budget boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miguel Trujillo listens to speakers alongside leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the Sanctuary Coalition, which formed after President Trump’s election in November, is worried that Sonoma could begin to see more widespread raids like those occurring at farms, hardware stores and gas stations in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043885/increased-ice-raids-send-shock-waves-through-farm-worker-community\">Southern California\u003c/a>, and more recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County is one of four Bay Area counties that does not have a local ordinance declaring itself a sanctuary for undocumented people, but in January, supervisors did pass a resolution pledging to protect immigrants’ civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Supervisor Lynda Hopkins said the resolution — which is less forceful than an ordinance — directed county departments to safeguard immigrants’ sensitive information and ensure they can continue to access services. The resolution also calls for the county to comply with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">trio of California sanctuary laws\u003c/a> that limit how local law enforcement agencies interact with ICE.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hopkins, who chairs the board, said she and Vice Chair Rebecca Hermosillo met with the Sanctuary Coalition earlier this summer, and have another discussion set for later this month. Hopkins said she respects their pledge to strike, and believes the activists and county largely have the same priorities for protecting immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her opinion, however, a sanctuary ordinance would do little to expand actual protections for undocumented people, while peddling false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We, at this point, can’t actually create a sanctuary county,” Hopkins said. “Even if we called ourselves a sanctuary county, ICE is still able to come in here and, honestly, take folks anytime, anywhere. That’s a really alarming reality that we’re facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also reiterated a fear expressed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/napa/immigration-napa-ice-state-california/\">Napa police\u003c/a> officials in January when discussing why they had not passed local sanctuary laws: that doing so could draw scrutiny from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might actually put a target on the backs of our immigrant community and lead to increased ICE action and ICE presence in our community,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Along with Napa and Sonoma, Contra Costa and Marin counties also lack express sanctuary laws. Contra Costa County has said it follows state law and supports immigrants in the East Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County, a tense, hourslong debate at a Board of Supervisors meeting in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20220527210637/https://www.marinij.com/2020/09/16/marin-supervisors-reject-call-for-sanctuary-county/\">ended without a sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. The supervisors at the time passed a resolution calling on the Sheriff’s Office to greatly reduce its correspondence with ICE, but stopped short of declaring a sanctuary county, citing disagreements with the sheriff over what he should report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike cities, whose councils directly oversee their police chiefs, county officials do not have authority over sheriff’s offices beyond approving their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Marin County Sheriff Robert Doyle defended sharing information — like when some incarcerated people will be released — with ICE, according to reporting from the \u003cem>Marin Independent Journal\u003c/em> at the time. Supervisors passed a resolution urging Doyle to limit publicly posting release dates, limit reporting released to ICE to only undocumented people with serious or violent felony convictions, and notify ICE if someone facing pending charges for a serious crime is undocumented, only if a judge determines there is probable cause at a preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Hernandez, from Almas Libres, leads a cleansing for hunger strikers during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Saucedo said she believes Sonoma’s sheriff is complying with ICE, Hopkins believes California law already prevents the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office from sharing personal information, like immigration status, with ICE unless it is subpoenaed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Sheriff’s Office doesn’t ask people their immigration status, and if ICE were to subpoena their data collection system, the records would not include that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s actually going above and beyond [California law] in terms of noncooperation with ICE or non-notification based on ICE requests,” Hopkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Juan Valencia told KQED that the department doesn’t proactively contact ICE, and only responds to its information requests when it seeks public intel or is legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will only hold a person being released for immigration officials if they receive a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050968\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t actually do any enforcement at all of immigration, that’s not our job,” Valencia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the state law, Saucedo said several other Bay Area counties, including San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Alameda, have passed local ordinances expanding sanctuary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pointed out that Humboldt County in Northern California — “which,” she said, “is not considered to be the bastion of radical politics” — has one of the state’s strongest laws against ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is unforgivable,” she told KQED, that Sonoma has not followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and a group of 10 to 15 strikers began their action on Tuesday at 9 a.m., pitching tents and holding a ceremonial opening with dozens more activists and faith leaders. Throughout the week, Saucedo said people plan to join the core group of strikers for a day of fasting or support, but only a small group will remain camped outside the county office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re holding this hunger strike to convey the message to the Board of Supervisors and to the community at large that we won’t stop until our law passes, and immigrant communities are safer,” Saucedo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">\u003cem>Carly Severn\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "shes-my-home-an-sf-couples-life-unraveled-after-an-ice-check-in",
"title": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In",
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"headTitle": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>He hadn’t moved anything in the house. Their bed was still unmade — it had been like that for days, he said, since the last night they slept in it. Her shoes, tossed near the front door. On the small dining table were further scattered bits of her presence: the leaves of her morning mate, a stack of her unopened letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, their dishes still sat untouched in the sink. He said he couldn’t bring himself to wash the ones they had used to eat breakfast before they left the house that last morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t know this was the last time she was going to come back,” he told \u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past weeks, Roberto has been sleeping on a friend’s couch, too distraught to spend the night alone in his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, Roberto’s wife Sandra was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement during a routine check-in appointment at the agency’s San Francisco field office. Since then, she has been held in a detention center, waiting for updates on her pending asylum case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, ICE has allowed many immigrants with pending cases, like Sandra, to remain in their communities and work while they go through immigration proceedings. As an alternative to detention, those individuals must comply with several ICE supervision guidelines, including attending regular check-in appointments at ICE’s field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050656\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s closet remains full in the home she shares with her husband, Roberto, after she was detained during a check-in with immigration authorities in San Francisco, California, on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But since the Trump administration raised ICE’s daily arrest quotas in late May, arrests at routine check-ins have \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/sf-ice-detentions-checkin-court-arrests/\">surged\u003c/a>, sparking protests in San Francisco and beyond. Immigration advocates warn that the trend, coupled with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/28/us/immigrant-detention-conditions.html\">harsh detention conditions\u003c/a>, could pressure some asylum seekers to abandon viable claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups say dozens have been detained in recent weeks, with an estimated\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/07/qa-meet-the-attorney-at-the-center-of-s-f-s-response-to-ice/\"> five to 15 arrests\u003c/a> daily at ICE’s San Francisco office, though shifting policies make the agency’s actions hard to predict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said that the day Sandra was detained, ICE agents told him she could wait for updates on her case from inside a detention center, just as she had while living with him. Yet her process has already been ongoing for years. Sandra is still waiting for her first court date, according to ICE and immigration court records. With the backlog mounting, there is no telling when her case might move forward.[aside postID=news_12049817 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“For them, it’s very normal. But the result is a home destroyed,” Roberto said. “I’m really depressed. I haven’t eaten in days. I’m not hungry, I don’t want to eat anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my family,” he added. “She’s my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto met Sandra on Facebook in 2017, when they were still living on different continents. He was in San Francisco, working as a social worker and awaiting a decision on his own immigration case, when her profile popped up under the platform’s “People you might know” tab. Curious, he sent her a friendship request, and they began chatting, quickly discovering they had a world of commonalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lived in the same small town that his parents had grown up in and that he had visited in his childhood. Her house was just three blocks away from his grandmother’s. She had spent 10 years living in the South American country where Roberto had been born and raised. Though they’d unknowingly walked the same streets, they had never crossed paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dated online for a few months, but after a while, the relationship fizzled out. Still, they stayed in touch: liking each other’s pictures and celebrating each other’s birthdays. In 2021, Roberto asked a friend traveling to Sandra’s town to buy and bring her candies. Their relationship rekindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto shows a photograph on his phone of a heart shape made with his and Sandra’s hands. Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sandra embarked on a months-long journey to meet him. She took several planes, crossed Central America on foot with some relatives, and got lost for 10 days in the Darien Gap, a dangerous stretch of rainforest between Colombia and Panama known as a major route for migrants. “She almost died,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she eventually made it out of the jungle, she reunited with the relatives she had been walking with. Together, they made their way to the U.S.-Mexico border, where she turned herself in to border officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two months in detention, she was released to her uncle’s house in another U.S. state, and Roberto flew to see her for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a magical moment,” he said. “I had been waiting for a long time to meet her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the couple started building a life together in San Francisco as they waited for updates on their immigration cases. Sandra started taking English classes at City College. They traveled across the U.S., visiting landmarks and meeting each other’s families. They slowly covered their fridge with magnets of the places they visited: New York City, Las Vegas, and Arizona. They put up souvenirs that their new friends had brought them from their trips around the world. Early this year, they celebrated their wedding.[aside postID=news_12047506 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250609-SEIUProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']“We’re not just married,” Roberto said. “We go to the gym together, we’re together throughout the day and through the night. And we don’t get bored of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra, he said, is someone “everyone loves.” She buys clothes to donate to homeless shelters. She cooks for her friends and Roberto’s coworkers, and always returns from her trips with gifts for them. She calls her parents regularly and is very close to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Roberto said, “Many things started happening at once.” After almost a decade of waiting, Roberto secured legal status. In late June, they took a trip so Sandra could reunite with her two brothers. Soon after, he received a promotion at work. The couple was elated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were already planning their next trip to Washington D.C., and once Sandra obtained legal status, to visit the rest of the world, starting with Denmark and the Dominican Republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were looking to start a family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the morning after they learned of Roberto’s promotion, their lives took a turn when ICE arrested Sandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto can’t stop lamenting that day. That morning, as they waited for her appointment, she was “more affectionate than normal,” taking a selfie with Roberto and giving him small kisses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked him to give her a hug, he said, and he told her she was being dramatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s teddy bear remains untouched on the couple’s bed after she was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at ICE’s San Francisco office on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As 9 a.m. approached, Roberto told Sandra he had to leave for work. She didn’t want to be left alone and asked him to call in sick. But he was scheduled to start in 30 minutes, and decided to go in for the first part of the work day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My love,” he said he told her, “I’ll come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time he was clocking in, his phone rang. The call, he said, came from an unidentified number. When he picked up, he heard Sandra’s voice. She had been arrested, she told him, and would soon be moved to a detention center. Roberto rushed out of work and began calling legal aid groups. It was already too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like she could feel like something was going to happen,” Roberto said. “And I was so stupid … I think that if I had been with her, maybe they wouldn’t have taken her. I don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE transferred Sandra to a detention center where she remains, according to \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/\">the agency’s detainee locator\u003c/a>. And Roberto was left outside, facing new beginnings, but separated from the person he most wanted to share them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto stands in the kitchen of the apartment he shares with his wife, Sandra. The space remains untouched after Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How can I stay focused?” he said. “I’ve gone to church a lot to beg God. I’ve gone to the beach because that’s where you feel the presence. And I’ve cried. I’ve cried so much. I won’t be at peace until we’re together again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Roberto and Sandra call every day. He sends her money so she can rent a tablet from the facility and pay for video calls with him and her lawyer. Roberto said agents at the facility told Sandra that her case would take time to be resolved, making her feel hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She doesn’t want to be there for a long time,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite urging Sandra not to sign any documents, Roberto said lawyers and nonprofits haven’t given them much hope either.[aside postID=news_12050470 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-2_qed.jpg']Some told him Sandra might be deported to her home country. Others said that she might be able to get out of detention, but that it will take time. Some said it might be easier for her to decide to leave on her own, and for Roberto to bring her back, a path that could take years. One supposed attorney claimed he could get Sandra out in a year for $25,000 up front — an offer many nonprofits warn immigrants to be wary of. Roberto walked out. Sandra’s attorney, meanwhile, continues to fight for her pending asylum application, which allows her to remain in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has also made it harder for many detained immigrants to be released, said Alex Mensing of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice (CCIJ). A new July policy made millions \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/millions-undocumented-immigrants-longer-eligible-bond-hearings-ice/story?id=123761973\">ineligible for bond hearings\u003c/a>, and release decisions now often rely on ICE’s discretion, making outcomes “arbitrary and very political.” The current landscape could further complicate Roberto and Sandra’s desire to reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I want is to have her with me,” Roberto said. “That’s all I want. I want my wife to be with me again, but it doesn’t seem like it will be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto has considered visiting the detention center so he can see Sandra in person, but lawyers and family have warned him not to, fearing that, without citizenship, he might be at risk of detention as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside his house, he said, it’s impossible not to remember her. On a cabinet near the kitchen table are three framed photographs: the two of them bundled up in Lake Tahoe, Roberto kissing Sandra’s cheek at the edge of the Grand Canyon, and a portrait of Sandra’s parents, smiling. Her favorite snacks are still stocked in the drawers. Her makeup is still in the bathroom. Her gym bag sits by the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said he can’t bring himself to touch anything Sandra left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my best friend,” he said. “And I don’t know when I’m going to be with her again. I don’t know why they’re doing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/ice-check-in-sf-separated/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote originally published this article\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. The couple’s names and countries of origin have been changed or withheld at their request, due to fear of retaliation. Key details were verified via ICE and immigration court records, documentation reviewed during a home visit and confirmation from legal advocates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "He fell in love with an asylum seeker. After building a life together in San Francisco, a routine Immigration and Customs Enforcement check-in tore them apart again.\r\n",
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"title": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>He hadn’t moved anything in the house. Their bed was still unmade — it had been like that for days, he said, since the last night they slept in it. Her shoes, tossed near the front door. On the small dining table were further scattered bits of her presence: the leaves of her morning mate, a stack of her unopened letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, their dishes still sat untouched in the sink. He said he couldn’t bring himself to wash the ones they had used to eat breakfast before they left the house that last morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t know this was the last time she was going to come back,” he told \u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past weeks, Roberto has been sleeping on a friend’s couch, too distraught to spend the night alone in his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, Roberto’s wife Sandra was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement during a routine check-in appointment at the agency’s San Francisco field office. Since then, she has been held in a detention center, waiting for updates on her pending asylum case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, ICE has allowed many immigrants with pending cases, like Sandra, to remain in their communities and work while they go through immigration proceedings. As an alternative to detention, those individuals must comply with several ICE supervision guidelines, including attending regular check-in appointments at ICE’s field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050656\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s closet remains full in the home she shares with her husband, Roberto, after she was detained during a check-in with immigration authorities in San Francisco, California, on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But since the Trump administration raised ICE’s daily arrest quotas in late May, arrests at routine check-ins have \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/sf-ice-detentions-checkin-court-arrests/\">surged\u003c/a>, sparking protests in San Francisco and beyond. Immigration advocates warn that the trend, coupled with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/28/us/immigrant-detention-conditions.html\">harsh detention conditions\u003c/a>, could pressure some asylum seekers to abandon viable claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups say dozens have been detained in recent weeks, with an estimated\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/07/qa-meet-the-attorney-at-the-center-of-s-f-s-response-to-ice/\"> five to 15 arrests\u003c/a> daily at ICE’s San Francisco office, though shifting policies make the agency’s actions hard to predict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said that the day Sandra was detained, ICE agents told him she could wait for updates on her case from inside a detention center, just as she had while living with him. Yet her process has already been ongoing for years. Sandra is still waiting for her first court date, according to ICE and immigration court records. With the backlog mounting, there is no telling when her case might move forward.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For them, it’s very normal. But the result is a home destroyed,” Roberto said. “I’m really depressed. I haven’t eaten in days. I’m not hungry, I don’t want to eat anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my family,” he added. “She’s my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto met Sandra on Facebook in 2017, when they were still living on different continents. He was in San Francisco, working as a social worker and awaiting a decision on his own immigration case, when her profile popped up under the platform’s “People you might know” tab. Curious, he sent her a friendship request, and they began chatting, quickly discovering they had a world of commonalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lived in the same small town that his parents had grown up in and that he had visited in his childhood. Her house was just three blocks away from his grandmother’s. She had spent 10 years living in the South American country where Roberto had been born and raised. Though they’d unknowingly walked the same streets, they had never crossed paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dated online for a few months, but after a while, the relationship fizzled out. Still, they stayed in touch: liking each other’s pictures and celebrating each other’s birthdays. In 2021, Roberto asked a friend traveling to Sandra’s town to buy and bring her candies. Their relationship rekindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto shows a photograph on his phone of a heart shape made with his and Sandra’s hands. Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sandra embarked on a months-long journey to meet him. She took several planes, crossed Central America on foot with some relatives, and got lost for 10 days in the Darien Gap, a dangerous stretch of rainforest between Colombia and Panama known as a major route for migrants. “She almost died,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she eventually made it out of the jungle, she reunited with the relatives she had been walking with. Together, they made their way to the U.S.-Mexico border, where she turned herself in to border officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two months in detention, she was released to her uncle’s house in another U.S. state, and Roberto flew to see her for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a magical moment,” he said. “I had been waiting for a long time to meet her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the couple started building a life together in San Francisco as they waited for updates on their immigration cases. Sandra started taking English classes at City College. They traveled across the U.S., visiting landmarks and meeting each other’s families. They slowly covered their fridge with magnets of the places they visited: New York City, Las Vegas, and Arizona. They put up souvenirs that their new friends had brought them from their trips around the world. Early this year, they celebrated their wedding.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re not just married,” Roberto said. “We go to the gym together, we’re together throughout the day and through the night. And we don’t get bored of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra, he said, is someone “everyone loves.” She buys clothes to donate to homeless shelters. She cooks for her friends and Roberto’s coworkers, and always returns from her trips with gifts for them. She calls her parents regularly and is very close to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Roberto said, “Many things started happening at once.” After almost a decade of waiting, Roberto secured legal status. In late June, they took a trip so Sandra could reunite with her two brothers. Soon after, he received a promotion at work. The couple was elated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were already planning their next trip to Washington D.C., and once Sandra obtained legal status, to visit the rest of the world, starting with Denmark and the Dominican Republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were looking to start a family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the morning after they learned of Roberto’s promotion, their lives took a turn when ICE arrested Sandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto can’t stop lamenting that day. That morning, as they waited for her appointment, she was “more affectionate than normal,” taking a selfie with Roberto and giving him small kisses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked him to give her a hug, he said, and he told her she was being dramatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s teddy bear remains untouched on the couple’s bed after she was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at ICE’s San Francisco office on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As 9 a.m. approached, Roberto told Sandra he had to leave for work. She didn’t want to be left alone and asked him to call in sick. But he was scheduled to start in 30 minutes, and decided to go in for the first part of the work day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My love,” he said he told her, “I’ll come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time he was clocking in, his phone rang. The call, he said, came from an unidentified number. When he picked up, he heard Sandra’s voice. She had been arrested, she told him, and would soon be moved to a detention center. Roberto rushed out of work and began calling legal aid groups. It was already too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like she could feel like something was going to happen,” Roberto said. “And I was so stupid … I think that if I had been with her, maybe they wouldn’t have taken her. I don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE transferred Sandra to a detention center where she remains, according to \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/\">the agency’s detainee locator\u003c/a>. And Roberto was left outside, facing new beginnings, but separated from the person he most wanted to share them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto stands in the kitchen of the apartment he shares with his wife, Sandra. The space remains untouched after Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How can I stay focused?” he said. “I’ve gone to church a lot to beg God. I’ve gone to the beach because that’s where you feel the presence. And I’ve cried. I’ve cried so much. I won’t be at peace until we’re together again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Roberto and Sandra call every day. He sends her money so she can rent a tablet from the facility and pay for video calls with him and her lawyer. Roberto said agents at the facility told Sandra that her case would take time to be resolved, making her feel hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She doesn’t want to be there for a long time,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite urging Sandra not to sign any documents, Roberto said lawyers and nonprofits haven’t given them much hope either.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some told him Sandra might be deported to her home country. Others said that she might be able to get out of detention, but that it will take time. Some said it might be easier for her to decide to leave on her own, and for Roberto to bring her back, a path that could take years. One supposed attorney claimed he could get Sandra out in a year for $25,000 up front — an offer many nonprofits warn immigrants to be wary of. Roberto walked out. Sandra’s attorney, meanwhile, continues to fight for her pending asylum application, which allows her to remain in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has also made it harder for many detained immigrants to be released, said Alex Mensing of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice (CCIJ). A new July policy made millions \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/millions-undocumented-immigrants-longer-eligible-bond-hearings-ice/story?id=123761973\">ineligible for bond hearings\u003c/a>, and release decisions now often rely on ICE’s discretion, making outcomes “arbitrary and very political.” The current landscape could further complicate Roberto and Sandra’s desire to reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I want is to have her with me,” Roberto said. “That’s all I want. I want my wife to be with me again, but it doesn’t seem like it will be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto has considered visiting the detention center so he can see Sandra in person, but lawyers and family have warned him not to, fearing that, without citizenship, he might be at risk of detention as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside his house, he said, it’s impossible not to remember her. On a cabinet near the kitchen table are three framed photographs: the two of them bundled up in Lake Tahoe, Roberto kissing Sandra’s cheek at the edge of the Grand Canyon, and a portrait of Sandra’s parents, smiling. Her favorite snacks are still stocked in the drawers. Her makeup is still in the bathroom. Her gym bag sits by the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said he can’t bring himself to touch anything Sandra left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my best friend,” he said. “And I don’t know when I’m going to be with her again. I don’t know why they’re doing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/ice-check-in-sf-separated/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote originally published this article\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. The couple’s names and countries of origin have been changed or withheld at their request, due to fear of retaliation. Key details were verified via ICE and immigration court records, documentation reviewed during a home visit and confirmation from legal advocates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "thousands-of-once-secret-police-records-are-now-public-heres-how-you-can-use-them",
"title": "Thousands of Once-Secret Police Records Are Now Public. Here’s How You Can Use Them",
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"headTitle": "Thousands of Once-Secret Police Records Are Now Public. Here’s How You Can Use Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:20 a.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, for the first time, you can look up serious use of force and police misconduct incidents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, along with journalism and police accountability advocates, is publishing a database that houses thousands of once-confidential records gathered from the state’s nearly 700 law enforcement and oversight agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">How to use the police records database yourself\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The free \u003ca href=\"http://policerecords.kqed.org/\">database\u003c/a>, which has been in the works for seven years and contains files for almost 12,000 cases, promises to give anyone — including attorneys, victims of police violence, journalists and law enforcement hiring officials — insight into police shootings and officers’ past behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cephus Johnson, whose nephew Oscar Grant was fatally shot in the back by a BART police officer in Oakland in the early morning hours of Jan. 1, 2009, knows firsthand just how important this database will be to other families who’ve lost people to police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ For impacted families, the first question is: ‘What happened?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They can now find details of what happened to their loved ones and how the police investigated it — or what they overlooked — without having to deal with the often frustrating process of trying to obtain the records themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting those answers, Johnson said, “is the beginning of part of the healing process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> to search the database.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050667\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1002px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050667 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1002\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png 1002w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7-160x65.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1002px) 100vw, 1002px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the Police Records Access Project database.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Shedding light on secret records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, misconduct and use-of-force records for California law enforcement officers were among the most difficult to obtain. That began to change in 2018 with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">Senate Bill 1421, the “Right to Know” Act\u003c/a>, which came about with the help of Johnson and other police accountability advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law unsealed records for incidents in which officers fired a gun or used force resulting in serious injury or death, and for officers who were found to have been dishonest or committed sexual assault. In 2021, the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB16\">another bill\u003c/a> expanded the law to include cases of officer discrimination, excessive force and wrongful arrests or searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11854857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11854857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg\" alt=\"Oscar Grant mural\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1394\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1536x1115.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural of Oscar Grant outside BART’s Fruitvale Station, where a now-former BART police officer fatally shot Grant as he lay face-down on the platform on Jan. 1, 2009. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the new laws were just the beginning of the fight to pry open the black box of police accountability — which continues today. Agencies often slow-walk or refuse to provide records, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-police-records-california-20190630-story.html\">and have even destroyed them\u003c/a>. KQED and other outlets have sued multiple agencies, including the state attorney general, in order to force compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with these obstacles — and the difficulty of navigating California’s disparate law enforcement agencies, including 58 sheriff’s departments, hundreds of police departments, transit authorities and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation — KQED co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">The California Reporting Project,\u003c/a> a collaborative of more than 30 news outlets which is now led by \u003ca href=\"https://cjlab.stanford.edu/projects/big-local-news/\">Big Local News\u003c/a> at Stanford University, the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://bids.berkeley.edu/\">Berkeley Institute of Data Science\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew from the start that this information needed to be available to the public,” KQED Editor-in-Chief Ethan Toven-Lindsey said. “Police misconduct records shouldn’t be locked away in filing cabinets where only a few people can see them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11639714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11639714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg\" alt=\"(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson says she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown, stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson said she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence. \u003ccite>(Jessica Kourkounis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, The California Reporting Project joined forces with the Police Records Access Project, a transparency coalition which includes the ACLU, the Innocence Project, Stanford and UC Berkeley. In 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom allocated \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/state-funds-development-first-its-kind-police-misconduct-database#:~:text=The%20funding%20will%20%E2%80%9Ctransform%20that%20effort%20and,launched%20by%20a%20consortium%20that%20includes%20BIDS\">$6.7 million\u003c/a> for the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jumana Musa, director of the Fourth Amendment Center at the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), said her organization joined the collaborative because justice requires transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This information gets hidden, it gets buried, it is not accessible,” she said. While Musa will use the database to help defend her clients, she said there’s an even more acute need for law enforcement agencies get familiar with the tool: “to ensure that you’re not gonna hire people and give them a weapon and give them a badge when that person has been known to be problematic [or] dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">\u003c/a>How can I use the database?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The nearly 12,000 cases make up about 1.5 million pages at the time of publication — but there are several ways to search and use the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three categories divide the cases: use of force, shootings and misconduct. There is a range of document types, from investigative reports to interview transcripts and incident summaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cost for using the tool, and you won’t be asked to provide any information to search these records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator outside Oakland police headquarters on May 29 2020, carries a sign with the words, “I can’t breathe” spoken by George Floyd, the man murdered on May 25, 2020, by police in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Pickoff-White, co-founder and research director of The California Reporting Project, said it’s helpful to take some time to understand the kinds of cases and records in the database before drawing any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can do keyword searches, filter your search by date or the agency that provided the records — for example, the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, vs. the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pickoff-White suggests starting simply. “Search for things like ‘taser’ or ‘canine.’ Or search for an officer’s name. Then review the records to see if you’ve found cases where they used force or violated policy.” But remember: just because an officer’s name is in the database, it doesn’t necessarily mean they were involved in misconduct or use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/about\">“About”\u003c/a> page explains the type of records, methodology and the limitations of the database. If you find information in the database that you don’t think should be public, you can also submit a request to remove it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind this database is a living thing and is far from complete — the people maintaining it are adding new records as they receive them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is this database for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Victims of police violence and their families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records in the database, Cephus Johnson said, can give families like his who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them “determine how they will get justice for their loved one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson advises families to use the tool with a great deal of care because sometimes the records can contain examples of callous police behavior, negligence or descriptions of graphic injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050677 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The records in the database can give families who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them determine how to get justice for their loved one. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On top of the mourning, you’re angry, you got many emotions that you gotta really deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson suggests that certain family members — say, the grieving mother of someone killed by police — might be better served if a relative or friend reviews the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s got to be some caretaking,” he said, “because we know sometimes you’re gonna hear things that you just can’t believe these officers would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Researchers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of data is necessary for even basic forms of independent oversight,” said Tarak Shah, a data scientist who helped manage the Police Records Access Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said he’s excited about the database’s potential to contribute to criminal justice research. He’s spoken to researchers interested in how police killings get classified by independent medical examiners vs. coroners, who are under the purview of the local sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050676 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to data scientist Tarak Shah, who helped manage the Police Records Access Project, the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which were used to help categorize and sort the records, and identify and redact sensitive information. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, you might have questions about whether it’s possible to do unbiased investigations in those scenarios,” he said. Those cause-of-death determinations can mean the difference between a criminal investigation of a law enforcement officer and a death essentially going unexamined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research areas could include the intersection of mental health and law enforcement, the role drug and alcohol impairment can play in some police encounters and a better understanding of what consequences officers face for misconduct — ranging from casual misogyny and racism to excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the depth and complexity of the investigative files have been both the “strength and the main challenge of this project.” The database contains incredibly granular information about officer behaviors and key incidents, but the records are not neatly organized into structured data like you might see in a spreadsheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which they used to help categorize and sort the records, and to identify and redact sensitive information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lawyers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers’ credibility is fundamental to the criminal justice system; when officers take the stand, their word often determines the outcome of a case. Attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased — key information for juries assessing the truth of their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, the primary use is to impeach officers on the stand or to be able to properly defend the client, with full knowledge of who it [is] they’re dealing with,” said Musa, the attorney with NACDL.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050710 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the Police Records Access Project database, attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, in one of the first cases unsealed by the new transparency law, KQED uncovered the story of a Rio Vista police officer who had lied on official documents. As a result, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730477/impact-da-dismisses-charges-against-woman-mauled-by-rio-vista-police-dog\">the Solano County District Attorney dropped criminal charges\u003c/a> against a woman who a police dog had mauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorneys who often look for evidence of patterns and practices within departments to substantiate their clients’ claims could also find useful information in the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that moves the needle when it comes to getting accountability in the criminal legal system is investigative journalism,” said Barry Scheck, co-founder of the Innocence Project. “If you can expose people that are systematically breaking the law or not playing by the rules or harming people they should be protecting — when you get those stories, that’s when things change.”[aside postID=news_12017652,news_11880600,news_11828774 label= Highlights from KQED's police records reporting]Since 2019, KQED has also published more than 100 stories and two seasons of the award-winning podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">On Our Watch\u003c/a> using records that are now a part of the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state, members of the collaborative:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Succeeded in forcing the city of Richmond to release\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/19/one-bay-area-city-73-police-dog-bites-and-the-law-that-made-them-public/\"> records revealing 73 police dog bites\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Identified 70 Los Angeles Sheriff’s deputies\u003c/a> with a range of previously undisclosed transgressions on their records\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Unveiled records\u003c/a> that showed how a Sutter County sheriff’s deputy used his position to coerce women into having sex with him on duty.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taken together, press coverage has helped move the needle on police reform in California. In 2020, state lawmakers passed a law requiring the state attorney general to investigate \u003cem>all \u003c/em>police shootings in which the subject was not armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, they passed a police decertification law, putting in place a mechanism to strip officers who’ve committed egregious misconduct of their badges. This year, the Legislature is considering a number of additional \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&search_keywords=misconduct\">transparency\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&showamends=false\">oversight\u003c/a> measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Have you found this database useful?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We want to hear who you are, how you’re using this database and why. Please tell us a bit about yourself, your work and what brought you to the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:20 a.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, for the first time, you can look up serious use of force and police misconduct incidents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, along with journalism and police accountability advocates, is publishing a database that houses thousands of once-confidential records gathered from the state’s nearly 700 law enforcement and oversight agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">How to use the police records database yourself\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The free \u003ca href=\"http://policerecords.kqed.org/\">database\u003c/a>, which has been in the works for seven years and contains files for almost 12,000 cases, promises to give anyone — including attorneys, victims of police violence, journalists and law enforcement hiring officials — insight into police shootings and officers’ past behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cephus Johnson, whose nephew Oscar Grant was fatally shot in the back by a BART police officer in Oakland in the early morning hours of Jan. 1, 2009, knows firsthand just how important this database will be to other families who’ve lost people to police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ For impacted families, the first question is: ‘What happened?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They can now find details of what happened to their loved ones and how the police investigated it — or what they overlooked — without having to deal with the often frustrating process of trying to obtain the records themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting those answers, Johnson said, “is the beginning of part of the healing process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> to search the database.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050667\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1002px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050667 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1002\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png 1002w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7-160x65.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1002px) 100vw, 1002px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the Police Records Access Project database.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Shedding light on secret records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, misconduct and use-of-force records for California law enforcement officers were among the most difficult to obtain. That began to change in 2018 with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">Senate Bill 1421, the “Right to Know” Act\u003c/a>, which came about with the help of Johnson and other police accountability advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law unsealed records for incidents in which officers fired a gun or used force resulting in serious injury or death, and for officers who were found to have been dishonest or committed sexual assault. In 2021, the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB16\">another bill\u003c/a> expanded the law to include cases of officer discrimination, excessive force and wrongful arrests or searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11854857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11854857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg\" alt=\"Oscar Grant mural\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1394\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1536x1115.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural of Oscar Grant outside BART’s Fruitvale Station, where a now-former BART police officer fatally shot Grant as he lay face-down on the platform on Jan. 1, 2009. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the new laws were just the beginning of the fight to pry open the black box of police accountability — which continues today. Agencies often slow-walk or refuse to provide records, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-police-records-california-20190630-story.html\">and have even destroyed them\u003c/a>. KQED and other outlets have sued multiple agencies, including the state attorney general, in order to force compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with these obstacles — and the difficulty of navigating California’s disparate law enforcement agencies, including 58 sheriff’s departments, hundreds of police departments, transit authorities and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation — KQED co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">The California Reporting Project,\u003c/a> a collaborative of more than 30 news outlets which is now led by \u003ca href=\"https://cjlab.stanford.edu/projects/big-local-news/\">Big Local News\u003c/a> at Stanford University, the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://bids.berkeley.edu/\">Berkeley Institute of Data Science\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew from the start that this information needed to be available to the public,” KQED Editor-in-Chief Ethan Toven-Lindsey said. “Police misconduct records shouldn’t be locked away in filing cabinets where only a few people can see them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11639714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11639714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg\" alt=\"(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson says she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown, stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson said she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence. \u003ccite>(Jessica Kourkounis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, The California Reporting Project joined forces with the Police Records Access Project, a transparency coalition which includes the ACLU, the Innocence Project, Stanford and UC Berkeley. In 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom allocated \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/state-funds-development-first-its-kind-police-misconduct-database#:~:text=The%20funding%20will%20%E2%80%9Ctransform%20that%20effort%20and,launched%20by%20a%20consortium%20that%20includes%20BIDS\">$6.7 million\u003c/a> for the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jumana Musa, director of the Fourth Amendment Center at the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), said her organization joined the collaborative because justice requires transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This information gets hidden, it gets buried, it is not accessible,” she said. While Musa will use the database to help defend her clients, she said there’s an even more acute need for law enforcement agencies get familiar with the tool: “to ensure that you’re not gonna hire people and give them a weapon and give them a badge when that person has been known to be problematic [or] dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">\u003c/a>How can I use the database?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The nearly 12,000 cases make up about 1.5 million pages at the time of publication — but there are several ways to search and use the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three categories divide the cases: use of force, shootings and misconduct. There is a range of document types, from investigative reports to interview transcripts and incident summaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cost for using the tool, and you won’t be asked to provide any information to search these records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator outside Oakland police headquarters on May 29 2020, carries a sign with the words, “I can’t breathe” spoken by George Floyd, the man murdered on May 25, 2020, by police in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Pickoff-White, co-founder and research director of The California Reporting Project, said it’s helpful to take some time to understand the kinds of cases and records in the database before drawing any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can do keyword searches, filter your search by date or the agency that provided the records — for example, the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, vs. the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pickoff-White suggests starting simply. “Search for things like ‘taser’ or ‘canine.’ Or search for an officer’s name. Then review the records to see if you’ve found cases where they used force or violated policy.” But remember: just because an officer’s name is in the database, it doesn’t necessarily mean they were involved in misconduct or use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/about\">“About”\u003c/a> page explains the type of records, methodology and the limitations of the database. If you find information in the database that you don’t think should be public, you can also submit a request to remove it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind this database is a living thing and is far from complete — the people maintaining it are adding new records as they receive them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is this database for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Victims of police violence and their families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records in the database, Cephus Johnson said, can give families like his who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them “determine how they will get justice for their loved one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson advises families to use the tool with a great deal of care because sometimes the records can contain examples of callous police behavior, negligence or descriptions of graphic injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050677 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The records in the database can give families who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them determine how to get justice for their loved one. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On top of the mourning, you’re angry, you got many emotions that you gotta really deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson suggests that certain family members — say, the grieving mother of someone killed by police — might be better served if a relative or friend reviews the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s got to be some caretaking,” he said, “because we know sometimes you’re gonna hear things that you just can’t believe these officers would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Researchers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of data is necessary for even basic forms of independent oversight,” said Tarak Shah, a data scientist who helped manage the Police Records Access Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said he’s excited about the database’s potential to contribute to criminal justice research. He’s spoken to researchers interested in how police killings get classified by independent medical examiners vs. coroners, who are under the purview of the local sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050676 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to data scientist Tarak Shah, who helped manage the Police Records Access Project, the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which were used to help categorize and sort the records, and identify and redact sensitive information. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, you might have questions about whether it’s possible to do unbiased investigations in those scenarios,” he said. Those cause-of-death determinations can mean the difference between a criminal investigation of a law enforcement officer and a death essentially going unexamined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research areas could include the intersection of mental health and law enforcement, the role drug and alcohol impairment can play in some police encounters and a better understanding of what consequences officers face for misconduct — ranging from casual misogyny and racism to excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the depth and complexity of the investigative files have been both the “strength and the main challenge of this project.” The database contains incredibly granular information about officer behaviors and key incidents, but the records are not neatly organized into structured data like you might see in a spreadsheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which they used to help categorize and sort the records, and to identify and redact sensitive information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lawyers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers’ credibility is fundamental to the criminal justice system; when officers take the stand, their word often determines the outcome of a case. Attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased — key information for juries assessing the truth of their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, the primary use is to impeach officers on the stand or to be able to properly defend the client, with full knowledge of who it [is] they’re dealing with,” said Musa, the attorney with NACDL.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050710 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the Police Records Access Project database, attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, in one of the first cases unsealed by the new transparency law, KQED uncovered the story of a Rio Vista police officer who had lied on official documents. As a result, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730477/impact-da-dismisses-charges-against-woman-mauled-by-rio-vista-police-dog\">the Solano County District Attorney dropped criminal charges\u003c/a> against a woman who a police dog had mauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorneys who often look for evidence of patterns and practices within departments to substantiate their clients’ claims could also find useful information in the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that moves the needle when it comes to getting accountability in the criminal legal system is investigative journalism,” said Barry Scheck, co-founder of the Innocence Project. “If you can expose people that are systematically breaking the law or not playing by the rules or harming people they should be protecting — when you get those stories, that’s when things change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since 2019, KQED has also published more than 100 stories and two seasons of the award-winning podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">On Our Watch\u003c/a> using records that are now a part of the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state, members of the collaborative:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Succeeded in forcing the city of Richmond to release\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/19/one-bay-area-city-73-police-dog-bites-and-the-law-that-made-them-public/\"> records revealing 73 police dog bites\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Identified 70 Los Angeles Sheriff’s deputies\u003c/a> with a range of previously undisclosed transgressions on their records\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Unveiled records\u003c/a> that showed how a Sutter County sheriff’s deputy used his position to coerce women into having sex with him on duty.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taken together, press coverage has helped move the needle on police reform in California. In 2020, state lawmakers passed a law requiring the state attorney general to investigate \u003cem>all \u003c/em>police shootings in which the subject was not armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, they passed a police decertification law, putting in place a mechanism to strip officers who’ve committed egregious misconduct of their badges. This year, the Legislature is considering a number of additional \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&search_keywords=misconduct\">transparency\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&showamends=false\">oversight\u003c/a> measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Have you found this database useful?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We want to hear who you are, how you’re using this database and why. Please tell us a bit about yourself, your work and what brought you to the database.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:20 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A permanent U.S. resident who was detained by federal law enforcement at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-international-airport\">San Francisco International Airport \u003c/a>for a week is now being held at an immigration detention center, according to one of his lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tae “Will” Heung Kim, a Korean-born Lyme disease researcher who has been in the U.S. since he was 5, was held in Customs and Border Protection’s facility with “no daylight, sleeping in [a] chair, and no access to [a] lawyer,” attorney Eric Lee posted on the social media website X this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a certain historic, dark historical resonance to the fact that an Asian person was coming to San Francisco and kept for a week in deplorable, inhumane conditions,” Lee told KQED, referring to the treatment Asian immigrants faced on Angel Island. “This administration is dredging up everything dirty and mucky from American history and flinging it for all of us to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim had arrived at SFO on a connecting flight to Texas after traveling from South Korea, according to Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not immediately respond to requests for comment on why Kim was detained. Supporters of Kim have suggested that a 14-year-old misdemeanor marijuana possession charge could be the reason for his detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were subject to the type of conditions that he was subjected to this last week because of minor marijuana possession, over half the country would be in jail,” said Lee, who confirmed Kim’s previous charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Customs and Border Protection said that “this alien is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a green card holder is convicted of a drug offense, violating their status, that person is issued a Notice to Appear and CBP coordinates detention space with ICE ERO,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter calling for Kim’s release, the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium said the case highlights broader concerns.[aside postID=news_12047506 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250609-SEIUProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']“It spotlights the urgent need for accountability and transparency in federal detention practices and upholds the fundamental rights of those who call America home,” the organization, which organizes around Asian American immigrant issues, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee called the case a “double whammy” because of Kim’s role as a Lyme disease researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing here is an individual who is, as a result of the administration’s crackdown, not able to participate in really critical scientific research to develop a vaccine for a disease that impacts the lives of millions of people,” Lee said. “That’s why I think this case has particularly significant implications for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim’s detention comes amid a broader ramp-up of immigration enforcement under the Trump administration. In recent months, immigration attorneys have warned that lawful permanent residents — like Kim — risk being detained if they travel abroad, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5416767/more-green-card-holders-are-being-detained-over-criminal-records-lawyers-say\">according to NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January, ICE arrests in the San Francisco area of responsibility have increased 70% compared with the last six months of the Biden administration, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ice-arrest-immigrant-california-20395589.php\">analysis\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigration lawyer, to see this type of thing happen is staggering,” Lee said. “Every day there’s some new Rubicon of horrors, which is being crossed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim had arrived at SFO on a connecting flight to Texas after traveling from South Korea, according to Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not immediately respond to requests for comment on why Kim was detained. Supporters of Kim have suggested that a 14-year-old misdemeanor marijuana possession charge could be the reason for his detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were subject to the type of conditions that he was subjected to this last week because of minor marijuana possession, over half the country would be in jail,” said Lee, who confirmed Kim’s previous charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Customs and Border Protection said that “this alien is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a green card holder is convicted of a drug offense, violating their status, that person is issued a Notice to Appear and CBP coordinates detention space with ICE ERO,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter calling for Kim’s release, the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium said the case highlights broader concerns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It spotlights the urgent need for accountability and transparency in federal detention practices and upholds the fundamental rights of those who call America home,” the organization, which organizes around Asian American immigrant issues, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee called the case a “double whammy” because of Kim’s role as a Lyme disease researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing here is an individual who is, as a result of the administration’s crackdown, not able to participate in really critical scientific research to develop a vaccine for a disease that impacts the lives of millions of people,” Lee said. “That’s why I think this case has particularly significant implications for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim’s detention comes amid a broader ramp-up of immigration enforcement under the Trump administration. In recent months, immigration attorneys have warned that lawful permanent residents — like Kim — risk being detained if they travel abroad, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5416767/more-green-card-holders-are-being-detained-over-criminal-records-lawyers-say\">according to NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January, ICE arrests in the San Francisco area of responsibility have increased 70% compared with the last six months of the Biden administration, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ice-arrest-immigrant-california-20395589.php\">analysis\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigration lawyer, to see this type of thing happen is staggering,” Lee said. “Every day there’s some new Rubicon of horrors, which is being crossed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay leaders\u003c/a> are hoping to boost safety in their communities by beefing up deportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">protections for immigrants\u003c/a> who are victims of or witnesses to crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Rep. Jimmy Panetta, who represents portions of San José, Santa Cruz and southern coastal communities, announced Thursday that he is taking another crack at getting his Immigrant Witness and Victim Protection Act passed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very straightforward, simple, common-sensical fix that’s needed now more than ever,” Panetta said during a press conference on Thursday outside San José City Hall, flanked by a cohort of local elected officials and law enforcement brass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, however, if the bill will be able to find enough bipartisan support with a Republican controlled Congress and under the watch of the Trump administration, some officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said his bill would remove “arbitrary” caps on U visas, a special visa that can be granted to undocumented immigrants who are victims of crime, abuse, or human trafficking and who cooperate with law enforcement or government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critically, it would also prevent people applying for the U visas, and a similar T visa, from being detained or deported while their application is pending. It would also set timelines, allowing applicants to gain work permits while waiting for their case to be decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nichole Espinoza, a junior at the University of California, Berkeley, holds a protest sign in response to the mass deportations ordered by the Trump administration, at Sproul Plaza on the UC Berkeley campus on Wednesday, Jan. 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“At a time when there is great distrust in government, the Immigrant Witness and Victim Protection Act allows witnesses and victims to trust our criminal justice system, to come out of the shadows and to come forward,” Panetta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U visas are currently capped at 10,000 annually nationwide, and apply to people who have “suffered mental or physical abuse,” including many forms of domestic violence and sexual assault or rape, according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. T visas, which apply to people who faced a “severe form of trafficking,” such as sex or labor trafficking, are capped at 5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2018, there were over 117,000 pending applications for U visas, and a three-year waitlist. By 2025, the waiting period increased to five years\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> according to Panetta’s office.[aside postID=news_12049817 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']The annual cap on T visas has not been reached since its creation in 2000, his office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said the Trump administration has cast a wide net in its enforcement of immigration laws, led by White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically a shotgun approach to rounding up anybody and everybody who is undocumented or even documented and has a misdemeanor or an arrest or has no record at all,” Panetta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, residents and advocates have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">protested those actions\u003c/a>, including waves of arrests made by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents at U.S. CIS offices and immigration courts in San Francisco, San José and across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan said the actions and the rhetoric from the administration have had an “unacceptable chilling effect” in the city, where more than 40% of the population is immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard first-hand from residents who are now too afraid to leave their homes, too afraid to go to work … too afraid to engage with law enforcement,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When any of our neighbors live in fear that reporting a crime might put their life in this country at risk, it makes everyone less safe. Our police officers lose the ability to build cases. Our prosecutors lose key witnesses. And our communities are left all the more vulnerable to violent crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050503\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks about the need for deportation protections for immigrants who have been victims or witnesses of crimes, during a press conference outside City Hall on July 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rate of abuse against immigrant women is \u003ca href=\"https://now.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Learn-More-IPV-and-Immigrant-Womenpdf.pdf\">roughly 49%\u003c/a> — nearly three times the national average — according to the National Organization for Women. Those same victims are much less likely to report the crimes due to fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Assistant District Attorney Terry Harman said that nearly half of all U visa applicants locally are women who have been victims of sexual assault and domestic violence, and that the county has seen a 50% increase in applications over the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We care about people being held accountable for committing crimes against others. We care about making sure that dangerous people don’t hurt anyone else,” Harman said. “The fact that victims are undocumented does not decriminalize the rape, the murder, the robbery or the scam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said he is optimistic about the bill’s ability to find support in the House and Senate, despite the fact that he has introduced the legislation four previous times since 2017, only to see it stall out in committee reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen members on both sides of the aisle who actually want to do something, who understand how beneficial it is to have people who are willing to come here, work here, contribute here, abide by the law and to live that American dream,” Panetta told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He blamed President Trump for using immigration policy as a “political tool” in a nation of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said whether on its own, or as part of a broader immigration bill, he hopes to see the changes in his bill enacted into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s obviously going to take leadership. We’ve got to continue to stand firm, continue to call out ICE for what they’re doing, how they’re acting, and push back on them,” Panetta said. “But at the same time, we can’t just do that. We’ve got to put forward these meaningful reforms to show where we can go in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay leaders\u003c/a> are hoping to boost safety in their communities by beefing up deportation \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/immigration\">protections for immigrants\u003c/a> who are victims of or witnesses to crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Rep. Jimmy Panetta, who represents portions of San José, Santa Cruz and southern coastal communities, announced Thursday that he is taking another crack at getting his Immigrant Witness and Victim Protection Act passed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very straightforward, simple, common-sensical fix that’s needed now more than ever,” Panetta said during a press conference on Thursday outside San José City Hall, flanked by a cohort of local elected officials and law enforcement brass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear, however, if the bill will be able to find enough bipartisan support with a Republican controlled Congress and under the watch of the Trump administration, some officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said his bill would remove “arbitrary” caps on U visas, a special visa that can be granted to undocumented immigrants who are victims of crime, abuse, or human trafficking and who cooperate with law enforcement or government agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critically, it would also prevent people applying for the U visas, and a similar T visa, from being detained or deported while their application is pending. It would also set timelines, allowing applicants to gain work permits while waiting for their case to be decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12024741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12024741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1600\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-800x1000.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-1020x1275.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-160x200.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/20250129_UCBerkeleyRally_GC-4-1229x1536.jpg 1229w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nichole Espinoza, a junior at the University of California, Berkeley, holds a protest sign in response to the mass deportations ordered by the Trump administration, at Sproul Plaza on the UC Berkeley campus on Wednesday, Jan. 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“At a time when there is great distrust in government, the Immigrant Witness and Victim Protection Act allows witnesses and victims to trust our criminal justice system, to come out of the shadows and to come forward,” Panetta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U visas are currently capped at 10,000 annually nationwide, and apply to people who have “suffered mental or physical abuse,” including many forms of domestic violence and sexual assault or rape, according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. T visas, which apply to people who faced a “severe form of trafficking,” such as sex or labor trafficking, are capped at 5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2018, there were over 117,000 pending applications for U visas, and a three-year waitlist. By 2025, the waiting period increased to five years\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> according to Panetta’s office.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The annual cap on T visas has not been reached since its creation in 2000, his office said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said the Trump administration has cast a wide net in its enforcement of immigration laws, led by White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically a shotgun approach to rounding up anybody and everybody who is undocumented or even documented and has a misdemeanor or an arrest or has no record at all,” Panetta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, residents and advocates have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043139/san-jose-immigrant-advocates-protest-sweeping-ice-arrests\">protested those actions\u003c/a>, including waves of arrests made by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents at U.S. CIS offices and immigration courts in San Francisco, San José and across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José Mayor Matt Mahan said the actions and the rhetoric from the administration have had an “unacceptable chilling effect” in the city, where more than 40% of the population is immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard first-hand from residents who are now too afraid to leave their homes, too afraid to go to work … too afraid to engage with law enforcement,” Mahan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When any of our neighbors live in fear that reporting a crime might put their life in this country at risk, it makes everyone less safe. Our police officers lose the ability to build cases. Our prosecutors lose key witnesses. And our communities are left all the more vulnerable to violent crime.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050503\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-3_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan speaks about the need for deportation protections for immigrants who have been victims or witnesses of crimes, during a press conference outside City Hall on July 31, 2025. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The rate of abuse against immigrant women is \u003ca href=\"https://now.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Learn-More-IPV-and-Immigrant-Womenpdf.pdf\">roughly 49%\u003c/a> — nearly three times the national average — according to the National Organization for Women. Those same victims are much less likely to report the crimes due to fear of deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County Assistant District Attorney Terry Harman said that nearly half of all U visa applicants locally are women who have been victims of sexual assault and domestic violence, and that the county has seen a 50% increase in applications over the last five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We care about people being held accountable for committing crimes against others. We care about making sure that dangerous people don’t hurt anyone else,” Harman said. “The fact that victims are undocumented does not decriminalize the rape, the murder, the robbery or the scam.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panetta said he is optimistic about the bill’s ability to find support in the House and Senate, despite the fact that he has introduced the legislation four previous times since 2017, only to see it stall out in committee reviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have seen members on both sides of the aisle who actually want to do something, who understand how beneficial it is to have people who are willing to come here, work here, contribute here, abide by the law and to live that American dream,” Panetta told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He blamed President Trump for using immigration policy as a “political tool” in a nation of immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said whether on its own, or as part of a broader immigration bill, he hopes to see the changes in his bill enacted into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s obviously going to take leadership. We’ve got to continue to stand firm, continue to call out ICE for what they’re doing, how they’re acting, and push back on them,” Panetta said. “But at the same time, we can’t just do that. We’ve got to put forward these meaningful reforms to show where we can go in the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-congressional-democrats-take-another-shot-at-expanding-path-to-green-card",
"title": "California’s Congressional Democrats Take Another Shot at Expanding Path to Green Card",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the Trump administration ramps up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">immigration arrests and deportations\u003c/a>, California Democrats are renewing an effort to expand a path to permanent residency for millions of immigrants — a push that’s likely to face an uphill battle in the Republican-controlled Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats simultaneously announced bills in both houses of Congress on Friday that would allow people who have lived in the U.S. continuously for the past seven years to apply for a green card under the registry provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alex-padilla\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a>, who announced the Senate version of the legislation, said the move was meant to push back against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">increasing immigration enforcement\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a father of three U.S. Marines is violently beaten and detained, when U.S. citizens are arrested for no other offense than the color of their skin, when a farmworker falls to their death during an ICE raid, we know it’s gone too far,” Padilla said from Los Angeles, where thousands of National Guard members and U.S. Marines were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910233/deployment-of-marines-and-national-guard-to-la-raises-new-authoritarianism-concerns\">deployed in recent months\u003c/a> amid mass protests over immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Immigration and Nationality Act’s registry provision was most recently updated in 1986 under the Reagan administration and applied to immigrants who entered the U.S. by the end of 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks at a press briefing in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the Democrats’ proposed changes, that fixed cutoff date would be replaced with the seven-year residency requirement. It could apply to an estimated 8 million immigrants who have no criminal record and are not eligible for citizenship under the current law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other members of Congress emphasized that the law has been updated several times with bipartisan support since it was first passed in 1929.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republicans in control of both houses of Congress, their support will be necessary to update the law again.[aside postID=news_12049389 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-02-KQED.jpg']“Our new bill is simple and common sense, and it can help fix our broken immigration system in the same kind of way that Republican President Ronald Reagan did many years ago,” Padilla said. “No new bureaucracy, no new agency, just a simple date change to existing law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/zoe-lofgren\">Zoe Lofgren\u003c/a>, whose district includes part of Santa Clara County, announced the House version of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren and Padilla unsuccessfully tried to pass similar legislation in 2022 and 2023, but both legislators expressed optimism that shifting public opinion on the scale of recent deportation efforts could bring some Republicans to their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my Republican colleagues are hearing the same thing from their constituents that I’m hearing from mine,” Lofgren said. “They didn’t expect a bunch of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048875/behind-the-masks-who-are-the-people-rounding-up-immigrants-in-california\">masked, armed men\u003c/a> to go in and arrest people who are contributing to the economy, who have been pillars of their communities. They’re not liking that, and this is one way to provide a remedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on the likelihood of getting the bill passed, Padilla insisted that he believes now is the moment to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole country has seen the extreme cruelty brought upon by this administration and the polls have shown us what we’ve believed all along,” Padilla said. “The American people disagree with what’s happening. The American people believe in better treatment, respect and opportunities for legalization for immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally in the Mission District in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maximiliano Garde, the supervising attorney for the San Francisco-based La Raza Community Resource Center, said the bill would be a huge boon to millions of immigrants who have been shut out of the process to legalization, but he doesn’t think it will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll believe it when I see it,” Garde said. “This administration has a lot of enmity toward not just Latinos but specifically Mexicans. … And with changing the registry, the main beneficiaries are going to be Latinos and especially Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garde added that he thinks it’s unlikely that Republican members of Congress will break away from Trump if he chooses to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see them really having the backbone to resist the pushback that they’re going to get from the White House,” Garde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still believes there is a benefit of introducing the legislation, even if it is doomed to fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows that the administration is lying,” he said. “They’re not interested in helping the honest, hardworking people that have been in this country for decades. … It’s not just that that’s motivating them, it’s also just some enmity toward immigrants in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has suggested that he supports\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/07/11/trump-immigration-farmworkers-visas\"> temporary visas for immigrants in industries like agriculture\u003c/a>, but Padilla also expressed doubt that the president is interested in long-term paths to legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear about what the goals of this administration have been,” Padilla said. “They don’t want to fix a broken immigration system. Have they offered any plans or solutions? They want to exploit immigrants to justify their power grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Democrats said shifting public opinion on the Trump administration’s ramped-up immigration arrests could help the legislation, even though Republicans are in control of Congress.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the Trump administration ramps up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">immigration arrests and deportations\u003c/a>, California Democrats are renewing an effort to expand a path to permanent residency for millions of immigrants — a push that’s likely to face an uphill battle in the Republican-controlled Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats simultaneously announced bills in both houses of Congress on Friday that would allow people who have lived in the U.S. continuously for the past seven years to apply for a green card under the registry provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alex-padilla\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a>, who announced the Senate version of the legislation, said the move was meant to push back against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">increasing immigration enforcement\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a father of three U.S. Marines is violently beaten and detained, when U.S. citizens are arrested for no other offense than the color of their skin, when a farmworker falls to their death during an ICE raid, we know it’s gone too far,” Padilla said from Los Angeles, where thousands of National Guard members and U.S. Marines were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910233/deployment-of-marines-and-national-guard-to-la-raises-new-authoritarianism-concerns\">deployed in recent months\u003c/a> amid mass protests over immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Immigration and Nationality Act’s registry provision was most recently updated in 1986 under the Reagan administration and applied to immigrants who entered the U.S. by the end of 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks at a press briefing in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the Democrats’ proposed changes, that fixed cutoff date would be replaced with the seven-year residency requirement. It could apply to an estimated 8 million immigrants who have no criminal record and are not eligible for citizenship under the current law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other members of Congress emphasized that the law has been updated several times with bipartisan support since it was first passed in 1929.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republicans in control of both houses of Congress, their support will be necessary to update the law again.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Our new bill is simple and common sense, and it can help fix our broken immigration system in the same kind of way that Republican President Ronald Reagan did many years ago,” Padilla said. “No new bureaucracy, no new agency, just a simple date change to existing law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/zoe-lofgren\">Zoe Lofgren\u003c/a>, whose district includes part of Santa Clara County, announced the House version of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren and Padilla unsuccessfully tried to pass similar legislation in 2022 and 2023, but both legislators expressed optimism that shifting public opinion on the scale of recent deportation efforts could bring some Republicans to their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my Republican colleagues are hearing the same thing from their constituents that I’m hearing from mine,” Lofgren said. “They didn’t expect a bunch of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048875/behind-the-masks-who-are-the-people-rounding-up-immigrants-in-california\">masked, armed men\u003c/a> to go in and arrest people who are contributing to the economy, who have been pillars of their communities. They’re not liking that, and this is one way to provide a remedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on the likelihood of getting the bill passed, Padilla insisted that he believes now is the moment to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole country has seen the extreme cruelty brought upon by this administration and the polls have shown us what we’ve believed all along,” Padilla said. “The American people disagree with what’s happening. The American people believe in better treatment, respect and opportunities for legalization for immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally in the Mission District in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maximiliano Garde, the supervising attorney for the San Francisco-based La Raza Community Resource Center, said the bill would be a huge boon to millions of immigrants who have been shut out of the process to legalization, but he doesn’t think it will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll believe it when I see it,” Garde said. “This administration has a lot of enmity toward not just Latinos but specifically Mexicans. … And with changing the registry, the main beneficiaries are going to be Latinos and especially Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garde added that he thinks it’s unlikely that Republican members of Congress will break away from Trump if he chooses to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see them really having the backbone to resist the pushback that they’re going to get from the White House,” Garde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still believes there is a benefit of introducing the legislation, even if it is doomed to fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows that the administration is lying,” he said. “They’re not interested in helping the honest, hardworking people that have been in this country for decades. … It’s not just that that’s motivating them, it’s also just some enmity toward immigrants in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has suggested that he supports\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/07/11/trump-immigration-farmworkers-visas\"> temporary visas for immigrants in industries like agriculture\u003c/a>, but Padilla also expressed doubt that the president is interested in long-term paths to legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear about what the goals of this administration have been,” Padilla said. “They don’t want to fix a broken immigration system. Have they offered any plans or solutions? They want to exploit immigrants to justify their power grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "richmond-school-district-to-train-staff-on-ice-raids-due-to-falling-attendance",
"title": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance",
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"headTitle": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Updated at 12:15 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified School District is launching a new mandatory training program to teach administrators to protect students and families from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration raids\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy aims to curb falling attendance rates amid community concerns about increasing ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028076/afraid-to-go-to-school-immigrant-families-in-the-salinas-valley-are-gripped-by-fear\">presence\u003c/a> on school grounds across the state. As part of the training, educators will learn how to recognize immigration warrants and respond if they’re valid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected to go into effect after the school board gives it final approval on Aug. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s current \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jzyLgkvBuUpqS1P035V_Mn8cZBCjV4V5/view\">policy\u003c/a>, which was updated in December 2024, protects all students from immigration enforcement activity on school grounds and prohibits district personnel from sharing information relating to students’ immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the updated plan, shared last week at the school board meeting, requires administrators to receive annual training on how to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">differentiate\u003c/a> between administrative and judicial warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Judicial warrants are formal written orders by federal or state judges that authorize law enforcement officers to make arrests, seizures or searches. ICE agents who present judicial warrants are permitted to search school grounds and records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrative warrants, however, are issued by federal agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security and do not authorize searches. Schools are not legally required to comply with administrative warrants and can refuse entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor and Education Center’s Executive Director Brenda Muñoz said that while the district has good intentions, there are some potential issues that could arise from the new policy.[aside postID=news_12049124 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Out-of-ICE-SF-sign.jpg']Muñoz, who specializes in policymaking and education, said differentiating between warrants “is very difficult to do if you don’t have a legal background.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sees a better solution in UC Berkeley’s protocol for dealing with ICE agents, which entails redirecting them to a central office where legally trained employees can verify their right to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board at last week’s meeting announced that the district’s safety and emergency preparedness consultant, Michael Booker, is creating signage for school entrances, “so that families, students, staff, and law enforcement know our procedures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of these preparations, the board directed administrators to train faculty and staff on the updated policy, especially secretaries who are the first to communicate with outside visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have partly attributed decreased school attendance to fears of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After Mr. Trump was elected, he made it very clear that immigration and deportation was a priority,” Board President Leslie Reckler told KQED. “And so, I think people were very scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a board meeting in April, the district’s director of positive school climate, LaShante Smith, presented data that showed attendance rates fell by 1% in February alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a real shift in our political climate,” Smith said. “We did see the impact and the effects of students not coming to school as regularly as before.”[aside postID=news_12047018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1067-2000x1500.jpg']Aside from protecting students from unlawful enforcement activity, the training should curb the concerns that have prevented students from attending, according to Superintendent Cheryl Cotton’s presentation at last week’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that families know, students know, school is a safe place for them to be,” Cotton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Muñoz said the new training is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes to boosting attendance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even if the student is a citizen, they could have undocumented parents who fear dropping their kids off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there’s a negative impact when their kid’s not going to school,” Muñoz said. “But there’s a higher risk if they were to get deported and their kid is left here without parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mandatory immigration enforcement training is slated to begin for administrators before school starts on Aug. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Contra Costa County school district, based in Richmond, is launching a mandatory training policy requiring administrators to learn how to recognize valid immigration warrants amid falling attendance rates and community concerns about ICE enforcement on school grounds.",
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"title": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Updated at 12:15 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified School District is launching a new mandatory training program to teach administrators to protect students and families from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration raids\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy aims to curb falling attendance rates amid community concerns about increasing ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028076/afraid-to-go-to-school-immigrant-families-in-the-salinas-valley-are-gripped-by-fear\">presence\u003c/a> on school grounds across the state. As part of the training, educators will learn how to recognize immigration warrants and respond if they’re valid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected to go into effect after the school board gives it final approval on Aug. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s current \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jzyLgkvBuUpqS1P035V_Mn8cZBCjV4V5/view\">policy\u003c/a>, which was updated in December 2024, protects all students from immigration enforcement activity on school grounds and prohibits district personnel from sharing information relating to students’ immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the updated plan, shared last week at the school board meeting, requires administrators to receive annual training on how to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">differentiate\u003c/a> between administrative and judicial warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Judicial warrants are formal written orders by federal or state judges that authorize law enforcement officers to make arrests, seizures or searches. ICE agents who present judicial warrants are permitted to search school grounds and records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrative warrants, however, are issued by federal agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security and do not authorize searches. Schools are not legally required to comply with administrative warrants and can refuse entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor and Education Center’s Executive Director Brenda Muñoz said that while the district has good intentions, there are some potential issues that could arise from the new policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Muñoz, who specializes in policymaking and education, said differentiating between warrants “is very difficult to do if you don’t have a legal background.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sees a better solution in UC Berkeley’s protocol for dealing with ICE agents, which entails redirecting them to a central office where legally trained employees can verify their right to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board at last week’s meeting announced that the district’s safety and emergency preparedness consultant, Michael Booker, is creating signage for school entrances, “so that families, students, staff, and law enforcement know our procedures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of these preparations, the board directed administrators to train faculty and staff on the updated policy, especially secretaries who are the first to communicate with outside visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have partly attributed decreased school attendance to fears of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After Mr. Trump was elected, he made it very clear that immigration and deportation was a priority,” Board President Leslie Reckler told KQED. “And so, I think people were very scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a board meeting in April, the district’s director of positive school climate, LaShante Smith, presented data that showed attendance rates fell by 1% in February alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a real shift in our political climate,” Smith said. “We did see the impact and the effects of students not coming to school as regularly as before.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Aside from protecting students from unlawful enforcement activity, the training should curb the concerns that have prevented students from attending, according to Superintendent Cheryl Cotton’s presentation at last week’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that families know, students know, school is a safe place for them to be,” Cotton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Muñoz said the new training is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes to boosting attendance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even if the student is a citizen, they could have undocumented parents who fear dropping their kids off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there’s a negative impact when their kid’s not going to school,” Muñoz said. “But there’s a higher risk if they were to get deported and their kid is left here without parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mandatory immigration enforcement training is slated to begin for administrators before school starts on Aug. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "in-daly-city-the-bayanihan-spirit-is-alive-and-well",
"title": "In Daly City, the Bayanihan Spirit Is Alive and Well",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article first published August 5, 2021. Since then, Juslyn Manalo finished her term as mayor and has transitioned back onto the city council.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it’s the smells of señorita bread wafting from Ling Nam Starbread, or storefronts advertising \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-balikbayan-boxes-20180428-htmlstory.html\">balikbayan boxes\u003c/a> — Filipinos and Filipino Americans often find something familiar in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly one in three Daly City residents identify as Filipino, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/cedsci/table?q=Daly%20City&tid=ACSDP1Y2019.DP05&hidePreview=false\">according to 2019 Census data\u003c/a>. But it wasn’t always this way. After World War II, a lot of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">the houses built in Daly City were in whites-only developments like Westlake\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricky Tjandra works for a language school in San Francisco, and used to be in charge of finding families for students to live with. Often the retired couples who hosted students were living in Daly City. And more often than not, they were Filipino American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This got Ricky wondering about the connection between Daly City and the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I notice that there’s a large Filipino community in Daly City, and I’m just wondering how that came to be,” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Golden Gate Nursery\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Why have so many Filipino immigrants and Filipino Americans chosen Daly City, as opposed to say Berkeley or Oakland?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a big nursery, one of the biggest in Northern California,” said Dan Gonzales, who teaches Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University. “It was called the Golden Gate Nursery. And the anchor crew was mostly Filipino.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nursery ran along Hillside Boulevard opposite the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10779164/why-are-so-many-dead-people-in-colma-and-so-few-in-san-francisco\">cemeteries in Colma\u003c/a>. It was a major supplier of cut flowers to the cemeteries and florists in the area, said Gonzales. His mother and father worked there alongside some of the first Filipino families to buy homes in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11882808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272.jpg\" alt=\"A view from the Saint Francis neighborhood in Daly City. \" width=\"2500\" height=\"1667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-2048x1366.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the St. Francis neighborhood in Daly City. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[Filipinos] started moving out to Daly City as early as the mid and late ’50s, but they were relegated to the area to the east of Junipero Serra [Boulevard],” said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those older homes were often owned by Italian immigrants and were not part of redlined developments like Westlake where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">racial covenants prevented Filipinos or anyone of color from buying\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those first families left Daly City for jobs and homes further down the peninsula, they often sold their homes to other Filipino families. This likely established the roots of Daly City’s Filipino American population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to fully answer Ricky’s question, we need to step back and look at the complicated relationship between the Philippines and the United States going back over 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Relationship Built on Colonialism\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/war\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The United States took control of the Philippines\u003c/a> after driving the Spanish out of the islands in 1898. Filipinos fought U.S. occupation for three years. The war and subsequent famine and disease killed an estimated 200,000 Filipino civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t long before English was being taught in Filipino elementary schools, American nurses were \u003ca href=\"https://www.zocalopublicsquare.org/2019/09/30/why-are-there-so-many-filipino-nurses-in-california/ideas/essay/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">teaching Western methods to students\u003c/a> and American businesses used the islands as a source of cheap labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yw8a8n7ZAZg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That labor connection has driven a lot of emigration from the Philippines to the U.S., which occurred in three major waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Bachelor Society\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first large wave of Filipino immigrants arrived in the early 1900s — thousands of single men answered the call for agricultural labor in Hawaii and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These men created a so-called bachelor society in California’s Central Valley, including a “Little Manila” neighborhood in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That group was really the beginning of really substantial arrival and settlement in the United States,” said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FNCZ8sGJs8I\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Home From War\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Thousands of Filipinos joined the United States military to liberate the Philippines from the Japanese during World War II and to defend the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father was one of them, my wife’s father. In my generation, just about all of our fathers” joined the war effort, said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the soldiers stationed in the Philippines brought wives and children home with them, creating another spike in immigration from the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 756px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11883676 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF.png\" alt=\"A well-dressed Filipino couple stop for a photo in front of their house in 1959.\" width=\"756\" height=\"755\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF.png 756w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF-160x160.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 756px) 100vw, 756px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Soledad and Julian Gonzales met during World War II when Julian was in the Army and stationed in the Philippines. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Dan Gonzales)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Gonzales’ case, his mother, Soledad, married his father, Julian, several years after the war, giving him time to save up money for a wedding. After marrying in the Philippines, they moved to a small apartment in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, but eventually bought a house in the Excelsior/Crocker Amazon neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have really vivid recollections of segregation,” said Gonzales. “There was always an issue of, you know, will the white people let you live there? I mean, it was it was very clear that white people had the power to exclude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 756px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11883682 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960.png\" alt=\"A young Filipino boy straddles a bike in front of a house in 1960.\" width=\"756\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960.png 756w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960-160x213.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 756px) 100vw, 756px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dan Gonzales grew up around a community of Filipino immigrants and Filipino Americans. He said discrimination was common, so the community relied on one another for help and support. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Dan Gonzales)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls one time when he and his parents were driving around San Francisco and they stopped to look at a house that was for sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [real estate agent] ran up the stairs and he was really eager to talk to the owner to see whether or not he would show the house to my parents,” said Gonzales. “He talked to the owner for a couple of moments, walked down the stairs very slowly and he walked up to the driver’s side of the car where my father was sitting and said, ‘I’m sorry, Mr. and Mrs. Gonzales, but the owner refuses to show you the house and he has the right to do that.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said that his dad, who had been in the U.S. since before the war, wasn’t surprised. But his mother was shocked. “I think she cried for three days. … She never missed work,” said Gonzales, “but she didn’t go to work the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Change in Policy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“People refer to the third wave very commonly as the 1965 group,” Gonzales said. “Post 65. Those are the big numbers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third large wave of immigrants from the Philippines came after the \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965\u003c/a>, which changed United States policy from one focused on country of origin to one that prioritized people with desirable skills and family already in the U.S. Many Filipinos had both, due in part to the Americanization of their culture during the U.S occupation of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juslyn Manalo grew up in Daly City and is now mayor. Her mother, Josie, came to the U.S. by herself in 1973 with plans to teach. \u003ca href=\"https://www.zocalopublicsquare.org/2019/09/30/why-are-there-so-many-filipino-nurses-in-california/ideas/essay/\">Like nursing\u003c/a>, teaching is a profession for which many Filipinos are recruited to come to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1125px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883670\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3.jpg\" alt=\"A Filipino American family poses for a photograph. They are wearing clothes and have hairstyles that were popular in the 1990s.\" width=\"1125\" height=\"1370\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3.jpg 1125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-800x974.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-1020x1242.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-160x195.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1125px) 100vw, 1125px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo’s family poses for a photo in their Daly City home during the 1990s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Juslyn Manalo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manalo recalls her mother’s classroom experience with laughter: “And at that point, you know, she’s 5 feet. She got the sixth grade class. And unfortunately, she was like, ‘Oh, my goodness!’ She was in culture shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manalo’s father, Carlito, moved to San Francisco several years later, on the day that Manalo was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also lived in an apartment in San Francisco before buying a house in Daly City, which they chose for it’s short commute to the city, Manalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883705\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall.jpg\" alt=\"Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo points to a wall of past mayors on the wall of City Hall. For many years white men dominated, but more recently the city's diverse community is represented here too.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo points to a wall of past mayors on the wall of City Hall. For many years white men dominated, but more recently the city’s diverse community has been represented here, too. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manalo’s parents worked hard to pay their mortgage and support the family. They didn’t get involved in local politics, but Manalo said her desire to represent her community is built on the shoulders of leaders who came before her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was and is a robust, civically engaged group of Filipino Americans that, you know, my parents probably weren’t involved in,” said Manalo. She cites the decades-old Filipino American Democratic Club of San Mateo County and Alice Peña Bulos, the “Godmother of Filipino American politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Daly City’s International Name Recognition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees.jpg\" alt=\"There are now 37 Jollibees locations across the U.S., but the first one opened in Daly City.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">There are now 37 Jollibee locations across the U.S., but the first one opened in Daly City. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Muño-Bucheli/KQEDii)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of it is just a matter of practicality,” said James Zarsadiaz, director of the University of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.usfca.edu/arts-sciences/undergraduate-programs/philippine-studies\">Yuchengco Philippine Studies Program\u003c/a>, when asked why so many Filipino Americans have settled in Daly City. He’s right: From those first homebuyers who worked at the Colma nursery, to Juslyn Manalo and Dan Gonzales’ parents, proximity to work and a desire for more space has brought a lot of people to this particular suburb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Daly City is certainly not alone in having a large Filipino American population. Large Filipino American communities exist in Southern California, in New York and in Seattle. According to 2019 census data, 4.2 million people who identify as Filipino or Filipino and another race live in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Daly City has something those cities don’t have: name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among Filipino Americans and Filipinos around the world, you can say Daly City and they know where that is because they probably have a friend, a relative, some family member or connection that lives in Daly City,” Zarsadiaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jolly Spaghetti and ChickenJoy are just a few of the items that have made Jollibee popular around the world. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are business connections, too. The Filipino Channel is headquartered in Daly City. And the Filipino fast food restaurant chain Jollibee picked Daly City for its first U.S. location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may not be the Philippines itself, but you have access to the goods, to friends and social networks that make it easier [for immigrants] to feel more comfortable and to kind of ease into a new landscape and new way of life,” Zarsadiaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up as part of a large Filipino community has helped shape the identity of many younger Daly City residents who were born here or came to the U.S when they were young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew up with these spaces, these foods, these traditions,” said Zarsadiaz. “And it’s a big part of who they are and how they see themselves as part of a wider network and community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/lEmsbjbcE8Q\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Bayanihan Spirit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“When there is family that moved to a certain place, then other family members will move close by,” said Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She mentioned bayanihan, the Filipino concept of doing something for the greater good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things like running for city council, packing up a balikbayan box with your cousins’ favorite cookies, being an extra in your young neighbor’s movie, hosting a foreign language student in your home — these are all examples of the bayanihan spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"episode-transcript\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>The running joke of Daly city is that the reason why it’s so foggy is because everyone opens up the rice cookers at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> This is Patricio Ginelsa. He directed the indy cult classic \u003ci>Lumpia\u003c/i> and its sequel, \u003ci>Lumpia with a Vengeance\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>All my sexy Pinoys and Pinais!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>The fictional Fogtown in the film is really his hometown…Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>Welcome to fogtown where over 60 percent of the population is Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Patricio shot the first Lumpia movie when he was home on summer break from USC film school. His friends are the actors, his neighbors the extras….and the Filipino food staple lumpia… his hero’s weapon of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>It’s not a taquito. It’s Lumpia, the Filipino eggroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>It’s a very fun film…an action comedy, but deals with the sensitive issue of discrimination against newer immigrants within the Filipino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>It gave me an opportunity to talk about these experiences through a wacky comic book filter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>I met up with Patricio at his old high school, Jefferson High, where he shot scenes for both movies. Growing up he didn’t realize how unique it was to be surrounded by so many Filipino people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>I thought it was like this everywhere else in the United States at that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>But Daly City is not like everywhere else. Filipino people are not a minority here..a fact that’s apparent to anyone who works in the community. Ricky Tjandra, our question asker this week, used to help international students find homestay placements. Many families he worked with in Daly City were Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ricky Tjandra: \u003c/b>I noticed that there’s a large Filipino population in Daly City and I was always curious about the origins of that and how it came about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Daly City does have a large Filipino population, about 30%. But it wasn’t always this way. After World War II, a lot of the houses built in Daly City were in whites-only developments like Westlake. We made a Bay Curious episode all about that history — I’ll put a link to it in the show notes. Check it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going back more than a hundred years to explain the complicated relationship between the US and the Philippines, why so many Filipino people chose to settle in Daly City, and how this place has become a cultural touchstone for Filipinos around the world. This episode first aired in August of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Katrina Schwartz and you’re listening to Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor Message\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Producer Amanda Stupi used to live in South San Francisco and has family in Daly City. She’s spent her fair share of time hanging out at the Serramonte Mall food court. And she’s been looking into why Daly City is such a hub for the Filipino community. Hi, Amanda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi:\u003c/b> Hi, Katrina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> I know the relationship between the U.S. and the Philippines goes back a long way. When do we see immigration from the Philippines begin?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi:\u003c/b> Filipino immigration to the US goes back to the 1890s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the western United States had seen a lot of immigration from Asia and many white people resented that immigrants from places like China and Japan were starting to buy land and farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>And then in nineteen twenty four, there was a strong push nationally, not just statewide, but nationally to exclude Japanese immigrants, but what they did was they said why just exclude Japanese immigrants? Let’s exclude them all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>This is Dan Gonzales, professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State. Back then, the Philippines were technically part of the United States because after the US military drove the Spanish out of the Philippines, the Americans decided to occupy the islands and colonize them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> Because the American flag flew over the Philippines they couldn’t be excluded, Filipinos could be restricted, but they couldn’t be excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>At the same time, California was becoming an agricultural powerhouse. Farmers and businesses needed cheap labor. They found it in the Philippines. Thousands of young Filipino men came to California to harvest crops like asparagus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dimitri Ente Jr: \u003c/b>The hardest work I ever done was asparagus. You had to get the asparagus out of the fields because during the hot day, the sun will soak up the liquid in the grass, the asparagus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>That’s Dimitri Ente Jr, who was interviewed in a PBS documentary about Stockton’s Little Manila neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dimitri Ente Jr:\u003c/b> When working in the grass, the wind was just blowing on that peat dust. You couldn’t see your hand in front of your face. I wore two pairs of pants, 3 shirts, a bandana over my head, a scarf and goggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>During the Great Depression of the 1930s displaced people flooded into California looking for jobs. Jobs Filipino immigrants were already doing. That set the stage for conflict. Gonzales says that animosity spurred the US government to once again limit immigration, this time from the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Gonzales again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> It was just as much race, as it was for economic reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Immigration from the Philippines dried to a trickle until World War 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>By the time the war broke out…the US had seen 50 years of immigration from the Philippines. Thousands of those immigrants joined the military to fight the Japanese in the Pacific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>My father was one of them, my father, my and my wife’s father, my generation, just about all of our fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Many of those soldiers… who’d fought in the Pacific… met and married wives in the Philippines. That led to a second wave of immigration…this time with women and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzales’ mother married his father a couple of years after the war, giving him time to save up for a wedding and … Gonzales teases, for his mother to be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>Courted properly. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b> When she first arrived in San Francisco, Gonzales’ mother and father worked at Golden Gate Nursery…a huge operation that sold flowers to the Colma cemeteries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>There was a big nursery, one of the biggest in Northern California. And the anchor crew was mostly Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzalez says the nursery workers were some of the first Filipinos to buy houses in Daly City. And when they moved on — often for jobs down the peninsula — they sold their houses to other Filipino families. That’s likely how Filipino Americans started to build a community in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>They started moving out to Daly City as early as the mid and late 50s, but they were relegated to the area to the east of Junipero Serra. And typically to the older homes that were built in the 20s and 30s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>These houses weren’t part of big developments…and didn’t have rules about who could…or couldn’t… live there like some Daly City neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> There was always an issue of, you know, will the white people let you live there? I mean, it was very clear that white people had the power to exclude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Dan Gonzalez remembers growing up in the South of Market area ….one of the few places Filipino families could rent when they arrived in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>I have really vivid recollections of segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>After saving up money, his parents started thinking about moving. He remembers a time in the 1950s when they were driving around and stopped to look at a house that was for sale. The real estate agent went to ask the owner about showing it to Gonazales’ parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>He talked to the owner for a couple of moments, walked down the stairs very slowly and he walked up to the driver’s side of the car where my father was sitting and and said, I’m sorry, Mr. and Mrs. Gonzales, but the owner refuses to show you the house and he has the right to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts playing\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>And you know, my dad, who had been here since before the Second World War, he knew about that. And so he knew he had to accept that when my mother, who had not come here until after the Second World War, was shocked by it, dismayed by it. And I tell you, I think she cried for three days because one of the few times that she didn’t go to work the next day, she never missed work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzales’ family did eventually buy a home and settle down in San Francisco’s Excelsior neighborhood, now a thriving, diverse neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small but steady stream of Filipinos continued immigrating to the US through the 1960s. Then, immigration policy shifted in a major way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1965, the U.S got rid of its racist immigration policy that kept Asian immigrants out. The law now favored people with education or who had family already in the United States. Many Filipinos had both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>As the Filipinos arrive after 1965, some of them are not only educated, but they are experienced. They actually have been working in their professions in the Philippines. And so they’re recruited to pretty decent jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>One of those people was Josie Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>My mother, Josie Manolo, she came in 1974 as a single woman and she came here, you know, of course for a better opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>This is Daly City mayor Juslyn Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>She came to be a teacher over here, but her story is when she went to get her kind of first assignment, they gave her the sixth grade class. you know, she’s five feet. she was in culture shock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Like a lot of immigrants, Juslyn’s parents moved directly to San Francisco where there was a Filipino community and jobs. And then, after saving up money, and growing tired of living in a small apartment, they moved to the closest, most affordable suburb — Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>As an eight year old I thought it was so far. I mean, going on a freeway, I was like, oh, my gosh, I’m moving so far. And in hindsight, it was actually so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Around this time, San Francisco planners were tearing down and “redeveloping” the Fillmore and South of Market neighborhoods. So whether they wanted to leave or not, the Filipinos living in those areas needed another affordable place to live and many found that in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By this time the Fair Housing Act of 1968 had passed, making housing discrimination based on race illegal. That set the stage for Daly City to become the diverse place it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>When there is family that moved to a certain place, then other family members will move close by. And I think that’s also, you know, how the population grew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>And people in the Filipino community help one another. It’s a cultural value called bayanihan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> So when folks say they’re doing something in the bayanihan spirit, what they’re often referring to is doing something for the greater good, for the community at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Here’s James Zarsadiaz, head of the Yuchengo Center for Filipino Studies at the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zarzadiaz says the Bayanihan spirit has helped Daly City thrive. Now it has something a lot of other Filipino communities around the country don’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz: \u003c/b>International name recognition among Filipino Americans and Filipinos around the world, you can say Daly City and they know where that is because they probably have a friend, a relative, some family member or connection that lives in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>The Filipino Channel is headquartered in Daly City. There are dozens of Filipino restaurants and bakeries. And the Filipino fast food restaurant Jollibees picked Daly City for its first U.S. location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> It may not be the Philippines itself, but you have access to the goods, to friends and social networks that make it easier for them to feel more comfortable and to kind of ease into a new landscape and new way of life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music in\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Mayor Juslyn Manalo is from a generation of Filipino Americans who grew up surrounded by these tastes and sounds of Filipino culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> It’s part of their identity. They grew up with these spaces, these foods, these traditions. And it’s a big part of who they are and how they see themselves as part of a wider network and community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Now Manalo is committed to making Daly City a welcoming place for people of all backgrounds. She says she owes it to her elders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>So I’m a beneficiary of those that were leaders way before my time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>The Filipino and Filipino-American roots run deep in Daly City. More than 70 years. You can see it at City Hall. There’s this wall with photos of past mayors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>You’ll see kind of the change along the years, there was heavily Caucasian men on that wall and then finally a Caucasian woman. And then further down the line, you saw diversity. So you know, there has been that change that reflects the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Over the last three decades Manalo says Filipino Americans like her have been showing up on that wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> That was producer Amanda Stupi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to check out our other episode about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">why Daly City is so densely populated\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link to it in our show notes. You’ll also see a link to donate there. As you may have heard, funding for public media is in jeopardy right now and we need folks like you to step up and support the show. Every little bit helps. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is a production of member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien and everyone at team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks for listening! Have a great week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article first published August 5, 2021. Since then, Juslyn Manalo finished her term as mayor and has transitioned back onto the city council.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether it’s the smells of señorita bread wafting from Ling Nam Starbread, or storefronts advertising \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-balikbayan-boxes-20180428-htmlstory.html\">balikbayan boxes\u003c/a> — Filipinos and Filipino Americans often find something familiar in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly one in three Daly City residents identify as Filipino, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/cedsci/table?q=Daly%20City&tid=ACSDP1Y2019.DP05&hidePreview=false\">according to 2019 Census data\u003c/a>. But it wasn’t always this way. After World War II, a lot of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">the houses built in Daly City were in whites-only developments like Westlake\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricky Tjandra works for a language school in San Francisco, and used to be in charge of finding families for students to live with. Often the retired couples who hosted students were living in Daly City. And more often than not, they were Filipino American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This got Ricky wondering about the connection between Daly City and the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I notice that there’s a large Filipino community in Daly City, and I’m just wondering how that came to be,” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Golden Gate Nursery\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Why have so many Filipino immigrants and Filipino Americans chosen Daly City, as opposed to say Berkeley or Oakland?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a big nursery, one of the biggest in Northern California,” said Dan Gonzales, who teaches Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University. “It was called the Golden Gate Nursery. And the anchor crew was mostly Filipino.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nursery ran along Hillside Boulevard opposite the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10779164/why-are-so-many-dead-people-in-colma-and-so-few-in-san-francisco\">cemeteries in Colma\u003c/a>. It was a major supplier of cut flowers to the cemeteries and florists in the area, said Gonzales. His mother and father worked there alongside some of the first Filipino families to buy homes in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11882808\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11882808\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272.jpg\" alt=\"A view from the Saint Francis neighborhood in Daly City. \" width=\"2500\" height=\"1667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-2048x1366.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/07272021_MinoBucheli_DalyCity-0272-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A view from the St. Francis neighborhood in Daly City. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“[Filipinos] started moving out to Daly City as early as the mid and late ’50s, but they were relegated to the area to the east of Junipero Serra [Boulevard],” said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those older homes were often owned by Italian immigrants and were not part of redlined developments like Westlake where \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">racial covenants prevented Filipinos or anyone of color from buying\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As those first families left Daly City for jobs and homes further down the peninsula, they often sold their homes to other Filipino families. This likely established the roots of Daly City’s Filipino American population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But to fully answer Ricky’s question, we need to step back and look at the complicated relationship between the Philippines and the United States going back over 100 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Relationship Built on Colonialism\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://history.state.gov/milestones/1899-1913/war\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The United States took control of the Philippines\u003c/a> after driving the Spanish out of the islands in 1898. Filipinos fought U.S. occupation for three years. The war and subsequent famine and disease killed an estimated 200,000 Filipino civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t long before English was being taught in Filipino elementary schools, American nurses were \u003ca href=\"https://www.zocalopublicsquare.org/2019/09/30/why-are-there-so-many-filipino-nurses-in-california/ideas/essay/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">teaching Western methods to students\u003c/a> and American businesses used the islands as a source of cheap labor.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yw8a8n7ZAZg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yw8a8n7ZAZg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>That labor connection has driven a lot of emigration from the Philippines to the U.S., which occurred in three major waves.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Bachelor Society\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The first large wave of Filipino immigrants arrived in the early 1900s — thousands of single men answered the call for agricultural labor in Hawaii and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These men created a so-called bachelor society in California’s Central Valley, including a “Little Manila” neighborhood in Stockton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That group was really the beginning of really substantial arrival and settlement in the United States,” said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/FNCZ8sGJs8I'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/FNCZ8sGJs8I'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch3>Home From War\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Thousands of Filipinos joined the United States military to liberate the Philippines from the Japanese during World War II and to defend the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My father was one of them, my wife’s father. In my generation, just about all of our fathers” joined the war effort, said Gonzales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the soldiers stationed in the Philippines brought wives and children home with them, creating another spike in immigration from the islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 756px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11883676 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF.png\" alt=\"A well-dressed Filipino couple stop for a photo in front of their house in 1959.\" width=\"756\" height=\"755\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF.png 756w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Soledad-and-Julian-Gonzales-1959-in-front-of-their-house-in-SF-160x160.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 756px) 100vw, 756px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Soledad and Julian Gonzales met during World War II when Julian was in the Army and stationed in the Philippines. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Dan Gonzales)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In Gonzales’ case, his mother, Soledad, married his father, Julian, several years after the war, giving him time to save up money for a wedding. After marrying in the Philippines, they moved to a small apartment in San Francisco’s South of Market neighborhood, but eventually bought a house in the Excelsior/Crocker Amazon neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have really vivid recollections of segregation,” said Gonzales. “There was always an issue of, you know, will the white people let you live there? I mean, it was it was very clear that white people had the power to exclude.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883682\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 756px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11883682 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960.png\" alt=\"A young Filipino boy straddles a bike in front of a house in 1960.\" width=\"756\" height=\"1008\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960.png 756w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Dan-Gonzales-1960-160x213.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 756px) 100vw, 756px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dan Gonzales grew up around a community of Filipino immigrants and Filipino Americans. He said discrimination was common, so the community relied on one another for help and support. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Dan Gonzales)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He recalls one time when he and his parents were driving around San Francisco and they stopped to look at a house that was for sale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The [real estate agent] ran up the stairs and he was really eager to talk to the owner to see whether or not he would show the house to my parents,” said Gonzales. “He talked to the owner for a couple of moments, walked down the stairs very slowly and he walked up to the driver’s side of the car where my father was sitting and said, ‘I’m sorry, Mr. and Mrs. Gonzales, but the owner refuses to show you the house and he has the right to do that.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said that his dad, who had been in the U.S. since before the war, wasn’t surprised. But his mother was shocked. “I think she cried for three days. … She never missed work,” said Gonzales, “but she didn’t go to work the next day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Change in Policy\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“People refer to the third wave very commonly as the 1965 group,” Gonzales said. “Post 65. Those are the big numbers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The third large wave of immigrants from the Philippines came after the \u003ca href=\"https://history.house.gov/Historical-Highlights/1951-2000/Immigration-and-Nationality-Act-of-1965/\">Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965\u003c/a>, which changed United States policy from one focused on country of origin to one that prioritized people with desirable skills and family already in the U.S. Many Filipinos had both, due in part to the Americanization of their culture during the U.S occupation of the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juslyn Manalo grew up in Daly City and is now mayor. Her mother, Josie, came to the U.S. by herself in 1973 with plans to teach. \u003ca href=\"https://www.zocalopublicsquare.org/2019/09/30/why-are-there-so-many-filipino-nurses-in-california/ideas/essay/\">Like nursing\u003c/a>, teaching is a profession for which many Filipinos are recruited to come to the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1125px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883670\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3.jpg\" alt=\"A Filipino American family poses for a photograph. They are wearing clothes and have hairstyles that were popular in the 1990s.\" width=\"1125\" height=\"1370\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3.jpg 1125w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-800x974.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-1020x1242.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Image-from-iOS-3-160x195.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1125px) 100vw, 1125px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo’s family poses for a photo in their Daly City home during the 1990s. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Juslyn Manalo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manalo recalls her mother’s classroom experience with laughter: “And at that point, you know, she’s 5 feet. She got the sixth grade class. And unfortunately, she was like, ‘Oh, my goodness!’ She was in culture shock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manalo’s father, Carlito, moved to San Francisco several years later, on the day that Manalo was born.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also lived in an apartment in San Francisco before buying a house in Daly City, which they chose for it’s short commute to the city, Manalo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883705\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall.jpg\" alt=\"Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo points to a wall of past mayors on the wall of City Hall. For many years white men dominated, but more recently the city's diverse community is represented here too.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JuslynManaloCityHall-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daly City Mayor Juslyn Manalo points to a wall of past mayors on the wall of City Hall. For many years white men dominated, but more recently the city’s diverse community has been represented here, too. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Manalo’s parents worked hard to pay their mortgage and support the family. They didn’t get involved in local politics, but Manalo said her desire to represent her community is built on the shoulders of leaders who came before her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was and is a robust, civically engaged group of Filipino Americans that, you know, my parents probably weren’t involved in,” said Manalo. She cites the decades-old Filipino American Democratic Club of San Mateo County and Alice Peña Bulos, the “Godmother of Filipino American politics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Daly City’s International Name Recognition\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883701\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees.jpg\" alt=\"There are now 37 Jollibees locations across the U.S., but the first one opened in Daly City.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/Jollibees-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">There are now 37 Jollibee locations across the U.S., but the first one opened in Daly City. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Muño-Bucheli/KQEDii)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“A lot of it is just a matter of practicality,” said James Zarsadiaz, director of the University of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.usfca.edu/arts-sciences/undergraduate-programs/philippine-studies\">Yuchengco Philippine Studies Program\u003c/a>, when asked why so many Filipino Americans have settled in Daly City. He’s right: From those first homebuyers who worked at the Colma nursery, to Juslyn Manalo and Dan Gonzales’ parents, proximity to work and a desire for more space has brought a lot of people to this particular suburb.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Daly City is certainly not alone in having a large Filipino American population. Large Filipino American communities exist in Southern California, in New York and in Seattle. According to 2019 census data, 4.2 million people who identify as Filipino or Filipino and another race live in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Daly City has something those cities don’t have: name recognition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Among Filipino Americans and Filipinos around the world, you can say Daly City and they know where that is because they probably have a friend, a relative, some family member or connection that lives in Daly City,” Zarsadiaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11883703\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11883703\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/08/JollibeesMenu-1536x864.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jolly Spaghetti and ChickenJoy are just a few of the items that have made Jollibee popular around the world. \u003ccite>(Sebastian Miño-Bucheli/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There are business connections, too. The Filipino Channel is headquartered in Daly City. And the Filipino fast food restaurant chain Jollibee picked Daly City for its first U.S. location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may not be the Philippines itself, but you have access to the goods, to friends and social networks that make it easier [for immigrants] to feel more comfortable and to kind of ease into a new landscape and new way of life,” Zarsadiaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up as part of a large Filipino community has helped shape the identity of many younger Daly City residents who were born here or came to the U.S when they were young.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They grew up with these spaces, these foods, these traditions,” said Zarsadiaz. “And it’s a big part of who they are and how they see themselves as part of a wider network and community.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/lEmsbjbcE8Q'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/lEmsbjbcE8Q'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch3>Bayanihan Spirit\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“When there is family that moved to a certain place, then other family members will move close by,” said Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She mentioned bayanihan, the Filipino concept of doing something for the greater good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things like running for city council, packing up a balikbayan box with your cousins’ favorite cookies, being an extra in your young neighbor’s movie, hosting a foreign language student in your home — these are all examples of the bayanihan spirit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"episode-transcript\">\u003c/a>Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>The running joke of Daly city is that the reason why it’s so foggy is because everyone opens up the rice cookers at the same time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> This is Patricio Ginelsa. He directed the indy cult classic \u003ci>Lumpia\u003c/i> and its sequel, \u003ci>Lumpia with a Vengeance\u003c/i>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>All my sexy Pinoys and Pinais!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>The fictional Fogtown in the film is really his hometown…Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>Welcome to fogtown where over 60 percent of the population is Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Patricio shot the first Lumpia movie when he was home on summer break from USC film school. His friends are the actors, his neighbors the extras….and the Filipino food staple lumpia… his hero’s weapon of choice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>From Lumpia With A Vengeance Trailer: \u003c/b>It’s not a taquito. It’s Lumpia, the Filipino eggroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>It’s a very fun film…an action comedy, but deals with the sensitive issue of discrimination against newer immigrants within the Filipino community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>It gave me an opportunity to talk about these experiences through a wacky comic book filter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>I met up with Patricio at his old high school, Jefferson High, where he shot scenes for both movies. Growing up he didn’t realize how unique it was to be surrounded by so many Filipino people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Patricio Ginelsa: \u003c/b>I thought it was like this everywhere else in the United States at that point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>But Daly City is not like everywhere else. Filipino people are not a minority here..a fact that’s apparent to anyone who works in the community. Ricky Tjandra, our question asker this week, used to help international students find homestay placements. Many families he worked with in Daly City were Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ricky Tjandra: \u003c/b>I noticed that there’s a large Filipino population in Daly City and I was always curious about the origins of that and how it came about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Daly City does have a large Filipino population, about 30%. But it wasn’t always this way. After World War II, a lot of the houses built in Daly City were in whites-only developments like Westlake. We made a Bay Curious episode all about that history — I’ll put a link to it in the show notes. Check it out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we’re going back more than a hundred years to explain the complicated relationship between the US and the Philippines, why so many Filipino people chose to settle in Daly City, and how this place has become a cultural touchstone for Filipinos around the world. This episode first aired in August of 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I’m Katrina Schwartz and you’re listening to Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Sponsor Message\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/b>Producer Amanda Stupi used to live in South San Francisco and has family in Daly City. She’s spent her fair share of time hanging out at the Serramonte Mall food court. And she’s been looking into why Daly City is such a hub for the Filipino community. Hi, Amanda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi:\u003c/b> Hi, Katrina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> I know the relationship between the U.S. and the Philippines goes back a long way. When do we see immigration from the Philippines begin?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi:\u003c/b> Filipino immigration to the US goes back to the 1890s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By then, the western United States had seen a lot of immigration from Asia and many white people resented that immigrants from places like China and Japan were starting to buy land and farm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>And then in nineteen twenty four, there was a strong push nationally, not just statewide, but nationally to exclude Japanese immigrants, but what they did was they said why just exclude Japanese immigrants? Let’s exclude them all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>This is Dan Gonzales, professor of Asian American studies at San Francisco State. Back then, the Philippines were technically part of the United States because after the US military drove the Spanish out of the Philippines, the Americans decided to occupy the islands and colonize them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> Because the American flag flew over the Philippines they couldn’t be excluded, Filipinos could be restricted, but they couldn’t be excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>At the same time, California was becoming an agricultural powerhouse. Farmers and businesses needed cheap labor. They found it in the Philippines. Thousands of young Filipino men came to California to harvest crops like asparagus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dimitri Ente Jr: \u003c/b>The hardest work I ever done was asparagus. You had to get the asparagus out of the fields because during the hot day, the sun will soak up the liquid in the grass, the asparagus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>That’s Dimitri Ente Jr, who was interviewed in a PBS documentary about Stockton’s Little Manila neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dimitri Ente Jr:\u003c/b> When working in the grass, the wind was just blowing on that peat dust. You couldn’t see your hand in front of your face. I wore two pairs of pants, 3 shirts, a bandana over my head, a scarf and goggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>During the Great Depression of the 1930s displaced people flooded into California looking for jobs. Jobs Filipino immigrants were already doing. That set the stage for conflict. Gonzales says that animosity spurred the US government to once again limit immigration, this time from the Philippines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dan Gonzales again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> It was just as much race, as it was for economic reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Immigration from the Philippines dried to a trickle until World War 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>By the time the war broke out…the US had seen 50 years of immigration from the Philippines. Thousands of those immigrants joined the military to fight the Japanese in the Pacific.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>My father was one of them, my father, my and my wife’s father, my generation, just about all of our fathers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Many of those soldiers… who’d fought in the Pacific… met and married wives in the Philippines. That led to a second wave of immigration…this time with women and children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzales’ mother married his father a couple of years after the war, giving him time to save up for a wedding and … Gonzales teases, for his mother to be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>Courted properly. Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b> When she first arrived in San Francisco, Gonzales’ mother and father worked at Golden Gate Nursery…a huge operation that sold flowers to the Colma cemeteries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>There was a big nursery, one of the biggest in Northern California. And the anchor crew was mostly Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzalez says the nursery workers were some of the first Filipinos to buy houses in Daly City. And when they moved on — often for jobs down the peninsula — they sold their houses to other Filipino families. That’s likely how Filipino Americans started to build a community in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>They started moving out to Daly City as early as the mid and late 50s, but they were relegated to the area to the east of Junipero Serra. And typically to the older homes that were built in the 20s and 30s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>These houses weren’t part of big developments…and didn’t have rules about who could…or couldn’t… live there like some Daly City neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales:\u003c/b> There was always an issue of, you know, will the white people let you live there? I mean, it was very clear that white people had the power to exclude.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Dan Gonzalez remembers growing up in the South of Market area ….one of the few places Filipino families could rent when they arrived in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>I have really vivid recollections of segregation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>After saving up money, his parents started thinking about moving. He remembers a time in the 1950s when they were driving around and stopped to look at a house that was for sale. The real estate agent went to ask the owner about showing it to Gonazales’ parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>He talked to the owner for a couple of moments, walked down the stairs very slowly and he walked up to the driver’s side of the car where my father was sitting and and said, I’m sorry, Mr. and Mrs. Gonzales, but the owner refuses to show you the house and he has the right to do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music starts playing\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>And you know, my dad, who had been here since before the Second World War, he knew about that. And so he knew he had to accept that when my mother, who had not come here until after the Second World War, was shocked by it, dismayed by it. And I tell you, I think she cried for three days because one of the few times that she didn’t go to work the next day, she never missed work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Gonzales’ family did eventually buy a home and settle down in San Francisco’s Excelsior neighborhood, now a thriving, diverse neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A small but steady stream of Filipinos continued immigrating to the US through the 1960s. Then, immigration policy shifted in a major way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1965, the U.S got rid of its racist immigration policy that kept Asian immigrants out. The law now favored people with education or who had family already in the United States. Many Filipinos had both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Dan Gonzales: \u003c/b>As the Filipinos arrive after 1965, some of them are not only educated, but they are experienced. They actually have been working in their professions in the Philippines. And so they’re recruited to pretty decent jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>One of those people was Josie Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>My mother, Josie Manolo, she came in 1974 as a single woman and she came here, you know, of course for a better opportunity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>This is Daly City mayor Juslyn Manalo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>She came to be a teacher over here, but her story is when she went to get her kind of first assignment, they gave her the sixth grade class. you know, she’s five feet. she was in culture shock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Like a lot of immigrants, Juslyn’s parents moved directly to San Francisco where there was a Filipino community and jobs. And then, after saving up money, and growing tired of living in a small apartment, they moved to the closest, most affordable suburb — Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>As an eight year old I thought it was so far. I mean, going on a freeway, I was like, oh, my gosh, I’m moving so far. And in hindsight, it was actually so close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Around this time, San Francisco planners were tearing down and “redeveloping” the Fillmore and South of Market neighborhoods. So whether they wanted to leave or not, the Filipinos living in those areas needed another affordable place to live and many found that in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By this time the Fair Housing Act of 1968 had passed, making housing discrimination based on race illegal. That set the stage for Daly City to become the diverse place it is today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>When there is family that moved to a certain place, then other family members will move close by. And I think that’s also, you know, how the population grew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>And people in the Filipino community help one another. It’s a cultural value called bayanihan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> So when folks say they’re doing something in the bayanihan spirit, what they’re often referring to is doing something for the greater good, for the community at large.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Here’s James Zarsadiaz, head of the Yuchengo Center for Filipino Studies at the University of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zarzadiaz says the Bayanihan spirit has helped Daly City thrive. Now it has something a lot of other Filipino communities around the country don’t have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz: \u003c/b>International name recognition among Filipino Americans and Filipinos around the world, you can say Daly City and they know where that is because they probably have a friend, a relative, some family member or connection that lives in Daly City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>The Filipino Channel is headquartered in Daly City. There are dozens of Filipino restaurants and bakeries. And the Filipino fast food restaurant Jollibees picked Daly City for its first U.S. location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> It may not be the Philippines itself, but you have access to the goods, to friends and social networks that make it easier for them to feel more comfortable and to kind of ease into a new landscape and new way of life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Music in\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Mayor Juslyn Manalo is from a generation of Filipino Americans who grew up surrounded by these tastes and sounds of Filipino culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>J\u003c/b>\u003cb>ames Zarsadiaz:\u003c/b> It’s part of their identity. They grew up with these spaces, these foods, these traditions. And it’s a big part of who they are and how they see themselves as part of a wider network and community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Now Manalo is committed to making Daly City a welcoming place for people of all backgrounds. She says she owes it to her elders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>So I’m a beneficiary of those that were leaders way before my time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>The Filipino and Filipino-American roots run deep in Daly City. More than 70 years. You can see it at City Hall. There’s this wall with photos of past mayors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Juslyn Manalo: \u003c/b>You’ll see kind of the change along the years, there was heavily Caucasian men on that wall and then finally a Caucasian woman. And then further down the line, you saw diversity. So you know, there has been that change that reflects the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Amanda Stupi: \u003c/b>Over the last three decades Manalo says Filipino Americans like her have been showing up on that wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katrina Schwartz:\u003c/b> That was producer Amanda Stupi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to check out our other episode about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11882379/how-daly-city-became-one-of-the-most-densely-populated-cities-in-the-country\">why Daly City is so densely populated\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link to it in our show notes. You’ll also see a link to donate there. As you may have heard, funding for public media is in jeopardy right now and we need folks like you to step up and support the show. Every little bit helps. We really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious is a production of member-supported KQED in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our show is made by Gabriela Glueck, Christopher Beale and me, Katrina Schwartz. With extra support from Maha Sanad, Katie Springer, Jen Chien and everyone at team KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists. San Francisco Northern California Local.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "their-families-keep-california-farms-running-trump-cuts-just-stripped-a-lifeline-from-them",
"title": "Their Families Keep California Farms Running. Trump Cuts Just Stripped a Lifeline From Them",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Yvette Medina was growing up in the labor camps of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">California’s Central Valley\u003c/a>, she’d often accompany her father to the bank to cash checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d tell me, ‘You should be a bank teller. You’re inside all day, out of the sun,’” Medina recalled. “For me, growing up, there weren’t a lot of options or things to aspire to. My parents just didn’t know what was out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program called Mini-Corps changed all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps, part of the state’s Migrant Education program, sends bilingual tutors to schools and labor camps to help children whose parents work in California’s agricultural fields, dairies, fisheries and timberlands. Medina credits Mini-Corps tutors with getting her through high school and helping her enroll in college, where she ultimately earned a teaching credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now the Migrant Education program is defunded, at least temporarily, after President Donald Trump withheld its grant money on July 1. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/education-funding-california/\">Several other education programs\u003c/a> were also halted, including after-school centers, English learner programs and professional development for teachers. In California, the cuts totaled more than $810 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education said it would not release the money until it completed a review of the programs to ensure “taxpayer resources are spent in accordance with the President’s priorities and the Department’s statutory responsibilities.” Last week it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/07/after-school-california/\">released the after-school grants\u003c/a>, but nothing else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department didn’t say when that review would happen. Meanwhile, California and 23 other states have \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-freezing-billions-education\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that Trump had no right to withhold the money because it had already been appropriated by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost every county in California has Migrant Education programs. Kern has the largest number of migrant students — nearly 5,000 — but even urban counties like San Francisco have at least a few dozen.[aside postID=news_12047875 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-13-BL_qed.jpg']Now, programs for those students have been put on hold or cut back. Some school districts scraped together money to keep the programs running through summer, but others canceled programs altogether and laid off staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Butte County Office of Education, which oversees the Mini-Corps program for the state, laid off more than 400 employees as a result of the cuts. The Santa Clara County Office of Education laid off 22 staff and shuttered many services for migrant students, including college visits, a math and science program, a debate tournament and summer programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we find some other finding source,” said Tad Alexander, deputy superintendent of the Butte County Office of Education. “But right now it feels like they’re trying to bleed it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the move with the harvest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80,000 students in California are migrants, moving every few months with their parents for work, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://mephelpcenter.wested.org/hc/en-us/articles/34555377299988-2023-24-Migrant-Re-interview-Report\">recent report by West Ed\u003c/a>, an educational research and development organization. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could mean winter in Porterville for the orange harvest, spring in Salinas for strawberries, summer in Madera for peaches, fall in Oroville for almonds. Some families even venture to Washington for cherry season, or to Mexico between harvests. The majority of migrant farm workers are legally authorized to live and work in the U.S., according to WestEd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photos by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although most migrant students are in school at least part of the time, some aren’t enrolled in school at all. They’re either working in the fields themselves, caring for younger siblings or otherwise helping their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But migrant students had relatively high graduation and college-going rates – primarily community college – in part thanks to the Migrant Education program. Students can get help with reading, math, science, English language skills, one-on-one tutoring, health and social-emotional support, and help enrolling in college and navigating life after high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a century, the U.S. has offered services and protections to farm laborers from other countries. The Bracero program, an agreement between the U.S. and Mexico starting in 1942, allowed Mexican laborers to legally work in U.S. agricultural fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program ended in 1964, but President Lyndon Johnson stepped in to enact a host of other programs that benefitted migrant laborers, including the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.lbjlibrary.org/news-and-press/media-kits/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act \u003c/a>and the Migrant Education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in his career, Johnson had worked as a teacher at a school along the Texas-Mexico border where most of his students were the children of immigrants. He helped teach them English, started sports and literary clubs and drove them to nearby towns for athletic and speech competitions. He used his first paycheck to buy playground equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience was the inspiration for the Migrant Education program as well as Johnson’s other anti-poverty programs from that era, according to the National Archives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program served about 270,000 students nationwide last year, and is among the smallest of the federal education grants. Of all the programs Trump defunded on July 1, Migrant Education has the lowest price tag: $121 million for California, $375 million nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Dark times’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>De-funding the program has had a chilling effect on migrant families everywhere, said Debra Benitez, director of migrant education services for WestEd. Most migrant families deeply value education, she said, and are willing to make extraordinary sacrifices for their children to go to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program allows that to happen, she said.[aside postID=news_12049156 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SUPERVISORBILALMAHMOODPB-11-BL-KQED.jpg']“This is a population of individuals who’ve dedicated their lives to agricultural labor, very difficult work which we know historically no one else is willing to do,” said Benitez, whose grandparents were migrant laborers in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they want is for their children to be educated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes that defunding Migrant Education will ultimately hurt the economy because immigrants play such a crucial role in farming, dairy, fishing and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These families who have historically worked as migratory farm laborers, their plight has long been hard and arduous. But they’re proud to contribute to California’s economy,” Benitez said. “And then there’s the human side of it. It’s painful. These feel like dark times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingual teacher pipeline\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps works with 28 colleges and universities in the state to train tutors to work in schools and camps. Tutors earn $17.25 an hour and gain classroom experience that can give them a leg up for a teaching career. Most are bilingual Spanish speakers, but some speak Punjabi, Chinese, Hmong and other languages of California migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is to help migrant children while also creating a pipeline of bilingual teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>( Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Daniel Martinez-Osornio worked as a Mini-Corps tutor for migrant children when he was a student at Cal State San Marcos. He spent his time at schools in Vista and San Marcos, helping students with classwork but also “building connections, helping kids so they didn’t feel called out or uncomfortable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having grown up in Salinas, Martinez-Osornio understood the challenges that migrant students faced. Although his family didn’t move frequently for work, many of his cousins and friends did. With more than 4,300 migrant students, Monterey County has one of the highest percentages of migrant students in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s tough. The parents are working all day, and kids have to be home to take care of their siblings — or be taken care of by siblings,” he said. “The kids just want someone to talk to about their day, what’s going on, express their feelings. They just want to have some happiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez-Osornio was so inspired by his work in the Mini-Corps program that he decided to become a teacher. He recently earned his credential at Stanford and hopes to be a bilingual elementary teacher in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was shocked when he heard that the federal government stopped funding the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks my heart,” he said. “I just couldn’t believe it, considering the impact it has on kids and families. It’s generational impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting and hoping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some counties have been able to salvage their summer migrant programs without laying off staff, at least for now. The Fresno County Office of Education, which has the state’s third-largest migrant program with 6,300 students, has converted half of its summer programming to a hybrid virtual format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of two weeks at an outdoor education camp called Scout Island, students will spend one week there and one week on other activities, including online learning.[aside postID=news_12049124 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Out-of-ICE-SF-sign.jpg']Fresno County Superintendent of Schools Michele Cantwell-Copher said her office would continue to help migrant students as best it can, but it will likely have to make deep program cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(This program) is a lifeline for thousands of students in Fresno County,” she said. “The students who are impacted by cuts to migrant services are the same students whose families put food on our tables. We will continue to advocate fiercely to ensure these young people get the support they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperial County, which has 3,543 migrant students, received nearly $5 million last year for its migrant education program. Nonetheless, the county doesn’t plan any layoffs or program cuts, in part because County Superintendent of Schools Todd Finnell said he’s confident that the federal money will come through eventually. Also, the program is worth keeping even without the federal resources, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and families benefit significantly from the program and any reduction or elimination would certainly be a loss in our mission to improve the quality of life in Imperial County,” Finnell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Hope that you didn’t have before’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yvette Medina, whose parents are laborers from Mexico, moved every few months as a child. Her parents picked cherries, tomatoes, watermelon, asparagus and apricots, sometimes working in packing plants in Stockton or Tracy. Medina didn’t spend an entire year at one school until her senior year in high school, when she stayed with an aunt in Manteca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentors in the Migrant Education program helped her enroll at Sacramento State, and inspired her to become a Mini-Corps tutor herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_28-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of three children with towels, swim gear, and backpacks walk along a dirt path in a forest area near a river.\">\u003cfigcaption>Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program walk along a path near the San Joaquin River at the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In a world where you feel lost, it’s another person who speaks your language, reflects your culture,” Medina said. “They’re in college, they’re role models. You think, oh my gosh, I want to be like that too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina worked as an elementary school teacher for several years after graduating, and now runs the Mini-Corps program at the Butte County Office of Education. In addition to running that program, the office oversees Migrant Education for 22 counties between Sacramento and the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mini-Corps changed my life, it changed my family’s life,” Medina said. “It introduced me to a profession where I’d have access to a salary, benefits, networks. It gives you hope that you didn’t have before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/migrant-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Yvette Medina was growing up in the labor camps of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">California’s Central Valley\u003c/a>, she’d often accompany her father to the bank to cash checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d tell me, ‘You should be a bank teller. You’re inside all day, out of the sun,’” Medina recalled. “For me, growing up, there weren’t a lot of options or things to aspire to. My parents just didn’t know what was out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program called Mini-Corps changed all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps, part of the state’s Migrant Education program, sends bilingual tutors to schools and labor camps to help children whose parents work in California’s agricultural fields, dairies, fisheries and timberlands. Medina credits Mini-Corps tutors with getting her through high school and helping her enroll in college, where she ultimately earned a teaching credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now the Migrant Education program is defunded, at least temporarily, after President Donald Trump withheld its grant money on July 1. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/education-funding-california/\">Several other education programs\u003c/a> were also halted, including after-school centers, English learner programs and professional development for teachers. In California, the cuts totaled more than $810 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education said it would not release the money until it completed a review of the programs to ensure “taxpayer resources are spent in accordance with the President’s priorities and the Department’s statutory responsibilities.” Last week it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/07/after-school-california/\">released the after-school grants\u003c/a>, but nothing else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department didn’t say when that review would happen. Meanwhile, California and 23 other states have \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-freezing-billions-education\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that Trump had no right to withhold the money because it had already been appropriated by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost every county in California has Migrant Education programs. Kern has the largest number of migrant students — nearly 5,000 — but even urban counties like San Francisco have at least a few dozen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, programs for those students have been put on hold or cut back. Some school districts scraped together money to keep the programs running through summer, but others canceled programs altogether and laid off staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Butte County Office of Education, which oversees the Mini-Corps program for the state, laid off more than 400 employees as a result of the cuts. The Santa Clara County Office of Education laid off 22 staff and shuttered many services for migrant students, including college visits, a math and science program, a debate tournament and summer programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we find some other finding source,” said Tad Alexander, deputy superintendent of the Butte County Office of Education. “But right now it feels like they’re trying to bleed it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the move with the harvest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80,000 students in California are migrants, moving every few months with their parents for work, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://mephelpcenter.wested.org/hc/en-us/articles/34555377299988-2023-24-Migrant-Re-interview-Report\">recent report by West Ed\u003c/a>, an educational research and development organization. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could mean winter in Porterville for the orange harvest, spring in Salinas for strawberries, summer in Madera for peaches, fall in Oroville for almonds. Some families even venture to Washington for cherry season, or to Mexico between harvests. The majority of migrant farm workers are legally authorized to live and work in the U.S., according to WestEd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photos by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although most migrant students are in school at least part of the time, some aren’t enrolled in school at all. They’re either working in the fields themselves, caring for younger siblings or otherwise helping their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But migrant students had relatively high graduation and college-going rates – primarily community college – in part thanks to the Migrant Education program. Students can get help with reading, math, science, English language skills, one-on-one tutoring, health and social-emotional support, and help enrolling in college and navigating life after high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a century, the U.S. has offered services and protections to farm laborers from other countries. The Bracero program, an agreement between the U.S. and Mexico starting in 1942, allowed Mexican laborers to legally work in U.S. agricultural fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program ended in 1964, but President Lyndon Johnson stepped in to enact a host of other programs that benefitted migrant laborers, including the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.lbjlibrary.org/news-and-press/media-kits/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act \u003c/a>and the Migrant Education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in his career, Johnson had worked as a teacher at a school along the Texas-Mexico border where most of his students were the children of immigrants. He helped teach them English, started sports and literary clubs and drove them to nearby towns for athletic and speech competitions. He used his first paycheck to buy playground equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience was the inspiration for the Migrant Education program as well as Johnson’s other anti-poverty programs from that era, according to the National Archives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program served about 270,000 students nationwide last year, and is among the smallest of the federal education grants. Of all the programs Trump defunded on July 1, Migrant Education has the lowest price tag: $121 million for California, $375 million nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Dark times’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>De-funding the program has had a chilling effect on migrant families everywhere, said Debra Benitez, director of migrant education services for WestEd. Most migrant families deeply value education, she said, and are willing to make extraordinary sacrifices for their children to go to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program allows that to happen, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is a population of individuals who’ve dedicated their lives to agricultural labor, very difficult work which we know historically no one else is willing to do,” said Benitez, whose grandparents were migrant laborers in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they want is for their children to be educated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes that defunding Migrant Education will ultimately hurt the economy because immigrants play such a crucial role in farming, dairy, fishing and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These families who have historically worked as migratory farm laborers, their plight has long been hard and arduous. But they’re proud to contribute to California’s economy,” Benitez said. “And then there’s the human side of it. It’s painful. These feel like dark times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingual teacher pipeline\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps works with 28 colleges and universities in the state to train tutors to work in schools and camps. Tutors earn $17.25 an hour and gain classroom experience that can give them a leg up for a teaching career. Most are bilingual Spanish speakers, but some speak Punjabi, Chinese, Hmong and other languages of California migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is to help migrant children while also creating a pipeline of bilingual teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>( Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Daniel Martinez-Osornio worked as a Mini-Corps tutor for migrant children when he was a student at Cal State San Marcos. He spent his time at schools in Vista and San Marcos, helping students with classwork but also “building connections, helping kids so they didn’t feel called out or uncomfortable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having grown up in Salinas, Martinez-Osornio understood the challenges that migrant students faced. Although his family didn’t move frequently for work, many of his cousins and friends did. With more than 4,300 migrant students, Monterey County has one of the highest percentages of migrant students in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s tough. The parents are working all day, and kids have to be home to take care of their siblings — or be taken care of by siblings,” he said. “The kids just want someone to talk to about their day, what’s going on, express their feelings. They just want to have some happiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez-Osornio was so inspired by his work in the Mini-Corps program that he decided to become a teacher. He recently earned his credential at Stanford and hopes to be a bilingual elementary teacher in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was shocked when he heard that the federal government stopped funding the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks my heart,” he said. “I just couldn’t believe it, considering the impact it has on kids and families. It’s generational impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting and hoping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some counties have been able to salvage their summer migrant programs without laying off staff, at least for now. The Fresno County Office of Education, which has the state’s third-largest migrant program with 6,300 students, has converted half of its summer programming to a hybrid virtual format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of two weeks at an outdoor education camp called Scout Island, students will spend one week there and one week on other activities, including online learning.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fresno County Superintendent of Schools Michele Cantwell-Copher said her office would continue to help migrant students as best it can, but it will likely have to make deep program cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(This program) is a lifeline for thousands of students in Fresno County,” she said. “The students who are impacted by cuts to migrant services are the same students whose families put food on our tables. We will continue to advocate fiercely to ensure these young people get the support they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperial County, which has 3,543 migrant students, received nearly $5 million last year for its migrant education program. Nonetheless, the county doesn’t plan any layoffs or program cuts, in part because County Superintendent of Schools Todd Finnell said he’s confident that the federal money will come through eventually. Also, the program is worth keeping even without the federal resources, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and families benefit significantly from the program and any reduction or elimination would certainly be a loss in our mission to improve the quality of life in Imperial County,” Finnell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Hope that you didn’t have before’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yvette Medina, whose parents are laborers from Mexico, moved every few months as a child. Her parents picked cherries, tomatoes, watermelon, asparagus and apricots, sometimes working in packing plants in Stockton or Tracy. Medina didn’t spend an entire year at one school until her senior year in high school, when she stayed with an aunt in Manteca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentors in the Migrant Education program helped her enroll at Sacramento State, and inspired her to become a Mini-Corps tutor herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_28-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of three children with towels, swim gear, and backpacks walk along a dirt path in a forest area near a river.\">\u003cfigcaption>Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program walk along a path near the San Joaquin River at the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In a world where you feel lost, it’s another person who speaks your language, reflects your culture,” Medina said. “They’re in college, they’re role models. You think, oh my gosh, I want to be like that too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina worked as an elementary school teacher for several years after graduating, and now runs the Mini-Corps program at the Butte County Office of Education. In addition to running that program, the office oversees Migrant Education for 22 counties between Sacramento and the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mini-Corps changed my life, it changed my family’s life,” Medina said. “It introduced me to a profession where I’d have access to a salary, benefits, networks. It gives you hope that you didn’t have before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/migrant-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "como-buscar-alguien-detenido-por-ice",
"title": "¿Un conocido fue detenido por ICE? Cómo saber dónde está ahora",
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"headTitle": "¿Un conocido fue detenido por ICE? Cómo saber dónde está ahora | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047506/searching-for-a-loved-one-in-ice-custody-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Read in English\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tensión entre activistas y agentes de inmigración en San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047397/ice-officers-drive-through-protesters-trying-to-stop-arrest-at-sf-immigration-court\">llegó a su punto crítico\u003c/a> a principios de julio cuando los funcionarios federales atropellaron en sus vehículos un grupo de manifestantes frente al tribunal de inmigración en esa ciudad, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DL2-Y7zB-Hr/\">los vídeos grabados por civiles y periodistas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los manifestantes intentaban impedir que los agentes de inmigración sacaran a un hombre detenido del interior del tribunal y lo subieran a una camioneta que se encontraba afuera. La camioneta atravesó el grupo, arrastrando a un manifestante que se aferraba al vehículo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las detenciones y arrestos dentro de los juzgados de inmigración se han convertido en \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">una táctica sin precedentes\u003c/a> para los agentes de inmigración, quienes buscan cumplir una cuota de 3 mil detenciones diarias. Según la base de datos \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/es/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha detenido a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">más de 5 mil 800 inmigrantes\u003c/a> a nivel estatal desde enero, lo que supone \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">un aumento del 123%\u003c/a> con respecto a 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La represión contra la comunidad inmigrante ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">aterrorizado y enfurecido a los residentes del Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>, lo que ha provocado manifestaciones y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">acciones para evitar detenciones\u003c/a>, sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que los agentes de ICE a veces llevan el rostro cubierto para ocultar su identidad. El senador Alex Padilla ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/08/ice-agents-masks-bill-democrats\">presentado un proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que prohibiría a los agentes llevar máscaras y les obligaría a mostrar su número de placa. Muchas familias han contado \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/21/nx-s1-5439578/ice-detention-father-daughter-protest-immigration-department-homeland-security\">a los medios de comunicación\u003c/a>, que tan difícil es \u003ca href=\"https://sourcenm.com/2025/03/17/ice-has-disappeared-48-new-mexico-residents-attorneys-say/\">localizar\u003c/a> a sus seres queridos en el sistema.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED ha elaborado una guía sobre cómo navegar por la base de datos en línea de ICE para buscar a alguien en el sistema. Tenga en cuenta que este reportaje no es asesoría legal y que consultar a un abogado puede ayudarle en su situación específica. KQED también tiene una guía sobre dónde encontrar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo en el Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049126 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg\" alt=\"Una persona lleva puesta una bandera de Estados Unidos y enfrente de ella aparecen varios agentes de policía montados en caballo.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">La policía se enfrenta a manifestantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles durante las protestas por las redadas federales contra inmigrantes indocumentados el miércoles 11 de junio de 2025 en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Utilice el sistema en línea de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">Sistema de Localización de Detenidos en Línea de ICE\u003c/a> para buscarla, o puede llamar al \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=es\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Necesitará tener lista \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\">la información de la persona\u003c/a>, como:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Su “número de registro de extranjero” (o número A), asignado por el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. Este número se encuentra en la tarjeta de residencia, el permiso de trabajo u otros documentos de inmigración, y suele tener \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/glossary-term/50684\">siete o nueve dígitos\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su nombre completo\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su país de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su fecha de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://asaptogether.org/es/preguntas-frecuentes-otros-temas/\">Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a> (o ASAP por sus siglas en inglés), pueden pasar varios días hasta que una persona aparezca en la base de datos de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el nombre que busca no aparece en el sistema de ICE, o si le preocupa su seguridad y su posible deportación, puede solicitar ayuda a organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">un formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733. (También puede encontrar asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo específica para inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">en esta guía de KQED\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consulte la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (NILC por sus siglas en inglés), \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">este año\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“ICE comenzó a utilizar prisiones gestionadas por la Oficina de Prisiones para retener a personas por casos de inmigración”\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede utilizar \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/a> (BOP por sus siglas en inglés) para buscar a una persona. El NILC afirma que las personas que están detenidas por BOP también deberían aparecer en el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización en línea de ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que fue detenido cerca de una de estas prisiones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">puede intentar llamar directamente al centro\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049127\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049127 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg\" alt=\"Un adulto abraza a una niña que lleva en la mano una bandera mexicana.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una joven asiste a una manifestación por los derechos de los inmigrantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles el 5 de febrero de 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG vía Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Busca a un menor?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si trata de encontrar a un menor que sospecha que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> al correo \u003ca href=\"mailto:information@ORRNCC.com\">information@ORRNCC.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Póngase en contacto con una oficina local de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La oficina local de Operaciones de Control y Deportación de ICE en San Francisco supervisa un área que incluye el \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">norte de California, Hawái, Guam y Saipán\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto con la oficina local de SF, situada en 630 Sansome St., por teléfono al 415-365-8800 o por correo electrónico a SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el NILC advierte que si llama o envía un correo electrónico a una oficina local, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“no proporcione a los agentes más información de la necesaria”\u003c/a> y “solo facilite el número A o la información básica, como el nombre y el país de nacimiento, que utilizaría en el localizador en línea”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no puede comunicarse con nadie en la oficina local, San Francisco cuenta con un oficial de relaciones comunitarias de ICE y puede escribirle un correo a: \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Llame a un centro de detención\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sitio web de ICE enumera \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">cinco centros de detención\u003c/a> asociados con la oficina local de San Francisco, aunque no todos se encuentran en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/es/localizar-persona-detenida-ice\">se encuentra detenido en un centro de detención\u003c/a>, puede llamar para intentar obtener más información.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a> en McFarland. El número es (661) 792-2731 y puede llamar de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">El centro de procesamiento de ICE Mesa Verde\u003c/a> en Bakersfield. Puede llamar al (661) 859-1028 de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Centro federal de detención Honolulu\u003c/a> en Hawái. Puede llamar al (808) 529-1970 de 8 a.m. a 3 p.m. Recuerde que Hawái tiene tres horas menos que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">El centro de detención Hagatna del departamento correccional de Guam\u003c/a>. Puede llamar al (671) 777-2976 de 7:30 a.m. a 3:30 p.m. Recuerde que Guam tiene 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">El departamento correccional CNMI\u003c/a> en las Islas Marianas del Norte. Puede llamar al 670-237-6000 de 8 a. m. a 4 p. m. Recuerde que las Islas Marianas del Norte tienen 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el sitio web de ICE, las personas detenidas no pueden recibir llamadas. Debe dejar un mensaje en el centro con el nombre completo del detenido, su número de registro de extranjero (su “número A”), así como su nombre y número de teléfono donde se le puede localizar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Póngase en contacto con el consulado de la persona\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC\u003c/a>, “Todos los inmigrantes en las cárceles de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">tienen derecho\u003c/a> a ponerse en contacto con el consulado de su país”. También puede intentar ponerse en contacto con esta oficina usted mismo para tratar de localizar a la persona. Sin embargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">el NILC recomienda encarecidamente\u003c/a> que no lo haga si la persona está solicitando asilo o teme por su vida en su país de origen.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Averigüe la posible fecha de su audiencia judicial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si le preocupa que alguien sea deportado por el proceso de “deportación acelerada”, primero confirme si esta persona tiene una audiencia judicial. “Si alguien tiene una fecha pendiente para comparecer ante un tribunal, eso significa que todavía no enfrentan un proceso de deportación acelerada”, afirma Jordan Weiner, director jurídico en La Raza Centro Legal en San Francisco. “Pero una vez que inicie el proceso de deportación acelerada, la posibilidad de una audiencia con la corte desaparece”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede buscar la próxima fecha de audiencia de una persona utilizando su número A en el \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/es/\">sitio web de la Oficina ejecutiva de revisión de inmigración\u003c/a> (EOIR por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas especialmente vulnerables a la deportación acelerada son aquellas que están detenidas y no tienen información que aparezca en el sitio web de la EOIR, porque nunca se les otorgó una notificación para comparecer ante la corte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el caso de alguien ha sido desestimado o no aparece en el sistema pero luego aparece con una fecha de comparecencia ante el tribunal, esto “probablemente significa que ha superado \u003ca href=\"http://their%20credible%20fear%20interview\">la entrevista de temor creíble\u003c/a> y ha vuelto a ser procesado ante un juez de inmigración”, explicó Weiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo cual es bueno, porque significa que puede defender su caso”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> de KQED contribuyó a este reportaje.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Hay varias maneras para buscar a alguien que fue detenido por ICE. Pero tendrá que tener listo varios datos de esa persona, incluyendo su número de registro de extranjero o \"número A\".",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047506/searching-for-a-loved-one-in-ice-custody-heres-what-you-need-to-know\">\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Read in English\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La tensión entre activistas y agentes de inmigración en San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047397/ice-officers-drive-through-protesters-trying-to-stop-arrest-at-sf-immigration-court\">llegó a su punto crítico\u003c/a> a principios de julio cuando los funcionarios federales atropellaron en sus vehículos un grupo de manifestantes frente al tribunal de inmigración en esa ciudad, según \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DL2-Y7zB-Hr/\">los vídeos grabados por civiles y periodistas\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los manifestantes intentaban impedir que los agentes de inmigración sacaran a un hombre detenido del interior del tribunal y lo subieran a una camioneta que se encontraba afuera. La camioneta atravesó el grupo, arrastrando a un manifestante que se aferraba al vehículo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las detenciones y arrestos dentro de los juzgados de inmigración se han convertido en \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">una táctica sin precedentes\u003c/a> para los agentes de inmigración, quienes buscan cumplir una cuota de 3 mil detenciones diarias. Según la base de datos \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/es/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, el Servicio de Inmigración y Control de Aduanas (o ICE por sus siglas en inglés) ha detenido a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">más de 5 mil 800 inmigrantes\u003c/a> a nivel estatal desde enero, lo que supone \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">un aumento del 123%\u003c/a> con respecto a 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La represión contra la comunidad inmigrante ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">aterrorizado y enfurecido a los residentes del Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>, lo que ha provocado manifestaciones y \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047018/how-legal-experts-advocates-are-responding-to-the-detention-of-asylum-seekers\">acciones para evitar detenciones\u003c/a>, sobre todo teniendo en cuenta que los agentes de ICE a veces llevan el rostro cubierto para ocultar su identidad. El senador Alex Padilla ha \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jul/08/ice-agents-masks-bill-democrats\">presentado un proyecto de ley\u003c/a> que prohibiría a los agentes llevar máscaras y les obligaría a mostrar su número de placa. Muchas familias han contado \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/21/nx-s1-5439578/ice-detention-father-daughter-protest-immigration-department-homeland-security\">a los medios de comunicación\u003c/a>, que tan difícil es \u003ca href=\"https://sourcenm.com/2025/03/17/ice-has-disappeared-48-new-mexico-residents-attorneys-say/\">localizar\u003c/a> a sus seres queridos en el sistema.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED ha elaborado una guía sobre cómo navegar por la base de datos en línea de ICE para buscar a alguien en el sistema. Tenga en cuenta que este reportaje no es asesoría legal y que consultar a un abogado puede ayudarle en su situación específica. KQED también tiene una guía sobre dónde encontrar \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo en el Área de la Bahía\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049126\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049126 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg\" alt=\"Una persona lleva puesta una bandera de Estados Unidos y enfrente de ella aparecen varios agentes de policía montados en caballo.\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/ice-agents-on-horses-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">La policía se enfrenta a manifestantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles durante las protestas por las redadas federales contra inmigrantes indocumentados el miércoles 11 de junio de 2025 en Los Ángeles. \u003ccite>(Ethan Swope/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Utilice el sistema en línea de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si la persona es adulta, puede utilizar el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">Sistema de Localización de Detenidos en Línea de ICE\u003c/a> para buscarla, o puede llamar al \u003ca href=\"https://www.help.cbp.gov/s/article/Article-1706?language=es\">(866) 347-2423\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Necesitará tener lista \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-27/what-to-do-if-relative-detained-immigration-officials\">la información de la persona\u003c/a>, como:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Su “número de registro de extranjero” (o número A), asignado por el Departamento de Seguridad Nacional. Este número se encuentra en la tarjeta de residencia, el permiso de trabajo u otros documentos de inmigración, y suele tener \u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/es/glossary-term/50684\">siete o nueve dígitos\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su nombre completo\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su país de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Su fecha de nacimiento\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://asaptogether.org/es/preguntas-frecuentes-otros-temas/\">Proyecto de Defensa de los Solicitantes de Asilo\u003c/a> (o ASAP por sus siglas en inglés), pueden pasar varios días hasta que una persona aparezca en la base de datos de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el nombre que busca no aparece en el sistema de ICE, o si le preocupa su seguridad y su posible deportación, puede solicitar ayuda a organizaciones de defensa como \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/\">Freedom for Immigrants\u003c/a> a través de \u003ca href=\"https://www.freedomforimmigrants.org/reunite\">un formulario en línea\u003c/a> o llamando al 209-757-3733. (También puede encontrar asistencia legal gratuita o de bajo costo específica para inmigrantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026143/que-hacer-si-se-topa-con-ice\">en esta guía de KQED\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Consulte la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el Centro Nacional de Leyes de Inmigración (NILC por sus siglas en inglés), \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-02-12/trump-administration-immigrants-dublin-federal-prison\">este año\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“ICE comenzó a utilizar prisiones gestionadas por la Oficina de Prisiones para retener a personas por casos de inmigración”\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede utilizar \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/inmateloc/\">la herramienta de búsqueda de la Oficina de Prisiones\u003c/a> (BOP por sus siglas en inglés) para buscar a una persona. El NILC afirma que las personas que están detenidas por BOP también deberían aparecer en el \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/#/search\">sistema de localización en línea de ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que fue detenido cerca de una de estas prisiones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bop.gov/locations/map.jsp?region=WXR\">puede intentar llamar directamente al centro\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049127\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049127 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg\" alt=\"Un adulto abraza a una niña que lleva en la mano una bandera mexicana.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/little-girl-with-Mexican-flag-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Una joven asiste a una manifestación por los derechos de los inmigrantes frente al Ayuntamiento de Los Ángeles el 5 de febrero de 2025. \u003ccite>(Qian Weizhong/VCG vía Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>¿Busca a un menor?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si trata de encontrar a un menor que sospecha que ha sido detenido, puede llamar a ICE al 800-203-7001. También puede enviar un correo electrónico a la \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/sites/default/files/assets/documents/2018-Jun/next-steps-for-families.pdf\">Oficina de Reasentamiento de Refugiados\u003c/a> al correo \u003ca href=\"mailto:information@ORRNCC.com\">information@ORRNCC.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Póngase en contacto con una oficina local de ICE\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>La oficina local de Operaciones de Control y Deportación de ICE en San Francisco supervisa un área que incluye el \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">norte de California, Hawái, Guam y Saipán\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede ponerse en contacto con la oficina local de SF, situada en 630 Sansome St., por teléfono al 415-365-8800 o por correo electrónico a SanFrancisco.Outreach@ice.dhs.gov.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenga en cuenta que el NILC advierte que si llama o envía un correo electrónico a una oficina local, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">“no proporcione a los agentes más información de la necesaria”\u003c/a> y “solo facilite el número A o la información básica, como el nombre y el país de nacimiento, que utilizaría en el localizador en línea”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si no puede comunicarse con nadie en la oficina local, San Francisco cuenta con un oficial de relaciones comunitarias de ICE y puede escribirle un correo a: \u003ca href=\"mailto:CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\">CommunityRelations.SanFrancisco@ice.dhs.gov\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Llame a un centro de detención\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sitio web de ICE enumera \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/es\">cinco centros de detención\u003c/a> asociados con la oficina local de San Francisco, aunque no todos se encuentran en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si conoce alguien que \u003ca href=\"https://www.usa.gov/es/localizar-persona-detenida-ice\">se encuentra detenido en un centro de detención\u003c/a>, puede llamar para intentar obtener más información.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/golden-state-annex\">Golden State Annex\u003c/a> en McFarland. El número es (661) 792-2731 y puede llamar de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/mesa-verde-ice-processing-facility\">El centro de procesamiento de ICE Mesa Verde\u003c/a> en Bakersfield. Puede llamar al (661) 859-1028 de 8 a.m. a 3:30 p.m.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/federal-detention-center-honolulu-fdc-honolulu\">Centro federal de detención Honolulu\u003c/a> en Hawái. Puede llamar al (808) 529-1970 de 8 a.m. a 3 p.m. Recuerde que Hawái tiene tres horas menos que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/guam-department-corrections-hagatna-detention-facility\">El centro de detención Hagatna del departamento correccional de Guam\u003c/a>. Puede llamar al (671) 777-2976 de 7:30 a.m. a 3:30 p.m. Recuerde que Guam tiene 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-facilities/cnmi-department-corrections\">El departamento correccional CNMI\u003c/a> en las Islas Marianas del Norte. Puede llamar al 670-237-6000 de 8 a. m. a 4 p. m. Recuerde que las Islas Marianas del Norte tienen 17 horas más que San Francisco.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Según el sitio web de ICE, las personas detenidas no pueden recibir llamadas. Debe dejar un mensaje en el centro con el nombre completo del detenido, su número de registro de extranjero (su “número A”), así como su nombre y número de teléfono donde se le puede localizar.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Póngase en contacto con el consulado de la persona\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Según el \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">NILC\u003c/a>, “Todos los inmigrantes en las cárceles de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/detain/detention-management/national-detainee-handbook\">tienen derecho\u003c/a> a ponerse en contacto con el consulado de su país”. También puede intentar ponerse en contacto con esta oficina usted mismo para tratar de localizar a la persona. Sin embargo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/How-to-Locate-a-ICE-Disappearance.pdf\">el NILC recomienda encarecidamente\u003c/a> que no lo haga si la persona está solicitando asilo o teme por su vida en su país de origen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Averigüe la posible fecha de su audiencia judicial\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Si le preocupa que alguien sea deportado por el proceso de “deportación acelerada”, primero confirme si esta persona tiene una audiencia judicial. “Si alguien tiene una fecha pendiente para comparecer ante un tribunal, eso significa que todavía no enfrentan un proceso de deportación acelerada”, afirma Jordan Weiner, director jurídico en La Raza Centro Legal en San Francisco. “Pero una vez que inicie el proceso de deportación acelerada, la posibilidad de una audiencia con la corte desaparece”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Puede buscar la próxima fecha de audiencia de una persona utilizando su número A en el \u003ca href=\"https://acis.eoir.justice.gov/es/\">sitio web de la Oficina ejecutiva de revisión de inmigración\u003c/a> (EOIR por sus siglas en inglés).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las personas especialmente vulnerables a la deportación acelerada son aquellas que están detenidas y no tienen información que aparezca en el sitio web de la EOIR, porque nunca se les otorgó una notificación para comparecer ante la corte.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Si el caso de alguien ha sido desestimado o no aparece en el sistema pero luego aparece con una fecha de comparecencia ante el tribunal, esto “probablemente significa que ha superado \u003ca href=\"http://their%20credible%20fear%20interview\">la entrevista de temor creíble\u003c/a> y ha vuelto a ser procesado ante un juez de inmigración”, explicó Weiner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lo cual es bueno, porque significa que puede defender su caso”, agregó.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>La periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> de KQED contribuyó a este reportaje.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"order": 1
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
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"emailStatus": "EMAIL_UNVALIDATED",
"loggedStatus": "LOGGED_OUT",
"loggingChecked": false,
"articles": [],
"firstName": null,
"lastName": null,
"phoneNumber": null,
"fetchingMembership": false,
"membershipError": false,
"memberships": [
{
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"firstName": null,
"lastName": null,
"familyNumber": null,
"memberNumber": null,
"memberSince": null,
"expirationDate": null,
"pfsEligible": false,
"isSustaining": false,
"membershipLevel": "Prospect",
"membershipStatus": "Non Member",
"lastGiftDate": null,
"renewalDate": null,
"lastDonationAmount": null
}
]
},
"authModal": {
"isOpen": false,
"view": "LANDING_VIEW"
},
"error": null
},
"youthMediaReducer": {},
"checkPleaseReducer": {
"filterData": {
"region": {
"key": "Restaurant Region",
"filters": [
"Any Region"
]
},
"cuisine": {
"key": "Restaurant Cuisine",
"filters": [
"Any Cuisine"
]
}
},
"restaurantDataById": {},
"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
"error": null
},
"userAgentReducer": {
"userAgent": "Mozilla/5.0 AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko; compatible; ClaudeBot/1.0; +claudebot@anthropic.com)",
"isBot": true
},
"requestOutcomesReducer": {
"notFound": []
}
}
