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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>This story was reported for K Onda KQED, a monthly newsletter focused on the Bay Area’s Latinx community. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/k-onda\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisela Gonzáles Ginestra spends her days designing the final touches on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13929529/sewing-new-life-into-levis-jeans\">Levi’s jeans\u003c/a>, obsessing over details like colors, fading, whiskering and the perfect placement for rips and tears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12039171/built-to-last-some-san-francisco-businesses-date-back-to-the-gold-rush\">iconic Levi’s Strauss & Co.\u003c/a>, founded in San Francisco in 1853, invented denim pants the way we know them today. But to survive, the company has to stay relevant. That’s where designers like Gonzáles Ginestra come in. She describes her work as “making sure that we have newness to this heritage garment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, some of her finishing touches were featured in an ad where global superstar Beyoncé walks into a laundromat, takes off the jeans she’s wearing and washes them with a bucket of diamonds. When she created the design a year prior, Gonzáles Ginestra had no idea it would be part of the singer’s campaign with Levi’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Denim is a blank canvas and I can do whatever I want with it,” she said. “It’s my job to just take my canvas, that is a pair of jeans, and apply trends to it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q40oimgnN00\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before landing at Levi’s six years ago, Gonzáles Ginestra designed everything from leather handbags for Kenneth Cole to bedsheets for teen boys at Pottery Barn. She worked on fashion shows for Paris Fashion Week and pajamas for a small family-owned company in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, however, Gonzáles Ginestra wasn’t sure she could craft a career in the fashion industry. Like many Latines in creative fields, she had no roadmap to follow and no role models she could identify with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old grew up in a middle-class Mexican American family in San José that encouraged her to pursue a stable career. Designing clothes was not what they had in mind. But no matter how hard she tried, Gonzáles Ginestra couldn’t shake the artistic bug. She built a creative career that defied cultural expectations while helping other Latinx creatives along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until I got to Levi’s, I really was often the one Latina in the room,” she said. “I say this for fashion, and I say this for every industry, we need to be everywhere, especially in consumer goods. No one is going to be able to speak up for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisela Gonzáles Ginestra holds a photo of her grandmother drying jeans in the sun in the 1960s that she keeps at her desk at the Levi’s offices in San Francisco on July 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzáles Ginestra’s experience resonates with me as a journalist — another field where Latinos are underrepresented. Diversity advocates say things like, “You need to see it to be it,” but for many Latinx professionals, that’s a luxury we don’t have. We’re often told to dream big, which is great, but getting started — or charting a path — is often full of uncertainty.[aside postID=news_12039171 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/GettyImages-2208524376.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzáles Ginestra’s parents grew up in modest homes in the Central Valley, harvesting fruit and vegetables on farms alongside her grandparents. They were the first in their families to earn college degrees and later moved into the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It brought along a new set of pressures, Gonzáles Ginestra told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were the Mexican family in the affluent San José neighborhood. We weren’t allowed to look schlubby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant having her hair long and perfectly in place, and wearing clean, pressed — even if they were hand-me-downs. In high school, Gonzalez Ginestra longed to cut her hair short and wear all black, embracing an emo aesthetic that went against her parents’ wishes. Her mother taught her to sew, opening up her artistic sensibilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the one emo kid on the Folklorico team, and I was up there with a fake bun in my hair because my hair was so short, I couldn’t put it in a high pony. We made it work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was easier to be myself if I had control of making the clothes and making the look rather than just buying off the shelf. That agency really brought me peace. I fell in love with clothes and with shaping myself to be who I wanted to be rather than how someone else was telling me to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisela Gonzáles Ginestra at the Levi’s offices in San Francisco on July 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After high school, she enrolled at UC Santa Cruz, where she was excited to take Chicano studies classes and, as she put it, “be radicalized.” And, as the first person in her family to attend a UC, just being there felt like an accomplishment. But within a year and a half, her enthusiasm dissipated when she realized reading books and writing papers was not how she wanted to spend her college years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her then-boyfriend, now husband, Alex Ginestra, encouraged her to transfer to the school where he was studying — the Academy of Art in San Francisco — to pursue fashion design. Her parents were opposed at first, but finally agreed after months of pleading and making the case that she would be able to find a job after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her time in college, she landed an internship with Kenneth Cole and spent time in London, Paris and New York doing internships and short-term jobs before returning to the Bay Area. She eventually took a job with Pottery Barn, then worked for four years at Tart Collections, a local brand, until she was laid off in 2018, three months after returning from maternity leave.[aside postID=news_12043304 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/2025BURITTOSHOWDOWN_PHOTOS_ESTEFANYGONZALEZ049-KQED.jpg']While collecting unemployment and caring for her newborn, a recruiter called to say a denim company needed designers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘I have no denim experience, but I think my resume indicates I can do anything,’” she said. “It was a three-month sketch temporary gig, and now I’ve been here for six years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing Latine culture has been a big part of Gonzáles Ginestra’s work at Levi’s. For years, she led the company’s employee resource group for Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also focuses on helping younger creatives find their footing in the fashion industry through mentoring and guidance. Young people often turn to her for encouragement or to fill the role model gap she experienced. The most important advice she offers is to speak up for themselves and their ideas in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had to unlearn some cultural habits, like not speaking unless spoken to and deferring to others in group settings — behaviors she learned in her Mexican family that she realized were not serving her at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t wait for someone to ask for your opinion in fashion. You have to say the thing. And if people agree with you, then they agree with you, and if they don’t, they don’t, but at least you said it,” she said. “I want to give young people a heads-up because if someone gave me a heads-up, I would have really appreciated it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last fall, some of her finishing touches were featured in an ad where global superstar Beyoncé walks into a laundromat, takes off the jeans she’s wearing and washes them with a bucket of diamonds. When she created the design a year prior, Gonzáles Ginestra had no idea it would be part of the singer’s campaign with Levi’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Denim is a blank canvas and I can do whatever I want with it,” she said. “It’s my job to just take my canvas, that is a pair of jeans, and apply trends to it.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/q40oimgnN00'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/q40oimgnN00'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Before landing at Levi’s six years ago, Gonzáles Ginestra designed everything from leather handbags for Kenneth Cole to bedsheets for teen boys at Pottery Barn. She worked on fashion shows for Paris Fashion Week and pajamas for a small family-owned company in the East Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, however, Gonzáles Ginestra wasn’t sure she could craft a career in the fashion industry. Like many Latines in creative fields, she had no roadmap to follow and no role models she could identify with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 36-year-old grew up in a middle-class Mexican American family in San José that encouraged her to pursue a stable career. Designing clothes was not what they had in mind. But no matter how hard she tried, Gonzáles Ginestra couldn’t shake the artistic bug. She built a creative career that defied cultural expectations while helping other Latinx creatives along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until I got to Levi’s, I really was often the one Latina in the room,” she said. “I say this for fashion, and I say this for every industry, we need to be everywhere, especially in consumer goods. No one is going to be able to speak up for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046801\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisela Gonzáles Ginestra holds a photo of her grandmother drying jeans in the sun in the 1960s that she keeps at her desk at the Levi’s offices in San Francisco on July 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gonzáles Ginestra’s experience resonates with me as a journalist — another field where Latinos are underrepresented. Diversity advocates say things like, “You need to see it to be it,” but for many Latinx professionals, that’s a luxury we don’t have. We’re often told to dream big, which is great, but getting started — or charting a path — is often full of uncertainty.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzáles Ginestra’s parents grew up in modest homes in the Central Valley, harvesting fruit and vegetables on farms alongside her grandparents. They were the first in their families to earn college degrees and later moved into the middle class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It brought along a new set of pressures, Gonzáles Ginestra told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were the Mexican family in the affluent San José neighborhood. We weren’t allowed to look schlubby.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant having her hair long and perfectly in place, and wearing clean, pressed — even if they were hand-me-downs. In high school, Gonzalez Ginestra longed to cut her hair short and wear all black, embracing an emo aesthetic that went against her parents’ wishes. Her mother taught her to sew, opening up her artistic sensibilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the one emo kid on the Folklorico team, and I was up there with a fake bun in my hair because my hair was so short, I couldn’t put it in a high pony. We made it work,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was easier to be myself if I had control of making the clothes and making the look rather than just buying off the shelf. That agency really brought me peace. I fell in love with clothes and with shaping myself to be who I wanted to be rather than how someone else was telling me to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046802\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250701-K-ONDA-JULY-MD-06-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Marisela Gonzáles Ginestra at the Levi’s offices in San Francisco on July 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After high school, she enrolled at UC Santa Cruz, where she was excited to take Chicano studies classes and, as she put it, “be radicalized.” And, as the first person in her family to attend a UC, just being there felt like an accomplishment. But within a year and a half, her enthusiasm dissipated when she realized reading books and writing papers was not how she wanted to spend her college years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her then-boyfriend, now husband, Alex Ginestra, encouraged her to transfer to the school where he was studying — the Academy of Art in San Francisco — to pursue fashion design. Her parents were opposed at first, but finally agreed after months of pleading and making the case that she would be able to find a job after graduation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During her time in college, she landed an internship with Kenneth Cole and spent time in London, Paris and New York doing internships and short-term jobs before returning to the Bay Area. She eventually took a job with Pottery Barn, then worked for four years at Tart Collections, a local brand, until she was laid off in 2018, three months after returning from maternity leave.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While collecting unemployment and caring for her newborn, a recruiter called to say a denim company needed designers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, ‘I have no denim experience, but I think my resume indicates I can do anything,’” she said. “It was a three-month sketch temporary gig, and now I’ve been here for six years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representing Latine culture has been a big part of Gonzáles Ginestra’s work at Levi’s. For years, she led the company’s employee resource group for Latinos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also focuses on helping younger creatives find their footing in the fashion industry through mentoring and guidance. Young people often turn to her for encouragement or to fill the role model gap she experienced. The most important advice she offers is to speak up for themselves and their ideas in the workplace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had to unlearn some cultural habits, like not speaking unless spoken to and deferring to others in group settings — behaviors she learned in her Mexican family that she realized were not serving her at work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t wait for someone to ask for your opinion in fashion. You have to say the thing. And if people agree with you, then they agree with you, and if they don’t, they don’t, but at least you said it,” she said. “I want to give young people a heads-up because if someone gave me a heads-up, I would have really appreciated it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=forum_2010101910383 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2025/06/immigrationupdate.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.[aside postID=news_12044592 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240206-IMMIGRATIONCOURT-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.[aside postID=news_12043596 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg']“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Donald Trump’s administration has directed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement to increase immigration arrests and raids to meet a quota of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">3,000 arrests per day\u003c/a> — with a stated special focus on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043346/sf-rallies-for-david-huerta-california-union-leader-arrested-in-la-immigration-raid\">Democratic-led cities like Los Angeles\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">And according to NPR and local attorneys\u003c/a>, one strategy ICE agents have used to meet those demands is to arrest people — or fast-track their removal — at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12041473/unprecedented-ice-officers-operating-inside-bay-area-immigration-courts-lawyers-say\">their immigration court hearings\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is no exception. In San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/sf-ice-arrests-tracker/\">at least six people\u003c/a> have been arrested and detained at the city’s immigration court since June — prompting protests by activists that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043596/protesters-swarm-sf-immigration-court-after-more-ice-arrests\">shut down the building for a day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been [in] immigration law for over 10 years, and I’ve never seen anything like this,” said Jordan Weiner, the legal director of the Removal Defense Program at \u003ca href=\"https://www.lrcl.org/\">La Raza Centro Legal\u003c/a> in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Risk levels for deportation are always changing, Weiner said. But currently, the most vulnerable immigrant groups she’s seeing are people who have received deportation orders, those who’ve been deported then returned and people who’ve been in the U.S. for less than two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://deportationdata.org/about.html\">Deportation Data Project\u003c/a>, a database led by a UC Berkeley law professor, ICE has \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html\">arrested over 5,800 immigrants statewide\u003c/a> since the inauguration — \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/06/27/us/ice-arrests-trump.html?smid=url-share&rsrc=deeplink#ice_arrests_California\">a 123% increase\u003c/a> from 2024 — in locations ranging from private homes and bus stops to job sites and store parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The crackdowns have especially sparked a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">wave of fear\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12044426/no-kings-protests-draw-thousands-across-the-bay-area-to-rally-against-president-trump\">anger\u003c/a> across California, the state with \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">the largest share of immigrants in the country\u003c/a>. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">a Public Policy Institute of California report\u003c/a>, more than a quarter of California’s population is foreign-born, and nearly half of California’s children have at least one immigrant parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘An impossible decision’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Showing up for immigration court is a routine reality for many, including those who entered the United States to apply for asylum for reasons including fear of persecution in their home country. Immigration court proceedings are already a stressful process that can take years, especially in a place like San Francisco, where the court faces a backlog of \u003ca href=\"https://tracreports.org/phptools/immigration/backlog/\">over 123,000 pending cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in recent weeks, ICE appears to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/12/nx-s1-5409403/trump-immigration-courts-arrests\">collaborating with Department of Homeland Security lawyers\u003c/a> to get judges to dismiss asylum cases, Weiner said. If the applicant has been in the United States for less than two years, having their case dismissed this way makes them immediately subject to expedited removal — deportation without the right to see a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046556\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-6_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jordan Weiner at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Homeland Security lawyers will “ask the immigration judge to dismiss their case in the courtroom,” Weiner said. “And if the judge agrees, the person will walk out in the hallway and ICE is waiting there for them to arrest them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, judges have given applicants at least 10 days to respond to ICE’s request to dismiss. However, the impact is already apparent, Weiner said. Her office is also receiving fewer calls from prospective asylum applicants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people have to decide between fighting their asylum case and potentially getting deported to a country where they fear persecution, or just missing court and living in the shadows — that’s an impossible decision,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Immigration court is just over,” Weiner said. “I don’t know how the institution can recover from this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Amid fear, volunteers show up\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Milli Atkinson, the director of the Immigrant Legal Defense Program with the Bar Association of San Francisco, said the organization has observers in the courtroom “every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonetheless, Atkinson said they have also anecdotally observed “a marked increase in the number of individuals not appearing for their hearings at the hearings we are able to cover.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In these cases, time is of the essence. Since immigration courts are generally open to the public, an extra pair of eyes from a volunteer can help lawyers form a quick response plan, said Autumn Gonzalez, a Sacramento-based lawyer who volunteers with \u003ca href=\"https://www.norcalresist.org/\">NorCal Resist\u003c/a>, a nonprofit that organizes bail funds, food distribution and asylum workshops.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Those instances where people are going in for their usual check-in, and not being released — having someone there accompanying you means that we can immediately request legal assistance,” Gonzalez said. “We can make sure your family knows what happened to you … and hopefully prevent expedited deportations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Maciejewski Cortez is one of those volunteers. After 13 years outside the United States, she moved to Sacramento last September and almost immediately began volunteering for NorCal Resist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Coming back this time, I knew the political climate was going to be scary for my community,” said Maciejewski Cortez, who has experience working with Latin American, immigrant and refugee organizations. “I wanted to make sure that I had a way to give back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an American citizen who is fluent in several languages, including English, Spanish and Thai, Maciejewski Cortez particularly works with people going through the asylum-seeking process. Primed by NorCal Resist on what the organization calls “accompaniment training,” Maciejewski Cortez helps people with the administrative side of court hearings, including translating, going through paperwork and taking notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to make sure that they have the best chance at being heard,” Maciejewski Cortez said. “I have perfect English and \u003cem>I\u003c/em> still find some of these forms and terminology to be confusing and complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to supporting court logistics, accompaniment volunteers like Maciejewski Cortez also help provide a sense of protection and safety for the asylum seeker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in a lot of immigration offices around the world, and it’s really scary to go alone,” she said. “I can’t imagine how somebody, who has recently arrived and has lived through a traumatic life experience, [is] trying to navigate this system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046555\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1998px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12046555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1998\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed.jpg 1998w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-3_qed-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1998px) 100vw, 1998px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Centro Legal de la Raza offices in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘I don’t know what would have happened to him’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea of accompaniment work grew from faith communities in the 1980s, Gonzalez said. Volunteers would help new immigrants and refugees find apartments and enroll their kids into schools — supporting every step of settling into a new country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, accompaniment to immigration court — and to check-ins with ICE — has become the primary need, Gonzalez said. And in recent months, volunteers have found themselves with an increasingly important extra role: keeping watch on applicants in the event that ICE detains a person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the volunteer then immediately alerts the person’s legal support team or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024332/ice-raids-in-california-how-to-sort-fact-from-rumor-online\">a local Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>, a separate group of dedicated volunteers and attorneys who respond to reports of possible ICE activity around the clock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, the fact that we have folks there with their eyes on what’s going on will provide deterrence to ICE from taking these actions,” Gonzalez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is something Maciejewski Cortez witnessed. In mid-June, while accompanying an applicant to immigration court in Sacramento, she saw ICE agents walking down the hall with handcuffs “hanging off their side.” After turning to follow them, she watched them apprehend a man whose case had been dismissed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maciejewski Cortez immediately tracked down the man’s details and alerted the local Rapid Response network. A pro bono lawyer with NorCal Resist promptly arrived at the courthouse and met with the detainee “and they both were out of the courthouse in two hours,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I hadn’t seen who it was or caught the name of the man in the court, I don’t know what would have happened to him,” she said. “I don’t know how long he would have been in their custody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-17-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters march down Mission Street in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Access and alternatives\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some advocates are now reporting they’re having trouble even accessing courtrooms to accompany immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigration court hearings are “generally open to the public but can be closed or held with limited attendance at any time,” according to a representative of the federal Department of Justice’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir\">Executive Office for Immigration Review\u003c/a>. Scenarios where \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1333591/dl?inline\">proceedings can be closed\u003c/a> include cases involving protective orders or domestic abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez said that the court in Sacramento has had “inconsistent rules regarding our access.” Maciejewski Cortez said she’d experienced being denied access to the Sacramento immigration courtroom in late June during the start of a hearing after court staff told her the courtroom would be full. Despite this, she said she saw empty seats still available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This arbitrary restriction makes it difficult to catch important information announced by the judge within the early minutes of proceedings, such as the name of the DHS attorney or the respondents to be addressed first,” Maciejewski Cortez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid this uncertainty and the anxiety caused by in-person appearances, lawyers are scrambling to find other ways to support their clients and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025647/what-to-do-if-you-encounter-ice\">remind them of their civil rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La Raza Centro Legal’s Weiner said her “first line of defense” is to file motions for all of her cases to be heard online, rather than at the courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving a case online — using \u003ca href=\"https://help.asylumadvocacy.org/virtual-hearings-in-immigration-court/\">the Zoom-like application WebEx —\u003c/a> is actually something anyone with an immigration court hearing can do, Weiner said, by filing \u003ca href=\"https://nipnlg.org/sites/default/files/2025-06/pro-se-web.pdf\">a “Motion to Change Hearing Format\u003c/a>” and mailing it to their court. Applicants can work with a nonprofit to help them fill out this legal document. (KQED has a guide to seeking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013522/free-legal-aid-in-the-bay-area-how-it-works-where-to-find-it\">free legal aid in the Bay Area\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just filing the motion isn’t enough to get a person’s hearing moved online, Weiner said— an applicant still needs to wait for the judge’s decision to grant it or not. While “you don’t need a special reason to ask for your hearing to be online,” Weiner recommended that applicants still provide one — which could include a \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/06/asylum-video-court-heari/\">lack of child care or transportation\u003c/a> — “because it gives the judge more of a reason to say yes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If an applicant \u003cem>is \u003c/em>detained at court and ICE immediately begins the expedited removal process, the applicant should ask the immigration officer for a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.uscis.gov/humanitarian/refugees-and-asylum/asylum/questions-and-answers-credible-fear-screening\">credible fear interview\u003c/a>” — loudly and clearly, since \u003ca href=\"https://humanrightsfirst.org/library/human-rights-first-analysis-of-the-trump-administrations-initial-immigration-executive-actions/\">the officer may not ask if they want one\u003c/a>, Weiner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The applicant will have to prove they are afraid to return to their country for safety reasons, either due to persecution or torture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they can pass that interview, then they may be able to see a judge again,” Weiner said. “They might be detained during that process, but at least they just won’t be quickly deported.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12047029\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12047029\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250629-IMMIGRANT-ADVOCATES-MD-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pamphlets at Centro Legal de la Raza in San Francisco on June 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>‘Hope for the best and prepare for the worst’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Weiner said that while she didn’t want to “be part of scaring people from going to court,” immigrants should nonetheless be as prepared as possible before heading to any court appearance — not just for their individual asylum case, but also for the very real risk of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes having a plan for any children they may have, key phone numbers for lawyers and family on hand or memorized, and leaving copies of all of their documents with their lawyer. (KQED has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026817/ice-schools-and-children-what-families-should-know\">a thorough guide on how to create a family preparedness plan\u003c/a> in the event that a parent is deported.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a scenario Maciejewski Cortez said terrifies the people she works with. They often ask her, “‘Can ICE do this? I read in the news that this happened. Is that allowed? Can that happen to me?’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel awful because I’d love to tell them, ‘No, that’s not going to happen to you. You have a current case status. You’ve already submitted your application for asylum. You’re in good standing. You have no criminal history,’” she said. “None of these things matter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She continued: “And so I have to tell them, ‘Honestly, anything can happen. But we will be there in case it does.’ We’re going to hope for the best and prepare for the worst.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "how-trumps-tax-cut-and-policy-bill-aims-to-supercharge-immigration-enforcement",
"title": "How Trump's Tax Cut and Policy Bill Aims to 'Supercharge' Immigration Enforcement",
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"headTitle": "How Trump’s Tax Cut and Policy Bill Aims to ‘Supercharge’ Immigration Enforcement | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/07/03/nx-s1-5454841/house-republicans-trump-tax-bill-medicaid\">signature domestic policy bill\u003c/a> is headed to his desk, marking a historic federal investment in immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/1/text\">cleared\u003c/a> Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” on Thursday — meeting the president’s self-imposed deadline of July 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massive package sets aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/29/nx-s1-5445352/trumps-mass-deportation-policy-could-cost-the-economy\">about $170 billion\u003c/a> to support the Trump’s administration’s border and immigration goals, which includes detaining and deporting a record number of people from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, White House border czar Tom Homan told reporters that Congress needed to pass the bill in order for the federal government to buy more detention beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more beds that we have, the more bad guys we arrest,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both critics and supporters say carrying out Trump’s immigration agenda will depend on how effectively federal agencies implement and deploy those resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will absolutely supercharge immigration enforcement over time, but it’s not gonna happen overnight,” said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute. “So how quickly the Trump administration is able to use this money to fuel its mass deportations campaign is a real question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The final bill allocates $45 billion for immigration detention centers, as well as about $30 billion to hire more ICE personnel, for transportation costs, and to maintain ICE facilities, among other spending. It comes as detention centers operate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5417980/private-prisons-and-local-jails-are-ramping-up-as-ice-detention-exceeds-capacity\">beyond their capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Immigration Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/fact-sheet/house-reconciliation-bill-immigration-border-security/\">estimates\u003c/a> that the new funding could expand detention capacity to “at least 116,000 beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12047037 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/NancyPelosiGetty2.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph said the money may help reduce overcrowding and improve staffing. But she is also concerned that it will lead to a broader use of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After migrants are identified as removable from the U.S., they may be released ahead of their court dates, held in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5417980/private-prisons-and-local-jails-are-ramping-up-as-ice-detention-exceeds-capacity\">local jails\u003c/a>, or placed in ICE detention. The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/g-s1-43650/trump-inauguration-day-one-immigration\">has made plans\u003c/a> to end the policy known as “catch and release” — which allows people to be released from detention while they await an immigration court hearing — but ending it would require more detention space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph said that individuals in immigration custody tend to face greater challenges with communication, obtaining counsel, interpretation, and understanding their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The nature of immigration detention in and of itself is that it’s harder for people to win relief in immigration court,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border security\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill provides roughly $46.5 billion to complete Trump’s border wall. It also sets aside $5 billion for Customs and Border Protection facilities and $10 billion for border security initiatives more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $13.5 billion is put toward reimbursing states and local governments engaging in immigration and border-related enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some critics have questioned the need for more border security funding, given that the number of people crossing the southern border has fallen to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/07/extraordinary-president-trump-drives-illegal-border-crossings-to-a-new-historic-low/\">its lowest level in decades\u003c/a> — with slightly over 6,000 apprehensions in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/07/02/dhs-shatters-nationwide-border-records-once-again-delivering-most-secure-border\">preliminary figures\u003c/a> released by the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Andrew Arthur, a fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies, a think tank that supports restricting immigration, argued that its better to invest in border infrastructure now than wait until another surge in crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we wait until 250,000 people arrive per month, it’s going to be too late,” he added, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/04/nx-s1-4991917/biden-executive-order-asylum-migration-border\">peak of monthly arrests\u003c/a> hit under former President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration fees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Republicans also sought to make the immigration process more expensive with increased or new fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the biggest changes to the immigration provisions from the House to the Senate version is the reduction in the minimum fee required to apply for asylum: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/28/nx-s1-5403815/congress-reconciliation-immigrants-benefits\">from $1,000 in the initial House version\u003c/a> to $100 in the final bill. The adjustment came after the Senate parliamentarian determined that the higher fee did not meet the rules needed to qualify for a simple majority vote.[aside postID=news_12044974 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/Presser_IMG_5746-1020x765.jpg']Arthur said adjudicating each application can be costly. “ It’s not unreasonable to expect them to pay at least $100 for their asylum application if only to cover a portion — and a very small portion of that — of the processing and adjudication fees,” he added, speaking about migrants seeking asylum to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Heidi Altman, vice president of policy at the National Immigration Law Center, argued that the new or increased fees will put an “unaffordable price tag on due process” for many immigrants. According to Altman, among the biggest increases is the fee to appeal an immigration judge’s decision: from the current $110 to $900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of these fees are going to become barriers or obstacles to people making their way through the very basic requirements of the immigration court system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Safety net programs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The initial House bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/28/nx-s1-5403815/congress-reconciliation-immigrants-benefits\">already stripped health coverage\u003c/a> under Affordable Care Act marketplaces and Medicare for a range of lawfully present immigrants including refugees, asylees, and those with other humanitarian protections. It also restricted eligibility for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version maintains those cuts while extending similar limitations to federal funding for Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program, according to Shelby Gonzales, the vice president for immigration policy at the left-leaning think tank Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that already a lot of people are barred from insurance just based off of not having the right kind of immigration status,” Gonzales said. “The changes that are made in this law go even further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those remaining eligible for these public benefits are green card holders who have completed the five-year waiting period, certain Cubans and Haitians, and individuals residing in the U.S. under the Compacts of Free Association, which includes people from Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arthur from the Center for Immigration Studies argued that the U.S. already faces a challenge supporting a large number of low-income citizens — even without the additional strain on the country’s social safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is reasonable to expect those who come to this country to be able to provide for themselves,” he said. Arthur added that states who want to provide benefits should be able to fund them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said her most immediate concern is the limits to SNAP benefits, adding that she is worried whether food banks can meet potential increased demand in the future. “I don’t think that they have the capacity to help people in huge numbers that might be losing access to food immediately,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s changes to the Child Tax Credit will also have an impact on immigrant families. Currently, only the child needs to have a Social Security number to qualify for the benefit. While the House initially proposed requiring both parents to have a Social Security number, the final version requires just one parent to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The child tax credit will be effectively cut off for kids with two undocumented parents,” said Tara Watson, director of the Center for Economic Security and Opportunity at the Brookings Institution. “That’s a significant amount of money that assists with the wellbeing of citizen children and it will be gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over $3 billion is allocated to the Justice Department for immigration-related activities. That includes the hiring of more immigration judges to address the growing case backlog, which was at \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1344791/dl?inline\">nearly 4 million cases\u003c/a> as of April, the latest data available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph from the Migration Policy Institute said the immigration court system is vastly underfunded compared to ICE and CBP, therefore the additional funding is promising. But she noted that the bill caps the number of judges to 800, which may fall short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph pointed to a 2023 analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R47637\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>, which estimated that over 1,300 judges would be necessary to eliminate the backlog over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To my mind, immigration courts will likely continue to struggle to keep up because the backlog is so huge,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/07/03/nx-s1-5454841/house-republicans-trump-tax-bill-medicaid\">signature domestic policy bill\u003c/a> is headed to his desk, marking a historic federal investment in immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The House \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/1/text\">cleared\u003c/a> Trump’s “big, beautiful bill” on Thursday — meeting the president’s self-imposed deadline of July 4.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The massive package sets aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/29/nx-s1-5445352/trumps-mass-deportation-policy-could-cost-the-economy\">about $170 billion\u003c/a> to support the Trump’s administration’s border and immigration goals, which includes detaining and deporting a record number of people from the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this week, White House border czar Tom Homan told reporters that Congress needed to pass the bill in order for the federal government to buy more detention beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The more beds that we have, the more bad guys we arrest,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both critics and supporters say carrying out Trump’s immigration agenda will depend on how effectively federal agencies implement and deploy those resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will absolutely supercharge immigration enforcement over time, but it’s not gonna happen overnight,” said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute. “So how quickly the Trump administration is able to use this money to fuel its mass deportations campaign is a real question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration enforcement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The final bill allocates $45 billion for immigration detention centers, as well as about $30 billion to hire more ICE personnel, for transportation costs, and to maintain ICE facilities, among other spending. It comes as detention centers operate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5417980/private-prisons-and-local-jails-are-ramping-up-as-ice-detention-exceeds-capacity\">beyond their capacity\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Immigration Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/fact-sheet/house-reconciliation-bill-immigration-border-security/\">estimates\u003c/a> that the new funding could expand detention capacity to “at least 116,000 beds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph said the money may help reduce overcrowding and improve staffing. But she is also concerned that it will lead to a broader use of detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After migrants are identified as removable from the U.S., they may be released ahead of their court dates, held in \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5417980/private-prisons-and-local-jails-are-ramping-up-as-ice-detention-exceeds-capacity\">local jails\u003c/a>, or placed in ICE detention. The Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/g-s1-43650/trump-inauguration-day-one-immigration\">has made plans\u003c/a> to end the policy known as “catch and release” — which allows people to be released from detention while they await an immigration court hearing — but ending it would require more detention space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph said that individuals in immigration custody tend to face greater challenges with communication, obtaining counsel, interpretation, and understanding their rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The nature of immigration detention in and of itself is that it’s harder for people to win relief in immigration court,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border security\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill provides roughly $46.5 billion to complete Trump’s border wall. It also sets aside $5 billion for Customs and Border Protection facilities and $10 billion for border security initiatives more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $13.5 billion is put toward reimbursing states and local governments engaging in immigration and border-related enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some critics have questioned the need for more border security funding, given that the number of people crossing the southern border has fallen to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2025/07/extraordinary-president-trump-drives-illegal-border-crossings-to-a-new-historic-low/\">its lowest level in decades\u003c/a> — with slightly over 6,000 apprehensions in June, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/07/02/dhs-shatters-nationwide-border-records-once-again-delivering-most-secure-border\">preliminary figures\u003c/a> released by the Department of Homeland Security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Andrew Arthur, a fellow at the Center for Immigration Studies, a think tank that supports restricting immigration, argued that its better to invest in border infrastructure now than wait until another surge in crossings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we wait until 250,000 people arrive per month, it’s going to be too late,” he added, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/04/nx-s1-4991917/biden-executive-order-asylum-migration-border\">peak of monthly arrests\u003c/a> hit under former President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration fees\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Republicans also sought to make the immigration process more expensive with increased or new fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the biggest changes to the immigration provisions from the House to the Senate version is the reduction in the minimum fee required to apply for asylum: \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/28/nx-s1-5403815/congress-reconciliation-immigrants-benefits\">from $1,000 in the initial House version\u003c/a> to $100 in the final bill. The adjustment came after the Senate parliamentarian determined that the higher fee did not meet the rules needed to qualify for a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Arthur said adjudicating each application can be costly. “ It’s not unreasonable to expect them to pay at least $100 for their asylum application if only to cover a portion — and a very small portion of that — of the processing and adjudication fees,” he added, speaking about migrants seeking asylum to stay in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Heidi Altman, vice president of policy at the National Immigration Law Center, argued that the new or increased fees will put an “unaffordable price tag on due process” for many immigrants. According to Altman, among the biggest increases is the fee to appeal an immigration judge’s decision: from the current $110 to $900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of these fees are going to become barriers or obstacles to people making their way through the very basic requirements of the immigration court system,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Safety net programs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The initial House bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/28/nx-s1-5403815/congress-reconciliation-immigrants-benefits\">already stripped health coverage\u003c/a> under Affordable Care Act marketplaces and Medicare for a range of lawfully present immigrants including refugees, asylees, and those with other humanitarian protections. It also restricted eligibility for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version maintains those cuts while extending similar limitations to federal funding for Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program, according to Shelby Gonzales, the vice president for immigration policy at the left-leaning think tank Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that already a lot of people are barred from insurance just based off of not having the right kind of immigration status,” Gonzales said. “The changes that are made in this law go even further.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those remaining eligible for these public benefits are green card holders who have completed the five-year waiting period, certain Cubans and Haitians, and individuals residing in the U.S. under the Compacts of Free Association, which includes people from Micronesia, Palau and the Marshall Islands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arthur from the Center for Immigration Studies argued that the U.S. already faces a challenge supporting a large number of low-income citizens — even without the additional strain on the country’s social safety nets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is reasonable to expect those who come to this country to be able to provide for themselves,” he said. Arthur added that states who want to provide benefits should be able to fund them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales said her most immediate concern is the limits to SNAP benefits, adding that she is worried whether food banks can meet potential increased demand in the future. “I don’t think that they have the capacity to help people in huge numbers that might be losing access to food immediately,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s changes to the Child Tax Credit will also have an impact on immigrant families. Currently, only the child needs to have a Social Security number to qualify for the benefit. While the House initially proposed requiring both parents to have a Social Security number, the final version requires just one parent to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The child tax credit will be effectively cut off for kids with two undocumented parents,” said Tara Watson, director of the Center for Economic Security and Opportunity at the Brookings Institution. “That’s a significant amount of money that assists with the wellbeing of citizen children and it will be gone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration courts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over $3 billion is allocated to the Justice Department for immigration-related activities. That includes the hiring of more immigration judges to address the growing case backlog, which was at \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/eoir/media/1344791/dl?inline\">nearly 4 million cases\u003c/a> as of April, the latest data available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph from the Migration Policy Institute said the immigration court system is vastly underfunded compared to ICE and CBP, therefore the additional funding is promising. But she noted that the bill caps the number of judges to 800, which may fall short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bush-Joseph pointed to a 2023 analysis by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R47637\">Congressional Research Service\u003c/a>, which estimated that over 1,300 judges would be necessary to eliminate the backlog over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To my mind, immigration courts will likely continue to struggle to keep up because the backlog is so huge,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910383/how-trumps-immigration-crackdown-is-playing-out-in-the-bay-area\">ramps up immigration arrests\u003c/a>, flooding the streets of Los Angeles with masked agents, it is simultaneously stripping half a million people of humanitarian protections that allowed them to enter the country legally — essentially turning them into undocumented immigrants and threatening to deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is a Nicaraguan journalist who escaped \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/14/1198540870/nicaragua-ortega-repression-journalism\">a crackdown on the free press\u003c/a> in her homeland, and recently landed here in the Bay Area. The journalist, a woman in her 40s, asked KQED to identify her only by her first initial, E., because she fears what the Nicaraguan government could do to her if she’s deported, or to the family she left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We met on a sunny morning earlier this month at her new apartment in a suburban housing complex in Concord. E. had just rented the place but she had no furniture, so we sat down to talk on the brown living room carpet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. told her story as the Trump administration began \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/12/dhs-issues-notices-termination-chnv-parole-program-encourages-parolees-self-deport\">sending letters out\u003c/a> this month notifying her and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-december-2024-monthly-update\">more than 530,000 others\u003c/a> from four unstable and authoritarian countries — Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela — that a Biden-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">humanitarian parole program\u003c/a> under which they had come to the U.S. lawfully, had been terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back to what brought her to this point, E., who’s a mother of two, described her path to become a journalist. She was in high school when she discovered the profession, and she said interviewing politicians and covering the news of the day seemed exciting. She built a career spanning TV, radio and newspapers and, over time, her work took on increasing urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gave me the opportunity to give voice to the voiceless and hold power to account — to question what’s permitted under the laws and the constitution,” she said. “Of course in some countries it can be dangerous to bring to light what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Nicaragua has become such a country. The government of President Daniel Ortega has taken control of some news outlets and shut others down entirely, locking up journalists on false charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. The journalist is seeking asylum from persecution in Nicaragua and did not want to expose her name or face. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>“If you’re on the list … The only thing to do is to run.”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortega first came to power as part of the Sandinista leadership that waged\u003ca href=\"https://americanarchive.org/exhibits/newshour-cold-war/nicaragua\"> a leftist revolution\u003c/a> to topple the 43-year Somoza family dictatorship in 1979. He was elected president in 1985, but when he was voted out five years later, he stepped down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning re-election in 2006, though, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/nicaragua-congress-gives-final-approval-sweeping-constitutional-reforms-2025-01-30/\">Ortega tightened his grip on power\u003c/a>. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/nicaraguas-deepening-repression-un-experts-call-urgent-global-action\"> bloody crackdown on protesters\u003c/a> in 2018 was followed by a 2021 election in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/11/1080204905/nicaragua-has-convicted-more-than-a-dozen-opponents-of-president-daniel-ortega\">Ortega jailed most opposition candidates\u003c/a>. His party dominates the legislature and he has progressively gained control of the police, the military \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">and the courts\u003c/a>. He has made his wife, Rosario Murillo, co-president. And earlier this month, a former general who became a critic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jun/20/roberto-samcam-killed-costa-rica-president-daniel-ortega\">was assassinated\u003c/a> in Costa Rica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of the risk, E. stayed, even as others left the country. Journalists from formerly competing media outlets teamed up to report clandestinely and publish news without bylines, getting information out about human rights violations however they could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12044974 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/Presser_IMG_5746-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They learned of an “enemies list” compiled by the regime, and contacted the people whose names were on it, so they could try to escape, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re on the list, they will get you. The only thing to do is to run,” she said. “I have friends who wanted to stay and face justice. They said, ‘I don’t have anything to fear.’ I told them, ‘No! Go! Get out!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in late 2023, E. found out that she was targeted. “My source told me: ‘Run! You’re on the list.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. said she kissed her children goodbye and, with the help of her journalism network, went into hiding. Soon, police began violently questioning her family about her whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never regret becoming a journalist,” she said, brushing her long dark hair away from her face. “But my family shouldn’t have to pay. When I decided to be a journalist I didn’t know that this was part of the package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Safe in exile, but for how long?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicaraguan journalists already in exile in Florida helped her find a U.S. sponsor and apply for the parole program, which Biden officials had designed as a way to shift the growing number of migrants from the four countries away from the border and into a lawful, if temporary, pathway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, last spring, E.’s parole was approved and she flew to Florida legally — with a two-year work permit and, once on U.S. soil, the chance to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was one of \u003ca href=\"https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-01-18/journalists-on-the-verge-of-extinction-in-nicaragua.html\">more than 40 journalists who fled Nicaragua last year\u003c/a>, she said, while five colleagues who stayed are now in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she landed in the U.S., she said, she touched the earth and thought, ‘Thank God! This land is welcoming me and I can start over.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“E.’s case is a great example for why we even had the program,” said Reena Arya, E.’s immigration lawyer with Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay. “The United States vetted her, ran her fingerprints. … They stamped her passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Florida, she found work she loved, doing public relations for nonprofits. And she applied for humanitarian parole for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the day President Donald Trump took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/nx-s1-5268986/trump-humanitarian-parole-immigration#:~:text=In%20an%20executive%20order%20signed,National\">he issued an executive order ending the program\u003c/a>, along with other “categorical” parole programs, such as one for Ukrainians who fled the Russian invasion and Afghans who escaped after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After waiting 70 days for her kids’ applications to be approved, E. knew they would instead be void. She says when she found out, she cried the entire day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. She is among dozens of Nicaraguan journalists who have fled a violent crackdown on the free press. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Parole revoked\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://justiceactioncenter.org/svitlana-doe-v-noem-class-action/\">Advocates sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration to preserve the humanitarian protections, including the so-called CHNV parole for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans, as well as those for Ukrainians, Afghans and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 70 years, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, humanitarian parole has been a longstanding and effective lynchpin of our immigration system,” said Esther Sung, legal director for Justice Action Center, the pro-immigrant group that brought the suit. “It has been a lifeline for people facing humanitarian crises in their countries of origin and has been one of the last remaining lawful pathways for people to secure temporary protection in the U.S.”[aside postID=news_12040425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/20250514_AFGHANREFUGEESTPS_GC-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']In April, a federal judge in Massachusetts halted the parole terminations, and an appeals court declined to reverse that decision. But in late May, the Supreme Court ruled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/05/30/dhs-releases-statement-major-scotus-victory-trump-administration-and-american\">government can start revoking parole \u003c/a>while the case, Svitlana Doe v. Noem, plays out in court. The next hearing is July 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sung called the revocations unprecedented, and added that she considers them part of a plan by the Trump administration “to de-legalize people here lawfully to advance its anti-immigrant agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement June 12, Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin called the CHNV parole “disastrous,” saying the Biden administration had poorly vetted parolees and suggesting those admitted were responsible for “chaos” and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ending the CHNV parole programs, as well as the paroles of those who exploited it, will be a necessary return to common-sense policies, a return to public safety, and a return to America First,” McLaughlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different observer, award-winning Venezuelan journalist Boris Muñoz, who’s a former \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> editor and UC Berkeley journalism lecturer, has seen the impact of the parole — and its termination — up close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz came to the U.S. on a fellowship, but as then-President Hugo Chavez consolidated power in Venezuela, Muñoz decided it wasn’t safe to go back. He has since become a U.S. citizen, and he’s watched over the years as other Venezuelan journalists flee the growing repression in their country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHNV parole offered them a legal way to get here. And the \u003ca href=\"https://cpj.org/2024/08/press-freedom-in-nicaragua-nearly-nonexistent-cpj-and-rights-groups-tell-un/\">crackdown on press freedom\u003c/a> in all four countries covered by the program is well documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular for journalists, it’s crucial,” Muñoz said. “Because they cannot live in their countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the journalists who arrived with parole are now in limbo, as their work permits are canceled and the possibility of deportation looms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a cruel measure that’s not addressing the promise Trump made to clean the country of criminals,” he said. “These people are not criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Looking for sanctuary in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Leaving her office in Florida one afternoon in February, in the early weeks of the Trump presidency, E. said she saw U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents rounding up immigrants on a nearby avenue and loading them onto buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had thought that with the protection of parole, she had nothing to fear from ICE. Now she realized that she could be next. E. felt hunted again, as she had in Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘I can’t stay here,’ and I called some friends in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told her they thought she’d be safer if she joined them, because California’s sanctuary laws prevent local police from helping ICE with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So E. uprooted once more, arriving in the Bay Area with nothing. She said she slept on friends’ couches until she found the apartment in Concord. And she landed a supermarket job to pay the bills while she looked for work in her field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she recently received the DHS letter canceling her parole and her work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of deportation is terrifying, she said, fighting back tears, because she expects she would be imprisoned, as others have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask me if I fear going back to my country, the answer is ‘Yes,’” she said, fighting back tears. “I’ve never been scared in my life. I’ve always been strong and brave. But I’ve seen what they’re capable of. I’ve seen people who were tortured, who were held in deplorable conditions. I don’t want to suffer. I don’t want my children to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Arya’s help, E. applied for asylum so, if normal rules apply, it’s unlikely she’ll be deported any time soon. But Arya says the revocation of parole means the promise of protection has been broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally unfair,” she said. “It’s not how our immigration system has ever worked. And we’re entering a new era where the government thinks they can do that. And it’s a very scary door to open and walk through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, E. has plans to furnish the apartment. She should eventually get a work permit through her asylum application. And if she wins the asylum case, as Arya thinks she will, E. will eventually be allowed to bring her children here, though that could be years off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she wants to work for a just society, she said, whether for Nicaragua or here in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to help,” she said. “That’s what I’ve always done. And one day, I will be doing it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the Trump administration \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910383/how-trumps-immigration-crackdown-is-playing-out-in-the-bay-area\">ramps up immigration arrests\u003c/a>, flooding the streets of Los Angeles with masked agents, it is simultaneously stripping half a million people of humanitarian protections that allowed them to enter the country legally — essentially turning them into undocumented immigrants and threatening to deport them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those people is a Nicaraguan journalist who escaped \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/14/1198540870/nicaragua-ortega-repression-journalism\">a crackdown on the free press\u003c/a> in her homeland, and recently landed here in the Bay Area. The journalist, a woman in her 40s, asked KQED to identify her only by her first initial, E., because she fears what the Nicaraguan government could do to her if she’s deported, or to the family she left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We met on a sunny morning earlier this month at her new apartment in a suburban housing complex in Concord. E. had just rented the place but she had no furniture, so we sat down to talk on the brown living room carpet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. told her story as the Trump administration began \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/06/12/dhs-issues-notices-termination-chnv-parole-program-encourages-parolees-self-deport\">sending letters out\u003c/a> this month notifying her and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-december-2024-monthly-update\">more than 530,000 others\u003c/a> from four unstable and authoritarian countries — Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua and Venezuela — that a Biden-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">humanitarian parole program\u003c/a> under which they had come to the U.S. lawfully, had been terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thinking back to what brought her to this point, E., who’s a mother of two, described her path to become a journalist. She was in high school when she discovered the profession, and she said interviewing politicians and covering the news of the day seemed exciting. She built a career spanning TV, radio and newspapers and, over time, her work took on increasing urgency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gave me the opportunity to give voice to the voiceless and hold power to account — to question what’s permitted under the laws and the constitution,” she said. “Of course in some countries it can be dangerous to bring to light what’s happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Nicaragua has become such a country. The government of President Daniel Ortega has taken control of some news outlets and shut others down entirely, locking up journalists on false charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. The journalist is seeking asylum from persecution in Nicaragua and did not want to expose her name or face. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>“If you’re on the list … The only thing to do is to run.”\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Ortega first came to power as part of the Sandinista leadership that waged\u003ca href=\"https://americanarchive.org/exhibits/newshour-cold-war/nicaragua\"> a leftist revolution\u003c/a> to topple the 43-year Somoza family dictatorship in 1979. He was elected president in 1985, but when he was voted out five years later, he stepped down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After winning re-election in 2006, though, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/nicaragua-congress-gives-final-approval-sweeping-constitutional-reforms-2025-01-30/\">Ortega tightened his grip on power\u003c/a>. A\u003ca href=\"https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/02/nicaraguas-deepening-repression-un-experts-call-urgent-global-action\"> bloody crackdown on protesters\u003c/a> in 2018 was followed by a 2021 election in which \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2022/02/11/1080204905/nicaragua-has-convicted-more-than-a-dozen-opponents-of-president-daniel-ortega\">Ortega jailed most opposition candidates\u003c/a>. His party dominates the legislature and he has progressively gained control of the police, the military \u003ca href=\"https://www.refugeesinternational.org/perspectives-and-commentaries/setting-the-record-straight-on-chnv/\">and the courts\u003c/a>. He has made his wife, Rosario Murillo, co-president. And earlier this month, a former general who became a critic \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/jun/20/roberto-samcam-killed-costa-rica-president-daniel-ortega\">was assassinated\u003c/a> in Costa Rica.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In spite of the risk, E. stayed, even as others left the country. Journalists from formerly competing media outlets teamed up to report clandestinely and publish news without bylines, getting information out about human rights violations however they could.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They learned of an “enemies list” compiled by the regime, and contacted the people whose names were on it, so they could try to escape, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re on the list, they will get you. The only thing to do is to run,” she said. “I have friends who wanted to stay and face justice. They said, ‘I don’t have anything to fear.’ I told them, ‘No! Go! Get out!’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in late 2023, E. found out that she was targeted. “My source told me: ‘Run! You’re on the list.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>E. said she kissed her children goodbye and, with the help of her journalism network, went into hiding. Soon, police began violently questioning her family about her whereabouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will never regret becoming a journalist,” she said, brushing her long dark hair away from her face. “But my family shouldn’t have to pay. When I decided to be a journalist I didn’t know that this was part of the package.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Safe in exile, but for how long?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nicaraguan journalists already in exile in Florida helped her find a U.S. sponsor and apply for the parole program, which Biden officials had designed as a way to shift the growing number of migrants from the four countries away from the border and into a lawful, if temporary, pathway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eventually, last spring, E.’s parole was approved and she flew to Florida legally — with a two-year work permit and, once on U.S. soil, the chance to seek asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was one of \u003ca href=\"https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-01-18/journalists-on-the-verge-of-extinction-in-nicaragua.html\">more than 40 journalists who fled Nicaragua last year\u003c/a>, she said, while five colleagues who stayed are now in prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she landed in the U.S., she said, she touched the earth and thought, ‘Thank God! This land is welcoming me and I can start over.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“E.’s case is a great example for why we even had the program,” said Reena Arya, E.’s immigration lawyer with Jewish Family and Community Services of the East Bay. “The United States vetted her, ran her fingerprints. … They stamped her passport.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Florida, she found work she loved, doing public relations for nonprofits. And she applied for humanitarian parole for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the day President Donald Trump took office, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/20/nx-s1-5268986/trump-humanitarian-parole-immigration#:~:text=In%20an%20executive%20order%20signed,National\">he issued an executive order ending the program\u003c/a>, along with other “categorical” parole programs, such as one for Ukrainians who fled the Russian invasion and Afghans who escaped after the Taliban takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After waiting 70 days for her kids’ applications to be approved, E. knew they would instead be void. She says when she found out, she cried the entire day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044052\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044052\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250612-NICARAGUAN-JOURNALIST-MD-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">E. in her home in Concord on June 12, 2025. She is among dozens of Nicaraguan journalists who have fled a violent crackdown on the free press. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Parole revoked\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://justiceactioncenter.org/svitlana-doe-v-noem-class-action/\">Advocates sued\u003c/a> the Trump administration to preserve the humanitarian protections, including the so-called CHNV parole for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans, as well as those for Ukrainians, Afghans and others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For more than 70 years, under both Republican and Democratic administrations, humanitarian parole has been a longstanding and effective lynchpin of our immigration system,” said Esther Sung, legal director for Justice Action Center, the pro-immigrant group that brought the suit. “It has been a lifeline for people facing humanitarian crises in their countries of origin and has been one of the last remaining lawful pathways for people to secure temporary protection in the U.S.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In April, a federal judge in Massachusetts halted the parole terminations, and an appeals court declined to reverse that decision. But in late May, the Supreme Court ruled the \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/news/2025/05/30/dhs-releases-statement-major-scotus-victory-trump-administration-and-american\">government can start revoking parole \u003c/a>while the case, Svitlana Doe v. Noem, plays out in court. The next hearing is July 29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sung called the revocations unprecedented, and added that she considers them part of a plan by the Trump administration “to de-legalize people here lawfully to advance its anti-immigrant agenda.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement June 12, Homeland Security spokeswoman Tricia McLaughlin called the CHNV parole “disastrous,” saying the Biden administration had poorly vetted parolees and suggesting those admitted were responsible for “chaos” and crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ending the CHNV parole programs, as well as the paroles of those who exploited it, will be a necessary return to common-sense policies, a return to public safety, and a return to America First,” McLaughlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A different observer, award-winning Venezuelan journalist Boris Muñoz, who’s a former \u003cem>New York Times\u003c/em> editor and UC Berkeley journalism lecturer, has seen the impact of the parole — and its termination — up close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muñoz came to the U.S. on a fellowship, but as then-President Hugo Chavez consolidated power in Venezuela, Muñoz decided it wasn’t safe to go back. He has since become a U.S. citizen, and he’s watched over the years as other Venezuelan journalists flee the growing repression in their country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CHNV parole offered them a legal way to get here. And the \u003ca href=\"https://cpj.org/2024/08/press-freedom-in-nicaragua-nearly-nonexistent-cpj-and-rights-groups-tell-un/\">crackdown on press freedom\u003c/a> in all four countries covered by the program is well documented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In particular for journalists, it’s crucial,” Muñoz said. “Because they cannot live in their countries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he added that the journalists who arrived with parole are now in limbo, as their work permits are canceled and the possibility of deportation looms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a cruel measure that’s not addressing the promise Trump made to clean the country of criminals,” he said. “These people are not criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Looking for sanctuary in California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Leaving her office in Florida one afternoon in February, in the early weeks of the Trump presidency, E. said she saw U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents rounding up immigrants on a nearby avenue and loading them onto buses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She had thought that with the protection of parole, she had nothing to fear from ICE. Now she realized that she could be next. E. felt hunted again, as she had in Nicaragua.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘I can’t stay here,’ and I called some friends in California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They told her they thought she’d be safer if she joined them, because California’s sanctuary laws prevent local police from helping ICE with immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So E. uprooted once more, arriving in the Bay Area with nothing. She said she slept on friends’ couches until she found the apartment in Concord. And she landed a supermarket job to pay the bills while she looked for work in her field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she recently received the DHS letter canceling her parole and her work permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of deportation is terrifying, she said, fighting back tears, because she expects she would be imprisoned, as others have been.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask me if I fear going back to my country, the answer is ‘Yes,’” she said, fighting back tears. “I’ve never been scared in my life. I’ve always been strong and brave. But I’ve seen what they’re capable of. I’ve seen people who were tortured, who were held in deplorable conditions. I don’t want to suffer. I don’t want my children to suffer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Arya’s help, E. applied for asylum so, if normal rules apply, it’s unlikely she’ll be deported any time soon. But Arya says the revocation of parole means the promise of protection has been broken.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s fundamentally unfair,” she said. “It’s not how our immigration system has ever worked. And we’re entering a new era where the government thinks they can do that. And it’s a very scary door to open and walk through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, E. has plans to furnish the apartment. She should eventually get a work permit through her asylum application. And if she wins the asylum case, as Arya thinks she will, E. will eventually be allowed to bring her children here, though that could be years off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she wants to work for a just society, she said, whether for Nicaragua or here in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to help,” she said. “That’s what I’ve always done. And one day, I will be doing it again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Much of LA’s Community of Immigrants Is Hiding, Leaving a Hole in the Fabric of the City",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This commentary was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In immigrant-rich Westlake in Los Angeles, stores were empty Friday morning. The computer repair place was closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates were down in front of a check-cashing operation. One of the area health clinics, where residents often line up for medical care, was open but without takers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block away, MacArthur Park still stirred with drug addicts and unhoused men. Police arrested two, cuffing them as the men stared into the distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Los Angeles, flower sellers who congregate outside Forest Lawn were missing, buses were running half empty, car washes were closed. Parking lots at Home Depots and garden stores were suddenly noticeably vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is what happens when the federal government, against the wishes of those who live in a community, exercises its distant authority and imposes a solution Los Angeles residents don’t want. Confrontations in a small area of downtown escalated after the arrival of the National Guard and then of active-duty U.S. Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Los Angeles’ large, productive, and now very afraid community of undocumented immigrants has slipped into the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many misconceptions about immigrants in Los Angeles, but none more disorienting than the canard — so popular among Trump administration representatives — that those immigrants who arrived without papers somehow live apart from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of these immigrants in the local economy is widely misunderstood and deliberately misrepresented. Undocumented immigrants do not work outside the larger economy; they are integrated into it, just as they are into every other aspect of life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they are removed or are cowered into staying home, the effects touch everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the economy is broader,” said Saba Waheed, director of UCLA’s Labor Center. “They (federal authorities) are uprooting and interfering in the daily life of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking away part of our workforce. That is hurting L.A. more broadly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the close integration of illegal immigrants into the broader economy, and not just in Los Angeles. In California, undocumented workers make up about a quarter of all farm laborers and construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Arizona adopted anti-immigrant laws in the early 2000s, \u003ca href=\"https://carsey.unh.edu/sites/default/files/media/2024-08/economic-impact-mass-deportation-lit-review.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many undocumented residents, perhaps as many as 40%, left\u003c/a>. The economy suffered. And unemployment for low-skilled white men increased, not decreased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes perfect sense to all but the closed-minded or hard-hearted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/012025Border-Inauguration_AH_CM_04-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a puffy jacket and cap stands by a chain-link fence, looking toward a busy parking lot filled with vehicles. In the background, a retail store is visible, and two other individuals are seen standing nearby.\">\u003cfigcaption>Saul Muñoz, 53, waits for any job opportunities in front of a Home Depot in San Diego on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003cem>Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whether here legally or illegally, these are working men and women. When they get paid, they spend that money on clothes and places to live, toys for their children, food and the stuff of life. That spending goes into the broader economy, supporting businesses that are owned and operated by legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and stores that depend on business from those in the country illegally suffer right along with those immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump supporters, starting with the president’s shrill emissary, Stephen Miller, like to counter with crocodile tears for illegal immigrants, who they suggest are an exploited class of workers, while simultaneously calling them an ominous criminal threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though it is certainly true that some undocumented residents are paid lower wages than citizens, many are not victims but have been comfortably working for years. Indeed, nearly 80% of those living illegally in this country have been working here for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller and his fellow travelers suggest that this is all a drag on the economy, a burdensome expense. But that, too, is false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the economic activity they generate, undocumented workers pay taxes — using taxpayer identification numbers, many pay federal income taxes. Others share housing, often with documented family members, and help pay property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these workers have Social Security money withdrawn from their paychecks but, since they are using fake Social Security numbers, they never get the benefits at the other end — which means they help prop up that system for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, they pay sales taxes, which are especially vital to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/economic-impact-of-mass-deportation-in-california/\">contribute $23 billion a year in federal, state and local taxes\u003c/a>. Their direct pay alone amounts to 5% of the state’s economy, a new study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling them out of the workforce, either to send them out of the country or chasing them indoors to avoid detection, hurts not just them. It hurts Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, if deportation enthusiasts got their fondest wish, it would hurt the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One study concluded that if the government succeeds in deporting every person currently in the country illegally, it would result in a 1.4% drop in Gross Domestic Product in the first year, with losses rising thereafter. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w22834/w22834.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The economy would shed more than $5 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are studies. And then there is life in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, like any city, would welcome the removal of dangerous people. But that’s not who’s being grabbed. Immigrants in the country illegally tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/research-briefs-economic-policy/law-abiding-immigrants-incarceration-gap-between-immigrants-us-born\">be more law-abiding\u003c/a> once here than native-born Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060825-Natl-Guard-MDC-DTLA-TS-CM-04-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"A line of California National Guard members in full riot gear stand shoulder to shoulder holding transparent shields labeled “CALIFORNIA NATIONAL GUARD.” They wear helmets with face shields and camouflage uniforms. The photo is taken at street level, with tall downtown buildings and an American flag visible in the background on a sunny day.\">\u003cfigcaption>California National Guard soldiers stand with shields outside the Federal Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, on June 8, 2025. \u003cem>Ted Soqui for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, more than 70% of those seized in these disruptive raids have no criminal record at all, and many more have only minor traffic or other offenses. All told, \u003ca href=\"https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/ice-immigration-raids-trump-citizens-b2775393.html\">about 8% of those snatched by ICE\u003c/a> in recent months have serious criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means more than 9 out of 10 gave no evidence of being a threat. Removing them separates families, devastates businesses and damages the larger economy — with no corresponding benefit to the safety of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t snag criminals by raiding car washes and Home Depot parking lots. Washington may not get that — or may not care. But Los Angeles does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If those who are behind the recent immigration raids imagined that they were excising an unwanted, detached community from the rest of Los Angeles, they badly miscalculated. Instead, this region has demonstrated resolve and solidarity in the face of a threat that is not just economic but cultural as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churches with large immigrant congregations are advising their parishioners to stay home rather than expose themselves to ICE. Hotels and businesses are flying Mexican flags in solidarity with their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and everyday people are refusing to cooperate when masked agents, who themselves refuse to provide identification, demand it of others, often merely because of their skin color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Pasadena, hardly a hotbed of radicalism, \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/programs-in-pasadena-canceled-after-social-media-posts-showing-apparent-federal-enforcement-activity/\">cancelled summer swim and park programs\u003c/a> last weekend for fear that ICE would use them to snag suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions prove a point: These immigrants, however they arrived or whatever their legal status, are integral to this region’s economy and to its sense of self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are our neighbors, our friends, the friends of our children, our coworkers. Forcibly removing them is bad for them, of course. It’s also bad for the rest of us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2025/06/los-angeles-undocumented-immigrants/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This commentary was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In immigrant-rich Westlake in Los Angeles, stores were empty Friday morning. The computer repair place was closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates were down in front of a check-cashing operation. One of the area health clinics, where residents often line up for medical care, was open but without takers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A block away, MacArthur Park still stirred with drug addicts and unhoused men. Police arrested two, cuffing them as the men stared into the distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around Los Angeles, flower sellers who congregate outside Forest Lawn were missing, buses were running half empty, car washes were closed. Parking lots at Home Depots and garden stores were suddenly noticeably vacant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is what happens when the federal government, against the wishes of those who live in a community, exercises its distant authority and imposes a solution Los Angeles residents don’t want. Confrontations in a small area of downtown escalated after the arrival of the National Guard and then of active-duty U.S. Marines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Los Angeles’ large, productive, and now very afraid community of undocumented immigrants has slipped into the shadows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are many misconceptions about immigrants in Los Angeles, but none more disorienting than the canard — so popular among Trump administration representatives — that those immigrants who arrived without papers somehow live apart from the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The role of these immigrants in the local economy is widely misunderstood and deliberately misrepresented. Undocumented immigrants do not work outside the larger economy; they are integrated into it, just as they are into every other aspect of life in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they are removed or are cowered into staying home, the effects touch everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The impact on the economy is broader,” said Saba Waheed, director of UCLA’s Labor Center. “They (federal authorities) are uprooting and interfering in the daily life of Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re taking away part of our workforce. That is hurting L.A. more broadly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part because of the close integration of illegal immigrants into the broader economy, and not just in Los Angeles. In California, undocumented workers make up about a quarter of all farm laborers and construction workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Arizona adopted anti-immigrant laws in the early 2000s, \u003ca href=\"https://carsey.unh.edu/sites/default/files/media/2024-08/economic-impact-mass-deportation-lit-review.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">many undocumented residents, perhaps as many as 40%, left\u003c/a>. The economy suffered. And unemployment for low-skilled white men increased, not decreased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes perfect sense to all but the closed-minded or hard-hearted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/012025Border-Inauguration_AH_CM_04-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a puffy jacket and cap stands by a chain-link fence, looking toward a busy parking lot filled with vehicles. In the background, a retail store is visible, and two other individuals are seen standing nearby.\">\u003cfigcaption>Saul Muñoz, 53, waits for any job opportunities in front of a Home Depot in San Diego on Jan. 20, 2025. \u003cem>Adriana Heldiz/CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Whether here legally or illegally, these are working men and women. When they get paid, they spend that money on clothes and places to live, toys for their children, food and the stuff of life. That spending goes into the broader economy, supporting businesses that are owned and operated by legal residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Restaurants and stores that depend on business from those in the country illegally suffer right along with those immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump supporters, starting with the president’s shrill emissary, Stephen Miller, like to counter with crocodile tears for illegal immigrants, who they suggest are an exploited class of workers, while simultaneously calling them an ominous criminal threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And though it is certainly true that some undocumented residents are paid lower wages than citizens, many are not victims but have been comfortably working for years. Indeed, nearly 80% of those living illegally in this country have been working here for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Miller and his fellow travelers suggest that this is all a drag on the economy, a burdensome expense. But that, too, is false.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the economic activity they generate, undocumented workers pay taxes — using taxpayer identification numbers, many pay federal income taxes. Others share housing, often with documented family members, and help pay property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of these workers have Social Security money withdrawn from their paychecks but, since they are using fake Social Security numbers, they never get the benefits at the other end — which means they help prop up that system for others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, of course, they pay sales taxes, which are especially vital to local governments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareaeconomy.org/report/economic-impact-of-mass-deportation-in-california/\">contribute $23 billion a year in federal, state and local taxes\u003c/a>. Their direct pay alone amounts to 5% of the state’s economy, a new study shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulling them out of the workforce, either to send them out of the country or chasing them indoors to avoid detection, hurts not just them. It hurts Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, if deportation enthusiasts got their fondest wish, it would hurt the entire country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One study concluded that if the government succeeds in deporting every person currently in the country illegally, it would result in a 1.4% drop in Gross Domestic Product in the first year, with losses rising thereafter. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w22834/w22834.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The economy would shed more than $5 trillion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those are studies. And then there is life in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles, like any city, would welcome the removal of dangerous people. But that’s not who’s being grabbed. Immigrants in the country illegally tend to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/research-briefs-economic-policy/law-abiding-immigrants-incarceration-gap-between-immigrants-us-born\">be more law-abiding\u003c/a> once here than native-born Americans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/060825-Natl-Guard-MDC-DTLA-TS-CM-04-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"A line of California National Guard members in full riot gear stand shoulder to shoulder holding transparent shields labeled “CALIFORNIA NATIONAL GUARD.” They wear helmets with face shields and camouflage uniforms. The photo is taken at street level, with tall downtown buildings and an American flag visible in the background on a sunny day.\">\u003cfigcaption>California National Guard soldiers stand with shields outside the Federal Detention Center in downtown Los Angeles, on June 8, 2025. \u003cem>Ted Soqui for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under Trump, more than 70% of those seized in these disruptive raids have no criminal record at all, and many more have only minor traffic or other offenses. All told, \u003ca href=\"https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/ice-immigration-raids-trump-citizens-b2775393.html\">about 8% of those snatched by ICE\u003c/a> in recent months have serious criminal histories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means more than 9 out of 10 gave no evidence of being a threat. Removing them separates families, devastates businesses and damages the larger economy — with no corresponding benefit to the safety of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You don’t snag criminals by raiding car washes and Home Depot parking lots. Washington may not get that — or may not care. But Los Angeles does.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If those who are behind the recent immigration raids imagined that they were excising an unwanted, detached community from the rest of Los Angeles, they badly miscalculated. Instead, this region has demonstrated resolve and solidarity in the face of a threat that is not just economic but cultural as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Churches with large immigrant congregations are advising their parishioners to stay home rather than expose themselves to ICE. Hotels and businesses are flying Mexican flags in solidarity with their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Activists and everyday people are refusing to cooperate when masked agents, who themselves refuse to provide identification, demand it of others, often merely because of their skin color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Pasadena, hardly a hotbed of radicalism, \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/programs-in-pasadena-canceled-after-social-media-posts-showing-apparent-federal-enforcement-activity/\">cancelled summer swim and park programs\u003c/a> last weekend for fear that ICE would use them to snag suspects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those actions prove a point: These immigrants, however they arrived or whatever their legal status, are integral to this region’s economy and to its sense of self.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are our neighbors, our friends, the friends of our children, our coworkers. Forcibly removing them is bad for them, of course. It’s also bad for the rest of us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2025/06/los-angeles-undocumented-immigrants/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California officials voiced alarm on Friday after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">threw out nationwide injunctions\u003c/a> blocking President Donald Trump’s effort to reverse the country’s long-standing principle that children born on U.S. soil are citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court judges were directed to issue more limited stays to temporarily block Trump’s executive order while legal challenges proceed. State leaders expressed disappointment but emphasized the ruling does not mean the end of birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because 22 states — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">including California\u003c/a> — and the District of Columbia successfully challenged the order earlier this year, the policy remains blocked in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s decision today is not what we hoped for, but you can be sure the fight is far from over,” state Attorney General Rob Bonta said. “We believe our case is clear because the law is clear. The 14th Amendment of the Constitution and the Immigration and Nationality Act are clear. Birthright citizenship is foundational to our history and has already been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion issued by the justices did not explicitly address whether Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">executive order on birthright citizenship\u003c/a> is unconstitutional. Instead, the court — split along ideological lines, with conservatives in the majority — ruled that federal judges likely overstepped their powers by issuing nationwide injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also placed a 30-day stay on Trump’s birthright citizenship order to give opponents time to challenge in court, according to the majority opinion written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12046217 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-13-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that the court ruling does not completely eliminate the possibility of future nationwide injunctions. If it is found that a sweeping stay is needed to provide complete relief to plaintiffs involved in cases against Trump’s executive order, one may be reintroduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissenting opinion written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, she argued that the decision to limit nationwide injunctions goes against “basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Chiu, city attorney of San Francisco, said birthright citizenship is one instance where a court’s ability to decide on the nation’s behalf is critical. Without a universal injunction, determining each person’s citizenship and status based on where they’re born or move would be logistically difficult and unfair, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t require some states to issue birth certificates to birthright citizens and prohibit other states from doing so,” Chiu said. “The idea that a baby may or may not be a citizen depending on where she or he is born is cruel and nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the court’s decision did not question the merits of birthright citizenship and its constitutionality, Chiu said. Rather, he is more concerned that the ruling could dramatically reduce the injunctionary powers of the judiciary more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can no longer expect to benefit from other parties when they win court challenges,” he said. “We have to be in the fight ourselves to ensure that we can vindicate the interests of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, the Supreme Court’s ruling has less to do with immigration and legal status than it does with limiting the powers of the judicial branch and federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations in the past have had issues with courts ordering injunctions that interfere with executive directives, Johnson noted, adding that the question of whether lower courts should have the discretion to issue sweeping injunctions has been long debated by conservatives and liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court has expressed a concern with all the injunctions coming before it on various matters, including immigration,” he said. “The court has … lost its patience with all these lawsuits, all these injunctions, all of these efforts to limit the prerogative of the president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s likely that the rule of birthright citizenship will continue to be enforced as federal judges release more limited injunctions. There’s also a chance that pushback from the Trump administration may eventually result in the issue being returned to the Supreme Court, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the court’s decision, Trump said on Truth Social that the ruling was a “giant win” and a hard hit on birthright citizenship, which he described as a scam on the United States’ immigration process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Trump issued an order barring citizenship to U.S.-born children whose parents are not citizens or legal permanent residents. It was one of nearly a dozen sweeping executive orders aimed at rewriting the rules on immigration and redefining who gets to be an American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 21 other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">immediately sued\u003c/a>. They were also joined by San Francisco and several immigrant rights groups, as well as individuals who stand to be affected by the directive. Federal judges quickly blocked the order from taking effect while the cases went forward, and three separate appeals courts refused to lift the injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus and the ACLU are \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/news-resources/news/birthright-citizenship-executive-order\">litigating another lawsuit\u003c/a> against Trump’s birthright citizenship order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/new-hampshire-indonesian-community-support-v-donald-j-trump?document=Complaint\">filed\u003c/a> in federal court in New Hampshire. In February, that judge also issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/nh-indonesian-community-support-preliminary-injunction\">an injunction\u003c/a> — not a nationwide one — and the Trump administration is appealing the stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To any pregnant woman out there, please do not worry and stress about this,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus. “We are here. We are fighting very hard. There’s a large community of legal experts who really believe that this executive order has no teeth and that we will find a way to persevere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California officials voiced alarm on Friday after the Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046217/what-the-supreme-courts-latest-ruling-means-for-birthright-citizenship\">threw out nationwide injunctions\u003c/a> blocking President Donald Trump’s effort to reverse the country’s long-standing principle that children born on U.S. soil are citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal court judges were directed to issue more limited stays to temporarily block Trump’s executive order while legal challenges proceed. State leaders expressed disappointment but emphasized the ruling does not mean the end of birthright citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because 22 states — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">including California\u003c/a> — and the District of Columbia successfully challenged the order earlier this year, the policy remains blocked in those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court’s decision today is not what we hoped for, but you can be sure the fight is far from over,” state Attorney General Rob Bonta said. “We believe our case is clear because the law is clear. The 14th Amendment of the Constitution and the Immigration and Nationality Act are clear. Birthright citizenship is foundational to our history and has already been upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion issued by the justices did not explicitly address whether Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024082/qa-what-to-know-about-birthright-citizenship\">executive order on birthright citizenship\u003c/a> is unconstitutional. Instead, the court — split along ideological lines, with conservatives in the majority — ruled that federal judges likely overstepped their powers by issuing nationwide injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also placed a 30-day stay on Trump’s birthright citizenship order to give opponents time to challenge in court, according to the majority opinion written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that the court ruling does not completely eliminate the possibility of future nationwide injunctions. If it is found that a sweeping stay is needed to provide complete relief to plaintiffs involved in cases against Trump’s executive order, one may be reintroduced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the dissenting opinion written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor, she argued that the decision to limit nationwide injunctions goes against “basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Chiu, city attorney of San Francisco, said birthright citizenship is one instance where a court’s ability to decide on the nation’s behalf is critical. Without a universal injunction, determining each person’s citizenship and status based on where they’re born or move would be logistically difficult and unfair, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t require some states to issue birth certificates to birthright citizens and prohibit other states from doing so,” Chiu said. “The idea that a baby may or may not be a citizen depending on where she or he is born is cruel and nonsensical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the court’s decision did not question the merits of birthright citizenship and its constitutionality, Chiu said. Rather, he is more concerned that the ruling could dramatically reduce the injunctionary powers of the judiciary more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can no longer expect to benefit from other parties when they win court challenges,” he said. “We have to be in the fight ourselves to ensure that we can vindicate the interests of San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kevin Johnson, a law professor at UC Davis, the Supreme Court’s ruling has less to do with immigration and legal status than it does with limiting the powers of the judicial branch and federal courts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Democratic and Republican administrations in the past have had issues with courts ordering injunctions that interfere with executive directives, Johnson noted, adding that the question of whether lower courts should have the discretion to issue sweeping injunctions has been long debated by conservatives and liberals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Supreme Court has expressed a concern with all the injunctions coming before it on various matters, including immigration,” he said. “The court has … lost its patience with all these lawsuits, all these injunctions, all of these efforts to limit the prerogative of the president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said it’s likely that the rule of birthright citizenship will continue to be enforced as federal judges release more limited injunctions. There’s also a chance that pushback from the Trump administration may eventually result in the issue being returned to the Supreme Court, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the court’s decision, Trump said on Truth Social that the ruling was a “giant win” and a hard hit on birthright citizenship, which he described as a scam on the United States’ immigration process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, Trump issued an order barring citizenship to U.S.-born children whose parents are not citizens or legal permanent residents. It was one of nearly a dozen sweeping executive orders aimed at rewriting the rules on immigration and redefining who gets to be an American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California and 21 other states \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023126/california-leaders-to-sue-trump-over-birthright-citizenship-border-policies\">immediately sued\u003c/a>. They were also joined by San Francisco and several immigrant rights groups, as well as individuals who stand to be affected by the directive. Federal judges quickly blocked the order from taking effect while the cases went forward, and three separate appeals courts refused to lift the injunctions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s Asian Law Caucus and the ACLU are \u003ca href=\"https://www.asianlawcaucus.org/news-resources/news/birthright-citizenship-executive-order\">litigating another lawsuit\u003c/a> against Trump’s birthright citizenship order, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/cases/new-hampshire-indonesian-community-support-v-donald-j-trump?document=Complaint\">filed\u003c/a> in federal court in New Hampshire. In February, that judge also issued \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/documents/nh-indonesian-community-support-preliminary-injunction\">an injunction\u003c/a> — not a nationwide one — and the Trump administration is appealing the stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To any pregnant woman out there, please do not worry and stress about this,” said Aarti Kohli, executive director of the Asian Law Caucus. “We are here. We are fighting very hard. There’s a large community of legal experts who really believe that this executive order has no teeth and that we will find a way to persevere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.[aside postID=news_12046217 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/01/GettyImages-1314541146.jpg']While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 9:25 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court, in a 6-3 decision along ideological lines on Friday, sided with the Trump administration’s request to limit universal injunctions issued by federal courts. The opinion in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/birthright-citizenship\">birthright citizenship\u003c/a> case was highly anticipated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/05/15/nx-s1-5395840/birthright-citizenship-supreme-court\">how the lower courts should handle\u003c/a> President Trump’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/protecting-the-meaning-and-value-of-american-citizenship/\">executive order\u003c/a>, which declared that the children of parents who enter the U.S. illegally or on a temporary visa are not entitled to automatic citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority opinion, written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, didn’t rule on whether President Trump’s executive order violates the 14th Amendment or the Nationality Act. Instead, it focused on whether federal courts have the power to issue nationwide blocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Universal injunctions likely exceed the equitable authority that Congress has given to federal courts,” the conservative majority said. “The Court grants the Government’s applications for a partial stay of the injunctions entered below, but only to the extent that the injunctions are broader than necessary to provide complete relief to each plaintiff with standing to sue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s opinion asked the lower courts to reconsider their broad rulings in light of the Supreme Court’s opinion and otherwise “with principles of equity.” However, the opinion also said Trump’s birthright citizenship order can’t take effect for 30 days from Friday’s opinion, giving more time for legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045683\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2220642625-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump addresses the nation, alongside Vice President JD Vance (left), Secretary of State Marco Rubio (second, right) and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth (right), from the White House in Washington, D.C. on June 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Barria/Pool/AFP via Getty Images )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dissenting from Friday’s decision were the court’s three liberal justices. Writing for the three of them, Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the government’s rush to limit nationwide injunctions “disregards basic principles of equity as well as the long history of injunctive relief granted to nonparties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant rights groups and 22 states had sued over Trump’s birthright citizenship order, and three different federal district court judges invalidated Trump’s order, issuing what are called universal injunctions barring the administration from enforcing the Trump policy anywhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the courts of appeal refused to intervene while the litigation proceeded, the Trump administration asked the Supreme Court to block universal injunctions altogether.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Friday’s decision is procedural, the issue at the center of the case is \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/01/23/nx-s1-5270572/birthright-citizenship-trump-executive-order\">Trump’s long-held, but fringe view\u003c/a> that there is no such thing as automatic citizenship for people born in the U.S. On his first day in office this year, he signed an executive order declaring that babies born in the U.S. may not be citizens if their parents were not here legally or if the parents were here legally but on a temporary basis like a work visa. Trump’s view, however, is directly contradicted by a Supreme Court ruling 127 years ago — a decision that has never been disturbed, and is based on the text of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment says: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.” It was enacted in 1866 after the Civil War and aimed at reversing the Supreme Court’s infamous Dred Scott decision, which had declared that Black people, enslaved or free, could not be citizens. It has always been applied to anyone born in the U.S. And the Supreme Court on Friday did nothing to change that 150-year understanding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Trump \u003ca href=\"https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114755893176827573\">responded to the decision on Truth Social\u003c/a>, calling it a “giant win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He implied that immigrants were trying to scam the process to get U.S. citizenship and that the 14th Amendment was only meant to give citizenship to “babies of slaves (same year!)”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Alex finds temporary work as a business promoter in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>. It’s a difficult job, he said, that sometimes involves wearing a costume with little “protection” to draw people to businesses or events, sometimes in uncomfortable heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes his work more challenging, he told KQED in Spanish, is that his employers have on many occasions tried to pay him less than the minimum wage or deny him breaks or overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a boss says they’re not going to pay me the same day of the job, then I don’t work. I refuse to work,” Alex said. He asked not to use his last name due to concerns of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report released Thursday showed that Oakland’s day laborers suffer widespread wage theft and labor violations, but few report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a dozen advocates gathered before Oakland City Hall to share their findings on Thursday. The report focused on Oakland but stemmed from a statewide survey of day laborers — workers seeking temporary employment in informal settings, like landscaping and construction — conducted by the National Day Laborer Organizing Network last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046154 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nik Theodore speaks at a rally in front of City Hall in Oakland on June 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the 138 Oakland workers surveyed, nearly one in three reported experiencing some form of wage theft, and one in four reported getting paid less than had been agreed upon in the previous two months. Workers rarely tried to file claims over the theft, researchers added, often due to a lack of awareness or confidence in their ability to recoup their lost pay, or fears of retaliation and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even among those who have attempted to recover [wages], an even lower percentage have actually done it,” said Nik Theodore, the report’s main author and director of the Center for Urban Economic Development at the University of Illinois, Chicago. “So our systems really are failing day laborers and are allowing this kind of abuse to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore said common tactics of wage theft include employers promising to pay their workers at the end of the day or the end of a multi-day project, then abandoning the worker at the job site once the work is completed, or complaining about the quality of the work and trying to pay less than agreed upon.[aside postID=news_12044748 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/CaliforniaFarmworkersGetty.jpg']Sometimes, Theodore said, employers pay a portion of the promised wage, but delay full payment to string along the worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The day laborer has a choice: ‘Do I walk away from this job and lose the money that I am owed, or do I stay with it with the hopes of recovering those wages?’” Theodore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveyed workers reported that the average theft amount in the previous two months was over $1,300. Researchers said that the high figure is due in part to the fact that workers stay with a job over multiple days, expecting employers to eventually pay out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Alex and Theodore said it’s not uncommon for employers to threaten to report workers to immigration authorities in order to get away with wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This concern has only increased with increasing immigration enforcement actions, some of which have included locations where day laborers gather, like Home Depot locations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those threats of turning workers over to the immigration authorities have increased force,” Theodore said. “And so unscrupulous employers feel emboldened even more so now than ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Alex finds temporary work as a business promoter in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a>. It’s a difficult job, he said, that sometimes involves wearing a costume with little “protection” to draw people to businesses or events, sometimes in uncomfortable heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What makes his work more challenging, he told KQED in Spanish, is that his employers have on many occasions tried to pay him less than the minimum wage or deny him breaks or overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a boss says they’re not going to pay me the same day of the job, then I don’t work. I refuse to work,” Alex said. He asked not to use his last name due to concerns of retaliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A report released Thursday showed that Oakland’s day laborers suffer widespread wage theft and labor violations, but few report it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fewer than a dozen advocates gathered before Oakland City Hall to share their findings on Thursday. The report focused on Oakland but stemmed from a statewide survey of day laborers — workers seeking temporary employment in informal settings, like landscaping and construction — conducted by the National Day Laborer Organizing Network last October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12046154\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12046154 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250626-OAKLAND-DAY-LABORERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nik Theodore speaks at a rally in front of City Hall in Oakland on June 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of the 138 Oakland workers surveyed, nearly one in three reported experiencing some form of wage theft, and one in four reported getting paid less than had been agreed upon in the previous two months. Workers rarely tried to file claims over the theft, researchers added, often due to a lack of awareness or confidence in their ability to recoup their lost pay, or fears of retaliation and deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even among those who have attempted to recover [wages], an even lower percentage have actually done it,” said Nik Theodore, the report’s main author and director of the Center for Urban Economic Development at the University of Illinois, Chicago. “So our systems really are failing day laborers and are allowing this kind of abuse to continue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore said common tactics of wage theft include employers promising to pay their workers at the end of the day or the end of a multi-day project, then abandoning the worker at the job site once the work is completed, or complaining about the quality of the work and trying to pay less than agreed upon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sometimes, Theodore said, employers pay a portion of the promised wage, but delay full payment to string along the worker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The day laborer has a choice: ‘Do I walk away from this job and lose the money that I am owed, or do I stay with it with the hopes of recovering those wages?’” Theodore said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Surveyed workers reported that the average theft amount in the previous two months was over $1,300. Researchers said that the high figure is due in part to the fact that workers stay with a job over multiple days, expecting employers to eventually pay out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Alex and Theodore said it’s not uncommon for employers to threaten to report workers to immigration authorities in order to get away with wage theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This concern has only increased with increasing immigration enforcement actions, some of which have included locations where day laborers gather, like Home Depot locations in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those threats of turning workers over to the immigration authorities have increased force,” Theodore said. “And so unscrupulous employers feel emboldened even more so now than ever.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Federal Judge Orders Trump Officials to Be Deposed After National Troops Deployment",
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"content": "\u003cp>The state of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will be allowed to depose key Trump administration officials and seek more details about how thousands of armed troops have been used since their deployment earlier this month to Los Angeles amidst immigration raids and resulting protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer is the latest legal development in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">a case brought by California Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over President Donald Trump’s decision to call up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/protesters-and-immigration-authorities-face-off-for-a-2nd-day-in-la-area-after-arrests\">4,000 National Guard troops\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> in early June. The president argues that the troops are needed to quell protests and ensure that federal immigration laws can be enforced, while the state maintains that their presence is illegal, unnecessary and likely to provoke more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling late Wednesday, Breyer denied the Trump administration’s request to transfer the case to a different federal court and found that an earlier appeals court ruling siding with the administration over the president’s authority to call up the troops does not preclude him from considering how they can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045198/judge-delays-hearing-on-troops-in-la-leaving-them-under-trumps-control-for-now\">appeals court ruling\u003c/a> handed the Trump administration a big win, allowing the president to maintain control of the National Guard and keep troops in L.A. while the broader case moves forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer said Wednesday that he will allow California to depose U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Ernesto Santacruz Jr., director of the L.A. Enforcement and Removal Operations field office, and U.S. Army Maj. Gen. Niave F. Knell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Los Angeles police officer uses a baton to push back a protester offering them a flower along a street near a federal building in downtown Los Angeles on Monday, June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state can also seek information from the administration on what instructions and rules of engagement were given to the troops, what operations they have conducted in Southern California and whether the circumstances in those first days of protest “justify deployments that are untethered to protection” of federal property and personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Trump administration claims, Breyer wrote, “the Court has a difficult time imagining how limited written discovery on less than a month’s worth of enforcement actions could be excessive, let alone ‘unbelievably broad.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California filed suit shortly after Trump’s deployment of the troops. Breyer initially issued a temporary restraining order that directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the California National Guard troops to Newsom.[aside postID=news_12045579 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/gettyimages-2219185144-2000x1334.jpeg']But the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals blocked Breyer’s TRO within hours of his ruling, and a week later ruled that Trump “likely” acted within his authority when he invoked a rarely used legal provision that allows a president to deploy federal service members if “there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer is now considering whether to issue a separate preliminary injunction based on questions not addressed in the appeals court ruling, including whether the deployment violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 147-year-old law that bars using the military against civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House argued in court filings this week that since the appeals court approved Trump’s authority to call up the troops, he is allowed to decide how to use them. But in his order, Breyer wrote that those claims are premature, and noted that the administration’s reading ignores the key differences between the statute Trump used to federalize the National Guard and the Posse Comitatus Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A second reason why Defendants’ argument is premature is that its success may hinge on evidence that would be gathered in the very discovery that Plaintiffs seek,” Breyer wrote. “Plaintiffs’ Posse Comitatus Act claim might remain viable if they can present evidence that Defendants are using the federalized National Guard members to enforce state law or federal law unrelated to ‘those laws’ that justified federalizing the National Guard in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The state of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will be allowed to depose key Trump administration officials and seek more details about how thousands of armed troops have been used since their deployment earlier this month to Los Angeles amidst immigration raids and resulting protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer is the latest legal development in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">a case brought by California Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over President Donald Trump’s decision to call up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043221/protesters-and-immigration-authorities-face-off-for-a-2nd-day-in-la-area-after-arrests\">4,000 National Guard troops\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> in early June. The president argues that the troops are needed to quell protests and ensure that federal immigration laws can be enforced, while the state maintains that their presence is illegal, unnecessary and likely to provoke more violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his ruling late Wednesday, Breyer denied the Trump administration’s request to transfer the case to a different federal court and found that an earlier appeals court ruling siding with the administration over the president’s authority to call up the troops does not preclude him from considering how they can be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045198/judge-delays-hearing-on-troops-in-la-leaving-them-under-trumps-control-for-now\">appeals court ruling\u003c/a> handed the Trump administration a big win, allowing the president to maintain control of the National Guard and keep troops in L.A. while the broader case moves forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer said Wednesday that he will allow California to depose U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s Ernesto Santacruz Jr., director of the L.A. Enforcement and Removal Operations field office, and U.S. Army Maj. Gen. Niave F. Knell.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/LosAngelesAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Los Angeles police officer uses a baton to push back a protester offering them a flower along a street near a federal building in downtown Los Angeles on Monday, June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Eric Thayer/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state can also seek information from the administration on what instructions and rules of engagement were given to the troops, what operations they have conducted in Southern California and whether the circumstances in those first days of protest “justify deployments that are untethered to protection” of federal property and personnel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Trump administration claims, Breyer wrote, “the Court has a difficult time imagining how limited written discovery on less than a month’s worth of enforcement actions could be excessive, let alone ‘unbelievably broad.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California filed suit shortly after Trump’s deployment of the troops. Breyer initially issued a temporary restraining order that directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the California National Guard troops to Newsom.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals blocked Breyer’s TRO within hours of his ruling, and a week later ruled that Trump “likely” acted within his authority when he invoked a rarely used legal provision that allows a president to deploy federal service members if “there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer is now considering whether to issue a separate preliminary injunction based on questions not addressed in the appeals court ruling, including whether the deployment violates the Posse Comitatus Act, a 147-year-old law that bars using the military against civilians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The White House argued in court filings this week that since the appeals court approved Trump’s authority to call up the troops, he is allowed to decide how to use them. But in his order, Breyer wrote that those claims are premature, and noted that the administration’s reading ignores the key differences between the statute Trump used to federalize the National Guard and the Posse Comitatus Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A second reason why Defendants’ argument is premature is that its success may hinge on evidence that would be gathered in the very discovery that Plaintiffs seek,” Breyer wrote. “Plaintiffs’ Posse Comitatus Act claim might remain viable if they can present evidence that Defendants are using the federalized National Guard members to enforce state law or federal law unrelated to ‘those laws’ that justified federalizing the National Guard in the first place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "from-save-our-state-to-sanctuary-californias-immigration-views-have-shifted-dramatically",
"title": "From 'Save our State' to Sanctuary, California's Immigration Views Have Shifted Dramatically",
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"headTitle": "From ‘Save our State’ to Sanctuary, California’s Immigration Views Have Shifted Dramatically | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1994, a 26-year-old Alex Padilla, sporting a newly minted engineering degree from MIT, was back at home living with his parents in the San Fernando Valley when that fall’s most heated ballot measure campaign dragged him into a life of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 187, the Save Our State initiative, would bar undocumented immigrants across California from using public schools, taxpayer-funded social services and non-emergency medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to get involved, so that families like mine, communities like mine, would not continue to be scapegoated or targeted,” Padilla, whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico, said in an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/7zZOOFby6Nc?si=rqCi8eG4BlMpTVH5&t=40\">interview in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That attitude put him in the political minority at the time. Backed by then-Gov. Pete Wilson, a Republican who made the campaign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-11-09-mn-60569-story.html\">centerpiece of his reelection\u003c/a>, Prop. 187 passed with a commanding 58%, including majorities in 51 out of 58 counties. That included Padilla’s Los Angeles County, where it won by eight percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has changed in the three decades since, a political and cultural transformation that is in many ways personified by Padilla’s career. In just a single generation, the political clout immigrants hold in California has soared. So have the legal protections afforded even to those immigrants who are unauthorized to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, public opinion on immigration policy, border security and the rightful role of immigrants in American life has inverted from 31 years ago. Prop. 187 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1998/03/19/prop.187/\">voided by a federal judge\u003c/a> shortly after its passage, but its effect on California politics endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-95N3K\" style=\"min-height: 478px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/95N3K/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Case in point: Padilla, the reluctant young activist, is now the first Latino U.S. senator to represent California. In that role he has become one of the most visible symbols of the clash of values between the nativism of President Donald Trump’s administration and California’s liberal consensus on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After last week’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/alex-padilla-handcuffed/\">jarring altercation\u003c/a>, in which Padilla was forcibly removed from a press conference held by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and briefly handcuffed, elected officials across California lined up to lionize and defend him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Pete Wilson’s California anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration policy a ‘settled issue’ in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pollster Mark Baldassare has been chronicling the change for decades. In 1998, he and his colleagues at the Public Policy Institute of California began asking Californians a simple question: Are immigrants a “benefit” or a “burden” to California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respondents were evenly split in the first survey. Ever since, a majority — one that has grown with each decade — has come to see immigrants as a boon to our state. In February, when PPIC most recently asked the question, 72% of respondents chose “benefit.”[aside postID=news_12045336 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SAN-JOSE-AC-09-KQED.jpg']That included 91% of Democrats and 73% of political independents, though only 31% of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is pretty much a settled issue,” said Baldassarre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that sweeping change can be explained by the state’s shifting demographics. If the U.S. is the land of immigrants, California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">doubly so\u003c/a>. More than a quarter of the state’s population was born abroad, and almost half of California’s children were born to an immigrant parent. More than half of California’s immigrants \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/#:~:text=More%20than%20half%20(55%25)%20of%20California%E2%80%99s%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized%20US%20citizens%20in%202023.%20This%20share%20has%20increased%20consistently%20since%201990%2C%20when%20only%2031%25%20of%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized.\">are naturalized U.S. citizens\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s immigrant community is diverse: 49% are originally from Latin American countries and 41% from Asia. For the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">more immigrants\u003c/a> from Asia have entered California than from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s changing demographics are only part of the reason immigration politics have seen such a radical shift in such a relatively short period of time, said Adrian Pantoja, a political science and Chicano studies professor at \u003ca href=\"https://www.pitzer.edu/\">Pitzer College in Claremont\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a law of nature that Latinos and other demographic groups with sizable immigrant populations should favor the Democratic Party. Plenty of \u003ca href=\"http://t\">Latinos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/race-and-ethnicity/2024/10/09/how-asian-americans-see-the-u-s-immigration-system/\">Asian Americans\u003c/a>, for example, hold traditionally conservative opinions — on specific border and immigration-related policies and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/051824-Fresno-State-Graduation-LV_CM_08-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of college graduates sits in rows during a commencement ceremony, wearing black caps and gowns adorned with colorful stoles, leis, and sashes. The focus is on a young woman in glasses looking ahead, surrounded by classmates with celebratory decorations, including a student in a green gown and marigold leis.\">\u003cfigcaption>Graduating students at the Fresno State Chicano/Latino Commencement Celebration in the Save Mart Center in Fresno on May 18, 2024. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Had the GOP “reached out effectively to Latinos, to Asian American voters — populations that were inclined and trending toward the Republican Party” the state GOP might still be an electoral force, said Pantoja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state party hitched its political future to a ballot measure aimed at penalizing undocumented immigrants and their children — and hasn’t won a statewide race since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as in much of the nation, Latino support for Republicans in the last presidential election ticked up in California. In nine of 12 counties where Latinos are the largest demographic group, support for Trump increased from 4 to 6 percentage points between the last two presidential contests, depending on the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The legacy of Proposition 187\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three decades after that great California political rupture, the fruits of Prop. 187 are apparent in who holds power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla is California’s senior U.S. senator. Both chambers of the state Legislature have elected Latino leaders — Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Speaker Robert Rivas\u003c/a> of Salinas and Senate President Pro Tem-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-senate-leadership-limon/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> of Santa Barbara. In the early 1990s, the count of Latinos in the Legislature bounced around the single digits. Today, there are a combined 42 members in the Democratic and Republican parties’ respective Latino caucuses out of 120 members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That rise in political power has translated to changes in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed into law Senate Bill 54, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">sanctuary state law\u003c/a> that largely bars state and local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement. The bill’s author, Kevin de Leon, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/11/08/777466912/californias-prop-187-vote-damaged-gop-relations-with-immigrants\">traces his start in politics\u003c/a> to Prop. 187.[aside postID=news_12045198 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/trump-with-executive-order.jpg']More recently, the state has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for low-income Californians and those with disabilities, to all immigrants without legal status. Newsom signed successive expansions into law starting in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Prop. 187 was authored to deprive undocumented immigrants of social services, California’s Medi-Cal expansion was its antithesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The generational impact of that ballot measure was demonstrated in 2010, when immigrants were mobilized to vote and shift the state further to the left.By then, a quarter of the state’s electorate was Latino, said Thad Kousser, a professor of California politics at UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos become this voting block that helps deliver the state to Jerry Brown, and then the state becomes Democratic in every single statewide office, in every election” since, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Brown defeated billionaire businesswoman Meg Whitman in an acrimonious gubernatorial race, showcasing California as an outlier in the national red wave and ending a run in which Republicans won the governor’s race six times out of the previous eight elections. Democrats lost no congressional seats in California even as the party was \u003ca href=\"https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/elections/2010/results/house.html\">routed nationally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, the respective leaders of the State Assembly and Senate were Latino, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/making-history-who-are-latinos-leading-california-s-legislature-n577546\">a first in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all efforts to reverse the conservatism of the 1990s in California have succeeded. In 2020, a ballot measure to largely reverse the state’s ban on using race, ethnicity or gender as factors in public university admissions and government grant-making \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/10/prop-16-affirmative-action-trailing/\">failed to woo voters\u003c/a>. In the state’s population center of Los Angeles County, a majority of Asian voters shot down the proposal while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/11/us/supreme-court-affirmative-action.html#:~:text=This%20was%20true%20even%20of%20majority%20Black%20precincts%20in%20Los%20Angeles%2C%20which%20supported%20Proposition%2016%20by%20wide%20margins.\">only 55% of Latino voters backed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And immigrants or their children make up a sizable chunk of the GOP in the state capital. When voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-06/california-senate-race-its-first-transgender-candidate-vs-first-republican-latina\">in 2020\u003c/a> elected Redlands Republican \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/rosilicie-ochoa-bogh-165450\">Rosilicie Ochoa-Bogh\u003c/a>, the child of Mexican immigrants, she became the first GOP Latina state senator in California’s history. Today the Republican Senate caucus has at least three members who are immigrants or whose parents were born abroad, according to their public biographies — 30% of the caucus. Before being elected to the Assembly as a Republican, Tri Ta became the first Vietnamese American to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/lastdays/firstdaysstoryproject/interviews/im-product-community/raw/\">serve as mayor of a U.S. city\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Medi-Cal rollback shifts views\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent polling shows the latest wave of Medi-Cal expansions may have gone too far even for California’s immigrant-friendly electorate. A majority of Californians — 58% — oppose health coverage for immigrants without permanent legal status, according to PPIC’s June 2025 survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other polls show a majority of likely voters still support health insurance for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This mixed picture emerges as California grapples with a third successive fiscal year of multibillion-dollar deficits and sharply increasing Medi-Cal costs. While those data may indicate softening political support for the boldest of California’s policies aimed at helping undocumented immigrants, it doesn’t spell a political realignment, said Kousser.[aside postID=news_12044637 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2000x1333.jpg']“California moved so far to the left that there’s almost nowhere to go other than the slight counter-reaction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare of PPIC agreed, saying the Medi-Cal survey results may simply reflect a growing concern about the state’s finances. He noted that Newsom has proposed freezing enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some other measures affecting immigrants, Democratic lawmakers and Newsom have diverged. Last year the Legislature approved a bill to essentially adopt a novel legal theory to permit public college students without legal authorization in the U.S. to work on their campuses. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/university-of-california-students-weapons-jobs/\">vetoed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anti-ICE protests: A new Prop. 187 moment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is some indication that California’s philosophical support for immigrants is, at least in part, accelerated by Trump. The share of respondents who called immigrants a “benefit” in PPIC’s surveys shot up during the first Trump administration and ebbed during Joe Biden’s stint in the White House. The most recent survey, the first since Trump returned to power, saw another spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some immigrant rights advocates hoping that the Trump administration’s current sweeping deportation policy will galvanize a new generation of political activists in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s post-Prop. 187 or post-9/11 for middle eastern South Asian communities, at some point you realize that you are being endlessly and inhumanely targeted and if you don’t speak up, and if you don’t practice your First Amendment rights, and if you’re not civically engaged, then you’ll be taken advantage of,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center. “I think those are really the things that brought people together then, and what are bringing people to the streets now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_07-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green tracksuit holding up a sign saying, “IMMIGRANTS UILT THIS NATION,” while next to a guard railing over a highway in downtown Los Angeles. In the background, cars can be seen driving on the road while crowds of protesters hold up signs and flags on both sides of the highway.\">\u003cfigcaption>Protesters gather over the 101 freeway in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the “Day Without Immigrants” march, on Feb. 3, 2025. Photo by J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said if he were asked a few months ago whether California elected leaders were shifting to the center on immigration, he’d have said yes. But Trump’s immigration raids in Los Angeles are “allowing elected officials to come out more strongly” against the apprehensions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, was just six years old when Prop. 187 was on the ballot. He has distinct memories of marching with his family, everyone clad in white shirts, surrounded by a wide array of his neighbors chanting delightfully brash slogans about someone named Pete Wilson.[aside postID=news_12039972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/DSC06624_qed-1020x680.jpg']“For six-year-old me, what I understood was that my parents, my neighbors, my community was under attack because some man — in that case the governor of California — was blaming California’s problems on them,” he said. “I wonder how young children are experiencing this moment now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen-year-old Nathon Ponce has an answer: He feels vulnerable. The rising high school sophomore at USC Hybrid High College Prep stood with his aunt several hundred feet from law enforcement as they fired projectiles and less-lethal rounds at protesters in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants to see the government create a legal pathway to citizenship for immigrants without that status, “instead of pushing them away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, he was there to support his community, which “some people consider a vulnerable group, like Hispanics and low-income working people,” he said. “And I just want to show my support by, like, actually attending a protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-prop187-immigration-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California voted to bar immigrants from schools and social services in 1994. Now most Californians see immigrants as a benefit to the state.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1994, a 26-year-old Alex Padilla, sporting a newly minted engineering degree from MIT, was back at home living with his parents in the San Fernando Valley when that fall’s most heated ballot measure campaign dragged him into a life of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 187, the Save Our State initiative, would bar undocumented immigrants across California from using public schools, taxpayer-funded social services and non-emergency medical care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had to get involved, so that families like mine, communities like mine, would not continue to be scapegoated or targeted,” Padilla, whose parents immigrated to the United States from Mexico, said in an \u003ca href=\"https://youtu.be/7zZOOFby6Nc?si=rqCi8eG4BlMpTVH5&t=40\">interview in 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That attitude put him in the political minority at the time. Backed by then-Gov. Pete Wilson, a Republican who made the campaign a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1994-11-09-mn-60569-story.html\">centerpiece of his reelection\u003c/a>, Prop. 187 passed with a commanding 58%, including majorities in 51 out of 58 counties. That included Padilla’s Los Angeles County, where it won by eight percentage points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has changed in the three decades since, a political and cultural transformation that is in many ways personified by Padilla’s career. In just a single generation, the political clout immigrants hold in California has soared. So have the legal protections afforded even to those immigrants who are unauthorized to live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the whole, public opinion on immigration policy, border security and the rightful role of immigrants in American life has inverted from 31 years ago. Prop. 187 was \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1998/03/19/prop.187/\">voided by a federal judge\u003c/a> shortly after its passage, but its effect on California politics endures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"datawrapper-vis-95N3K\" style=\"min-height: 478px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/95N3K/full.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>Case in point: Padilla, the reluctant young activist, is now the first Latino U.S. senator to represent California. In that role he has become one of the most visible symbols of the clash of values between the nativism of President Donald Trump’s administration and California’s liberal consensus on immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After last week’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/alex-padilla-handcuffed/\">jarring altercation\u003c/a>, in which Padilla was forcibly removed from a press conference held by Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and briefly handcuffed, elected officials across California lined up to lionize and defend him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This isn’t Pete Wilson’s California anymore.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigration policy a ‘settled issue’ in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Pollster Mark Baldassare has been chronicling the change for decades. In 1998, he and his colleagues at the Public Policy Institute of California began asking Californians a simple question: Are immigrants a “benefit” or a “burden” to California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Respondents were evenly split in the first survey. Ever since, a majority — one that has grown with each decade — has come to see immigrants as a boon to our state. In February, when PPIC most recently asked the question, 72% of respondents chose “benefit.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That included 91% of Democrats and 73% of political independents, though only 31% of Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is pretty much a settled issue,” said Baldassarre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of that sweeping change can be explained by the state’s shifting demographics. If the U.S. is the land of immigrants, California is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">doubly so\u003c/a>. More than a quarter of the state’s population was born abroad, and almost half of California’s children were born to an immigrant parent. More than half of California’s immigrants \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/#:~:text=More%20than%20half%20(55%25)%20of%20California%E2%80%99s%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized%20US%20citizens%20in%202023.%20This%20share%20has%20increased%20consistently%20since%201990%2C%20when%20only%2031%25%20of%20immigrants%20were%20naturalized.\">are naturalized U.S. citizens\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And California’s immigrant community is diverse: 49% are originally from Latin American countries and 41% from Asia. For the past decade, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">more immigrants\u003c/a> from Asia have entered California than from Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But California’s changing demographics are only part of the reason immigration politics have seen such a radical shift in such a relatively short period of time, said Adrian Pantoja, a political science and Chicano studies professor at \u003ca href=\"https://www.pitzer.edu/\">Pitzer College in Claremont\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not a law of nature that Latinos and other demographic groups with sizable immigrant populations should favor the Democratic Party. Plenty of \u003ca href=\"http://t\">Latinos\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/race-and-ethnicity/2024/10/09/how-asian-americans-see-the-u-s-immigration-system/\">Asian Americans\u003c/a>, for example, hold traditionally conservative opinions — on specific border and immigration-related policies and a host of other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/051824-Fresno-State-Graduation-LV_CM_08-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of college graduates sits in rows during a commencement ceremony, wearing black caps and gowns adorned with colorful stoles, leis, and sashes. The focus is on a young woman in glasses looking ahead, surrounded by classmates with celebratory decorations, including a student in a green gown and marigold leis.\">\u003cfigcaption>Graduating students at the Fresno State Chicano/Latino Commencement Celebration in the Save Mart Center in Fresno on May 18, 2024. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Had the GOP “reached out effectively to Latinos, to Asian American voters — populations that were inclined and trending toward the Republican Party” the state GOP might still be an electoral force, said Pantoja.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the state party hitched its political future to a ballot measure aimed at penalizing undocumented immigrants and their children — and hasn’t won a statewide race since 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, as in much of the nation, Latino support for Republicans in the last presidential election ticked up in California. In nine of 12 counties where Latinos are the largest demographic group, support for Trump increased from 4 to 6 percentage points between the last two presidential contests, depending on the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The legacy of Proposition 187\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Three decades after that great California political rupture, the fruits of Prop. 187 are apparent in who holds power in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla is California’s senior U.S. senator. Both chambers of the state Legislature have elected Latino leaders — Assembly \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/robert-rivas-165041\">Speaker Robert Rivas\u003c/a> of Salinas and Senate President Pro Tem-elect \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-senate-leadership-limon/\">Monique Limón\u003c/a> of Santa Barbara. In the early 1990s, the count of Latinos in the Legislature bounced around the single digits. Today, there are a combined 42 members in the Democratic and Republican parties’ respective Latino caucuses out of 120 members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That rise in political power has translated to changes in policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2017, then-Gov. Jerry Brown signed into law Senate Bill 54, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/01/california-sanctuary-state/\">sanctuary state law\u003c/a> that largely bars state and local law enforcement from cooperating with federal immigration enforcement. The bill’s author, Kevin de Leon, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/11/08/777466912/californias-prop-187-vote-damaged-gop-relations-with-immigrants\">traces his start in politics\u003c/a> to Prop. 187.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>More recently, the state has expanded Medi-Cal, the state’s health insurance program for low-income Californians and those with disabilities, to all immigrants without legal status. Newsom signed successive expansions into law starting in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where Prop. 187 was authored to deprive undocumented immigrants of social services, California’s Medi-Cal expansion was its antithesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The generational impact of that ballot measure was demonstrated in 2010, when immigrants were mobilized to vote and shift the state further to the left.By then, a quarter of the state’s electorate was Latino, said Thad Kousser, a professor of California politics at UC San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Latinos become this voting block that helps deliver the state to Jerry Brown, and then the state becomes Democratic in every single statewide office, in every election” since, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, Brown defeated billionaire businesswoman Meg Whitman in an acrimonious gubernatorial race, showcasing California as an outlier in the national red wave and ending a run in which Republicans won the governor’s race six times out of the previous eight elections. Democrats lost no congressional seats in California even as the party was \u003ca href=\"https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/elections/2010/results/house.html\">routed nationally\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2016, the respective leaders of the State Assembly and Senate were Latino, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/making-history-who-are-latinos-leading-california-s-legislature-n577546\">a first in California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not all efforts to reverse the conservatism of the 1990s in California have succeeded. In 2020, a ballot measure to largely reverse the state’s ban on using race, ethnicity or gender as factors in public university admissions and government grant-making \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/10/prop-16-affirmative-action-trailing/\">failed to woo voters\u003c/a>. In the state’s population center of Los Angeles County, a majority of Asian voters shot down the proposal while \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/11/us/supreme-court-affirmative-action.html#:~:text=This%20was%20true%20even%20of%20majority%20Black%20precincts%20in%20Los%20Angeles%2C%20which%20supported%20Proposition%2016%20by%20wide%20margins.\">only 55% of Latino voters backed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And immigrants or their children make up a sizable chunk of the GOP in the state capital. When voters \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-06/california-senate-race-its-first-transgender-candidate-vs-first-republican-latina\">in 2020\u003c/a> elected Redlands Republican \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/legislators/rosilicie-ochoa-bogh-165450\">Rosilicie Ochoa-Bogh\u003c/a>, the child of Mexican immigrants, she became the first GOP Latina state senator in California’s history. Today the Republican Senate caucus has at least three members who are immigrants or whose parents were born abroad, according to their public biographies — 30% of the caucus. Before being elected to the Assembly as a Republican, Tri Ta became the first Vietnamese American to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/lastdays/firstdaysstoryproject/interviews/im-product-community/raw/\">serve as mayor of a U.S. city\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Medi-Cal rollback shifts views\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Recent polling shows the latest wave of Medi-Cal expansions may have gone too far even for California’s immigrant-friendly electorate. A majority of Californians — 58% — oppose health coverage for immigrants without permanent legal status, according to PPIC’s June 2025 survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other polls show a majority of likely voters still support health insurance for immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This mixed picture emerges as California grapples with a third successive fiscal year of multibillion-dollar deficits and sharply increasing Medi-Cal costs. While those data may indicate softening political support for the boldest of California’s policies aimed at helping undocumented immigrants, it doesn’t spell a political realignment, said Kousser.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“California moved so far to the left that there’s almost nowhere to go other than the slight counter-reaction,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baldassare of PPIC agreed, saying the Medi-Cal survey results may simply reflect a growing concern about the state’s finances. He noted that Newsom has proposed freezing enrollment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On some other measures affecting immigrants, Democratic lawmakers and Newsom have diverged. Last year the Legislature approved a bill to essentially adopt a novel legal theory to permit public college students without legal authorization in the U.S. to work on their campuses. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/university-of-california-students-weapons-jobs/\">vetoed the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anti-ICE protests: A new Prop. 187 moment?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is some indication that California’s philosophical support for immigrants is, at least in part, accelerated by Trump. The share of respondents who called immigrants a “benefit” in PPIC’s surveys shot up during the first Trump administration and ebbed during Joe Biden’s stint in the White House. The most recent survey, the first since Trump returned to power, saw another spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That has some immigrant rights advocates hoping that the Trump administration’s current sweeping deportation policy will galvanize a new generation of political activists in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s post-Prop. 187 or post-9/11 for middle eastern South Asian communities, at some point you realize that you are being endlessly and inhumanely targeted and if you don’t speak up, and if you don’t practice your First Amendment rights, and if you’re not civically engaged, then you’ll be taken advantage of,” said Masih Fouladi, executive director of the California Immigrant Policy Center. “I think those are really the things that brought people together then, and what are bringing people to the streets now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/020325_Day-Without-Immigrants_JWH_07-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a green tracksuit holding up a sign saying, “IMMIGRANTS UILT THIS NATION,” while next to a guard railing over a highway in downtown Los Angeles. In the background, cars can be seen driving on the road while crowds of protesters hold up signs and flags on both sides of the highway.\">\u003cfigcaption>Protesters gather over the 101 freeway in Downtown Los Angeles in support of the “Day Without Immigrants” march, on Feb. 3, 2025. Photo by J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said if he were asked a few months ago whether California elected leaders were shifting to the center on immigration, he’d have said yes. But Trump’s immigration raids in Los Angeles are “allowing elected officials to come out more strongly” against the apprehensions, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, was just six years old when Prop. 187 was on the ballot. He has distinct memories of marching with his family, everyone clad in white shirts, surrounded by a wide array of his neighbors chanting delightfully brash slogans about someone named Pete Wilson.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For six-year-old me, what I understood was that my parents, my neighbors, my community was under attack because some man — in that case the governor of California — was blaming California’s problems on them,” he said. “I wonder how young children are experiencing this moment now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fifteen-year-old Nathon Ponce has an answer: He feels vulnerable. The rising high school sophomore at USC Hybrid High College Prep stood with his aunt several hundred feet from law enforcement as they fired projectiles and less-lethal rounds at protesters in downtown Los Angeles on Saturday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He wants to see the government create a legal pathway to citizenship for immigrants without that status, “instead of pushing them away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More broadly, he was there to support his community, which “some people consider a vulnerable group, like Hispanics and low-income working people,” he said. “And I just want to show my support by, like, actually attending a protest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/california-prop187-immigration-politics/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Uncertainty and fear are rising in the diverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> as federal immigration agents carry out increasingly brazen arrests across the state, according to local immigrant support networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rapid Response Network of Santa Clara County — a coalition that alerts communities to Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity, observes and verifies immigration enforcement actions and informs people of their rights — has seen a major surge in phone calls to its regional hotline, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all of the increased enforcement activity we’re seeing across California, we are seeing an uptick in phone calls from our community,” said Jeremy Barousse, head of policy and organizing with Amigos de Guadalupe, one of the organizations comprising the network. “It’s just sending palpable fear across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The network’s hotline has received 2,590 calls since Jan. 1, according to Barousse, with the still-incomplete month of June accounting for nearly a third of the calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotline received about 200 calls per month from March through May, while June saw more than quadruple that average, with roughly 840 to date, according to Barousse and Santa Clara County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12025647 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/GettyImages-1243312873-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common calls were people reporting suspected ICE activity, making requests for immediate legal assistance when a family member or friend was arrested, and residents looking for accompaniment or guidance before attending immigration check-in appointments or court hearings, the county said. The hotline also received calls with requests for Know Your Rights materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing people on high alert. You know, someone sees a white van or they see a uniform, they automatically think ‘Could it be ICE?’,” Barousse said. “Just given the high volume of calls, it stretches our staff, but nonetheless, we’re here as the line of defense for our immigrant community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The network’s volunteers and staff respond to reports of potential ICE activity, attempt to verify enforcement actions and post alerts or informational updates on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RRNSCC/about\">social media pages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The network often posts updates clarifying that suspected federal immigration activity was not founded, but rather that a local police or sheriff’s operation is underway and unrelated to immigration. Verifying when ICE isn’t present can be just as important to help quell fears, Barousse said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local advocates and support network leaders say concerns about where the Trump administration’s immigration authorities will pop up next, coupled with anxieties caused by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">unprecedented deployment of the U.S. Marines\u003c/a> in Los Angeles during anti-ICE protests, are behind the spike in reports and calls in the South Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened in L.A. … I’ve never seen anything like this in my lifetime, and I’m pretty sure that’s true for everybody who’s calling,” said Huy Tran, executive director of Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network, or SIREN, which is also a part of the Rapid Response Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045180\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045180\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators protest against recent ICE immigration raids as National Guard officers stand guard in front of a federal building in Los Angeles on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tran said the group’s goals are to be proactive in planning for the most severe situations, like federal raids taking over portions of the community, but also to boost residents’ understanding of their rights and what to expect so they don’t feel like they have to lock themselves indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to be creative, we’re trying to be prepared. We don’t want folks to panic. We’ve got to get people into a position where they can move past fear and concern and then be engaged,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments in the South Bay have stepped up their contributions to organizations supporting Rapid Response Network and other immigrant defense efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council recently approved up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">$1.5 million for immigrant support services\u003c/a>, the largest such allocation in the city’s history by a wide margin.[aside postID=news_12043787 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250606-SJICEPROTEST-JG-5-KQED.jpg']In Santa Clara County, where about 40% of residents are foreign-born and Latinos make up roughly 1 in 4 people, supervisors have also increased spending and efforts to reassure the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between late last year and this month, the county allocated more than $8 million for immigrant support, outreach and education services in its annual budget, surpassing the previous high of roughly $6 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re an extraordinarily diverse community and that diversity is our strength,” County Executive James Williams said Friday. “Our county government is about taking care of those who are most in need, those who are more vulnerable, and ensuring that we have a thriving, safe and prosperous community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barousse said with Congress preparing to allocate tens of billions for Trump’s “deportation machine,” the resources that are available locally will fall far short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are standing up to do as much as we can and we’re doing more than anyone else to try to meet this need. But we do need everyone to step forward and do what they can, and that includes other governmental entities, as well as philanthropic and other partners,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there’s no question, the resources we’ve been able to dig deep and identify are not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Uncertainty and fear are rising in the diverse \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/south-bay\">South Bay\u003c/a> as federal immigration agents carry out increasingly brazen arrests across the state, according to local immigrant support networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rapid Response Network of Santa Clara County — a coalition that alerts communities to Immigration and Customs Enforcement activity, observes and verifies immigration enforcement actions and informs people of their rights — has seen a major surge in phone calls to its regional hotline, officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all of the increased enforcement activity we’re seeing across California, we are seeing an uptick in phone calls from our community,” said Jeremy Barousse, head of policy and organizing with Amigos de Guadalupe, one of the organizations comprising the network. “It’s just sending palpable fear across the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most common calls were people reporting suspected ICE activity, making requests for immediate legal assistance when a family member or friend was arrested, and residents looking for accompaniment or guidance before attending immigration check-in appointments or court hearings, the county said. The hotline also received calls with requests for Know Your Rights materials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just seeing people on high alert. You know, someone sees a white van or they see a uniform, they automatically think ‘Could it be ICE?’,” Barousse said. “Just given the high volume of calls, it stretches our staff, but nonetheless, we’re here as the line of defense for our immigrant community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The network’s volunteers and staff respond to reports of potential ICE activity, attempt to verify enforcement actions and post alerts or informational updates on their \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/RRNSCC/about\">social media pages\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The network often posts updates clarifying that suspected federal immigration activity was not founded, but rather that a local police or sheriff’s operation is underway and unrelated to immigration. Verifying when ICE isn’t present can be just as important to help quell fears, Barousse said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local advocates and support network leaders say concerns about where the Trump administration’s immigration authorities will pop up next, coupled with anxieties caused by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">unprecedented deployment of the U.S. Marines\u003c/a> in Los Angeles during anti-ICE protests, are behind the spike in reports and calls in the South Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What happened in L.A. … I’ve never seen anything like this in my lifetime, and I’m pretty sure that’s true for everybody who’s calling,” said Huy Tran, executive director of Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network, or SIREN, which is also a part of the Rapid Response Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12045180\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12045180\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators protest against recent ICE immigration raids as National Guard officers stand guard in front of a federal building in Los Angeles on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tran said the group’s goals are to be proactive in planning for the most severe situations, like federal raids taking over portions of the community, but also to boost residents’ understanding of their rights and what to expect so they don’t feel like they have to lock themselves indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re trying to be creative, we’re trying to be prepared. We don’t want folks to panic. We’ve got to get people into a position where they can move past fear and concern and then be engaged,” Tran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local governments in the South Bay have stepped up their contributions to organizations supporting Rapid Response Network and other immigrant defense efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San José City Council recently approved up to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043787/as-ice-fears-grow-san-jose-approves-1-5-million-to-support-immigrants\">$1.5 million for immigrant support services\u003c/a>, the largest such allocation in the city’s history by a wide margin.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Santa Clara County, where about 40% of residents are foreign-born and Latinos make up roughly 1 in 4 people, supervisors have also increased spending and efforts to reassure the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between late last year and this month, the county allocated more than $8 million for immigrant support, outreach and education services in its annual budget, surpassing the previous high of roughly $6 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re an extraordinarily diverse community and that diversity is our strength,” County Executive James Williams said Friday. “Our county government is about taking care of those who are most in need, those who are more vulnerable, and ensuring that we have a thriving, safe and prosperous community for everyone.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barousse said with Congress preparing to allocate tens of billions for Trump’s “deportation machine,” the resources that are available locally will fall far short of what’s needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams agreed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are standing up to do as much as we can and we’re doing more than anyone else to try to meet this need. But we do need everyone to step forward and do what they can, and that includes other governmental entities, as well as philanthropic and other partners,” Williams said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But there’s no question, the resources we’ve been able to dig deep and identify are not sufficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Judge Delays Hearing on Troops in LA, Leaving Them Under Trump’s Control for Now",
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"content": "\u003cp>Armed military troops will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045178/trump-can-keep-troops-in-la-for-now-appeals-court-rules\">remain in Los Angeles\u003c/a> and under President Donald Trump’s command for now after a federal judge delayed a hearing Friday in California’s case challenging his authority to dispatch them in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer asked lawyers for the federal government and the state of California to submit legal arguments by Monday on how the case should proceed, after an appeals court sided with Trump and blocked an earlier ruling of Breyer’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Thursday, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals stayed — or suspended — Breyer’s June 12 temporary restraining order that had directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the 4,000 California National Guard troops to Gov. Gavin Newsom. In its ruling, the 9th Circuit panel wrote that the restraining order was essentially a preliminary injunction, which Breyer said made his Friday hearing moot since it had initially been scheduled to weigh whether to grant a preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court panel, made up of two judges appointed by Trump and one appointed by former President Joe Biden, ruled that the White House was likely to succeed on the merits of its case. Although the panel rejected the federal government’s argument that the courts should not even be considering the case, it wrote that any judicial review must be “highly deferential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also said Trump “likely” acted within his authority when he invoked a rarely used legal provision that allows a president to deploy federal service members if “there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2218796587-scaled-e1750446347200.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044094\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2218796587-scaled-e1750446347200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California National Guard stands guard as protesters clash with law enforcement in downtown Los Angeles at the Metropolitan Detention Center due to the immigration raids that roiled LA on Sunday, June 8, 2025 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the appeals panel made clear that its decision only addresses whether the president had the authority to call up the troops and does not yet consider what those troops are allowed to do on the streets of L.A. And it did not address one of California’s main legal claims: that the president’s actions violate an 1878 law, known as the Posse Comitatus Act, which bars using the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer asked lawyers for both sides to submit written arguments by Monday at noon on whether he has the authority to modify the appeals court ruling based on the Posse Comitatus Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on what you say, because I am actually interested in what authority I have, I will decide what to do next,” Breyer said. “Maybe I’ll have a hearing, maybe I won’t — I don’t know. You will tell me what to do. … My guess is you might disagree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Supervising Deputy Attorney General Jane Reilley also asked the court to consider whether there are any limits on how long the state National Guard troops can be federalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s hearing was initially scheduled so Breyer could consider California’s request for the court to hand \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">control of the National Guard troops\u003c/a> back to Newsom and bar the federal government from using the remaining troops to conduct any law enforcement against civilians.\u003cbr>\n[aside postID=news_12045178 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/060825-SEIU-ICE-Protest-TS-29_qed.jpg']The White House has repeatedly insisted that the troops are there solely to protect federal property and personnel, not to police civilians. Newsom and California Attorney General Rob Bonta called the mobilization an illegal breach of state sovereignty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer had sided with the state last week in ruling that Trump did not follow procedures set out by Congress when he federalized the troops without telling Newsom, issuing the order through the California Guard’s adjutant general instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appeals court ruled that Trump “likely met the procedural requirement” by telling the general because he is “an agent” of the governor, and judges noted that the law does not afford Newsom veto power over the president’s federalization decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also said that “irreparable harm and the public interest” is on the president’s side due to the need to protect federal agents and property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump began calling up troops June 7, eventually mobilizing 4,000 National Guard troops and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> to respond to protests in and around L.A. that broke out in response to immigration deportation raids. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">California sued\u003c/a>, arguing that the mobilization was illegal because the state did not request or consent to the military deployment. Under ordinary circumstances, National Guard troops are under the command of state governors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044826\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044826\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A police officer holds a nonlethal rifle as protesters confront California National Guard soldiers and police outside of a federal building as protests continue in Los Angeles following 3 days of clashes with police after a series of immigration raids on June 9, 2025 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Photo by David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the appeals court ruled Thursday, both sides claimed victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BIG WIN in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on the President’s core power to call in the National Guard!” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “The Judges obviously realized that Gavin Newscum is incompetent and ill prepared, but this is much bigger than Gavin, because all over the United States, if our Cities, and our people, need protection, we are the ones to give it to them should State and Local Police be unable, for whatever reason, to get the job done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, noted that the appeals court rebuffed the president’s argument that the courts didn’t have the right to review the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court rightly rejected Trump’s claim that he can do whatever he wants with the National Guard and not have to explain himself to a court. The President is not a king and is not above the law. We will press forward with our challenge to President Trump’s authoritarian use of U.S. military soldiers against citizens,” Newsom said in a statement Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Friday, Vice President J.D. Vance will be in L.A. to visit with the troops deployed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Armed military troops will \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045178/trump-can-keep-troops-in-la-for-now-appeals-court-rules\">remain in Los Angeles\u003c/a> and under President Donald Trump’s command for now after a federal judge delayed a hearing Friday in California’s case challenging his authority to dispatch them in response to immigration protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer asked lawyers for the federal government and the state of California to submit legal arguments by Monday on how the case should proceed, after an appeals court sided with Trump and blocked an earlier ruling of Breyer’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late Thursday, the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals stayed — or suspended — Breyer’s June 12 temporary restraining order that had directed Trump to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043920/judge-weighs-californias-lawsuit-over-trumps-troop-deployment-in-la\">hand back control\u003c/a> of the 4,000 California National Guard troops to Gov. Gavin Newsom. In its ruling, the 9th Circuit panel wrote that the restraining order was essentially a preliminary injunction, which Breyer said made his Friday hearing moot since it had initially been scheduled to weigh whether to grant a preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeals court panel, made up of two judges appointed by Trump and one appointed by former President Joe Biden, ruled that the White House was likely to succeed on the merits of its case. Although the panel rejected the federal government’s argument that the courts should not even be considering the case, it wrote that any judicial review must be “highly deferential.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The panel also said Trump “likely” acted within his authority when he invoked a rarely used legal provision that allows a president to deploy federal service members if “there is a rebellion or danger of a rebellion against the authority of the Government of the United States.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2218796587-scaled-e1750446347200.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044094\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2218796587-scaled-e1750446347200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The California National Guard stands guard as protesters clash with law enforcement in downtown Los Angeles at the Metropolitan Detention Center due to the immigration raids that roiled LA on Sunday, June 8, 2025 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the appeals panel made clear that its decision only addresses whether the president had the authority to call up the troops and does not yet consider what those troops are allowed to do on the streets of L.A. And it did not address one of California’s main legal claims: that the president’s actions violate an 1878 law, known as the Posse Comitatus Act, which bars using the military for domestic law enforcement purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer asked lawyers for both sides to submit written arguments by Monday at noon on whether he has the authority to modify the appeals court ruling based on the Posse Comitatus Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Depending on what you say, because I am actually interested in what authority I have, I will decide what to do next,” Breyer said. “Maybe I’ll have a hearing, maybe I won’t — I don’t know. You will tell me what to do. … My guess is you might disagree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Supervising Deputy Attorney General Jane Reilley also asked the court to consider whether there are any limits on how long the state National Guard troops can be federalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s hearing was initially scheduled so Breyer could consider California’s request for the court to hand \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043548/california-asks-court-to-stop-national-guard-marines-from-patrolling-la-streets\">control of the National Guard troops\u003c/a> back to Newsom and bar the federal government from using the remaining troops to conduct any law enforcement against civilians.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The White House has repeatedly insisted that the troops are there solely to protect federal property and personnel, not to police civilians. Newsom and California Attorney General Rob Bonta called the mobilization an illegal breach of state sovereignty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breyer had sided with the state last week in ruling that Trump did not follow procedures set out by Congress when he federalized the troops without telling Newsom, issuing the order through the California Guard’s adjutant general instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appeals court ruled that Trump “likely met the procedural requirement” by telling the general because he is “an agent” of the governor, and judges noted that the law does not afford Newsom veto power over the president’s federalization decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court also said that “irreparable harm and the public interest” is on the president’s side due to the need to protect federal agents and property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump began calling up troops June 7, eventually mobilizing 4,000 National Guard troops and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043453/trump-mobilizes-marines-for-duty-in-los-angeles\">700 U.S. Marines\u003c/a> to respond to protests in and around L.A. that broke out in response to immigration deportation raids. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043314/california-to-sue-trump-for-sending-national-guard-troops-into-la-after-ice-protests\">California sued\u003c/a>, arguing that the mobilization was illegal because the state did not request or consent to the military deployment. Under ordinary circumstances, National Guard troops are under the command of state governors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044826\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044826\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2000x1333.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/GettyImages-2219434485-2048x1365.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A police officer holds a nonlethal rifle as protesters confront California National Guard soldiers and police outside of a federal building as protests continue in Los Angeles following 3 days of clashes with police after a series of immigration raids on June 9, 2025 in Los Angeles. \u003ccite>(Photo by David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After the appeals court ruled Thursday, both sides claimed victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“BIG WIN in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals on the President’s core power to call in the National Guard!” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “The Judges obviously realized that Gavin Newscum is incompetent and ill prepared, but this is much bigger than Gavin, because all over the United States, if our Cities, and our people, need protection, we are the ones to give it to them should State and Local Police be unable, for whatever reason, to get the job done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, however, noted that the appeals court rebuffed the president’s argument that the courts didn’t have the right to review the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court rightly rejected Trump’s claim that he can do whatever he wants with the National Guard and not have to explain himself to a court. The President is not a king and is not above the law. We will press forward with our challenge to President Trump’s authoritarian use of U.S. military soldiers against citizens,” Newsom said in a statement Thursday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later Friday, Vice President J.D. Vance will be in L.A. to visit with the troops deployed there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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