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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#clarify\">This story contains a clarification and correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Castellon, 44, manages the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayfresh_pinateria/\">BayFresh Piñateria\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951100/san-joses-flea-market-la-pulga-has-new-vendor-group-voicing-its-future\">Berryessa Flea Market\u003c/a> with confident ease. She keeps an eye on the people passing by her stand, searching for potential customers while instructing her brother and her kids to keep the stall clean and organized. The brightly colored piñatas and Mexican candy they sell are lined up in cheerful rows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the candy we have, we work with distributors that import from Mexico,” she said. “Then our piñatas — each style you see is a different family that works on the style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family has had a stall at this market since 1974, a little more than a decade after the flea market first opened in 1960 when George Bumb decided to turn an old meat processing plant into a 120-acre outdoor market. It became a hub for thousands of immigrants to start small businesses and build their lives in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the vendors immigrated from Latin America, but there are business people from many other places, too: Vietnam, China, India and Korea, among others. Castellon grew up helping her parents in their stall and recalled how important it was for her to be exposed to many different cultures, languages and religions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the best pieces of all these different cultures [come] together and [clash] together [in the market],” Castellon said. “It’s beautiful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing earrings in a pink top smiles at the camera in a busy outdoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maggie Castellon stands in front of her business, the BayFresh Piñateria, at the Berryessa Flea Market in San José on July 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this vibrant place, an intersection of so many people and cultures that now call San José home, could soon cease to exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, BART selected the Berryessa neighborhood as the ideal place for its southernmost stop. As a result, city officials started rezoning the land surrounding the station — including where the market operates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/urban-villages/berryessa-bart\">to make way for thousands of housing units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a little over 20 years later, the Berryessa BART station is open and the 120-acre market site could be a perfect location for transit-friendly housing. City officials say when the development they plan to build is complete, it will include 4,000 houses and apartments, acres of public parks, and could create 22,000 jobs in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José, like many California cities, is facing pressure from the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">meet housing and climate goals\u003c/a>. For city planners, dense housing developments near regional transit stations appear to be the perfect solution.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Maggie Castellon, manager, BayFresh Piñateria\"]‘The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments. Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.’[/pullquote]“From a good development standpoint, [the Berryessa Flea Market] would have to be put into other economic uses,” said San José Councilmember David Cohen. “At that time, the council did not take any action to determine what would happen to the flea market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of planning for their future has infuriated some vendors. The market is their livelihood. Maggie Castellon’s family is lucky; she has a full-time job as a courtroom clerk that anchors them. But, they still depend on proceeds from the stall to cover expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments,” she said. “Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957361\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two large white piñata unicorns in front of a stall full of wares.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wares for sale at the Berryessa Flea Market. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2020, a small group of vendors formed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thebfva.org/\">Berryessa Flea Market Vendors Association\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11878548/san-jose-flea-market-leaders-end-hunger-strike-but-future-of-la-pulga-still-hangs-in-the-balance\">led protests and hunger strikes\u003c/a> to petition the city to include the vendors in conversations about the flea market’s future. This year, the city created an advisory committee tasked with drafting a transition plan for the vendors as the market closes. Maggie is a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advocacy efforts have made an impact. The city council recently set aside 5 acres in the new development plan for an outdoor market. Cohen and other city officials say they will do everything they can to encourage whoever builds the housing to continue the flea market. But there’s no guarantee the developer will follow the city’s advice. No matter what happens, the market would be significantly smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957367\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Vendors stalls with people walking by are seen in front of a large public transit station.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berryessa Flea Market and BART station. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some vendors, including Castellon, see the 5-acre plan as a paltry commitment. They don’t want to wait for a spot in a market that may not have space for them. Instead, they’re working with the city to find an alternative spot in San José where all the vendors can move together to start a new flea market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re considering the Santa Clara County Fairgrounds, the Reid-Hillview Airport and the Singleton Road disposal site. The city promised to investigate each option, but officials haven’t committed to any particular site yet. Meanwhile, the Berryessa Flea Market’s owners announced in July that they expect to start issuing eviction notices in January 2024. The vendors will then have a year to move out from whenever they receive an eviction notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More on San José' tag='san-jose']Castellon hopes the city will step in and find a solution for the vendors, but is willing to leave the city and start a market elsewhere if she has to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good to have hope, but you also have to have initiative and motivation,” she said. “And that’s what we’re going to do. [We’re] just going to make it happen, whether it’s in San José or in another city, with the goal being for us to stay here. But if we’re not going to be welcomed in San José, then we’ll make it happen elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castellon and the other vendors may get a temporary reprieve. Fears of a recession have developers canceling and stalling housing projects. Subsequently, the owners of the flea market still haven’t found a developer to take on the project, partially because of its size and the current economic climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The environment isn’t ideal now,” Cohen said. “Chances are the market’s going to be open even longer than people thought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"clarify\">\u003c/a>This story has been updated to reflect that flea market vendors can expect to begin receiving eviction notices in January, 2024, and not October, 2023 as the story previously stated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Aug. 13: An earlier version of this story stated Reid Hillview Airport is closed when it is still open for business. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#clarify\">This story contains a clarification and correction.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maggie Castellon, 44, manages the \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/bayfresh_pinateria/\">BayFresh Piñateria\u003c/a> at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11951100/san-joses-flea-market-la-pulga-has-new-vendor-group-voicing-its-future\">Berryessa Flea Market\u003c/a> with confident ease. She keeps an eye on the people passing by her stand, searching for potential customers while instructing her brother and her kids to keep the stall clean and organized. The brightly colored piñatas and Mexican candy they sell are lined up in cheerful rows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the candy we have, we work with distributors that import from Mexico,” she said. “Then our piñatas — each style you see is a different family that works on the style.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family has had a stall at this market since 1974, a little more than a decade after the flea market first opened in 1960 when George Bumb decided to turn an old meat processing plant into a 120-acre outdoor market. It became a hub for thousands of immigrants to start small businesses and build their lives in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the vendors immigrated from Latin America, but there are business people from many other places, too: Vietnam, China, India and Korea, among others. Castellon grew up helping her parents in their stall and recalled how important it was for her to be exposed to many different cultures, languages and religions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the best pieces of all these different cultures [come] together and [clash] together [in the market],” Castellon said. “It’s beautiful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person wearing earrings in a pink top smiles at the camera in a busy outdoor setting.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67671_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maggie Castellon stands in front of her business, the BayFresh Piñateria, at the Berryessa Flea Market in San José on July 29, 2023. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But this vibrant place, an intersection of so many people and cultures that now call San José home, could soon cease to exist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early 2000s, BART selected the Berryessa neighborhood as the ideal place for its southernmost stop. As a result, city officials started rezoning the land surrounding the station — including where the market operates — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/planning-building-code-enforcement/planning-division/citywide-planning/urban-villages/berryessa-bart\">to make way for thousands of housing units\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a little over 20 years later, the Berryessa BART station is open and the 120-acre market site could be a perfect location for transit-friendly housing. City officials say when the development they plan to build is complete, it will include 4,000 houses and apartments, acres of public parks, and could create 22,000 jobs in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José, like many California cities, is facing pressure from the state to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938267/to-meet-state-housing-goals-one-bay-area-city-had-to-overcome-its-nimby-past\">meet housing and climate goals\u003c/a>. For city planners, dense housing developments near regional transit stations appear to be the perfect solution.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments. Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“From a good development standpoint, [the Berryessa Flea Market] would have to be put into other economic uses,” said San José Councilmember David Cohen. “At that time, the council did not take any action to determine what would happen to the flea market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of planning for their future has infuriated some vendors. The market is their livelihood. Maggie Castellon’s family is lucky; she has a full-time job as a courtroom clerk that anchors them. But, they still depend on proceeds from the stall to cover expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The funds that come from the flea market are able to supply food and additional payments,” she said. “Having a second income seems to be the way a lot of residents in San José are having to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957361\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957361\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two large white piñata unicorns in front of a stall full of wares.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67669_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wares for sale at the Berryessa Flea Market. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In late 2020, a small group of vendors formed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thebfva.org/\">Berryessa Flea Market Vendors Association\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11878548/san-jose-flea-market-leaders-end-hunger-strike-but-future-of-la-pulga-still-hangs-in-the-balance\">led protests and hunger strikes\u003c/a> to petition the city to include the vendors in conversations about the flea market’s future. This year, the city created an advisory committee tasked with drafting a transition plan for the vendors as the market closes. Maggie is a member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their advocacy efforts have made an impact. The city council recently set aside 5 acres in the new development plan for an outdoor market. Cohen and other city officials say they will do everything they can to encourage whoever builds the housing to continue the flea market. But there’s no guarantee the developer will follow the city’s advice. No matter what happens, the market would be significantly smaller.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957367\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957367\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Vendors stalls with people walking by are seen in front of a large public transit station.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67679_230729-BERRYESSA-FLEA-MARKET-RT-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Berryessa Flea Market and BART station. \u003ccite>(Raphaël Timmons/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some vendors, including Castellon, see the 5-acre plan as a paltry commitment. They don’t want to wait for a spot in a market that may not have space for them. Instead, they’re working with the city to find an alternative spot in San José where all the vendors can move together to start a new flea market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re considering the Santa Clara County Fairgrounds, the Reid-Hillview Airport and the Singleton Road disposal site. The city promised to investigate each option, but officials haven’t committed to any particular site yet. Meanwhile, the Berryessa Flea Market’s owners announced in July that they expect to start issuing eviction notices in January 2024. The vendors will then have a year to move out from whenever they receive an eviction notice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Castellon hopes the city will step in and find a solution for the vendors, but is willing to leave the city and start a market elsewhere if she has to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good to have hope, but you also have to have initiative and motivation,” she said. “And that’s what we’re going to do. [We’re] just going to make it happen, whether it’s in San José or in another city, with the goal being for us to stay here. But if we’re not going to be welcomed in San José, then we’ll make it happen elsewhere.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Castellon and the other vendors may get a temporary reprieve. Fears of a recession have developers canceling and stalling housing projects. Subsequently, the owners of the flea market still haven’t found a developer to take on the project, partially because of its size and the current economic climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The environment isn’t ideal now,” Cohen said. “Chances are the market’s going to be open even longer than people thought.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca id=\"clarify\">\u003c/a>This story has been updated to reflect that flea market vendors can expect to begin receiving eviction notices in January, 2024, and not October, 2023 as the story previously stated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Aug. 13: An earlier version of this story stated Reid Hillview Airport is closed when it is still open for business. This story has been edited to correct the inaccuracy.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Seana O’Shaughnessy, president and CEO, Community Housing Improvement Program\"]‘Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively.’[/pullquote] Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Ryan LaRue, executive director, Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation\"]‘It’s a disaster. It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.’[/pullquote] According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. [aside label='More on Affordable Housing' tag='affordable-housing'] In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California's rising insurance premiums and fleeing carriers are affecting the state’s affordable housing developers and its goal to build 2.5 million homes by 2031.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Sarah Letts went to renew the property insurance for her organization’s 32 apartment buildings last year, she got a sticker shock: a 33% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year? Her carrier, Great American Insurance Group, dropped the policy entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she might have understood if the nonprofit she helms, Hollywood Community Housing Corporation, was based in a forested area, but the affordable housing properties are all on urban infill sites within Los Angeles County and have been upgraded with sprinklers and seismic reinforcements where needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not abutting a fire hazard,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with less than a month to go before the current policy runs out, she’s scrambling. “We will get [property insurance] because we’re obligated to get it,” Letts said. “But the frightening part is, how much will we pay?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an “existential” crisis, according to Seana O’Shaughnessy, the president and CEO of Community Housing Improvement Program, which manages nearly 3,000 homes and apartments across seven counties in Northern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the state’s volatile insurance market calls into question the state’s ability to meet \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11930679/newsom-campaigned-on-building-3-5-million-homes-he-hasnt-gotten-even-close\">Gov. Gavin Newsom’s ambitious goal of building 2.5 million new homes by 2031\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without a stable insurance market, we aren’t able to build and meet the affordable housing needs of our state, and we aren’t able to operate effectively,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So this cannot be overstated, how important figuring out and fixing and stabilizing insurance is for our industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office declined to comment for this story, deferring instead to the California Department of Insurance, which has recently held hearings to address rising premiums, as well as carriers leaving California, an issue that’s impacting all property owners. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> Affordable housing providers, however, say they are at a particular disadvantage. Unlike for-profit apartment owners, who can raise rents to offset increased costs, the very nature of affordable housing means rents are restricted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our margins in the affordable housing industry are very thin,” O’Shaughnessy said. “So, that means the nonprofit has to subsidize [increased costs].”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Industry groups that track the number of carriers and spending on premiums don’t separate affordable housing from other forms of commercial property. That means apartment buildings are lumped into the same category as gas stations and grocery stores. But according to the analytics firm CoreLogic, commercial property insurance premiums increased 45% since 2018, though the increases were not uniform across sectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Letts said she is girding for a 100% increase in premiums when she eventually does find a carrier, if not a 150% increase. Such an increase would raise the annual cost of insuring her organization’s properties from $500,000 to somewhere between $1 million to $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Community Housing Improvement Program’s 17 apartment buildings, property insurance premiums have more than tripled since 2017, according to the organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, nonprofit Burbank Housing’s Director of Asset Management, Julie Heredia, said premiums doubled since 2018 across its portfolio of more than 70 properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Northern California, Ryan LaRue, the executive director of Rural Communities Housing Development Corporation, said property insurance premiums for its portfolio of 33 properties doubled between 2021 and 2022 alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a disaster,” LaRue said. “It’s a lose-lose for anyone in our part of the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rising premiums\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Driving the premium increases are inflation, rising interest rates and the ballooning cost of reinsurance, the insurance that carriers get to cover their losses, said Sheri Scott, a principal and consulting actuary at Milliman, an actuarial firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike in other states, California doesn’t allow insurance companies to include the cost of reinsurance in determining its fire insurance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957163\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957163\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A new condo building is seen through the overgrown grasses of the lot across the street.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67574_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-37-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laurel at Perennial Park, an affordable apartment complex for seniors, can be seen behind flowers from Journey’s End mobile home park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023, which burned almost entirely during the Tubbs Fire in October 2017. Across the state, affordable housing providers report massive increases in insurance premiums — often regardless of where their buildings are located. And for nonprofits in rural areas with a more pronounced wildfire risk, it’s an ‘existential’ crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And if insurance companies aren’t able to include that cost of doing business in their insurance rates, that could create an issue where insurance companies don’t feel they’re able to get the appropriate rate for the risk,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Great American Insurance Group, the carrier that declined to continue providing coverage to Hollywood Community Housing Group, did not respond to requests for comment about its decision to discontinue the nonprofit’s policy. In the single-family home market, large carriers, including Allstate, State Farm, Farmers and AIG, cited economic conditions and the increasing frequency and severity of weather events such as floods and wildfires as reasons for declining to sell new policies in the state. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> According to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, since 1980 there has been an average of 8.1 weather events nationally that amounted to $1 billion or more in damage. Over the past five years, the average was 18. And, as of July 11 this year, 12 events cost $1 billion or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a higher frequency of events and a higher severity of these events when they occur than we ever historically have had,” said Justin Dove, a broker specializing in real estate with Arthur J. Gallagher & Co., a risk management services firm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past decade, according to Cal Fire. But, insurance carriers in the state are barred from using catastrophe models to estimate their expected future losses to develop insurance rates. Instead, they must look at the previous 20 years of losses, a practice other states have long abandoned, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no other states that use that methodology anymore,” she said. “They have since modernized their procedures in what insurance companies use so that they can use catastrophe models.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Insurance Commissioner Tony Cignarale said the Department of Insurance is currently looking at allowing insurers to use catastrophe modeling, as well as to include the cost of reinsurance in setting rates. Allowing the latter change might improve the availability of insurance, but not necessarily affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11957164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11957164\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty lot with overgrown grasses surrounded by houses.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67584_230728-WildfireSantaRosaHousing-55-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An empty plot of land in Coffey Park in Santa Rosa on July 28, 2023. Seven of California’s 10 most destructive wildfires occurred within the past 10 years, according to Cal Fire. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“With reinsurance, it is an additional cost. So, in theory [premiums] would rise,” Cignarale said. “The question is, how much would be allowable to add on to an individual policyholder’s premium? That’s another area that the [insurance] commissioner is looking at to ensure that it’s not excessive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while insurance groups say allowing catastrophe modeling won’t necessarily raise rates — it may lower rates for some property owners — Cignarale said more information is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to take a deeper dive into these catastrophe models and see, are there good models? Are there bad models? Is there a way to make sure that there’s transparency, so that the public, as well as the insurance commissioner, can see what’s under the hood and make sure that there aren’t any negative algorithms there that may be unfair to policyholders just for the sake of increasing rates and premiums?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no timeline for when the Department of Insurance will finalize or implement any proposed changes, Cignarale said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, the department in March announced the FAIR Plan — California’s insurance coverage of last resort. The plan is available to property owners who can’t secure fire insurance, though it doesn’t cover other hazards, such as floods or general liability — and it would raise its coverage cap to $20 million for commercial property owners. The FAIR Plan is expected to begin offering the new coverage by the end of the year. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> In October of 2022, Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara began enforcing new regulations requiring insurance carriers to provide discounts to property owners who mitigate their own risk of wildfires. The companies are now in the process of getting those proposed discounts approved by the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s really the goal,” Cignarale said. “If you can reduce the risk, then you can reduce the insurance companies’ need to either restrict writing or increase premiums on consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with all these changes, it isn’t clear whether it would translate into lower premiums for property owners, or if the changing climate and increasing risk from wildfires and other extreme weather will discourage carriers from returning to the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, affordable housing providers say they aren’t going out of business — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always figure it out, but I don’t know that we should have to figure it out,” O’Shaughnessy said. “This is something that the state has to help figure out so that we can continue to provide essential housing for folks. We’ll do it as long as we have to, but we do need help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-could-borrow-a-record-breaking-35-billion-to-tackle-the-housing-crisis-will-voters-go-along",
"title": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along?",
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"headTitle": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Louis Mirante, lobbyist, Bay Area Council\"]‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’[/pullquote]Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"housing\"]Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Heather Hood, vice president and Northern California market leader, Enterprise Community Partners\"]‘The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are. And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.’[/pullquote]But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Three of the biggest housing bonds in state history are bound for the 2024 ballot. But with no shortage of crises facing the state, California can only borrow so much and voters may succumb to 'bond fatigue.'",
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"title": "California Could Borrow a Record-Breaking $35 Billion to Tackle the Housing Crisis. Will Voters Go Along? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters regularly name out-of-reach \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/survey/survey-data/?survey-search=true&AllWords=most+important&AnyWords=&DateSearchType=Last+Year&DateFromMonth=1&DateFromDay=1&DateFromYear=1998&DateToMonth=12&DateToDay=31&DateToYear=2023&SortOrder=desc#survey_results\">housing costs and homelessness\u003c/a> as among the most important issues facing the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now lawmakers are calling their bluff. Next year the electorate will likely get the chance to put unprecedented gobs of money where its mouth is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s the $10 billion bond proposal, spearheaded by Oakland Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/buffy-wicks-1977/\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> and currently slated for the March ballot, that would replenish the coffers of some of the state’s premier affordable housing programs. If a majority of voters approve, it would be the largest housing-related IOU that California has issued since at least 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next, there’s the $4.68 billion measure, backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom and also scheduled for March, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">build housing and expand psychiatric and substance abuse treatment for homeless Californians\u003c/a>. That would be the largest-ever expansion of behavioral health funding in California, according to the governor’s office. As a housing-related bond, it would also be the third largest such measure in recent memory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But both of those state measures could be dwarfed by a third proposed at the regional level. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/New-agency-would-raise-public-dollars-to-build-13669232.php\">recently created Bay Area Housing Finance Authority\u003c/a>, tasked with funding affordable housing projects across the nine counties that surround the San Francisco Bay, is still figuring out exactly how much it wants to ask voters to sign off on in November 2024. But it could be as much as \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/affordable-housing-bond-measure-18189407.php\">$20 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three of the largest housing bonds in California history would seem to be great news for housing advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So why are some so worried?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a runner. I’ve never run my three best races in a row,” said Louis Mirante, a lobbyist with the Bay Area Council, where he focuses on housing legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622594/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With lawmakers considering a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">bevy of other bond measures\u003c/a> in 2024 that could total as much as $80 billion — more potential debt than the state has put on the ballot since at least 1980, even adjusting for inflation — the sheer scale of the state’s potential borrowing plans could test the upper limit of what voters are willing to stomach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money,’” said Mirante.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even before the question is put to voters, lawmakers will have to negotiate what goes on which ballot in the first place. Unlike the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/initiative-and-referendum-status/eligible-statewide-initiative-measures\">initiatives, constitutional amendments\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-measures/qualified-ballot-measures\">referenda\u003c/a> that will already crowd the 2024 ballot, bond measures can only be put before voters with a vote by the Legislature and approval of the governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is only so much capacity that the state has for debt,” said Ray Pearl, executive director of the California Housing Consortium, which lobbies for more affordable housing construction in the Legislature. “And politically, for the governor and the Legislature, there’s only so much they are willing to take on.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s conventional wisdom that if you put a bunch of bond proposals in front of voters, they get overwhelmed and are like ‘I don’t want to pay all of this money, so I don’t want to pay \u003cem>any\u003c/em> of this money.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lawmakers may not have long to hammer out those negotiations. Any bonds bound for the March ballot need to clear the Legislature by the end of the session on Sept. 14. Branch-on-branch negotiations have been slow to get going so far, but may ramp up once the lawmakers return from recess on Aug. 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that we’re presenting a ballot to the electorate, in as much as we have the ability to, that is thoughtful and aims to tackle some of our tougher challenges, but in a way that doesn’t confuse voters with, like, ‘Here are your 10 opportunities to vote for housing,’” said Wicks. “I anticipate over the next probably two or three months that we’ll start landing some of these planes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone in housing world is so concerned. The mere fact that so many housing-related bond measures are vying for space on next year’s primary and general election ballots is a sign that the state’s affordability crisis is finally getting the political and fiscal attention it deserves, said Kate Hartley, who directs the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know what voters will think about” a glut of bond measures next year, she said. “But I do know that voters really care about this and they want solutions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You name it, there’s a bond’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the most competitive real estate in California these days is a spot on either of the two 2024 ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature is considering as many as ten borrowing measures for either the March primary or November general election next year. Among them are competing school bonds, climate and flood protection proposals and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/california-lawmakers-push-to-fight-fentanyl/44643707\">bond aimed at fighting the fentanyl crisis\u003c/a>. Though it isn’t likely that all will make the cut, taken together, they come with a collective debt of at least $80 billion, with the price tag on one proposal still undetermined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so many crises for people facing so many different challenges,” said Chris Martin, policy director with Housing California, an affordable housing advocacy group. “You name it, there’s a bond for it being considered in the Legislature and there’s only so much bonding authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/07/24/gavin-newsom-democrats-gatekeeper-00107649\">reportedly set the borrowing limit\u003c/a> for both of next year’s ballots at $26 billion, but the final number is likely to be ironed out in negotiations with legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the borrowing cap, it’s as much a question of political arithmetic as it is budget math. There is no legal limit on how much debt voters can approve in a given election. Budget analysts keep their \u003ca href=\"https://www.treasurer.ca.gov/publications/dar/2022.pdf\">eye on different metrics comparing the state’s debt payments (PDF)\u003c/a> to its discretionary cash cushion, its overall budget or the total size of the California economy. Projections of future interest rates and future budget surpluses and deficits also get considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14622746/embed?auto=1\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One measure — the ratio of the state’s annual debt payments to the budget’s discretionary “general” fund — currently sits at roughly 3.5%, depending on how you measure it. That’s a tad high compared to other large states, but it’s far lower than it has been in the past. Keeping that figure below 6% is “generally considered prudent,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no evidence that voters have any of that in mind when they vote “yes” or “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians have generally been perfectly happy to put big projects on the state’s credit card. That may be because bond proceeds are typically directed at politically sympathetic causes and the downsides of borrowing — higher debt payments in future years — are more abstract for the average voter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 1980, the electorate has signed off on more than 75% of all state bonds put before them, approving $182 billion in new debt and rejecting only $42 billion. In contrast, voters have approved only \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ballot-measures/pdf/initiatives-by-title-and-summary-year.pdf\">about 40% of all non-fiscal propositions (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The prospect of ‘bond fatigue’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are clear exceptions. Sometimes the voting public, presented with particularly eye-popping sums, gets into a tight-fisted mood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The November 1990 election was the most bond-happy in recent history, with 14 borrowing proposals in total. Voters batted down 12 of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A more recent example of bond failure: The March primary election in 2020, when voters rejected what would have been the largest school bond in California history, a $15 billion IOU. One of the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2020/03/california-prop-13-school-bond-defeated/\">possible post-election explanations\u003c/a> offered at the time: Voters, saddled with a bumper crop of borrowing measures at the local level, succumbed to “bond fatigue.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, with 2024 approaching, some housing advocates worry the electorate is susceptible to the same condition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a matter of fiscal reality, the two major housing proposals — the affordable housing measure and the Newsom-backed mental health bond — are dipping from the same pool of fiscal overhead and electorate will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as policies — one that supports the construction of more housing and the other that boosts behavioral health treatment capacity for people living on the street — they could very well complement one another. According to the governor’s office, his mental health bond would allow for the shelter and treatment of 10,000 more unhoused Californians. As negotiations kick into gear, some proponents of both measures are hoping the governor and legislative leaders will see things that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have temporary shelter beds and services for an individual suffering from mental health or substance abuse disorder but no affordable housing, that person is likely going to return to homelessness,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow at the National Alliance to End Homelessness, which supports the affordable housing bond and is still reviewing the mental health-related proposal. “Conversely if you have affordable housing, but no services available, then that individual is going to struggle to maintain their housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel the Legislature has a real opportunity to connect the two,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A race against the clock\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Politically, California voter frustration with unaffordable housing and homelessness could cut one of two ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters who believe public dollars are poorly spent may not welcome proposals to throw more money at the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers directed the state auditor’s office to\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\"> dig into how the state’s homelessness funds are actually being spent\u003c/a>. A 2020 audit from the same office called for an “overhaul” of California’s “cumbersome” affordable housing funding process, after the state\u003ca href=\"https://www.capradio.org/articles/2020/11/20/its-a-shame-california-squandered-27-billion-for-affordable-housing-audit-says/\"> allowed $2.7 billion in bonds to expire untapped\u003c/a>. (The state application process has\u003ca href=\"https://www.thecentersquare.com/california/article_d56ec9a4-acc0-11ed-af17-93d7eb0b5a89.html\"> since been streamlined\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many housing developers hope it will translate into the popular political will to ratchet up the spending. In fact, they’re counting on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the roughly 2.5 million units the state Housing and Community Development department says California communities need to build over the next eight years to make up for years of under-building, \u003ca href=\"https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/94729ab1648d43b1811c1698a748c136\">roughly 1 million must be set aside\u003c/a> for people earning less than 80% of the median income in their region.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But that planned-for boom in affordable housing won’t materialize without some extra help, said Heather Hood, who manages the northern California market for Enterprise Community Partners, a nonprofit that funds, consults and advocates for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state’s been, on one hand, very clear about what the ambitions and goals are,” she said. “And yet [it] hasn’t supplied the resources to enable that to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear how many additional units $10 billion in extra state funding could bring online. The cost per-unit of affordable housing climbs year after year, occasionally exceeding $1 million. By that math, the eye-popping face value on the bond would only be enough to fund 10,000 new units. But state funding is almost always used to supplement private, federal and local sources of cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing isn’t completely paid for by public dollars,” said Hood. “Having this kind of security in the public realm means that there’s more security in the private realm and so it smooths the pipeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last time the state turned to the voters to fund affordable housing construction was in November 2018. Voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 1, giving the state the go-ahead to borrow $4 billion. Of that, about half went toward the construction, rehabilitation and preservation of income-restricted rental housing. The remainder was meant to be split between programs that promote homeownership, the construction of farmworker housing and other housing-related infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The timing of Wicks affordable housing bond next year is also no coincidence. With a little over $656 million remaining, that Proposition 1 funding is expected to run dry by next year\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if voters are feeling generous next year and sign off on each of the housing bonds on the ballot, Wicks said she is only just getting started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to have significant ongoing investments for a serious amount of time in order to crawl out of where we are right now,” she said. That could mean putting yet more bond measures on the ballot or dedicating more money from the state budget on an ongoing basis. “That’s something that I want to work on next year. And probably the year after that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]K[/dropcap]avon Ward lived in Manhattan Beach, a surfside city about 15 miles southwest of Los Angeles, for more than two years before she learned about the city’s racist history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, not long after George Floyd was murdered by police, Ward, a poet and activist, began learning about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bruces-beach\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, the beachfront real estate owned by a Black family before it was seized by the city of Manhattan Beach. The land was eventually turned into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember just looking out down the hill — I was at the top of the park — and seeing all of these white people and I’m thinking to myself, ‘How is it fair that all of these white people get to live here in front of what God created for everyone, after these Black people were run out?,’” Ward told me in a 2022 interview. “They take from us. They take our lives; they take our land; they take everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ward founded \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforbrucesbeach.com/\">Justice for Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> to secure restitution for the descendants of the Bruces. She wanted reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not so much about it being land, it was more about it being justice served,” said Ward, who also launched \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, a national organization focused on using research, advocacy and technology to help families from across the country get remuneration for land loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re not familiar with Bruce’s Beach, here’s an unsanitized version: In 1912, Willa and Charles Bruce purchased a lot along the Strand, Manhattan Beach’s oceanfront neighborhood, for $1,225. The couple, part of the Great Migration of Black people who fled racial terror in the south, created a resort that served as a vacation destination for Black people living in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resort became known as Bruce’s Beach. In America, segregative policies restricted Black people from accessing public beaches and swimming pools, but at Bruce’s Beach Black people could relax in the sun without being harassed for, well, being Black. In 1920, the Bruces purchased another lot. Other Black families did the same, creating a thriving Black community in Manhattan Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1924, the community was swept away by eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Kavon Ward, poet, activist and founder of Justice for Bruce's Beach\"]‘In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land. By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.’[/pullquote]In America, Black prosperity — especially economic prosperity — has always been met with oppressive hostility. Sometimes it comes in the form of a lynch mob of rabid racists, like the one in 1921 that presided over a two-day massacre that destroyed the Black community in Tulsa, Oklahoma, known as “Black Wall Street.” Sometimes, like in the case of Bruce’s Beach, it comes in the form of eminent domain, a law that gives the government the right to expropriate private property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s just a sanitized way of saying that Bruce’s Beach was stolen by the city of Manhattan Beach. This racially motivated process has been used in cities and states across the country. If you’ve driven on our nation’s highways, you should know much of the system \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943263/americas-highway-system-is-a-monument-to-environmental-racism-and-a-history-of-inequity\">is a monument to racism because significant portions were built on land that was taken from Black people\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943263]The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation. After the disbursement of land to the formerly enslaved was revoked following President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the call for reparations has had a steady drumbeat. But since the California Reparations Task Force delivered its landmark \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,200-page report\u003c/a> in June, the drumbeat has never been louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report has 115 recommendations for reparative measures, including restitution for racially motivated takings of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\">fourth episode of our video series on reparations\u003c/a>, we explore the stories of thriving Black communities — Bruce’s Beach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">the town of Allensworth\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954111/longtime-fillmore-resident-hopes-to-restore-commerce-with-black-led-marketplace\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a> — that were ravaged by racist policymaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land,” Ward says at the beginning of the video. “By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of acres of Black-owned land was just simply taken. Please remember that the next time a friend, neighbor, colleague or presidential candidate insinuates that Black people aren’t worthy of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“African Americans in the history of the United States, and within the state of California, have been this kind of available category of persons who can be removed, who can be exploited when it suits the state,” Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, says in the video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The denial of Black prosperity is a deliberate feature of the American experiment. In 1862, the federal government passed the Homestead Act, which gave American citizens and soon-to-be citizens the right to claim 160 acres of land as America expanded west. More than 160 million acres were claimed by almost 2 million homesteaders. Enslaved and free Black people were, of course, excluded from the wealth-generating bonanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 100 years later, the federal government enacted the G.I. Bill, a program to assist World War II veterans through low-interest mortgages and loans. Black people were once again excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 1935 and the late 1940s, the government issued about $120 billion in low-interest housing assistance loans. Ninety-eight percent of those loans went to white people,” Donald K. Tamaki, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, told Manjula Varghese, my colleague, who is the lead producer of the video series. “This was the transfer of wealth to help build today’s middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Reparations in California\" link1=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations,Explore why California launched the first-in-the-nation task force to study reparations for Black people\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/2022/02/RiCLandingPageGraphic-1020x574.png\"]In this country, homeownership is the largest source of wealth for families. More than 1 million Black people were displaced, according to the U.S. Department of Transportation estimates, when America erected the highway system. Private property was seized by eminent domain, and hundreds of neighborhoods across the country were demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the redevelopment of the Fillmore, a neighborhood once known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area, was one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. The decade-long project would end up displacing more than 13,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to restitution for racially motivated takings of homes, the state task force recommended providing a right to return for displaced Black people and subsidizing the purchase of new homes through down payment and loan assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces, who left Manhattan Beach in 1927, were paid about $15,000 at the time for their land, an insufficient sum for running people out of town. It took decades for the city, which, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/manhattanbeachcitycalifornia/PST045222\">according to 2022 Census data is 71% white and less than 1% Black\u003c/a>, to turn Bruce’s Beach into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow, the real estate tracking website, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/home-values/19177/manhattan-beach-ca/\">average home price in Manhattan Beach at the end of June was roughly $3 million\u003c/a>. Homes along the Strand where Bruce’s Beach was located \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/manhattan-beach-ca/manhattan-beach-strand_att/\">cost almost $5 million more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2022, ownership of the park property was transferred back to the descendants of the Bruces by Los Angeles County. The descendants then sold the land back to the county for $20 million —atonement for almost a century of harm.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">K\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>avon Ward lived in Manhattan Beach, a surfside city about 15 miles southwest of Los Angeles, for more than two years before she learned about the city’s racist history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, not long after George Floyd was murdered by police, Ward, a poet and activist, began learning about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bruces-beach\">Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a>, the beachfront real estate owned by a Black family before it was seized by the city of Manhattan Beach. The land was eventually turned into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember just looking out down the hill — I was at the top of the park — and seeing all of these white people and I’m thinking to myself, ‘How is it fair that all of these white people get to live here in front of what God created for everyone, after these Black people were run out?,’” Ward told me in a 2022 interview. “They take from us. They take our lives; they take our land; they take everything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ward founded \u003ca href=\"https://justiceforbrucesbeach.com/\">Justice for Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> to secure restitution for the descendants of the Bruces. She wanted reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not so much about it being land, it was more about it being justice served,” said Ward, who also launched \u003ca href=\"https://whereismyland.org/\">Where Is My Land\u003c/a>, a national organization focused on using research, advocacy and technology to help families from across the country get remuneration for land loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The theft of land, displacement and erasure has tormented Black people since emancipation. After the disbursement of land to the formerly enslaved was revoked following President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, the call for reparations has had a steady drumbeat. But since the California Reparations Task Force delivered its landmark \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">1,200-page report\u003c/a> in June, the drumbeat has never been louder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report has 115 recommendations for reparative measures, including restitution for racially motivated takings of homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Uss6JN2Ep60\">fourth episode of our video series on reparations\u003c/a>, we explore the stories of thriving Black communities — Bruce’s Beach, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11925020/promised-land-a-historically-black-california-town-honors-its-proud-painful-past-and-fights-for-its-future\">the town of Allensworth\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954111/longtime-fillmore-resident-hopes-to-restore-commerce-with-black-led-marketplace\">San Francisco’s Fillmore District\u003c/a> — that were ravaged by racist policymaking.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Uss6JN2Ep60'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Uss6JN2Ep60'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“In the beginning of the 20th century, Black people owned 15 million acres of land,” Ward says at the beginning of the video. “By the beginning of the 21st century, 90% of the land was gone. It was taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of acres of Black-owned land was just simply taken. Please remember that the next time a friend, neighbor, colleague or presidential candidate insinuates that Black people aren’t worthy of reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“African Americans in the history of the United States, and within the state of California, have been this kind of available category of persons who can be removed, who can be exploited when it suits the state,” Dr. Jovan Scott Lewis, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, says in the video.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The denial of Black prosperity is a deliberate feature of the American experiment. In 1862, the federal government passed the Homestead Act, which gave American citizens and soon-to-be citizens the right to claim 160 acres of land as America expanded west. More than 160 million acres were claimed by almost 2 million homesteaders. Enslaved and free Black people were, of course, excluded from the wealth-generating bonanza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than 100 years later, the federal government enacted the G.I. Bill, a program to assist World War II veterans through low-interest mortgages and loans. Black people were once again excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Between 1935 and the late 1940s, the government issued about $120 billion in low-interest housing assistance loans. Ninety-eight percent of those loans went to white people,” Donald K. Tamaki, a member of California’s Reparations Task Force, told Manjula Varghese, my colleague, who is the lead producer of the video series. “This was the transfer of wealth to help build today’s middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In this country, homeownership is the largest source of wealth for families. More than 1 million Black people were displaced, according to the U.S. Department of Transportation estimates, when America erected the highway system. Private property was seized by eminent domain, and hundreds of neighborhoods across the country were demolished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the redevelopment of the Fillmore, a neighborhood once known as the “Harlem of the West” because of the large number of Black businesses and entertainment venues in the area, was one of the largest projects of urban renewal on the West Coast. The decade-long project would end up displacing more than 13,000 residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to restitution for racially motivated takings of homes, the state task force recommended providing a right to return for displaced Black people and subsidizing the purchase of new homes through down payment and loan assistance programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bruces, who left Manhattan Beach in 1927, were paid about $15,000 at the time for their land, an insufficient sum for running people out of town. It took decades for the city, which, \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/manhattanbeachcitycalifornia/PST045222\">according to 2022 Census data is 71% white and less than 1% Black\u003c/a>, to turn Bruce’s Beach into a park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow, the real estate tracking website, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/home-values/19177/manhattan-beach-ca/\">average home price in Manhattan Beach at the end of June was roughly $3 million\u003c/a>. Homes along the Strand where Bruce’s Beach was located \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/manhattan-beach-ca/manhattan-beach-strand_att/\">cost almost $5 million more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June 2022, ownership of the park property was transferred back to the descendants of the Bruces by Los Angeles County. The descendants then sold the land back to the county for $20 million —atonement for almost a century of harm.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new online tool offers Bay Area residents a way to find and apply for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">affordable housing\u003c/a> listings in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">The Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a>, as it’s called, was launched in early July by the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority-bahfa\">Bay Area Housing Finance Authority \u003c/a>(BAHFA), and draws together “affordable” apartment listings submitted by local cities, counties and private housing providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates have for years been pushing for a tool like this that covers the entire state, says Damion Scott, a community organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/\">East Bay Housing Organizations \u003c/a>(EBHO), a nonprofit aimed at increasing access to affordable housing for lower-income communities. But even having this type of tool available for just the Bay Area makes Scott and his colleagues “really excited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott says that based on his personal experience working with folks seeking affordable housing in the East Bay, “having a portal — having somewhere where they can find affordable housing not just from one developer, or just from one city or one county, but really a regional portal — would really be able to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the new Doorway tool provides a single platform to access affordable housing listings, there are certain things to know about how it works — and who still \u003cem>won’t \u003c/em>be able to use it to find affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousing\">What makes a unit “affordable”?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousingincome\">I can’t see listings that match my income. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousinghelp\">Where can I find other affordable housing resources if this tool doesn’t work for my family?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the Doorway Housing Portal, how to fill out an application to live in an affordable housing unit or how to join a waitlist for a property and your options for finding affordable housing if this new online tool doesn’t end up working for you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How does the Doorway Housing Portal work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BAHFA, the organization behind the tool, says these listings are “verified opportunities for active housing vacancies and waitlists.” The site is currently available in five languages: English, traditional Chinese, Spanish, Vietnamese and Tagalog. You can use it on a desktop computer or your mobile phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/listings\">see all current listings on the Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a> by clicking the “View Listings” tab on the homepage. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">search for affordable housing listings on the homepage\u003c/a> by inputting the number of bedrooms you’re seeking, your maximum desired monthly rent and the Bay Area counties you’re searching within. Either option will return a page of search results that includes a map you can use to explore more listings.[aside label='More Guides from KQED' tag='audience-news']When you click on a listing, you’ll see further information about that property, including how to apply, the leasing agent’s contact details, and eligibility criteria. These criteria will include the minimum and maximum income required for a household applying for the listing, deposit information, who gets preference for that unit, and what kinds of rental assistance programs (like Section 8 vouchers) will be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering why the tool doesn’t show listings for affordable housing in San Francisco? That’s because the city already has its own version of an affordable housing portal, called \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA: San Francisco Housing Portal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Doorway spokesperson said that the BAHFA doesn’t have a specific timeline for integrating DAHLIA, which would “remain a standalone portal for now.” So for now, if you want to see affordable housing listings for San Francisco, use the city’s own DAHLIA tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousing\">\u003c/a>How does the Doorway Housing Portal define ‘affordable housing’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’ll notice that each housing listing on Doorway has a minimum-income requirement — that is, the amount of money that your household needs to be making in total, per year, before taxes (your gross income) to be eligible to apply for that home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because “affordable” in this context doesn’t necessarily mean low-cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Instead, it means that the cost of rent and utilities for that property would be no more than 30% of a household’s income. (For homeowners, that’s the total cost of mortgage payments, taxes, insurance, utilities and other housing-related costs — which has to be 30% or less of a household’s income to be considered affordable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">These income limits are set for these listings by property managers\u003c/a>, says BAHFA, “to ensure that you are not cost-burdened by the rent.” Your household is defined as “everyone who will live with you in the new unit,” which means it doesn’t just have to be your family — it can include friends, or roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of course, every person and every household has a different income level, meaning that a listing that’s deemed “affordable” for one household won’t be labeled affordable for another household whose income is lower — and many of these “affordable” listings still won’t be considered affordable at all to people with lower incomes, or no income at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Doorway Housing Portal notes that you may also see affordable housing referred to as “low-income housing” or “restricted-income housing.” It’s also sometimes called “subsidized housing” (also known as regulated housing or deed-restricted housing), or “naturally occurring affordable housing” (so-called because the government doesn’t subsidize prices, or set rules on prices). \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">Read more about the different kinds of affordable housing with this guide from EBHO.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945872\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11945872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg\" alt=\"A person with medium-toned skin sits at a wooden table writing on a notepad, surrounded by books. They are wearing a gray t-shirt and have tattooed forearms. We can't see their face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some affordable housing listings on the Doorway Housing Portal will allow you to apply online, but some might require an in-person paper application. \u003ccite>(cottonbro studio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Does the Doorway Housing Portal include Section 8 housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doorway currently includes information about federal Section 8 programs for lower-income families, seniors, and people with disabilities, which you can find under the “Rental Assistance” header in each individual housing listing — for example, whether certain housing vouchers are considered for that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you can’t \u003cem>directly \u003c/em>access Section 8 programs on Doorway itself — yet. That’s because Section 8 offerings “aren’t fully integrated” into the tool right now, said the spokesperson for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the future, BAHFA is “exploring listing open Section 8 waitlists as a starting point,” said the spokesperson — meaning that you may see more Section 8 offerings on the Doorway Housing Portal in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousingincome\">\u003c/a>I’m not seeing many listings on the site that match my income level. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. Because of how “affordable” is defined in this context — i.e., the rent is no more than 30% of your household income — there just might not \u003cem>be \u003c/em>any listings that are classed as affordable for your own household’s income on Doorway, at least right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t be immediately discouraged. The Doorway Housing Portal is a new tool and is still growing. EBHO’s Sophia DeWitt cautions that because of this, it doesn’t yet “represent the full universe of available affordable homes in the Bay Area right now” since not all housing providers have yet added their listings — and that both cities and individual housing providers “need to continue to be encouraged to do so.” In the meantime, you can\u003ca href=\"https://public.govdelivery.com/accounts/CAMTC/signup/36832\"> sign up to get email alerts when new affordable housing listings are posted\u003c/a> to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, DeWitt noted that Alameda and Santa Clara counties are at present “further along in this process” of submitting affordable housing listings to the site than many other counties. So you might see more listings within those counties right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I found a listing on the site I’m interested in. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each listing will have details on how to apply for that property, but be aware that you might have to join a waitlist. If a listing says you can apply online, you may be redirected to the website of a property management company, where you can complete your application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA advises that you don’t fill out multiple applications for a single listing, even if it’s from different members of your household, as “more than one application from any person in your household can completely disqualify all of the household members from that listing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You won’t need any supporting documentation for your initial application unless you choose to enter a lottery for that property. BAHFA says that “housing lottery preferences give certain applicants priority in the placement process,” but that this will require you to provide evidence that you fit the preference criteria. BAHFA also notes that you can “maximize your chances for these by applying for housing that is near where you live or work,” but that you should be sure to note any lottery dates marked on the listing so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">Read more about the application process on the Doorway Housing Portal website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousinghelp\">\u003c/a>I can’t actually afford any of the ‘affordable’ listings on the site. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your household income doesn’t match the minimum amount required on the listing that you’re interested in on the site, you have options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call 211 for a referral (311 in San Francisco) for a housing counselor or other social services counselor who can give you advice on affordable housing options.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Look at the \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/housing-help\">Housing Help resources\u003c/a> on the Doorway Housing Portal, which include county-specific resources and where to find more urgent help if you’re at risk of becoming unhoused.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider applying for the \u003ca href=\"https://covia.org/programs/home-match/\">Front Porch (formerly Covia) Home Match program\u003c/a>, which provides home-sharing opportunities locally by matching people who have available rooms with those looking for housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Browse \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">EBHO’s Looking for Housing?\u003c/a> resources online, which include links and advice for applying for housing through your local housing authority.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much does a tool like this really do to help increase access to affordable housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Having these listings available in one place online, and presented clearly as “a one-stop portal,” is a big help to folks seeking affordable housing, says Scott, the EBHO community organizer, and it reduces a lot of the physical and technological barriers people often face in this quest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had residents who shared their stories that say when they were homeless, finding a house was a full-time job,” Scott said. “They had literally spent as much time as you and I would spend on our 40-hour-a-week, or more, work week — they spent that on looking for housing.” The tool, he said, will “help relieve people’s time” in this regard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scott says that while widening access to affordable housing is a very positive step, increasing that access \u003cem>without \u003c/em>also increasing the supply of affordable housing means that residents are now met with “really long” wait lists for each listing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is there just is not enough affordable housing in the Bay Area, and in the state,” said Scott. And local and state officials need to be “doing more to ensure that affordable housing is being funded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new online tool offers Bay Area residents a way to find and apply for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">affordable housing\u003c/a> listings in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">The Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a>, as it’s called, was launched in early July by the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/about-mtc/authorities/bay-area-housing-finance-authority-bahfa\">Bay Area Housing Finance Authority \u003c/a>(BAHFA), and draws together “affordable” apartment listings submitted by local cities, counties and private housing providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates have for years been pushing for a tool like this that covers the entire state, says Damion Scott, a community organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/\">East Bay Housing Organizations \u003c/a>(EBHO), a nonprofit aimed at increasing access to affordable housing for lower-income communities. But even having this type of tool available for just the Bay Area makes Scott and his colleagues “really excited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott says that based on his personal experience working with folks seeking affordable housing in the East Bay, “having a portal — having somewhere where they can find affordable housing not just from one developer, or just from one city or one county, but really a regional portal — would really be able to help them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the new Doorway tool provides a single platform to access affordable housing listings, there are certain things to know about how it works — and who still \u003cem>won’t \u003c/em>be able to use it to find affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousing\">What makes a unit “affordable”?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousingincome\">I can’t see listings that match my income. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#affordablehousinghelp\">Where can I find other affordable housing resources if this tool doesn’t work for my family?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for what to know about the Doorway Housing Portal, how to fill out an application to live in an affordable housing unit or how to join a waitlist for a property and your options for finding affordable housing if this new online tool doesn’t end up working for you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How does the Doorway Housing Portal work?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BAHFA, the organization behind the tool, says these listings are “verified opportunities for active housing vacancies and waitlists.” The site is currently available in five languages: English, traditional Chinese, Spanish, Vietnamese and Tagalog. You can use it on a desktop computer or your mobile phone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/listings\">see all current listings on the Doorway Housing Portal\u003c/a> by clicking the “View Listings” tab on the homepage. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/\">search for affordable housing listings on the homepage\u003c/a> by inputting the number of bedrooms you’re seeking, your maximum desired monthly rent and the Bay Area counties you’re searching within. Either option will return a page of search results that includes a map you can use to explore more listings.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When you click on a listing, you’ll see further information about that property, including how to apply, the leasing agent’s contact details, and eligibility criteria. These criteria will include the minimum and maximum income required for a household applying for the listing, deposit information, who gets preference for that unit, and what kinds of rental assistance programs (like Section 8 vouchers) will be considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wondering why the tool doesn’t show listings for affordable housing in San Francisco? That’s because the city already has its own version of an affordable housing portal, called \u003ca href=\"https://housing.sfgov.org/\">DAHLIA: San Francisco Housing Portal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Doorway spokesperson said that the BAHFA doesn’t have a specific timeline for integrating DAHLIA, which would “remain a standalone portal for now.” So for now, if you want to see affordable housing listings for San Francisco, use the city’s own DAHLIA tool.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousing\">\u003c/a>How does the Doorway Housing Portal define ‘affordable housing’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You’ll notice that each housing listing on Doorway has a minimum-income requirement — that is, the amount of money that your household needs to be making in total, per year, before taxes (your gross income) to be eligible to apply for that home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is because “affordable” in this context doesn’t necessarily mean low-cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Instead, it means that the cost of rent and utilities for that property would be no more than 30% of a household’s income. (For homeowners, that’s the total cost of mortgage payments, taxes, insurance, utilities and other housing-related costs — which has to be 30% or less of a household’s income to be considered affordable.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">These income limits are set for these listings by property managers\u003c/a>, says BAHFA, “to ensure that you are not cost-burdened by the rent.” Your household is defined as “everyone who will live with you in the new unit,” which means it doesn’t just have to be your family — it can include friends, or roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of course, every person and every household has a different income level, meaning that a listing that’s deemed “affordable” for one household won’t be labeled affordable for another household whose income is lower — and many of these “affordable” listings still won’t be considered affordable at all to people with lower incomes, or no income at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Doorway Housing Portal notes that you may also see affordable housing referred to as “low-income housing” or “restricted-income housing.” It’s also sometimes called “subsidized housing” (also known as regulated housing or deed-restricted housing), or “naturally occurring affordable housing” (so-called because the government doesn’t subsidize prices, or set rules on prices). \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">Read more about the different kinds of affordable housing with this guide from EBHO.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11945872\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11945872 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg\" alt=\"A person with medium-toned skin sits at a wooden table writing on a notepad, surrounded by books. They are wearing a gray t-shirt and have tattooed forearms. We can't see their face.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/pexels-cottonbro-studio-4778412-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Some affordable housing listings on the Doorway Housing Portal will allow you to apply online, but some might require an in-person paper application. \u003ccite>(cottonbro studio/Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Does the Doorway Housing Portal include Section 8 housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Doorway currently includes information about federal Section 8 programs for lower-income families, seniors, and people with disabilities, which you can find under the “Rental Assistance” header in each individual housing listing — for example, whether certain housing vouchers are considered for that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, you can’t \u003cem>directly \u003c/em>access Section 8 programs on Doorway itself — yet. That’s because Section 8 offerings “aren’t fully integrated” into the tool right now, said the spokesperson for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the future, BAHFA is “exploring listing open Section 8 waitlists as a starting point,” said the spokesperson — meaning that you may see more Section 8 offerings on the Doorway Housing Portal in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousingincome\">\u003c/a>I’m not seeing many listings on the site that match my income level. Am I doing it wrong?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Not necessarily. Because of how “affordable” is defined in this context — i.e., the rent is no more than 30% of your household income — there just might not \u003cem>be \u003c/em>any listings that are classed as affordable for your own household’s income on Doorway, at least right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Don’t be immediately discouraged. The Doorway Housing Portal is a new tool and is still growing. EBHO’s Sophia DeWitt cautions that because of this, it doesn’t yet “represent the full universe of available affordable homes in the Bay Area right now” since not all housing providers have yet added their listings — and that both cities and individual housing providers “need to continue to be encouraged to do so.” In the meantime, you can\u003ca href=\"https://public.govdelivery.com/accounts/CAMTC/signup/36832\"> sign up to get email alerts when new affordable housing listings are posted\u003c/a> to the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email to KQED, DeWitt noted that Alameda and Santa Clara counties are at present “further along in this process” of submitting affordable housing listings to the site than many other counties. So you might see more listings within those counties right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>I found a listing on the site I’m interested in. What now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Each listing will have details on how to apply for that property, but be aware that you might have to join a waitlist. If a listing says you can apply online, you may be redirected to the website of a property management company, where you can complete your application.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA advises that you don’t fill out multiple applications for a single listing, even if it’s from different members of your household, as “more than one application from any person in your household can completely disqualify all of the household members from that listing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You won’t need any supporting documentation for your initial application unless you choose to enter a lottery for that property. BAHFA says that “housing lottery preferences give certain applicants priority in the placement process,” but that this will require you to provide evidence that you fit the preference criteria. BAHFA also notes that you can “maximize your chances for these by applying for housing that is near where you live or work,” but that you should be sure to note any lottery dates marked on the listing so you don’t miss out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/questions\">Read more about the application process on the Doorway Housing Portal website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"affordablehousinghelp\">\u003c/a>I can’t actually afford any of the ‘affordable’ listings on the site. What do I do now?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If your household income doesn’t match the minimum amount required on the listing that you’re interested in on the site, you have options:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Call 211 for a referral (311 in San Francisco) for a housing counselor or other social services counselor who can give you advice on affordable housing options.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Look at the \u003ca href=\"https://housingbayarea.mtc.ca.gov/help/housing-help\">Housing Help resources\u003c/a> on the Doorway Housing Portal, which include county-specific resources and where to find more urgent help if you’re at risk of becoming unhoused.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Consider applying for the \u003ca href=\"https://covia.org/programs/home-match/\">Front Porch (formerly Covia) Home Match program\u003c/a>, which provides home-sharing opportunities locally by matching people who have available rooms with those looking for housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Browse \u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/looking-for-housing/\">EBHO’s Looking for Housing?\u003c/a> resources online, which include links and advice for applying for housing through your local housing authority.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>How much does a tool like this really do to help increase access to affordable housing? \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Having these listings available in one place online, and presented clearly as “a one-stop portal,” is a big help to folks seeking affordable housing, says Scott, the EBHO community organizer, and it reduces a lot of the physical and technological barriers people often face in this quest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had residents who shared their stories that say when they were homeless, finding a house was a full-time job,” Scott said. “They had literally spent as much time as you and I would spend on our 40-hour-a-week, or more, work week — they spent that on looking for housing.” The tool, he said, will “help relieve people’s time” in this regard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Scott says that while widening access to affordable housing is a very positive step, increasing that access \u003cem>without \u003c/em>also increasing the supply of affordable housing means that residents are now met with “really long” wait lists for each listing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reality is there just is not enough affordable housing in the Bay Area, and in the state,” said Scott. And local and state officials need to be “doing more to ensure that affordable housing is being funded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Some of California's 'Cheapest' Cities See the Biggest Rent Hikes",
"headTitle": "Some of California’s ‘Cheapest’ Cities See the Biggest Rent Hikes | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Inland cities including Bakersfield, Fresno, Visalia and Riverside — once cheaper options than pricey places such as the Bay Area — are no longer refuges from California’s housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the beginning of the pandemic, the typical asking rent in these former bastions of relative affordability has exploded by as much as 40%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">data from the real estate listings company Zillow\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s inland rent spike is yet another lasting effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. Beginning in 2020, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2023/01/31/cities-pandemic-moving-trends\">dense metropolitan coast saw an outflux\u003c/a> of people, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/05/15/upshot/migrations-college-super-cities.html\">educated white-collar workers\u003c/a>, suddenly untethered from the office, packed their bags in search of cheaper and more socially distanced modes of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many smaller California towns, the surge of new residents competing for housing has placed new financial pressures on lower-income residents, upended local housing markets and, in some cases, shifted the politics around housing and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14082160/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Maria, just an hour up the 101 from Santa Barbara, the last three years have been a “perfect storm” for renters, said Victor Honma, who oversees housing vouchers across the region for the Housing Authority of the County of Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town was awash in suburb-seeking homebuyers from Los Angeles, the Bay Area and nearby Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo. The suddenly hot housing market persuaded many longtime local property owners to sell their rentals to the wave of new homebuyers, reducing the rental stock further. And though Santa Maria had always had a “healthy supply of inventory,” said Honma, the available homes ran on the large side, leaving few one-bedroom units to go around for many suddenly desperate renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These trends were in the works prior to 2020, but “the pandemic was a stimulus,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same story in Bakersfield, where rents have jumped 39% since March 2020, as priced-out Angelenos migrated north of the Grapevine, said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority in Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then rising interest rates have cooled the national housing market. But Pelz said the higher cost of borrowing has only added to the woes of Kern County renters: Fewer people purchasing homes has meant more competition for the area’s remaining rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An inevitable consequence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jeff Tucker, an economist at Zillow, said the inland rental crunch is the inevitable result of California’s overall housing shortage, as the affordability crisis along the coast ripples outward. Cities in the Central Valley used to enjoy a healthy “affordability advantage” over coastal urban areas, he said. But that advantage has begun to shrink over the last three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been moving towards that more affordable option when they don’t have anywhere else in California that they can afford,” said Tucker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jeff Tucker, economist, Zillow\"]‘People have been moving towards that more affordable option when they don’t have anywhere else in California that they can afford.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow’s seasonally adjusted “observed rent index” — a kind of gussied-up average that strips out exceptionally pricey or cheap outliers in a given market — the typical rent in the Fresno metropolitan used to be 54% cheaper than that in San Francisco. As of June 2023, that discount dropped to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further south in Bakersfield, where renters used to pay roughly half of L.A. area tenants, on average, the difference has narrowed to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s just a function of arithmetic. In both the Bakersfield and the Los Angeles metro areas, the typical rent has increased by a little more than $500 since the beginning of the pandemic. Because Kern County rents were much lower, $500 represents a larger percentage hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the average Bakersfield area resident, that $500 rent hike pinches a lot harder: The \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/losangelescountycalifornia,kerncountycalifornia/PST045222\">average income in Kern County is roughly $25,000\u003c/a>, according to the most recent Census data. In L.A. County, the average is $38,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some modest relief could be on the way.[aside postID=news_11955733 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-1444525626-1-1020x680.jpg']The cities of Bakersfield, Visalia and Fresno have all permitted roughly 15% more units in 2021 and 2022 than they did in the two years before the pandemic, according to data collected by the state Housing and Community Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">Santa Maria has permitted 150% more\u003c/a>. The bulk of the new or incoming units around town are accessory dwelling units — backyard cottages and annexes. For a city short on lower-cost single-bedroom places to live, the new crop of ADUs are “really filling that gap,” Honma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pro-renter advocates unsuccessful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While building more places for people to live is one part of the battle, others have tried to soften the impact on rents of existing housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, tenant rights and anti-poverty advocates mounted a campaign to push the city of Fresno to adopt a rent control ordinance. For a city whose most notable politico, Democratic U.S. Rep. Jim Costa, lent his name to a state law that \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Costa%E2%80%93Hawkins_Rental_Housing_Act\">restricts local governments for enacting or expanding rent control laws\u003c/a>, it was a symbolic push.[aside postID=news_11955554 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630100-Van-Ness-MB-KQED-1020x453.jpg']Further south, activists in Delano were competing to see which town would be the first in the Central Valley to enact a permanent cap on rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither campaign was successful. Fresno’s city council \u003ca href=\"https://fresnoland.org/2023/06/28/frustrated-rent-control-advocates-say-fresno-leaders-arent-listening-but-the-fight-isnt-over/\">declined to include a rent stabilization program in its budget\u003c/a> for this fiscal year and elected leaders in Delano \u003ca href=\"https://www.bakersfield.com/news/delano-leaders-dodge-rent-control-agree-to-study-costs/article_635dc4e4-d297-11ed-b2fb-1b90089b6133.html\">agreed only to study the issue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, many of these same advocacy organizations have been pushing a bill by state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/maria-elena-durazo-1953/\">María Elena Durazo\u003c/a> that would have, among other things, lowered a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-renters/\">statewide cap on annual rent increases\u003c/a> from 10% to a mere 5%. But that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-renters/\">provision was stripped out\u003c/a>, leaving only new rules that make it harder for landlords to evict tenants without cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A lack of affordable housing for Californians has increased inland rent prices to match coastal prices, removing large swaths of previously cheaper rental units.",
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"description": "A lack of affordable housing for Californians has increased inland rent prices to match coastal prices, removing large swaths of previously cheaper rental units.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Inland cities including Bakersfield, Fresno, Visalia and Riverside — once cheaper options than pricey places such as the Bay Area — are no longer refuges from California’s housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the beginning of the pandemic, the typical asking rent in these former bastions of relative affordability has exploded by as much as 40%, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/data/\">data from the real estate listings company Zillow\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s inland rent spike is yet another lasting effect of the COVID-19 pandemic. Beginning in 2020, California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2023/01/31/cities-pandemic-moving-trends\">dense metropolitan coast saw an outflux\u003c/a> of people, as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/05/15/upshot/migrations-college-super-cities.html\">educated white-collar workers\u003c/a>, suddenly untethered from the office, packed their bags in search of cheaper and more socially distanced modes of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many smaller California towns, the surge of new residents competing for housing has placed new financial pressures on lower-income residents, upended local housing markets and, in some cases, shifted the politics around housing and affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14082160/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Maria, just an hour up the 101 from Santa Barbara, the last three years have been a “perfect storm” for renters, said Victor Honma, who oversees housing vouchers across the region for the Housing Authority of the County of Santa Barbara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The town was awash in suburb-seeking homebuyers from Los Angeles, the Bay Area and nearby Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo. The suddenly hot housing market persuaded many longtime local property owners to sell their rentals to the wave of new homebuyers, reducing the rental stock further. And though Santa Maria had always had a “healthy supply of inventory,” said Honma, the available homes ran on the large side, leaving few one-bedroom units to go around for many suddenly desperate renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These trends were in the works prior to 2020, but “the pandemic was a stimulus,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the same story in Bakersfield, where rents have jumped 39% since March 2020, as priced-out Angelenos migrated north of the Grapevine, said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority in Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then rising interest rates have cooled the national housing market. But Pelz said the higher cost of borrowing has only added to the woes of Kern County renters: Fewer people purchasing homes has meant more competition for the area’s remaining rental units.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An inevitable consequence\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Jeff Tucker, an economist at Zillow, said the inland rental crunch is the inevitable result of California’s overall housing shortage, as the affordability crisis along the coast ripples outward. Cities in the Central Valley used to enjoy a healthy “affordability advantage” over coastal urban areas, he said. But that advantage has begun to shrink over the last three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been moving towards that more affordable option when they don’t have anywhere else in California that they can afford,” said Tucker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘People have been moving towards that more affordable option when they don’t have anywhere else in California that they can afford.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Zillow’s seasonally adjusted “observed rent index” — a kind of gussied-up average that strips out exceptionally pricey or cheap outliers in a given market — the typical rent in the Fresno metropolitan used to be 54% cheaper than that in San Francisco. As of June 2023, that discount dropped to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further south in Bakersfield, where renters used to pay roughly half of L.A. area tenants, on average, the difference has narrowed to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In part, that’s just a function of arithmetic. In both the Bakersfield and the Los Angeles metro areas, the typical rent has increased by a little more than $500 since the beginning of the pandemic. Because Kern County rents were much lower, $500 represents a larger percentage hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for the average Bakersfield area resident, that $500 rent hike pinches a lot harder: The \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/losangelescountycalifornia,kerncountycalifornia/PST045222\">average income in Kern County is roughly $25,000\u003c/a>, according to the most recent Census data. In L.A. County, the average is $38,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some modest relief could be on the way.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The cities of Bakersfield, Visalia and Fresno have all permitted roughly 15% more units in 2021 and 2022 than they did in the two years before the pandemic, according to data collected by the state Housing and Community Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">Santa Maria has permitted 150% more\u003c/a>. The bulk of the new or incoming units around town are accessory dwelling units — backyard cottages and annexes. For a city short on lower-cost single-bedroom places to live, the new crop of ADUs are “really filling that gap,” Honma said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pro-renter advocates unsuccessful\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While building more places for people to live is one part of the battle, others have tried to soften the impact on rents of existing housing stock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, tenant rights and anti-poverty advocates mounted a campaign to push the city of Fresno to adopt a rent control ordinance. For a city whose most notable politico, Democratic U.S. Rep. Jim Costa, lent his name to a state law that \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Costa%E2%80%93Hawkins_Rental_Housing_Act\">restricts local governments for enacting or expanding rent control laws\u003c/a>, it was a symbolic push.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Further south, activists in Delano were competing to see which town would be the first in the Central Valley to enact a permanent cap on rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither campaign was successful. Fresno’s city council \u003ca href=\"https://fresnoland.org/2023/06/28/frustrated-rent-control-advocates-say-fresno-leaders-arent-listening-but-the-fight-isnt-over/\">declined to include a rent stabilization program in its budget\u003c/a> for this fiscal year and elected leaders in Delano \u003ca href=\"https://www.bakersfield.com/news/delano-leaders-dodge-rent-control-agree-to-study-costs/article_635dc4e4-d297-11ed-b2fb-1b90089b6133.html\">agreed only to study the issue\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, many of these same advocacy organizations have been pushing a bill by state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/maria-elena-durazo-1953/\">María Elena Durazo\u003c/a> that would have, among other things, lowered a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-renters/\">statewide cap on annual rent increases\u003c/a> from 10% to a mere 5%. But that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-renters/\">provision was stripped out\u003c/a>, leaving only new rules that make it harder for landlords to evict tenants without cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brandon Richards, deputy communications director, Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘What’s more upsetting, is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.[aside label='More on Mental Health Care' tag='mental-health']Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘The opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care — and nobody is left out or left behind.’[/pullquote]Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘What’s more upsetting, is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care — and nobody is left out or left behind.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Oakland Eviction Moratorium Ends: What You Need to Know",
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"content": "\u003cp>After months of debate, Oakland’s eviction moratorium expired on Saturday, July 15. The move comes after Alameda County ended its public health emergency and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947933/alameda-countys-eviction-moratorium-ends-saturday-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\">its own eviction moratorium back in April\u003c/a>. Oakland had been one of the last remaining cities in the country with this type of protection for tenants, along with San Francisco and Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the rest of Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/05/24/evictions-cases-are-rising-fast-after-end-of-alameda-county-moratorium/\">evictions spiked after the county’s moratorium was lifted, rising to above pre-pandemic highs\u003c/a>. With the majority of Oakland residents renting their homes, and the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.housinginitiative.org/uploads/1/3/2/9/132946414/hip_oakland_market_study_9-29-20_small.pdf\">having a higher percentage of renters compared to the county as a whole (PDF)\u003c/a>, many advocates fear that this change will lead to an even greater wave of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impacts\">\u003cstrong>What does the end of Oakland’s eviction moratorium mean for renters?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#evictions\">\u003cstrong>What can Oakland renters be evicted for starting July 15?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#backrent\">\u003cstrong>Do Oakland renters now have to pay back rent?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#advice\">\u003cstrong>Where can Oakland renters find legal advice and resources?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#landlords\">\u003cstrong>What should Oakland landlords know?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Evictions on the horizon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We’re all terrified to see [the moratorium] sunset,” said Anne Tamiko Omura, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.evictiondefensecenteroakland.org/\">Eviction Defense Center (EDC)\u003c/a>. “We’ve already seen the effects of the Alameda County moratorium sunsetting and the massive amounts of evictions that are being filed. So we can only imagine what’s waiting for us in Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Tamiko Omura said, there were less than 4,000 evictions — but she expects that after the moratorium lifts, evictions will now surpass that number in less than three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a renter, this doesn’t necessarily mean you can be immediately evicted, as various tenant protections still remain in place and some were recently added by the Oakland City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">\u003cstrong>Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.acceaction.org/renterhelp\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE)\u003c/a>, said her organization is “expecting to see a lot of evictions filed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg’s key message? “We’re working really hard to get the message out that you can’t be evicted for the rent that people may have accrued during the pandemic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you need to know about Oakland’s eviction moratorium expiring? If you’re an Oakland renter — or a landlord in the city — how will the end of the moratorium affect you? Keep reading for details on who can be evicted in Oakland and what renter protections continue to exist after July 15.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"impacts\">\u003c/a>What does the end of the moratorium mean for renters?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March 2020, the Oakland City Council adopted an eviction moratorium in response to the COVID-19 pandemic — which ensured that renters could not be evicted over unpaid rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, there were actually \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/services/important-covid-19-information\">three renter protections Oakland put into place in 2020\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>All evictions were prohibited — unless they were on health or safety grounds, or under a state law that allows landlords to evict tenants if they’re permanently taking their units off the rental market (e.g., moving themselves or a family member into the unit).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All late fees for nonpayment of rent were prohibited.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All rent increases were prohibited unless they were established inflation adjustments or approved through a petition under \u003ca href=\"https://apps.oaklandca.gov/rappetitions/Petitions.aspx\">Oakland’s Rent Adjustment Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>So, what’s changing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting July 15, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2023/oakland-eviction-moratorium-phase-out\">landlords will be able to evict for nonpayment of rent moving forward\u003c/a>. Landlords will also be able to once again charge late fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003cstrong>the moratorium on\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>rent increases is not ending on July 15\u003c/strong>. That will remain in place until July 1, 2024, one year away. Until that date, all rent increases will remain prohibited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2023/oakland-eviction-moratorium-phase-out\">See the details of what will change for Oakland renters and landlords starting July 1 on the city of Oakland’s website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"evictions\">\u003c/a>What can Oakland renters now be evicted for, starting July 15?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting July 15, landlords in Oakland can now evict renters or terminate tenancies for any just cause, including not paying rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because for most tenants rent is due on the first day of the month, this means that most Oakland renters will have to start paying their rent on or after August 1. And if they don’t, their landlord can start eviction proceedings. If you are someone who pays rent on the first of the month, be aware that \u003cstrong>your landlord could technically ask you on July 15 to pay half of your July rent\u003c/strong>.[aside label='More Guides from KQED' tag='audience-news']Oakland landlords can also resume charging their tenants late fees for late rent payments moving forward — but this does not include late payments during the moratorium period. So housing advocates stress that renters should start paying their landlord again as soon as their rent is due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants can also now be evicted for having violated their lease in other ways during the eviction moratorium. To this end, the Oakland City Council did approve a “just cause” ordinance, which says that the landlord must show that the lease violation is based on a reasonable term that the tenant accepted in writing and \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/06/07/oakland-city-council-eviction-lease/\">it has to be a violation that causes substantial injury to the landlord\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, city officials told KQED that a landlord cannot proceed with an eviction if the unit in question has not been registered with \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/rent-registration-in-oakland-information-and-faqs\">the city’s rent registry\u003c/a> — something the city now requires for all rental units covered by rent control or “just cause” protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#advice\">\u003cstrong>Jump to more resources available to renters in Oakland.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"backrent\">\u003c/a>Do Oakland renters have to pay back rent now that the eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords in Oakland can demand back rent starting July 15, and can take tenants to small claims court. They can also ultimately pursue evictions for the back rent that was missed during the moratorium period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, this development regarding back rent comes with two big caveats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, \u003cstrong>tenants cannot be evicted for any back rent owed between March 9, 2020, and July 14, 2021\u003c/strong>, if they can show that the missed payment was due to financial hardship caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, \u003cstrong>tenants cannot be evicted for owing less than one month of fair market rent during that period\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How do you show that your financial hardship or loss \u003cem>was\u003c/em> caused by the pandemic? Alameda County Housing Secure advises that “you should submit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">proof of your COVID-related loss of income or increase in expenses to your landlord\u003c/a> in the form of pay stubs, bank statements, a letter from your employer, child care bills or medical bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Oakland is also encouraging \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Info-Sheet_Tenant-Repayment-Negotiation_EN_10.11.22_FINAL.pdf\">tenants and landlords to enter into repayment negotiations (PDF)\u003c/a>. Legally, repayment plans cannot come with late fees and cannot be conditioned on changes to the lease.[pullquote size='medium' align='right']Tenants cannot be evicted for rent owed between March 9, 2020, and July 14, 2021, as long as they can prove it was due to a COVID-19 related hardship.[/pullquote]Simon-Weisberg, from ACCE, says that many tenants are being pressured by landlords who say they’ll forgive the debt if the tenant agrees to move out. And while that might sound like a good deal for those who may not have the budget to pay back the debt, she argues it’s more stressful to end up with nowhere to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that people aren’t quite sure what to do with the debt that they owe,” said Simon-Weisberg. “So we really want to encourage folks to hang tight. And I think we’ll be going into a period of trying to really help people figure out what to do about the debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955781\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-861724936-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A street in Oakland's Chinatown during the morning. Cars are parked along the street, in front of apartment buildings with shops on the ground level.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1708\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Oakland is encouraging tenants who owe back rent to enter into repayment negotiations with their landlords. Legally, repayment plans cannot come with late fees and cannot be conditioned on changes to the lease. \u003ccite>(Nicolo Sertorio/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"advice\">\u003c/a>Resources for Oakland renters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tamiko Omura, from the EDC, said that her group is advising renters “to do the best they can to pay their rent for the month of July and to contact a legal service provider if they get any paperwork as soon as possible.” Often, if you receive an eviction notice or summons, you have to respond within three days or face losing the opportunity to make your case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the debate over the eviction moratorium, Oakland City Council members said \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/housing-resources-erap-emergency-rental-assistance\">the city’s rental assistance program administered $60 million in assistance, but that these funds have not been fully utilized\u003c/a>. However, applications are now closed — though the program is administered through the following local nonprofits, many of which also offer legal assistance:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacs.org/\">Bay Area Community Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.self-sufficiency.org/\">Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cceb.org/\">Catholic Charities East Bay\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ebaldc.org/\">East Bay Asian Local Development Corporation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.evictiondefensecenteroakland.org/\">Eviction Defense Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://safepassages.org/\">Safe Passages\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Oakland has done everything it can to try to get more money. It’s not enough,” said Tamiko Omura. “The state coverage was not enough. The money we have left is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which other Bay Area cities still have their own eviction moratoriums?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These Bay Area cities still have their own, separate eviction moratoriums, which are ongoing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/news/local-eviction-protections-non-payment-rent-during-covid-19-extended-through-august-29-2023#:~:text=Specifically%2C%20no%20tenant%20may%20be,19%20Proclamation%20of%20Local%20Emergency.\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> After the city’s public health emergency ended on June 30, the rental eviction moratorium was extended to August 29, and will expire August 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/rights-responsibilities/covid-19-information-tenants-landlords\">\u003cstrong>Berkeley eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> The city of Berkeley’s eviction moratorium is expiring in stages. Starting May 1, some evictions were allowed for health and safety, owner move-ins or nonpayment of rent where the tenant had not provided documentation establishing a reason for not paying. After September 1, the moratorium will fully expire.[aside postID=\"news_11952870\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/RS41773_007_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_2898-qut-1020x680.jpg\"]\u003ca href=\"https://www.sanleandro.org/1199/Eviction-Moratorium\">\u003cstrong>San Leandro eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> The eviction moratorium in San Leandro will end July 31. Tenants will have to pay past due rent within 180 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the Contra Costa cities of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/4082/COVID-19-Rental-Related-Information?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=44444444-4444-4444-4444-444444444444\">Richmond\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> and \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/covid19-policy/#:~:text=Residents%20of%20Alameda%20County%20are,ended%20on%20April%2029%2C%202023.\">El Cerrito\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> have some extra tenant protections related to missed rent during the pandemic — though neither city still has an eviction moratorium in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"landlords\">\u003c/a>What should landlords in Oakland know?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords should be aware that if their property is under rent control, they are now required \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/rent-registration-in-oakland-information-and-faqs\">to register their units in the city’s rent registry\u003c/a>. The deadline to register was July 5, 2022. City officials told KQED that if a landlord has not registered a unit, they currently cannot proceed with an eviction for the tenants living in that unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not that we are asking them to register their eviction, even though they are to provide the city with a copy,” said Oakland’s Rent Adjustment Program Manager Victor Ramirez. “The registration is not for them to register an eviction lawsuit. It is for them to provide information about the tenancy that they currently have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another challenge landlords are facing is the sheer size of outstanding rent owed throughout the city. When Alameda County’s eviction moratorium expired back in April, Michelle Starratt, housing director for Alameda County, said there was between $125 million and $300 million in outstanding rent owed throughout the county — even with the federal and state assistance that had paid some of the back rent.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Michelle Starratt, housing director, Alameda County\"]‘At this point, the best recourse for landlords is to go to small claims court to obtain the back rent owed from those tenants.’[/pullquote]In an Alameda County survey of landlords from fall 2022 and spring 2023, landlords reported that 50% of the rent that was owed was actually owed by tenants who were considered over-income — as in, their income was higher than 80% of the area’s median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, the best recourse for landlords is to go to small claims court to obtain the back rent owed from those tenants,” Starratt said at the time. Alameda County also deployed about $5 million in emergency foreclosure prevention money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Oakland City Council meetings, a number of smaller Oakland landlords spoke out about the financial stress they had been struggling with as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of California additionally \u003ca href=\"https://camortgagerelief.org/\">runs a mortgage relief program\u003c/a>, which earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/02/california-mortgage-relief-expansion/\">expanded who qualified\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t want landlords to lose their properties, so we’re trying to get some of these resources into the community,” Starratt said. “But nearly $5 million in funding is just a drop in the bucket if we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent,” said Starratt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachel Vasquez, Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman and Alexander Gonzalez contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Oakland's eviction moratorium ended on July 15, 2023 and tenants are now required to pay rent. Tenants who don't pay their rent can now be evicted by their landlord but there are still some protections left.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After months of debate, Oakland’s eviction moratorium expired on Saturday, July 15. The move comes after Alameda County ended its public health emergency and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947933/alameda-countys-eviction-moratorium-ends-saturday-whats-next-for-renters-and-landlords\">its own eviction moratorium back in April\u003c/a>. Oakland had been one of the last remaining cities in the country with this type of protection for tenants, along with San Francisco and Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the rest of Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/05/24/evictions-cases-are-rising-fast-after-end-of-alameda-county-moratorium/\">evictions spiked after the county’s moratorium was lifted, rising to above pre-pandemic highs\u003c/a>. With the majority of Oakland residents renting their homes, and the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.housinginitiative.org/uploads/1/3/2/9/132946414/hip_oakland_market_study_9-29-20_small.pdf\">having a higher percentage of renters compared to the county as a whole (PDF)\u003c/a>, many advocates fear that this change will lead to an even greater wave of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#impacts\">\u003cstrong>What does the end of Oakland’s eviction moratorium mean for renters?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#evictions\">\u003cstrong>What can Oakland renters be evicted for starting July 15?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#backrent\">\u003cstrong>Do Oakland renters now have to pay back rent?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#advice\">\u003cstrong>Where can Oakland renters find legal advice and resources?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#landlords\">\u003cstrong>What should Oakland landlords know?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Evictions on the horizon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We’re all terrified to see [the moratorium] sunset,” said Anne Tamiko Omura, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.evictiondefensecenteroakland.org/\">Eviction Defense Center (EDC)\u003c/a>. “We’ve already seen the effects of the Alameda County moratorium sunsetting and the massive amounts of evictions that are being filed. So we can only imagine what’s waiting for us in Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, Tamiko Omura said, there were less than 4,000 evictions — but she expects that after the moratorium lifts, evictions will now surpass that number in less than three months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re a renter, this doesn’t necessarily mean you can be immediately evicted, as various tenant protections still remain in place and some were recently added by the Oakland City Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">\u003cstrong>Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Leah Simon-Weisberg, legal director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.acceaction.org/renterhelp\">Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment (ACCE)\u003c/a>, said her organization is “expecting to see a lot of evictions filed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg’s key message? “We’re working really hard to get the message out that you can’t be evicted for the rent that people may have accrued during the pandemic,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what do you need to know about Oakland’s eviction moratorium expiring? If you’re an Oakland renter — or a landlord in the city — how will the end of the moratorium affect you? Keep reading for details on who can be evicted in Oakland and what renter protections continue to exist after July 15.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"impacts\">\u003c/a>What does the end of the moratorium mean for renters?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In March 2020, the Oakland City Council adopted an eviction moratorium in response to the COVID-19 pandemic — which ensured that renters could not be evicted over unpaid rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, there were actually \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/services/important-covid-19-information\">three renter protections Oakland put into place in 2020\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>All evictions were prohibited — unless they were on health or safety grounds, or under a state law that allows landlords to evict tenants if they’re permanently taking their units off the rental market (e.g., moving themselves or a family member into the unit).\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All late fees for nonpayment of rent were prohibited.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>All rent increases were prohibited unless they were established inflation adjustments or approved through a petition under \u003ca href=\"https://apps.oaklandca.gov/rappetitions/Petitions.aspx\">Oakland’s Rent Adjustment Program\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>So, what’s changing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Starting July 15, \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2023/oakland-eviction-moratorium-phase-out\">landlords will be able to evict for nonpayment of rent moving forward\u003c/a>. Landlords will also be able to once again charge late fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003cstrong>the moratorium on\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>rent increases is not ending on July 15\u003c/strong>. That will remain in place until July 1, 2024, one year away. Until that date, all rent increases will remain prohibited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/2023/oakland-eviction-moratorium-phase-out\">See the details of what will change for Oakland renters and landlords starting July 1 on the city of Oakland’s website.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"evictions\">\u003c/a>What can Oakland renters now be evicted for, starting July 15?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Starting July 15, landlords in Oakland can now evict renters or terminate tenancies for any just cause, including not paying rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because for most tenants rent is due on the first day of the month, this means that most Oakland renters will have to start paying their rent on or after August 1. And if they don’t, their landlord can start eviction proceedings. If you are someone who pays rent on the first of the month, be aware that \u003cstrong>your landlord could technically ask you on July 15 to pay half of your July rent\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Oakland landlords can also resume charging their tenants late fees for late rent payments moving forward — but this does not include late payments during the moratorium period. So housing advocates stress that renters should start paying their landlord again as soon as their rent is due.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants can also now be evicted for having violated their lease in other ways during the eviction moratorium. To this end, the Oakland City Council did approve a “just cause” ordinance, which says that the landlord must show that the lease violation is based on a reasonable term that the tenant accepted in writing and \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2023/06/07/oakland-city-council-eviction-lease/\">it has to be a violation that causes substantial injury to the landlord\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, city officials told KQED that a landlord cannot proceed with an eviction if the unit in question has not been registered with \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/rent-registration-in-oakland-information-and-faqs\">the city’s rent registry\u003c/a> — something the city now requires for all rental units covered by rent control or “just cause” protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#advice\">\u003cstrong>Jump to more resources available to renters in Oakland.\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"backrent\">\u003c/a>Do Oakland renters have to pay back rent now that the eviction moratorium has expired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords in Oakland can demand back rent starting July 15, and can take tenants to small claims court. They can also ultimately pursue evictions for the back rent that was missed during the moratorium period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, this development regarding back rent comes with two big caveats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, \u003cstrong>tenants cannot be evicted for any back rent owed between March 9, 2020, and July 14, 2021\u003c/strong>, if they can show that the missed payment was due to financial hardship caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, \u003cstrong>tenants cannot be evicted for owing less than one month of fair market rent during that period\u003c/strong>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How do you show that your financial hardship or loss \u003cem>was\u003c/em> caused by the pandemic? Alameda County Housing Secure advises that “you should submit \u003ca href=\"https://www.ac-housingsecure.org/ac-eviction-moratorium-guide\">proof of your COVID-related loss of income or increase in expenses to your landlord\u003c/a> in the form of pay stubs, bank statements, a letter from your employer, child care bills or medical bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Oakland is also encouraging \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/Info-Sheet_Tenant-Repayment-Negotiation_EN_10.11.22_FINAL.pdf\">tenants and landlords to enter into repayment negotiations (PDF)\u003c/a>. Legally, repayment plans cannot come with late fees and cannot be conditioned on changes to the lease.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Simon-Weisberg, from ACCE, says that many tenants are being pressured by landlords who say they’ll forgive the debt if the tenant agrees to move out. And while that might sound like a good deal for those who may not have the budget to pay back the debt, she argues it’s more stressful to end up with nowhere to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that people aren’t quite sure what to do with the debt that they owe,” said Simon-Weisberg. “So we really want to encourage folks to hang tight. And I think we’ll be going into a period of trying to really help people figure out what to do about the debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955781\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955781\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/GettyImages-861724936-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A street in Oakland's Chinatown during the morning. Cars are parked along the street, in front of apartment buildings with shops on the ground level.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1708\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The city of Oakland is encouraging tenants who owe back rent to enter into repayment negotiations with their landlords. Legally, repayment plans cannot come with late fees and cannot be conditioned on changes to the lease. \u003ccite>(Nicolo Sertorio/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"advice\">\u003c/a>Resources for Oakland renters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tamiko Omura, from the EDC, said that her group is advising renters “to do the best they can to pay their rent for the month of July and to contact a legal service provider if they get any paperwork as soon as possible.” Often, if you receive an eviction notice or summons, you have to respond within three days or face losing the opportunity to make your case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the debate over the eviction moratorium, Oakland City Council members said \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/housing-resources-erap-emergency-rental-assistance\">the city’s rental assistance program administered $60 million in assistance, but that these funds have not been fully utilized\u003c/a>. However, applications are now closed — though the program is administered through the following local nonprofits, many of which also offer legal assistance:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacs.org/\">Bay Area Community Services\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.self-sufficiency.org/\">Building Opportunities for Self-Sufficiency\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cceb.org/\">Catholic Charities East Bay\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.centrolegal.org/?lang=es\">Centro Legal de la Raza\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ebaldc.org/\">East Bay Asian Local Development Corporation\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.evictiondefensecenteroakland.org/\">Eviction Defense Center\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://safepassages.org/\">Safe Passages\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“Oakland has done everything it can to try to get more money. It’s not enough,” said Tamiko Omura. “The state coverage was not enough. The money we have left is not enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which other Bay Area cities still have their own eviction moratoriums?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These Bay Area cities still have their own, separate eviction moratoriums, which are ongoing:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://sf.gov/news/local-eviction-protections-non-payment-rent-during-covid-19-extended-through-august-29-2023#:~:text=Specifically%2C%20no%20tenant%20may%20be,19%20Proclamation%20of%20Local%20Emergency.\">\u003cstrong>San Francisco eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> After the city’s public health emergency ended on June 30, the rental eviction moratorium was extended to August 29, and will expire August 30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rentboard.berkeleyca.gov/rights-responsibilities/covid-19-information-tenants-landlords\">\u003cstrong>Berkeley eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> The city of Berkeley’s eviction moratorium is expiring in stages. Starting May 1, some evictions were allowed for health and safety, owner move-ins or nonpayment of rent where the tenant had not provided documentation establishing a reason for not paying. After September 1, the moratorium will fully expire.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sanleandro.org/1199/Eviction-Moratorium\">\u003cstrong>San Leandro eviction moratorium:\u003c/strong>\u003c/a> The eviction moratorium in San Leandro will end July 31. Tenants will have to pay past due rent within 180 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the Contra Costa cities of \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/4082/COVID-19-Rental-Related-Information?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=44444444-4444-4444-4444-444444444444\">Richmond\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> and \u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://ebho.org/covid19-policy/#:~:text=Residents%20of%20Alameda%20County%20are,ended%20on%20April%2029%2C%202023.\">El Cerrito\u003c/a>\u003c/strong> have some extra tenant protections related to missed rent during the pandemic — though neither city still has an eviction moratorium in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"landlords\">\u003c/a>What should landlords in Oakland know?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Landlords should be aware that if their property is under rent control, they are now required \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/rent-registration-in-oakland-information-and-faqs\">to register their units in the city’s rent registry\u003c/a>. The deadline to register was July 5, 2022. City officials told KQED that if a landlord has not registered a unit, they currently cannot proceed with an eviction for the tenants living in that unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not that we are asking them to register their eviction, even though they are to provide the city with a copy,” said Oakland’s Rent Adjustment Program Manager Victor Ramirez. “The registration is not for them to register an eviction lawsuit. It is for them to provide information about the tenancy that they currently have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another challenge landlords are facing is the sheer size of outstanding rent owed throughout the city. When Alameda County’s eviction moratorium expired back in April, Michelle Starratt, housing director for Alameda County, said there was between $125 million and $300 million in outstanding rent owed throughout the county — even with the federal and state assistance that had paid some of the back rent.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In an Alameda County survey of landlords from fall 2022 and spring 2023, landlords reported that 50% of the rent that was owed was actually owed by tenants who were considered over-income — as in, their income was higher than 80% of the area’s median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this point, the best recourse for landlords is to go to small claims court to obtain the back rent owed from those tenants,” Starratt said at the time. Alameda County also deployed about $5 million in emergency foreclosure prevention money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Oakland City Council meetings, a number of smaller Oakland landlords spoke out about the financial stress they had been struggling with as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state of California additionally \u003ca href=\"https://camortgagerelief.org/\">runs a mortgage relief program\u003c/a>, which earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/02/california-mortgage-relief-expansion/\">expanded who qualified\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really don’t want landlords to lose their properties, so we’re trying to get some of these resources into the community,” Starratt said. “But nearly $5 million in funding is just a drop in the bucket if we have over $300 million worth of outstanding rent and half of that is for over-income tenants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The over-income tenants need to help us by paying their rent,” said Starratt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Rachel Vasquez, Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman and Alexander Gonzalez contributed to this reporting.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1q7BNr6kOVbzQpP46ZuANDKQEgjwIpge7/view?usp=drive_link\">Read a transcript of this episode. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you watch national TV news — or eavesdrop at your local coffee shop — you may have heard something like this: San Francisco’s offices are lying vacant, homelessness is rampant, and the city is floundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Judith Gottlieb, a retired nurse in Oakland, has been hearing some of those stories. And the idea of people sleeping on the street breaks her heart. One day, she got an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about all these empty office buildings in San Francisco, and I was thinking, couldn’t we just move [people] in there really quickly?” Gottlieb asked Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Office vacancy is hovering around 30% in downtown San Francisco, and recently there’s been a lot of talk about converting all these empty offices to living space as a way to create much-needed housing and revive downtown at the same time. [baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused need dignity. They need a roof over their head,” said Gottlieb. “Anything we can do is better than just waiting around.”\u003cbr>\nBay Curious looked into the economics of converting office space to housing in the city, and explored whether this is a good option for getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How difficult is conversion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Offices have been converted to housing before in San Francisco, but only a handful of times, according to the San Francisco Planning Commission. But as far as the agency knows, it hasn’t been done for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A prime example of a market-rate conversion is 100 Van Ness, a 28-story, glass-covered tower just steps from Market Street and City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This tower first belonged to the California State Automobile Association and was built in the 1970s. Back then, it was a beige tower of concrete with small rectangular windows. Now its exterior is almost all glass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955562 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit smiles at the camera in the foreground. He's standing on the rooftop of a skyscraper. Behind him is a view of the San Francisco city skyline.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Strachan Forgan stands on the rooftop of 100 Van Ness. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We essentially took off the entire façade of the building and replaced it with this floor-to-ceiling glass,” said Strachan Forgan, a principal at SCB, the architectural firm that helped create the residential units in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour of 100 Van Ness, Forgan explained the complete transformation of the interior of the building. The once sprawling open floors of office space have been carved up into hundreds of luxury apartments. Only four of the original eight elevators remain, because residential settings have less need for elevators, according to Forgan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The converted apartments — ranging from $3,159 for a tiny studio to more than $6,000 for a roomy two-bedroom — are not without design quirks. Some are attractive, others less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things residents may enjoy are the elevated ceilings — slightly higher than in your standard apartment. Developers also removed the heating and cooling machinery, which is typically kept on office building roofs, to make open leisure space instead, complete with chairs and 360-degree views of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has pretty spectacular views in every direction,” said Forgan, with a backdrop of the Marin Headlands, and the many hills of San Francisco, behind him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the downside, some apartments at Van Ness have fewer surface area for windows, so bedrooms use “borrowed light” from living spaces. Because the apartments are carved out of a vast open office floor, many of the apartments are long and deep, stretching from the window to the center elevators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, many apartments at 100 Van Ness have long, tunnel-like hallways with windows at the end. In one of the building’s one-bedroom units, a windowless bedroom in the middle of the layout has a semi-transparent wall to let in light from the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954821\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954821 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty room with a glass sliding door and glass panels in one wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sliding door and light panels allow light through to an interior bedroom in a converted apartment at 100 Van Ness in San Francisco on June 30, 2023. Built in 1974, the building was converted from office space to residential apartment units in 2012. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When 100 Van Ness first opened to residents, units with windowless bedrooms were initially offered with significant discounts, but developers soon found that wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, the residents really like it because it’s very quiet,” said Forgan. “You’re away from the hustle and bustle. It can be a little darker, so if you’re sleeping there, it’s fine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It comes down to money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Forgan’s firm wants to stay in this business of designing conversions of offices to housing. They see the value to downtown San Francisco, and the environment. Reusing an existing building has a smaller carbon footprint than knocking it down and starting from scratch.\u003cbr>\nSo why is this project one of only a handful of office-to-residential conversions in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps not surprisingly, it has largely to do with the high cost of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a very basic level, there’s the cost of new plumbing and electrical. You need pipes for new kitchens and bathrooms. Then, a lot of these buildings need a seismic upgrade. Forgan says the kind of housing that would recoup costs of a conversion would be at the higher end of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to buy the building and do everything to convert it. And by the time you add up those costs, the only thing that pencils [out] is more of a luxury product, especially with a building like this that has great views and a good location,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954820 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"People pass a sign on a city sidewalk advertising luxury apartments.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People pass by the entrance to the 100 Van Ness building in San Francisco on June 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Housing developers like the Emerald Fund, which backed 100 Van Ness, say they’re interested in doing more office-to-housing conversions. The raw construction costs of converting offices could actually be done more cheaply than building a brand-new apartment tower, says Marc Babsin, president of the fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Babsin says they’ve looked at four office buildings to convert recently, but so far, no new project has made sense cost-wise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to look. We think this is a great idea from a public policy perspective. We do need to save our downtowns and this is a great way to do that, to bring people onto the street,” said Babsin. “It’s a great way to produce housing that is currently not being produced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public policy experts at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR) agree that the hefty costs of development can make such a project a nonstarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sujata Srivastava, San Francisco director at SPUR, explained a few of the financial burdens that give housing developers pause:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City fees that support public projects like child care programs and transportation, which can add up to millions of dollars.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Transfer and property taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Reduced revenue potential, because San Francisco requires a certain number of units be affordable to lower-income tenants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Construction costs, which are very expensive right now.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t really make any financial sense to do conversions under the current costs that we have in San Francisco,” said Srivastava, adding that housing development is even less likely because rents are also down since before the pandemic. “The math just doesn’t really work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent SPUR report suggests city lawmakers need to make major changes if they want to jump-start these conversions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco politicians have already made some changes, and are working on more. The Mayor’s Office and supervisors have relaxed rules about open space, sunlight and apartment sizes for some conversions. Elected city officials have proposed reducing affordable housing requirements and impact fees on all new housing developments, but not as low as developers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of the city’s effort to jump-start more activity downtown and build more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A solution for homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic emptied out office space in the Financial District, downtown streets look vacant; pedestrians experience windy sidewalks, empty restaurants and sparse foot traffic. Graham Luth was sitting on the sidewalk on 2nd Street near Montgomery Street one recent Friday morning, trying to get money to go to Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got evicted, sort of,” said Luth about being temporarily without a home. “I got a job offer but I’m short on bus money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this idea of sheltering people in empty office space downtown, Luth looked up at the tall buildings around him, and said, if no one’s using them, why not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a fantastic idea because there is a lot of space that is just … sitting there,” said Luth. “So I guess just being able to figure out who owns the spaces and if … they’re not gaining or losing, that the space can be used for a matter that would help support the whole community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city of San Francisco may have already found a different way to shelter people without housing: buying underused hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things that happened during the pandemic that … really kind of changed the landscape around solving homelessness was this idea of using hotels,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, San Francisco and their partner organizations bought eight hotels and apartment buildings to provide permanent supportive housing to people who were formerly on the streets. It has created almost 1,000 new housing units for people without shelter. The city is in the process of acquiring two more buildings. [emailsignup newslettername=\"baycurious\" align=\"right\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of San Francisco’s efforts, the unsheltered unhoused population has gone down 15% since 2020. That’s as homelessness in general has gone up around the state, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are getting housed,” said Friedenbach. “That has been really incredible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco used state COVID-19 money through Project Homekey and a local tax on large corporations, known to San Francisco voters as Proposition C, to purchase and operate the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had unprecedented success during COVID,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, about their recent efforts to house unsheltered people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success is due to the enormous resources that were made available to them through Project Homekey and local tax dollars, said McSpadden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really showed what can happen when you can marshal resources,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach says making housing out of hotel rooms is easier and cheaper because it already has living space infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the tourist hotels have larger rooms. You can turn them into studio apartments and have small kitchens,” Friedenbach said. “There’s all these design things you can do that are really cool and you’ve already got the pipes, the electricity, the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With nationally owned hotels like the Hilton and Parc 55 abandoning their Union Square buildings, and the city’s recent track record of housing people in hotels, repurposing these newly abandoned buildings doesn’t seem like a wild idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Judith Gottlieb’s question, it seems that vacant hotels may be a better option for housing unsheltered people. But those vacant offices in the city’s core could one day be high-end housing, especially if lawmakers take more steps to make conversions cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1q7BNr6kOVbzQpP46ZuANDKQEgjwIpge7/view?usp=drive_link\">Read a transcript of this episode. \u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you watch national TV news — or eavesdrop at your local coffee shop — you may have heard something like this: San Francisco’s offices are lying vacant, homelessness is rampant, and the city is floundering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Curious listener Judith Gottlieb, a retired nurse in Oakland, has been hearing some of those stories. And the idea of people sleeping on the street breaks her heart. One day, she got an idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard about all these empty office buildings in San Francisco, and I was thinking, couldn’t we just move [people] in there really quickly?” Gottlieb asked Bay Curious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Office vacancy is hovering around 30% in downtown San Francisco, and recently there’s been a lot of talk about converting all these empty offices to living space as a way to create much-needed housing and revive downtown at the same time. \u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The unhoused need dignity. They need a roof over their head,” said Gottlieb. “Anything we can do is better than just waiting around.”\u003cbr>\nBay Curious looked into the economics of converting office space to housing in the city, and explored whether this is a good option for getting people off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How difficult is conversion?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Offices have been converted to housing before in San Francisco, but only a handful of times, according to the San Francisco Planning Commission. But as far as the agency knows, it hasn’t been done for people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A prime example of a market-rate conversion is 100 Van Ness, a 28-story, glass-covered tower just steps from Market Street and City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This tower first belonged to the California State Automobile Association and was built in the 1970s. Back then, it was a beige tower of concrete with small rectangular windows. Now its exterior is almost all glass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955562\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955562 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit smiles at the camera in the foreground. He's standing on the rooftop of a skyscraper. Behind him is a view of the San Francisco city skyline.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-scaled.jpeg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-800x600.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1020x765.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-160x120.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1536x1152.jpeg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-2048x1536.jpeg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/IMG_6909-1920x1440.jpeg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Strachan Forgan stands on the rooftop of 100 Van Ness. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We essentially took off the entire façade of the building and replaced it with this floor-to-ceiling glass,” said Strachan Forgan, a principal at SCB, the architectural firm that helped create the residential units in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a recent tour of 100 Van Ness, Forgan explained the complete transformation of the interior of the building. The once sprawling open floors of office space have been carved up into hundreds of luxury apartments. Only four of the original eight elevators remain, because residential settings have less need for elevators, according to Forgan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The converted apartments — ranging from $3,159 for a tiny studio to more than $6,000 for a roomy two-bedroom — are not without design quirks. Some are attractive, others less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Things residents may enjoy are the elevated ceilings — slightly higher than in your standard apartment. Developers also removed the heating and cooling machinery, which is typically kept on office building roofs, to make open leisure space instead, complete with chairs and 360-degree views of the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has pretty spectacular views in every direction,” said Forgan, with a backdrop of the Marin Headlands, and the many hills of San Francisco, behind him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the downside, some apartments at Van Ness have fewer surface area for windows, so bedrooms use “borrowed light” from living spaces. Because the apartments are carved out of a vast open office floor, many of the apartments are long and deep, stretching from the window to the center elevators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, many apartments at 100 Van Ness have long, tunnel-like hallways with windows at the end. In one of the building’s one-bedroom units, a windowless bedroom in the middle of the layout has a semi-transparent wall to let in light from the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954821\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954821 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large empty room with a glass sliding door and glass panels in one wall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-14-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sliding door and light panels allow light through to an interior bedroom in a converted apartment at 100 Van Ness in San Francisco on June 30, 2023. Built in 1974, the building was converted from office space to residential apartment units in 2012. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When 100 Van Ness first opened to residents, units with windowless bedrooms were initially offered with significant discounts, but developers soon found that wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Actually, the residents really like it because it’s very quiet,” said Forgan. “You’re away from the hustle and bustle. It can be a little darker, so if you’re sleeping there, it’s fine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>It comes down to money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Forgan’s firm wants to stay in this business of designing conversions of offices to housing. They see the value to downtown San Francisco, and the environment. Reusing an existing building has a smaller carbon footprint than knocking it down and starting from scratch.\u003cbr>\nSo why is this project one of only a handful of office-to-residential conversions in San Francisco?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps not surprisingly, it has largely to do with the high cost of housing development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On a very basic level, there’s the cost of new plumbing and electrical. You need pipes for new kitchens and bathrooms. Then, a lot of these buildings need a seismic upgrade. Forgan says the kind of housing that would recoup costs of a conversion would be at the higher end of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to buy the building and do everything to convert it. And by the time you add up those costs, the only thing that pencils [out] is more of a luxury product, especially with a building like this that has great views and a good location,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954820\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954820 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"People pass a sign on a city sidewalk advertising luxury apartments.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230630-100-VAN-NESS-MHN-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People pass by the entrance to the 100 Van Ness building in San Francisco on June 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Housing developers like the Emerald Fund, which backed 100 Van Ness, say they’re interested in doing more office-to-housing conversions. The raw construction costs of converting offices could actually be done more cheaply than building a brand-new apartment tower, says Marc Babsin, president of the fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Babsin says they’ve looked at four office buildings to convert recently, but so far, no new project has made sense cost-wise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to look. We think this is a great idea from a public policy perspective. We do need to save our downtowns and this is a great way to do that, to bring people onto the street,” said Babsin. “It’s a great way to produce housing that is currently not being produced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public policy experts at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR) agree that the hefty costs of development can make such a project a nonstarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sujata Srivastava, San Francisco director at SPUR, explained a few of the financial burdens that give housing developers pause:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City fees that support public projects like child care programs and transportation, which can add up to millions of dollars.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Transfer and property taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Reduced revenue potential, because San Francisco requires a certain number of units be affordable to lower-income tenants.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Construction costs, which are very expensive right now.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It doesn’t really make any financial sense to do conversions under the current costs that we have in San Francisco,” said Srivastava, adding that housing development is even less likely because rents are also down since before the pandemic. “The math just doesn’t really work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent SPUR report suggests city lawmakers need to make major changes if they want to jump-start these conversions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco politicians have already made some changes, and are working on more. The Mayor’s Office and supervisors have relaxed rules about open space, sunlight and apartment sizes for some conversions. Elected city officials have proposed reducing affordable housing requirements and impact fees on all new housing developments, but not as low as developers want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s all part of the city’s effort to jump-start more activity downtown and build more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A solution for homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since the pandemic emptied out office space in the Financial District, downtown streets look vacant; pedestrians experience windy sidewalks, empty restaurants and sparse foot traffic. Graham Luth was sitting on the sidewalk on 2nd Street near Montgomery Street one recent Friday morning, trying to get money to go to Colorado.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I got evicted, sort of,” said Luth about being temporarily without a home. “I got a job offer but I’m short on bus money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about this idea of sheltering people in empty office space downtown, Luth looked up at the tall buildings around him, and said, if no one’s using them, why not?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a fantastic idea because there is a lot of space that is just … sitting there,” said Luth. “So I guess just being able to figure out who owns the spaces and if … they’re not gaining or losing, that the space can be used for a matter that would help support the whole community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city of San Francisco may have already found a different way to shelter people without housing: buying underused hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the things that happened during the pandemic that … really kind of changed the landscape around solving homelessness was this idea of using hotels,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, San Francisco and their partner organizations bought eight hotels and apartment buildings to provide permanent supportive housing to people who were formerly on the streets. It has created almost 1,000 new housing units for people without shelter. The city is in the process of acquiring two more buildings. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result of San Francisco’s efforts, the unsheltered unhoused population has gone down 15% since 2020. That’s as homelessness in general has gone up around the state, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Folks are getting housed,” said Friedenbach. “That has been really incredible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco used state COVID-19 money through Project Homekey and a local tax on large corporations, known to San Francisco voters as Proposition C, to purchase and operate the buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had unprecedented success during COVID,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of San Francisco’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, about their recent efforts to house unsheltered people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The success is due to the enormous resources that were made available to them through Project Homekey and local tax dollars, said McSpadden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really showed what can happen when you can marshal resources,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friedenbach says making housing out of hotel rooms is easier and cheaper because it already has living space infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the tourist hotels have larger rooms. You can turn them into studio apartments and have small kitchens,” Friedenbach said. “There’s all these design things you can do that are really cool and you’ve already got the pipes, the electricity, the water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With nationally owned hotels like the Hilton and Parc 55 abandoning their Union Square buildings, and the city’s recent track record of housing people in hotels, repurposing these newly abandoned buildings doesn’t seem like a wild idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Judith Gottlieb’s question, it seems that vacant hotels may be a better option for housing unsheltered people. But those vacant offices in the city’s core could one day be high-end housing, especially if lawmakers take more steps to make conversions cheaper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Why California's Affordable Housing Crisis Threatens Its Powerful Coastal Commission",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers have been busy over the last decade trying to make it easier to build homes across a housing-strapped state. But there’s an 840-mile-long exception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an undulating band that generally runs 1,000 yards from the shoreline, the 12 members of the California Coastal Commission have the final say over what gets built, where and how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters empowered the commission to protect the state’s iconic beaches in 1972, responding to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/28/688219307/how-californias-worst-oil-spill-turned-beaches-black-and-the-nation-green\">crisis of despoiled seas\u003c/a> and the prospect of the Miami-fication of the California coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But five decades later, the state faces a different crisis as millions of Californians struggle to find an affordable place to call home. Now, a growing number of legislators and housing advocates are trying to wrest away some of the commission’s power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">fast-track apartment development\u003c/a> in parts of the state that haven’t met their state-set housing goals, exempting them from lengthy public hearings and environmental legal challenges. The coast is no exception, effectively cutting the Coastal Commission out of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commission members, staff and environmental advocates say the bill may be the most direct assault yet at the agency’s voter-backed mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you start exempting classes of development from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/coastact.pdf\">Coastal Act (PDF)\u003c/a> there will be no shutting that barn door,” said Sarah Christie, a lobbyist for the commission. “You’re going to lose some of the best things about California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as rising seas threaten to bring down bluffs and flood beachfront neighborhoods, coastal advocates argue that carefully considered development is more important than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies reject the argument that the commission is the only thing standing in the way of a development free-for-all, since current zoning rules and environmental protection laws would still apply. Ending what has become the regular practice of exempting the coast from California’s most aggressive pro-housing development laws is also fair, they argue. California’s beachfront happens to be home to some of the state’s richest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coastal zone is much whiter and wealthier than the rest of the state,” Wiener noted at a recent Assembly committee hearing. “The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1674113439395090432\">exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me\u003c/a>.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco)\"]‘The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me.’[/pullquote]Wiener said he plans to introduce tweaks to the bill before its next hearing on July 10 in an effort to “compromise” with the commission. But the two sides remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between the state’s aggressive housing goals and its longstanding commitment to coastal preservation is particularly acute in Southern California, where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-07/housing-building-density-zoning-coastal-inland-empire-southern-california-scag\">latest round of state housing goals\u003c/a> shifted the bulk of the region’s planned growth from inland communities — the traditional, sprawling outlets for pent-up housing demand — to coastal ones. That includes cities like Santa Monica, Malibu, Los Angeles, Encinitas and San Diego, all of which fall at least in part, if not entirely, within the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have the Coastal Commission, with their ‘less is more’ mindset saying, ‘no, you can’t build here’ … how are cities even supposed to attempt to achieve meeting that (housing) goal?” said Elizabeth Hansburg, executive director of People For Housing, a pro-housing advocacy group in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Pederson, who served as chief counsel for the commission before retiring in 2018, said it’s possible for the state to build up the coast while maintaining “really strong protections” in undeveloped coastal land and for delicate ecosystems. In fact, he said, if the alternative to building in dense coastal cities is encouraging car-oriented sprawl in the exurbs, the two goals may necessarily go hand in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From an environmental perspective, from a climate policy perspective, from a housing perspective and from a transportation perspective, I think it makes a lot of sense to encourage more multifamily housing in the coastal zone,” said Pederson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the Coastal Commission hold the line?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first time the Legislature has taken a crack at the Coastal Commission’s authority. It’s not even the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Assemblymember David Alvarez, a Democrat, introduced a bill in February that would encourage developers to set aside units for lower income residents by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1287\">allowing them to build higher and denser projects\u003c/a>. The bill builds on past “density bonus” policies that have made their way through the Legislature. But unlike its predecessors — and unlike some of the most significant housing bills in recent years, including one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/duplex-housing-resistance/\">allows the construction of duplexes in areas zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a> across the state — Alvarez’s bill explicitly went out of its way to include the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in April, the bill reached the Assembly Natural Resources Committee and a coastal exception was added back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair Luz Rivas of Arleta, and other Democrats including Gail Pellerin of Santa Cruz and Dawn Addis of San Luis Obispo, made clear at the hearing that overriding the commission was a no-go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez accepted the change rather than see his bill die. But he was visibly frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard a statement that coastal access is important and that people should have the opportunity to visit the coast,” he said, referring to one of the commission’s key mandates to keep California beaches open to the public. “People should also have the opportunity to live on the coast, not just visit the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The ocean is coming’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far Wiener’s bill has not met the same fate, though it goes before the same committee later this month. His bill also, arguably, represents a bigger challenge to the commission’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://cahcd.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=29fd695819064f38afee6c9880c30ae3\">most of the state’s cities and counties\u003c/a>, proposed multiplexes and apartment projects are allowed to skirt lengthy public approval processes. Instead they get automatic approval as long as they check the right boxes — among them, offering a certain share of units at below-market rents or prices and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/california-housing-development/\">abiding by stricter labor standards\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11952870,news_11943154,news_11929505\"]But the Coastal Commission doesn’t \u003cem>do\u003c/em> box checking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along much of the coast, the commission has to approve city growth and zoning plans. In neighborhoods especially close to the water, foes of proposed developments can appeal directly to the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in cities that haven’t come up with their own coastal protection plans, which \u003ca href=\"https://documents.coastal.ca.gov/assets/rflg/LCPStatusSummaryChart_October%202020.pdf\">includes about a quarter of coastal cities (PDF)\u003c/a> including Los Angeles, the Coastal Commission enforces the law alone, armed only with the Coastal Act. And the act itself is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=PRC&division=20.&title=&part=&chapter=3.&article=1.\">fairly light on specifics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s for good reason, said Christie, the commission lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ensuring that a proposed development is built “far enough away from an eroding bluff that it’s not going to fall into the ocean in 20 years, there is no objective standard that can speak to that complexity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change and rising sea levels add yet another level of complexity and another reason not to rush development, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last thing that California should be doing is concentrating more new development in these hazardous flood-prone areas,” she said. “It’s going to be a managed retreat or an unmanaged retreat because the ocean is coming and nature bats last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That view is shared by all 12 members of the commission, who are appointed by the governor or the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a lot of time and effort in evaluating each and every project that comes before us,” said Commissioner Dayna Bochco during a June 7 hearing. “You can’t just make a mathematical formula as to what works in any given project on the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/caste-discrimination-bill/#wm-story-2\">voted unanimously to oppose Wiener’s bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Must fit plans for California coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill does include its own set of checks on which projects get the red-carpet treatment and which get closer review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to receive the fast-tracked approval process, the land in question already has to be zoned by local governments for housing. A proposed building has to have pre-existing “urban” development on at least three of its four sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to estimates put together by California YIMBY, a pro-housing development organization that supports the bill, of the nearly 1.5 million acres within the coastal zone, the bill would allow for streamlined development on just 277,160 acres. The vast majority of the land — wetlands, floodplains, beaches and river channels — either are explicitly exempted from the bill or aren’t zoned for housing by locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955110\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie speaks into a handheld microphone in front of a building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks during a protest in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Approximately 85% of the Coastal Zone is already excluded from the bill. The remaining 15% are existing urbanized, developed communities,” Wiener said in a written statement. He added that the state “can’t afford to continue excluding these areas if we are to meet our climate goals — the lack of housing in coastal zones these exclusions produce already means coastal workers have to drive 10% more on average than their inland counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies also reject the idea that proper planning for rising oceans requires detailed, site-by-site analysis. The senator’s office pointed to voluntary planning guidelines produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayadapt.org/\">San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oneshoreline.org/\">San Mateo County Flood Control District\u003c/a>. The San Mateo County planning document builds on \u003ca href=\"https://webapps.usgs.gov/infrm/estbfe/\">nationwide flood risk mapping\u003c/a> from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though his office has yet to provide details, Wiener said his proposed compromise language to the Coastal Commission includes preserving the current discretionary review process for the most at-risk slivers of the coast and adding specific “objective development standards” around rising sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that anyone can say with certainty how much shore the sea is likely to swallow across the entire coast in the coming decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody admits that it’s not a hard science, it’s probabilities,” said Joseph Smith, a land-use consultant for \u003ca href=\"https://www.californiacoastalworks.com/\">California Coastal Works\u003c/a> who advises developers and governments navigating the Coastal Act. “But if it is absolutely important to get housing into the coastal zone, then yes, you could pick a number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a California coast for all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The commission and its defenders say pro-housing advocates and legislators are picking on the wrong enemy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first decade of its life, the Coastal Commission was empowered to make the construction of affordable housing a condition of its approval of residential projects. In 1981, the Legislature took that power away over the commission’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revoking that power will “make sure that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/GroteCoastalCommissionTestimony.pdf\">ability to live near the coast is reserved for the wealthy\u003c/a>,” then-Chairman Lenard Grote warned at a legislative hearing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Jordan, founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-lopez-kitchen-20160809-snap-story.html\">nonprofit California Coastal Protection Network\u003c/a>, is a familiar face at the state’s public hearings, where she regularly challenges oceanside projects for violations of the Coastal Act. A recent win: the Poseidon Water \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-desalination-plant-coastal-commission/\">desalination project in Huntington Beach\u003c/a>, which the Coastal Commission rejected last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature ‘broke’ it and now it needs to ‘fix’ it,” Jordan said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s supporters regularly stress that it has never rejected a proposed affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many developers — including those who build deed-restricted units for lower-income residents — the possibility of years of delay with no certain outcome has created a “chilling effect,” said Jeannette Temple, a San Diego land use consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an affordable housing developer, you’re already operating on the margins, so most of the time my clients, and people my clients know, don’t even look in the coastal zone,” she said. “In my opinion it’s just another kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">redlining\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The California Coastal Commission has broad authority to protect the state's shoreline. Now, some want to curtail its power over affordable housing proposals.",
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"title": "Why California's Affordable Housing Crisis Threatens Its Powerful Coastal Commission | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers have been busy over the last decade trying to make it easier to build homes across a housing-strapped state. But there’s an 840-mile-long exception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an undulating band that generally runs 1,000 yards from the shoreline, the 12 members of the California Coastal Commission have the final say over what gets built, where and how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters empowered the commission to protect the state’s iconic beaches in 1972, responding to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/28/688219307/how-californias-worst-oil-spill-turned-beaches-black-and-the-nation-green\">crisis of despoiled seas\u003c/a> and the prospect of the Miami-fication of the California coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But five decades later, the state faces a different crisis as millions of Californians struggle to find an affordable place to call home. Now, a growing number of legislators and housing advocates are trying to wrest away some of the commission’s power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">fast-track apartment development\u003c/a> in parts of the state that haven’t met their state-set housing goals, exempting them from lengthy public hearings and environmental legal challenges. The coast is no exception, effectively cutting the Coastal Commission out of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commission members, staff and environmental advocates say the bill may be the most direct assault yet at the agency’s voter-backed mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you start exempting classes of development from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/coastact.pdf\">Coastal Act (PDF)\u003c/a> there will be no shutting that barn door,” said Sarah Christie, a lobbyist for the commission. “You’re going to lose some of the best things about California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as rising seas threaten to bring down bluffs and flood beachfront neighborhoods, coastal advocates argue that carefully considered development is more important than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies reject the argument that the commission is the only thing standing in the way of a development free-for-all, since current zoning rules and environmental protection laws would still apply. Ending what has become the regular practice of exempting the coast from California’s most aggressive pro-housing development laws is also fair, they argue. California’s beachfront happens to be home to some of the state’s richest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coastal zone is much whiter and wealthier than the rest of the state,” Wiener noted at a recent Assembly committee hearing. “The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1674113439395090432\">exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wiener said he plans to introduce tweaks to the bill before its next hearing on July 10 in an effort to “compromise” with the commission. But the two sides remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between the state’s aggressive housing goals and its longstanding commitment to coastal preservation is particularly acute in Southern California, where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-07/housing-building-density-zoning-coastal-inland-empire-southern-california-scag\">latest round of state housing goals\u003c/a> shifted the bulk of the region’s planned growth from inland communities — the traditional, sprawling outlets for pent-up housing demand — to coastal ones. That includes cities like Santa Monica, Malibu, Los Angeles, Encinitas and San Diego, all of which fall at least in part, if not entirely, within the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have the Coastal Commission, with their ‘less is more’ mindset saying, ‘no, you can’t build here’ … how are cities even supposed to attempt to achieve meeting that (housing) goal?” said Elizabeth Hansburg, executive director of People For Housing, a pro-housing advocacy group in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Pederson, who served as chief counsel for the commission before retiring in 2018, said it’s possible for the state to build up the coast while maintaining “really strong protections” in undeveloped coastal land and for delicate ecosystems. In fact, he said, if the alternative to building in dense coastal cities is encouraging car-oriented sprawl in the exurbs, the two goals may necessarily go hand in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From an environmental perspective, from a climate policy perspective, from a housing perspective and from a transportation perspective, I think it makes a lot of sense to encourage more multifamily housing in the coastal zone,” said Pederson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the Coastal Commission hold the line?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first time the Legislature has taken a crack at the Coastal Commission’s authority. It’s not even the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Assemblymember David Alvarez, a Democrat, introduced a bill in February that would encourage developers to set aside units for lower income residents by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1287\">allowing them to build higher and denser projects\u003c/a>. The bill builds on past “density bonus” policies that have made their way through the Legislature. But unlike its predecessors — and unlike some of the most significant housing bills in recent years, including one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/duplex-housing-resistance/\">allows the construction of duplexes in areas zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a> across the state — Alvarez’s bill explicitly went out of its way to include the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in April, the bill reached the Assembly Natural Resources Committee and a coastal exception was added back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair Luz Rivas of Arleta, and other Democrats including Gail Pellerin of Santa Cruz and Dawn Addis of San Luis Obispo, made clear at the hearing that overriding the commission was a no-go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez accepted the change rather than see his bill die. But he was visibly frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard a statement that coastal access is important and that people should have the opportunity to visit the coast,” he said, referring to one of the commission’s key mandates to keep California beaches open to the public. “People should also have the opportunity to live on the coast, not just visit the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The ocean is coming’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far Wiener’s bill has not met the same fate, though it goes before the same committee later this month. His bill also, arguably, represents a bigger challenge to the commission’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://cahcd.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=29fd695819064f38afee6c9880c30ae3\">most of the state’s cities and counties\u003c/a>, proposed multiplexes and apartment projects are allowed to skirt lengthy public approval processes. Instead they get automatic approval as long as they check the right boxes — among them, offering a certain share of units at below-market rents or prices and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/california-housing-development/\">abiding by stricter labor standards\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the Coastal Commission doesn’t \u003cem>do\u003c/em> box checking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along much of the coast, the commission has to approve city growth and zoning plans. In neighborhoods especially close to the water, foes of proposed developments can appeal directly to the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in cities that haven’t come up with their own coastal protection plans, which \u003ca href=\"https://documents.coastal.ca.gov/assets/rflg/LCPStatusSummaryChart_October%202020.pdf\">includes about a quarter of coastal cities (PDF)\u003c/a> including Los Angeles, the Coastal Commission enforces the law alone, armed only with the Coastal Act. And the act itself is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=PRC&division=20.&title=&part=&chapter=3.&article=1.\">fairly light on specifics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s for good reason, said Christie, the commission lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ensuring that a proposed development is built “far enough away from an eroding bluff that it’s not going to fall into the ocean in 20 years, there is no objective standard that can speak to that complexity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change and rising sea levels add yet another level of complexity and another reason not to rush development, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last thing that California should be doing is concentrating more new development in these hazardous flood-prone areas,” she said. “It’s going to be a managed retreat or an unmanaged retreat because the ocean is coming and nature bats last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That view is shared by all 12 members of the commission, who are appointed by the governor or the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a lot of time and effort in evaluating each and every project that comes before us,” said Commissioner Dayna Bochco during a June 7 hearing. “You can’t just make a mathematical formula as to what works in any given project on the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/caste-discrimination-bill/#wm-story-2\">voted unanimously to oppose Wiener’s bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Must fit plans for California coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill does include its own set of checks on which projects get the red-carpet treatment and which get closer review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to receive the fast-tracked approval process, the land in question already has to be zoned by local governments for housing. A proposed building has to have pre-existing “urban” development on at least three of its four sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to estimates put together by California YIMBY, a pro-housing development organization that supports the bill, of the nearly 1.5 million acres within the coastal zone, the bill would allow for streamlined development on just 277,160 acres. The vast majority of the land — wetlands, floodplains, beaches and river channels — either are explicitly exempted from the bill or aren’t zoned for housing by locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955110\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie speaks into a handheld microphone in front of a building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks during a protest in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Approximately 85% of the Coastal Zone is already excluded from the bill. The remaining 15% are existing urbanized, developed communities,” Wiener said in a written statement. He added that the state “can’t afford to continue excluding these areas if we are to meet our climate goals — the lack of housing in coastal zones these exclusions produce already means coastal workers have to drive 10% more on average than their inland counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies also reject the idea that proper planning for rising oceans requires detailed, site-by-site analysis. The senator’s office pointed to voluntary planning guidelines produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayadapt.org/\">San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oneshoreline.org/\">San Mateo County Flood Control District\u003c/a>. The San Mateo County planning document builds on \u003ca href=\"https://webapps.usgs.gov/infrm/estbfe/\">nationwide flood risk mapping\u003c/a> from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though his office has yet to provide details, Wiener said his proposed compromise language to the Coastal Commission includes preserving the current discretionary review process for the most at-risk slivers of the coast and adding specific “objective development standards” around rising sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that anyone can say with certainty how much shore the sea is likely to swallow across the entire coast in the coming decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody admits that it’s not a hard science, it’s probabilities,” said Joseph Smith, a land-use consultant for \u003ca href=\"https://www.californiacoastalworks.com/\">California Coastal Works\u003c/a> who advises developers and governments navigating the Coastal Act. “But if it is absolutely important to get housing into the coastal zone, then yes, you could pick a number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a California coast for all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The commission and its defenders say pro-housing advocates and legislators are picking on the wrong enemy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first decade of its life, the Coastal Commission was empowered to make the construction of affordable housing a condition of its approval of residential projects. In 1981, the Legislature took that power away over the commission’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revoking that power will “make sure that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/GroteCoastalCommissionTestimony.pdf\">ability to live near the coast is reserved for the wealthy\u003c/a>,” then-Chairman Lenard Grote warned at a legislative hearing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Jordan, founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-lopez-kitchen-20160809-snap-story.html\">nonprofit California Coastal Protection Network\u003c/a>, is a familiar face at the state’s public hearings, where she regularly challenges oceanside projects for violations of the Coastal Act. A recent win: the Poseidon Water \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-desalination-plant-coastal-commission/\">desalination project in Huntington Beach\u003c/a>, which the Coastal Commission rejected last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature ‘broke’ it and now it needs to ‘fix’ it,” Jordan said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s supporters regularly stress that it has never rejected a proposed affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many developers — including those who build deed-restricted units for lower-income residents — the possibility of years of delay with no certain outcome has created a “chilling effect,” said Jeannette Temple, a San Diego land use consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an affordable housing developer, you’re already operating on the margins, so most of the time my clients, and people my clients know, don’t even look in the coastal zone,” she said. “In my opinion it’s just another kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">redlining\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Renters headed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2021/08/02/as-national-eviction-ban-expires-a-look-at-who-rents-and-who-owns-in-the-u-s/\">36% of the nation’s 122.8 million households in 2019\u003c/a>. If you’re one of them, whether you’re renting a single-family house in a small town or a studio apartment in an urban 300-unit high-rise, you might feel like you’re at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general in our country, we’re very oriented toward property ownership,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.pdx.edu/profile/lisa-bates\">Lisa Bates\u003c/a>, a professor at the Toulan School of Urban Studies and Planning at Portland State University in Oregon. “Renters face an uphill battle in policy and in law because they’re always considered subordinate in terms of their rights in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not owning your home shouldn’t mean you experience unstable living conditions, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenant is alone,” says Nina Rosenblatt, the know your rights training coordinator for the California-based tenants’ rights coalition, Tenants Together. “All tenants in all states have some extent of rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is true regardless of disability, family status, immigration status or age but regulations and resources vary depending on which state — \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/smallarea/index.html\">and even zip code\u003c/a> — you live in, so it’s important to understand your specific rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To start, here are some tips to help you become a more empowered renter regardless of where you live:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn to read your lease agreement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/renters-rights-book/chapter2-4.html\">no standard rental agreement\u003c/a>. So it’s critical to look at the unique contours of your lease and note any additions or omissions that might affect your standard of living or that might be outside local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look closely at any fees on top of monthly rent. If there’s a late rent fee, Rosenblatt says that number should be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/renters-rights-book/chapter3-6.html\">no more than about 5% of your monthly rent\u003c/a>. And if a lease doesn’t specifically list a fee, know your landlord can’t tack on an arbitrary fee after the lease has been signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Rosenblatt says she’s also seen things like expensive application fees and move-in fees charged to new tenants for things like fresh paint, key fobs or the use of a freight elevator. So make sure any additional costs seem reasonable and affordable to you. If you feel something might be off, try and look at other local rental applications and lease agreements, or ask friends and family about their experiences renting in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, look out for vague timelines and overly broad language. “Most states have a law which specifies that the landlord is responsible for making any appropriate and necessary repairs,” says Rosenblatt. So watch out for phrases like “the tenant is responsible for all damages and repairs” or “this lease can be amended at any time during the year of tenancy.” Phrases like these could be a landlord’s attempt to transfer responsibility to a tenant unfairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you realize after signing your lease that some language or a clause seems fishy, \u003ca href=\"https://law.shu.edu/faculty/full-time/paula-franzese.cfm\">Paula Franzese\u003c/a>, legal scholar and professor of property law at the Seton Hall University School of Law, says fear not. Any clause deemed “unconscionable” or “oppressive” would be unenforceable if you sought legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Keep your receipts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When it comes to a healthy relationship with your landlord, thorough documentation and ongoing communication are key — starting as soon as you move into a new place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenblatt says, “Keep in mind the conditions of the unit and have documentation of what it looks like, especially in its initial condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off-kilter ceiling fan, missing blinds or stains on the carpet?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Guides from KQED' tag='audience-news']Take a picture or video, says Rosenblatt. Don’t get your deposit dinged for issues that came before you. Make sure to send documentation to the landlord with a date and timestamp included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opt for email or text messages when contacting your landlord. “It is really important that all communication is written,” says Rosenblatt. If you talk over the phone, make sure there are “follow-up emails summarizing what was spoken about.” She says to include a timeline in the email of when a repair will be fixed by, for example, so there’s documentation of that agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a persistent problem and receive inconsistent communication from your landlord — document that, too. “It’s important to keep records of the number of phone calls made,” says Franzese.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn some powerful words to resolve conflicts with landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oftentimes, says Lisa Bates, the key to quickly resolving a rental dispute requires knowing what she calls “magic words” — phrases, often legal, that signal to a landlord you’re aware of your rights and can exercise them if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: if your landlord is unresponsive to a repair request for something like mold or pests, the magic words might be city inspection or code enforcement.[aside postID=\"news_11938251\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS62026_GettyImages-1455813510-qut-1536x1024.jpg\"]Rosenblatt says you could try saying something like: “I want to work collaboratively with you on finding a solution. But if not, I’d like to request a city inspection, or I plan on going to code enforcement and getting them to come in and check out these conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sort of language will often encourage landlords to take action because going through a city or county can be more time intensive and costly than just addressing the issue themselves, says Rosenblatt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If you have a problem, don’t go it alone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Get to know your neighbors. Our experts say seeking out community and working towards joint solutions is a critical tool for renters who want to make a difference in their housing situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially if you live in a building with a lot of other units — the problems you’re dealing with likely affect more than just you. “If you have roaches, somebody else has roaches,” says Bates.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Nina Rosenblatt, Tenants Together\"]‘It’s really important to not make decisions based on fear or panic … instead, [make] decisions based on tenant’s rights knowledge.’[/pullquote]Connecting with fellow tenants can give you context for your issues, help you prepare if something like a rent increase is coming down the pipeline and give you strength in numbers when requesting action from a property owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, if your building doesn’t already have one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/form-tenants-union\">find or form a local tenant union\u003c/a>. These organizations can provide writing templates, legal advice and other collective action options to help with difficult landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what’s more, they can help you act from a place of empowerment instead of intimidation. “It’s really important to not make decisions based on fear or panic,” says Rosenblatt. “Instead, [make] decisions based on tenant’s rights knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[hearken id=\"10483\" src=\"https://modules.wearehearken.com/kqed/embed/10483.js\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Renters headed about \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2021/08/02/as-national-eviction-ban-expires-a-look-at-who-rents-and-who-owns-in-the-u-s/\">36% of the nation’s 122.8 million households in 2019\u003c/a>. If you’re one of them, whether you’re renting a single-family house in a small town or a studio apartment in an urban 300-unit high-rise, you might feel like you’re at a disadvantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In general in our country, we’re very oriented toward property ownership,” says \u003ca href=\"https://www.pdx.edu/profile/lisa-bates\">Lisa Bates\u003c/a>, a professor at the Toulan School of Urban Studies and Planning at Portland State University in Oregon. “Renters face an uphill battle in policy and in law because they’re always considered subordinate in terms of their rights in the space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not owning your home shouldn’t mean you experience unstable living conditions, she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No tenant is alone,” says Nina Rosenblatt, the know your rights training coordinator for the California-based tenants’ rights coalition, Tenants Together. “All tenants in all states have some extent of rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is true regardless of disability, family status, immigration status or age but regulations and resources vary depending on which state — \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/smallarea/index.html\">and even zip code\u003c/a> — you live in, so it’s important to understand your specific rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To start, here are some tips to help you become a more empowered renter regardless of where you live:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn to read your lease agreement\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/renters-rights-book/chapter2-4.html\">no standard rental agreement\u003c/a>. So it’s critical to look at the unique contours of your lease and note any additions or omissions that might affect your standard of living or that might be outside local laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look closely at any fees on top of monthly rent. If there’s a late rent fee, Rosenblatt says that number should be \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/free-books/renters-rights-book/chapter3-6.html\">no more than about 5% of your monthly rent\u003c/a>. And if a lease doesn’t specifically list a fee, know your landlord can’t tack on an arbitrary fee after the lease has been signed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tellus\">Tell us: What else do you need information about right now?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Rosenblatt says she’s also seen things like expensive application fees and move-in fees charged to new tenants for things like fresh paint, key fobs or the use of a freight elevator. So make sure any additional costs seem reasonable and affordable to you. If you feel something might be off, try and look at other local rental applications and lease agreements, or ask friends and family about their experiences renting in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, look out for vague timelines and overly broad language. “Most states have a law which specifies that the landlord is responsible for making any appropriate and necessary repairs,” says Rosenblatt. So watch out for phrases like “the tenant is responsible for all damages and repairs” or “this lease can be amended at any time during the year of tenancy.” Phrases like these could be a landlord’s attempt to transfer responsibility to a tenant unfairly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you realize after signing your lease that some language or a clause seems fishy, \u003ca href=\"https://law.shu.edu/faculty/full-time/paula-franzese.cfm\">Paula Franzese\u003c/a>, legal scholar and professor of property law at the Seton Hall University School of Law, says fear not. Any clause deemed “unconscionable” or “oppressive” would be unenforceable if you sought legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Keep your receipts\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When it comes to a healthy relationship with your landlord, thorough documentation and ongoing communication are key — starting as soon as you move into a new place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosenblatt says, “Keep in mind the conditions of the unit and have documentation of what it looks like, especially in its initial condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Off-kilter ceiling fan, missing blinds or stains on the carpet?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Take a picture or video, says Rosenblatt. Don’t get your deposit dinged for issues that came before you. Make sure to send documentation to the landlord with a date and timestamp included.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opt for email or text messages when contacting your landlord. “It is really important that all communication is written,” says Rosenblatt. If you talk over the phone, make sure there are “follow-up emails summarizing what was spoken about.” She says to include a timeline in the email of when a repair will be fixed by, for example, so there’s documentation of that agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you have a persistent problem and receive inconsistent communication from your landlord — document that, too. “It’s important to keep records of the number of phone calls made,” says Franzese.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Learn some powerful words to resolve conflicts with landlords\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Oftentimes, says Lisa Bates, the key to quickly resolving a rental dispute requires knowing what she calls “magic words” — phrases, often legal, that signal to a landlord you’re aware of your rights and can exercise them if needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example: if your landlord is unresponsive to a repair request for something like mold or pests, the magic words might be city inspection or code enforcement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Rosenblatt says you could try saying something like: “I want to work collaboratively with you on finding a solution. But if not, I’d like to request a city inspection, or I plan on going to code enforcement and getting them to come in and check out these conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This sort of language will often encourage landlords to take action because going through a city or county can be more time intensive and costly than just addressing the issue themselves, says Rosenblatt.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>If you have a problem, don’t go it alone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Get to know your neighbors. Our experts say seeking out community and working towards joint solutions is a critical tool for renters who want to make a difference in their housing situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Especially if you live in a building with a lot of other units — the problems you’re dealing with likely affect more than just you. “If you have roaches, somebody else has roaches,” says Bates.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Connecting with fellow tenants can give you context for your issues, help you prepare if something like a rent increase is coming down the pipeline and give you strength in numbers when requesting action from a property owner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, if your building doesn’t already have one, \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/form-tenants-union\">find or form a local tenant union\u003c/a>. These organizations can provide writing templates, legal advice and other collective action options to help with difficult landlords.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what’s more, they can help you act from a place of empowerment instead of intimidation. “It’s really important to not make decisions based on fear or panic,” says Rosenblatt. “Instead, [make] decisions based on tenant’s rights knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"tellus\">\u003c/a>Tell us: What else do you need information about?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At KQED News, we know that it can sometimes be hard to track down the answers to navigate life in the Bay Area in 2023. We’ve published \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/coronavirus-resources-and-explainers\">clear, practical explainers and guides about COVID\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936674/how-to-prepare-for-this-weeks-atmospheric-river-storm-sandbags-emergency-kits-and-more\">how to cope with intense winter weather\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11821950/how-to-safely-attend-a-protest-in-the-bay-area\">how to exercise your right to protest safely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So tell us: What do you need to know more about? Tell us, and you could see your question answered online or on social media. What you submit will make our reporting stronger, and help us decide what to cover here on our site, and on KQED Public Radio, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new homeless outreach program pairing a social worker with a police officer in Grass Valley, a small town in the Sierra Nevada foothills, seemed to be working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state-funded effort sent the team to homeless encampments, where they helped build trust among vulnerable people and persuaded them to accept help, according to the nonprofit Hospitality House, which ran the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It blew past its goal of engaging 90 people in three years, instead meeting with more than 200. It even helped move some people directly into housing, including an 80-year-old veteran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the three-year grant paying for that outreach ended in June, there was no money to replace it. So the program came to a screeching halt, to the disappointment of all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO, League of California Cities\"]‘It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.[aside postID=news_11949327 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58533_080_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg']The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Baglietto, executive director, Hospitality House\"]‘We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from. It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.’[/pullquote]Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.[aside label='More on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='homelessness']“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"planet-money": {
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"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Science-Friday-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
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