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"content": "\u003cp>The billionaire-backed company seeking to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County took its first steps toward bringing jobs there, announcing partnerships on Thursday with 12 companies that have pledged to open new offices, factories and farms in the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever has publicly promised to bring some 15,000 new jobs to the county. But it’s unclear how many new jobs the 12 partner companies would provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for California Forever and the companies involved declined to provide specific details about whether they would bring their existing employees or add new ones. If voters approve the plan, there are also no binding financial or legal agreements compelling them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the companies are start-ups, mostly based in California, and their industries include aerospace engineering, self-driving robotics, indoor vertical farming and internet infrastructure. They are Hadrian, Living Carbon, Plenty, Serve Robotics, Meter, Motive, BREX, Cover, Build Casa, Zipline, Freethink and Instant Teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These employers have committed publicly that they’re interested in bringing jobs to the new community if Solano County voters approve the project this November,” California Forever’s Director of Partnerships Michael Fortney said in a statement to KQED. “Even though we’re a few years away from breaking ground, some of them have already started negotiating terms for acquiring space to operate in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups, however, remain skeptical about California Forever’s promises. Sadie Wilson, director of planning and research with the Greenbelt Alliance, said this news is still “devoid of substance and lacking transparency.” She is particularly concerned that all the potential employers are start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certain questions about if and how these budding companies and ventures will look in 10 years or so,” when the city is eventually built, she said in a statement to KQED. “As November approaches, Solano County voters need real information, not more hypothetical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county lacks enough jobs for its residents. Almost half of those who live in Solano County commute outside of it to work, \u003ca href=\"https://labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/commute-maps/StateCommute2015.pdf\">according to a 2015 study\u003c/a> from the state’s Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11985195,news_11985711,news_11984830 label='Related Coverage']Included in its pledge to bring 15,000 new jobs, California Forever has said it would create nearly 1,400 construction-related jobs for a solar farm it is proposing to build near the site of its new city. After the solar farm is completed, it would employ roughly 300 people to maintain and operate the facility in Solano County, while about 130 jobs would be located elsewhere throughout California, company representatives said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed solar farm could potentially generate enough power for 1.5 million homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://assets.ctfassets.net/ivxuf0dn6dhw/5UZa0vW0DABZ5A3h4KfjCU/f2bb0baa7819c5fbb0126c29c6c5a7e7/Solar_Farm_Econ_Impacts_-_FINAL.pdf\">economic impact report created by Blue Sky Consulting\u003c/a> and paid for by California Forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the companies have released details on what they plan to build in the new city if it is approved. Chris Power, founder and CEO of the aerospace and defense manufacturing start-up Hadrian, said his company would be looking to acquire space for a new factory “if the East Solano Plan was shovel-ready today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited by the vision of amazing neighborhoods located next to a manufacturing zone designed to accelerate innovation in California,” he said in a statement. “Hadrian is building a series of factories across America to enable space and defense manufacturers to get parts 10 times faster and halve the cost of making rockets, satellites, jets and drones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Travis Air Force Base did not immediately return a request for comment about whether the proposed companies would compete with its operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">submitted signatures for its petition\u003c/a> to appear on the November ballot. A representative from the Solano County Registrar’s Office said it completed its raw count of the roughly 20,000 signatures submitted last week, but is now verifying those signatures to make sure at least 13,062 came from registered Solano County voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make it on the ballot, the initiative will then need a vote of the Solano County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"datePublished": "2024-05-16T13:56:25-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The billionaire-backed company seeking to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County took its first steps toward bringing jobs there, announcing partnerships on Thursday with 12 companies that have pledged to open new offices, factories and farms in the proposed city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever has publicly promised to bring some 15,000 new jobs to the county. But it’s unclear how many new jobs the 12 partner companies would provide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for California Forever and the companies involved declined to provide specific details about whether they would bring their existing employees or add new ones. If voters approve the plan, there are also no binding financial or legal agreements compelling them to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the companies are start-ups, mostly based in California, and their industries include aerospace engineering, self-driving robotics, indoor vertical farming and internet infrastructure. They are Hadrian, Living Carbon, Plenty, Serve Robotics, Meter, Motive, BREX, Cover, Build Casa, Zipline, Freethink and Instant Teams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These employers have committed publicly that they’re interested in bringing jobs to the new community if Solano County voters approve the project this November,” California Forever’s Director of Partnerships Michael Fortney said in a statement to KQED. “Even though we’re a few years away from breaking ground, some of them have already started negotiating terms for acquiring space to operate in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups, however, remain skeptical about California Forever’s promises. Sadie Wilson, director of planning and research with the Greenbelt Alliance, said this news is still “devoid of substance and lacking transparency.” She is particularly concerned that all the potential employers are start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are certain questions about if and how these budding companies and ventures will look in 10 years or so,” when the city is eventually built, she said in a statement to KQED. “As November approaches, Solano County voters need real information, not more hypothetical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county lacks enough jobs for its residents. Almost half of those who live in Solano County commute outside of it to work, \u003ca href=\"https://labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/file/commute-maps/StateCommute2015.pdf\">according to a 2015 study\u003c/a> from the state’s Employment Development Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Included in its pledge to bring 15,000 new jobs, California Forever has said it would create nearly 1,400 construction-related jobs for a solar farm it is proposing to build near the site of its new city. After the solar farm is completed, it would employ roughly 300 people to maintain and operate the facility in Solano County, while about 130 jobs would be located elsewhere throughout California, company representatives said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed solar farm could potentially generate enough power for 1.5 million homes, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://assets.ctfassets.net/ivxuf0dn6dhw/5UZa0vW0DABZ5A3h4KfjCU/f2bb0baa7819c5fbb0126c29c6c5a7e7/Solar_Farm_Econ_Impacts_-_FINAL.pdf\">economic impact report created by Blue Sky Consulting\u003c/a> and paid for by California Forever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the companies have released details on what they plan to build in the new city if it is approved. Chris Power, founder and CEO of the aerospace and defense manufacturing start-up Hadrian, said his company would be looking to acquire space for a new factory “if the East Solano Plan was shovel-ready today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are excited by the vision of amazing neighborhoods located next to a manufacturing zone designed to accelerate innovation in California,” he said in a statement. “Hadrian is building a series of factories across America to enable space and defense manufacturers to get parts 10 times faster and halve the cost of making rockets, satellites, jets and drones.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Travis Air Force Base did not immediately return a request for comment about whether the proposed companies would compete with its operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, California Forever \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984408/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-is-closer-to-november-ballot\">submitted signatures for its petition\u003c/a> to appear on the November ballot. A representative from the Solano County Registrar’s Office said it completed its raw count of the roughly 20,000 signatures submitted last week, but is now verifying those signatures to make sure at least 13,062 came from registered Solano County voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make it on the ballot, the initiative will then need a vote of the Solano County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded",
"title": "Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded",
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"headTitle": "Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It’s Funded | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tinisch Hollins, executive director, Californians for Safety and Justice\"]‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’[/pullquote]Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11982070,news_11982393,news_11975692\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.",
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"title": "Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded | KQED",
"description": "Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.",
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"headline": "Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "alameda-countys-homeless-count-decreases-for-first-time-in-a-decade",
"title": "Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade",
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"headTitle": "Alameda County’s Homeless Count Decreases for 1st Time in a Decade | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Homelessness across Alameda County decreased for the first time in nearly a decade, according to this year’s preliminary point-in-time count data released Wednesday. The county saw a 3% drop overall, down to 9,450 from 9,747 unhoused individuals in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential reason for the drop, according to Jonathan Russell, the county’s director of Housing and Homelessness Services, is a countywide initiative to spend $2.5 billion over five years to address homelessness. That plan is now in its third year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have really ramped up a system that is housing more and more people than ever,” Russell said. During the fiscal year that ended in June, more than 4,000 people were placed into housing, he said. “These efforts we’ve funded do have impact and the more we scale those, the more we can affect this crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11974385,news_11973859,news_11914346 label='Point-in-time Counts']A lot of that money came from the increase in state funds during the pandemic, Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surge of the pandemic funding over the last three, four years, has been significant in affecting what we see today,” he said. “There is this kind of delay of the longer-term structural effects from receipt of investment, implementation, to program outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974385/heres-how-san-francisco-counts-unhoused-residents\">Point-in-time counts\u003c/a> are an attempt to count every person in the county experiencing homelessness on one particular day, usually in January. The counts, mandated by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, are conducted every other year to identify homelessness trends and determine funding priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count found the share of homeless individuals living in unsheltered conditions — which includes people living in RVs — decreased by 11%, with a greater share living in emergency shelters or transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, youth and families also dropped. There were 428 homeless youth under 25 this year, down from 880 in 2022, while the number of veterans dropped to 355 from 550 over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the final report has not yet been released, Russell confirmed Alameda County was no exception to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">the statewide trend\u003c/a> of growing homelessness among seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been seeing an “increase year-over-year in older adult homelessness,” Russell said. “Roughly 25% of those we serve in our homeless response system are seniors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Alameda County PIT homeless count results since 2013\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1500y\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1500y/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total homeless population decreased countywide, some cities saw increases, including Albany, Alameda and Hayward. Oakland, home to by far the greatest share of the county’s unhoused population, also saw an increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s a welcome continuation of a trend that shows the rate of growth in homelessness slowing over the last several years. This year’s 9% increase in Oakland is down from a 24% increase observed in 2022 and a 47% increase in 2019. (The point-in-time count was postponed in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell called the change “encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there was a net increase there, it’s less than a third of the increase that has happened in the previous last three counts,” Russell said. A change that is “not insignificant in terms of slowing those otherwise precipitous increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the last decade of growing homelessness in Oakland could be fallout from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~jyelen/2016/12/13/the-foreclosure-crisis-in-oakland-before-and-after/#:~:text=In%20Oakland%2C%20the%20crisis%20was,14%20eventually%20lost%20to%20foreclosure.\">the 2008 foreclosure crisis\u003c/a> and ensuing recession that hit Black homeowners particularly hard, followed by sharp increases in rents in the years after, Russell said. Homelessness is, at the end of the day, a housing issue, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of housing, the lack of that stability, those are the things that cause the myriad other factors in folks’ lives, not vice versa,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities that saw the biggest drops in the number of people experiencing homelessness were Berkeley, Fremont and Union City, each counting a more than 200-person decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count in Alameda County utilized almost 1,300 volunteers, three times the number of people involved in previous counts, which Russell said allowed for what is hopefully a more accurate count and for the collection of more detailed demographic data and interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full report with analysis of the data is expected this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness across Alameda County decreased for the first time in nearly a decade, according to this year’s preliminary point-in-time count data released Wednesday. The county saw a 3% drop overall, down to 9,450 from 9,747 unhoused individuals in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential reason for the drop, according to Jonathan Russell, the county’s director of Housing and Homelessness Services, is a countywide initiative to spend $2.5 billion over five years to address homelessness. That plan is now in its third year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have really ramped up a system that is housing more and more people than ever,” Russell said. During the fiscal year that ended in June, more than 4,000 people were placed into housing, he said. “These efforts we’ve funded do have impact and the more we scale those, the more we can affect this crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A lot of that money came from the increase in state funds during the pandemic, Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The surge of the pandemic funding over the last three, four years, has been significant in affecting what we see today,” he said. “There is this kind of delay of the longer-term structural effects from receipt of investment, implementation, to program outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974385/heres-how-san-francisco-counts-unhoused-residents\">Point-in-time counts\u003c/a> are an attempt to count every person in the county experiencing homelessness on one particular day, usually in January. The counts, mandated by the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development, are conducted every other year to identify homelessness trends and determine funding priorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count found the share of homeless individuals living in unsheltered conditions — which includes people living in RVs — decreased by 11%, with a greater share living in emergency shelters or transitional housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness among veterans, youth and families also dropped. There were 428 homeless youth under 25 this year, down from 880 in 2022, while the number of veterans dropped to 355 from 550 over the same period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the final report has not yet been released, Russell confirmed Alameda County was no exception to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">the statewide trend\u003c/a> of growing homelessness among seniors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has been seeing an “increase year-over-year in older adult homelessness,” Russell said. “Roughly 25% of those we serve in our homeless response system are seniors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Alameda County PIT homeless count results since 2013\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-1500y\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/1500y/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the total homeless population decreased countywide, some cities saw increases, including Albany, Alameda and Hayward. Oakland, home to by far the greatest share of the county’s unhoused population, also saw an increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, it’s a welcome continuation of a trend that shows the rate of growth in homelessness slowing over the last several years. This year’s 9% increase in Oakland is down from a 24% increase observed in 2022 and a 47% increase in 2019. (The point-in-time count was postponed in 2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Russell called the change “encouraging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there was a net increase there, it’s less than a third of the increase that has happened in the previous last three counts,” Russell said. A change that is “not insignificant in terms of slowing those otherwise precipitous increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the last decade of growing homelessness in Oakland could be fallout from \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocf.berkeley.edu/~jyelen/2016/12/13/the-foreclosure-crisis-in-oakland-before-and-after/#:~:text=In%20Oakland%2C%20the%20crisis%20was,14%20eventually%20lost%20to%20foreclosure.\">the 2008 foreclosure crisis\u003c/a> and ensuing recession that hit Black homeowners particularly hard, followed by sharp increases in rents in the years after, Russell said. Homelessness is, at the end of the day, a housing issue, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of housing, the lack of that stability, those are the things that cause the myriad other factors in folks’ lives, not vice versa,” Russell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the cities that saw the biggest drops in the number of people experiencing homelessness were Berkeley, Fremont and Union City, each counting a more than 200-person decrease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s count in Alameda County utilized almost 1,300 volunteers, three times the number of people involved in previous counts, which Russell said allowed for what is hopefully a more accurate count and for the collection of more detailed demographic data and interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full report with analysis of the data is expected this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Half Moon Bay planning commissioners approved a new apartment building for low-income senior farmworkers on Tuesday night, following a protracted debate that drew a strongly worded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">threat of legal action from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote on the 40-unit affordable housing project, which took on urgency last year after a mass shooting by a disgruntled farmworker revealed workers’ poor living conditions, came near midnight, at the end of a five-hour meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, the executive director of Ayudando Latinos A Soñar, a community organization serving the immigrant farmworkers of the San Mateo County coast, said she was thankful to the commission for moving the project forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is for one of the most vulnerable community groups,” said Hernández-Arriaga, whose organization, known as ALAS, paired with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to develop the project proposal. “Hopefully, the next step with the city council will bring us all together to give the farmworkers the housing that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the project was debated at three different hearings in three weeks, some commissioners and members of the public raised concerns that the five-story building was too tall and out of character with Half Moon Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">“small-town charm.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/planning-and-community/HAU/Half-Moon-Bay-HAU-919-LOSTA-05102024.pdf\">in a letter\u003c/a> following Newsom’s remarks, the head of the state’s Housing Accountability Unit told commissioners that state law limits their ability to reject affordable housing projects over questions of “character” if they meet local development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to community concerns about height and density, Mercy Housing told the commission that it was willing to lower the building by a half story and reduce the number of two-bedroom apartments from eight to two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners welcomed those offerings, but several expressed frustration that the building was still larger than the initial four-story proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This seems like a big pill to swallow because it definitely exceeds the scope of what anybody envisioned,” said Commissioner Rick Hernandez, who acknowledged that the state’s housing laws bound them to accept the project. “But we have an obligation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a disgruntled farmworker shot and killed seven co-workers at two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms last year, Newsom and other elected officials toured the scenes and learned that workers had been living in squalid conditions, without heat or running water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez speaks at a vigil for victims of the Half Moon Bay mass shooting, which left seven dead and one wounded, in Half Moon Bay on Jan. 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local officials moved to find temporary lodging for the 38 survivors, inspect housing on other San Mateo County farms, and invest in critically needed permanent affordable housing for agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County’s $100 million agriculture industry is centered around Half Moon Bay and depends on an estimated 2,000 farmworkers, who typically earn little more than minimum wage. Yet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985468/map-what-you-need-to-earn-to-afford-a-median-priced-home-in-your-county-in-california\">county’s median home price is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, the most expensive in California. A 2016 survey found that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago, we knew that,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to, and we want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='half-moon-bay-shooting']The apartment project, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly Ave., has the support of city staff, who have been working with Mercy Housing and ALAS on plans since 2022. The building will also house a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent memo to the commissioners, Mercy Housing and ALAS staff said that they have secured $8 million in federal, state and local funding for the project, which is expected to cost $42 million, according to Hernández-Arriaga. The planning commission’s approval will now allow them to apply for federal low-income housing tax credits this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a lot of hope,” Hernández-Arriaga said. “For senior farmworkers having housing, living out their lives with dignity, being able to walk to church, to stores and the library. It’s a beautiful opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the commission’s vote is appealed, the project will go to the city council for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a>, including those displaced from the mushroom farms — is due to break ground in the coming weeks on another plot of city land and could be ready for move-in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Half Moon Bay planning commissioners approved a new apartment building for low-income senior farmworkers on Tuesday night, following a protracted debate that drew a strongly worded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">threat of legal action from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote on the 40-unit affordable housing project, which took on urgency last year after a mass shooting by a disgruntled farmworker revealed workers’ poor living conditions, came near midnight, at the end of a five-hour meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, the executive director of Ayudando Latinos A Soñar, a community organization serving the immigrant farmworkers of the San Mateo County coast, said she was thankful to the commission for moving the project forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is for one of the most vulnerable community groups,” said Hernández-Arriaga, whose organization, known as ALAS, paired with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to develop the project proposal. “Hopefully, the next step with the city council will bring us all together to give the farmworkers the housing that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the project was debated at three different hearings in three weeks, some commissioners and members of the public raised concerns that the five-story building was too tall and out of character with Half Moon Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">“small-town charm.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/planning-and-community/HAU/Half-Moon-Bay-HAU-919-LOSTA-05102024.pdf\">in a letter\u003c/a> following Newsom’s remarks, the head of the state’s Housing Accountability Unit told commissioners that state law limits their ability to reject affordable housing projects over questions of “character” if they meet local development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to community concerns about height and density, Mercy Housing told the commission that it was willing to lower the building by a half story and reduce the number of two-bedroom apartments from eight to two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners welcomed those offerings, but several expressed frustration that the building was still larger than the initial four-story proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This seems like a big pill to swallow because it definitely exceeds the scope of what anybody envisioned,” said Commissioner Rick Hernandez, who acknowledged that the state’s housing laws bound them to accept the project. “But we have an obligation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a disgruntled farmworker shot and killed seven co-workers at two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms last year, Newsom and other elected officials toured the scenes and learned that workers had been living in squalid conditions, without heat or running water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez speaks at a vigil for victims of the Half Moon Bay mass shooting, which left seven dead and one wounded, in Half Moon Bay on Jan. 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local officials moved to find temporary lodging for the 38 survivors, inspect housing on other San Mateo County farms, and invest in critically needed permanent affordable housing for agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County’s $100 million agriculture industry is centered around Half Moon Bay and depends on an estimated 2,000 farmworkers, who typically earn little more than minimum wage. Yet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985468/map-what-you-need-to-earn-to-afford-a-median-priced-home-in-your-county-in-california\">county’s median home price is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, the most expensive in California. A 2016 survey found that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago, we knew that,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to, and we want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The apartment project, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly Ave., has the support of city staff, who have been working with Mercy Housing and ALAS on plans since 2022. The building will also house a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent memo to the commissioners, Mercy Housing and ALAS staff said that they have secured $8 million in federal, state and local funding for the project, which is expected to cost $42 million, according to Hernández-Arriaga. The planning commission’s approval will now allow them to apply for federal low-income housing tax credits this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a lot of hope,” Hernández-Arriaga said. “For senior farmworkers having housing, living out their lives with dignity, being able to walk to church, to stores and the library. It’s a beautiful opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the commission’s vote is appealed, the project will go to the city council for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a>, including those displaced from the mushroom farms — is due to break ground in the coming weeks on another plot of city land and could be ready for move-in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-rising-s-f-political-star-accused-of-rape-and-abuse",
"title": "'I Am Still Haunted': Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse",
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"headTitle": "‘I Am Still Haunted’: Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sashaperigo/status/1423674978948435973\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">publicly accused him of rape in 2021\u003c/a>. At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sashaperigo/status/1423674978948435973\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">publicly accused him of rape in 2021\u003c/a>. At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"title": "'We Approach in Peace': Are BART's Efforts to Help People in Crisis Working?",
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"headTitle": "‘We Approach in Peace’: Are BART’s Efforts to Help People in Crisis Working? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent rainy morning, Stephine Barnes paces slowly through a covered outdoor walkway off the main entrance of the San Leandro BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People like to camp out here because you have shelter. There’s no rain, it’s dry. So people just find little nooks and crannies,” Barnes says, surveying the area. “It’s usually where we find a lot of people in the wee hours of the morning, sleeping, camped out, wandering around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnes is a BART crisis intervention specialist, and her job entails seeking out and offering help to the many people in the sprawling transit system struggling with lack of shelter, mental health problems or addiction. She and her partner for the day, Natalie Robinson, are part of the agency’s ambitious new efforts to address a slew of human crises that show up on BART’s trains and platforms every day — without involving the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spot a young woman with glasses and a purple bow in her hair who is hastily pulling belongings from a bike locker. Two roller bags, a dirty blanket and a ragged stuffed octopus are among the random array of possessions splayed on the ground around her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnes and Robinson approach cautiously, mindful of a large Rottweiler sitting nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to connect people with resources,” Robinson says. “So if you have a need for shelter, housing, anything like that, you can let us know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, who gives her name as Cat, seems tentative but receptive. She tells them that she and her boyfriend arrived recently from Southern California. They had been living in their car and storing their belongings in the bike locker. But BART police had just ordered them to clear out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cat nods to the dog, which sports a black-and-white smiley face bandana around its neck. “That’s Einstein,” she says. “He’s our son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my goodness, you’re just a sweetheart,” Barnes exclaims, patting the dog’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979248\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979248 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Black woman speaks to a younger woman wearing a purple hair decoration.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outside the San Leandro Bart station, BART Crisis Intervention Specialist Stephine Barnes tells an unhoused person named Cat about a nearby housing assistance program. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She tells Cat to take her time retrieving her belongings, and emphasizes that she and Robinson are not police officers and aren’t there to pressure her to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you guys are interested in getting on the list for permanent housing in Alameda County, there’s a place called Hedco in Hayward,” Barnes tells her. “You can get coffee in the morning and all that kind of stuff. And then they put you in line on how to get these resources for housing and all of those things Alameda County offers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson explains how to get there and hands Cat her card, telling her to call if she needs anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really bad with resources, honestly. So this is great,” Cat says, stuffing the card in her jacket pocket and continuing her hurried packing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t have to be out here forever,” Robinson says as she and Barnes wish Cat luck and head back toward the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll probably never know if she follows through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It varies widely,” Robinson says. “We could bring someone to a resource, and they literally don’t walk in the door, or we connect somebody, and they follow all the way through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Customer service on steroids’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Barnes and Robinson, both seasoned BART employees, were among the first to join the crisis intervention team, now a 20-member crew dispatched throughout the 50-station transit system to offer help to people who appear to be overtly in need of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding that population has gotten a good deal easier in recent years, amid a discernible uptick in the number of people on BART’s trains and platforms experiencing homelessness or suffering from serious mental health issues — a trend that mirrors \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/homeless-populations-surge-11-in-san-jose-and-8-17176329.php\">the overall surge\u003c/a> in the Bay Area’s unhoused population since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART realized “a lot of the problems that were happening outside the station were coming inside the station,” says Barnes, 53, who was a station agent for 27 years, most recently at the Coliseum station in Oakland, before taking this job. “And, of course, as an agent, you see that firsthand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s boots-on-the-ground outreach approach, launched in the depths of the pandemic, marks a notable foray into social services for an agency whose main objective has always been getting people from point A to point B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort comes as BART struggles to recoup ridership, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/202403%20MRR.pdf\">still hovers at just over 40%\u003c/a> of pre-pandemic levels, and as riders \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-poll-overwhelming-support-for-more-police-on-bart-greater-focus-on-cleanliness-and-stronger-enforcement-of-rules/\">consistently say in surveys that \u003c/a>they’re most dissatisfied with how the agency addresses homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986011\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986011 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two middle-aged women in dark-blue uniforms speak to an unseen passenger on a BART train.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (left) and Stephine Barnes check on the well-being of a BART passenger they think might need help. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those factors have prompted BART’s leaders to ratchet up funding for crisis intervention and related services — to the tune of $11 million last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/Homeless%20Action%20Plan.pdf\">according to the agency’s 2023 homeless action plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have seen a need for something different than what everyone was doing before, which was, ‘Call the police, call the police, call the police,’” says Barnes, who describes her job as “customer service on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most jobs at BART have existed since the agency started running trains more than 50 years ago, she notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing, though, that really addressed the mental health component or the homelessness crisis that we’re experiencing in the Bay Area,” Barnes says. “So when I first read [about the job], I thought, ‘Wow, this is like the next-level customer service.’ Because some customers need more help than just buying a Clipper Card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CISes, as they’re called, operate under the auspices of BART’s Police Department. But they wear distinctive, labeled uniforms and roam the stations and trains of their assigned zone in pairs, unaccompanied by sworn officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also have no enforcement power and don’t carry any weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re armed, instead, with latex gloves, Narcan — used to reverse opioid overdoses — and police radios in the event they need backup. And they use electronic notepads to document and tally their interactions, data the agency hopes will eventually demonstrate the still-undetermined effectiveness of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some CISes, like Robinson, 49, who worked as a BART police dispatcher for 16 years, also load their pockets with snacks to hand out. Others carry extra pairs of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the help CISes offer comes in the form of referrals to a collection of social service and mental health nonprofits sprinkled throughout BART’s five-county service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get to do God’s work out here,” Robinson says. “We’re helping people who are unhoused, who have substance-abuse issues, mental health issues. And being able to connect them to the proper service — those who are willing to make changes in their life — it’s just really rewarding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Signs of distress\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On this morning, Barnes and Robinson are about midway through an 8-hour shift, one that began at 5 a.m. and has taken them back and forth multiple times across their zone, from San Leandro to Lake Merritt stations. Much of that is spent patrolling train cars and platforms, searching for telltale signs of distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We pay attention to maybe some drug paraphernalia, someone who might be passed out, and check on their welfare,” Robinson says. “And then we’re also patrolling stations and just interacting with the public and building relationships with individuals that we see on a repeat basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART station agents and train operators can reach out to the CISes for help dealing with difficult but non-threatening situations, Barnes says. Passengers can also now call BART police to request help from a non-sworn officer, and dispatchers are authorized to reroute certain 911 calls to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979245\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979245 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a bathrobe and slippers walks on a train platform.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person in a bathrobe and slippers walks along the platform of the Fruitvale BART Station — someone that Crisis Intervention Specialist Stephine Barnes says she has interacted with multiple times. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can be more accessible to the public than the officers can. They’re responding to emergencies, they’re responding to fights, they’re responding to someone with a weapon,” Barnes says. “But we can take the time out. If you need to talk to me for an hour, you have me for an hour. If I need to escort you on the train, and I need to take you to a resource that’s 30, 40 minutes away, I have the time to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when people are in their worst state, Barnes says, they’re still generally grateful to have someone checking in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, of course, there are times when you’re going to be called names and told ‘Get away, you’re going to get your ass kicked,’ she says. “But I got that more as a station agent than I have in this position.”[aside label=\"more on homelessness\" tag=\"homelessness\"]BART says CISes “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/articles/2023/news20230103-2\">have a background in social work\u003c/a>” or related experience and receive a month-long training that focuses on conflict resolution and de-escalation techniques for people suffering from mental health, homelessness and substance-abuse issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all trained in how to come in peace. So when we approach, we approach in peace,” Barnes says. “It’s about a greeting. It’s about, ‘Hey, how are you? How are you doing? How can I best support you?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And a lot of times, they’re very receptive to it,” she says. “But it takes time. Relationships take time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over roughly two hours that morning, Barnes and Robinson ask about 10 people if they need some help, including several semi-conscious riders slumped over on their seats and an older man near the entrance of the Coliseum station wrapped in a dirty blanket, muttering to himself. All, except Cat, the woman they encountered at San Leandro station, wave them off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last quarter of 2023, CISes \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/2024-02/Quarterly%20Service%20Performance%20Review%20-%20Second%20Quarter%20Fiscal%20Year%202024%20-%20Presentation%20%281%29.pdf\">reported having more than 4,500 contacts\u003c/a>, of which 210 — just under 5% — resulted in verifiable connections to service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a game of patience. It may be the first contact somebody is ready to seek that help. Sometimes it might be the 20th contact,” says Ja’Son Scott, deputy chief of BART’s nascent Progressive Policing and Community Engagement Bureau, which encompasses the CIS program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott’s bureau was launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/unarmed-bart-ambassadors-program-formalized-with-a-focus-on-community-service/article_f74c861e-326f-585d-9014-44665369b258.html\">in the fall of 2020\u003c/a>, just months after George Floyd’s murder by Minneapolis police sparked nationwide protests for racial justice and police accountability. BART says its new approach, aimed at helping to restore ridership, came in response to mounting requests from passengers for an increased safety presence in the system but with less reliance on armed officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979241 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two women in uniform look through an open BART train door.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (left) and Stephine Barnes speak to passengers on a BART train that’s been stalled on the platform after a man reportedly flung a bag of feces-caked laundry around the first car. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The initiative has an annual budget of roughly $8 million, and in addition to the 20 CISes, it includes up to 10 “transit ambassadors” who also patrol the system, reporting safety concerns and “biohazards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I realize we didn’t have all the tools as police officers to deal with all the issues that you see in BART, and it’s not always necessary for a police officer to do that,” Scott says. “We can’t arrest our way through these problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Outreach vs. enforcement\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BART’s social service efforts, however, haven’t always gone smoothly. The agency’s inspector general \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/REPORT_%24350K%20for%20Homeless%20Outreach%20Yielded%20Unclear%20Results_Final_020323.pdf\">reported\u003c/a> last year that a $350,000 multiyear contract with the Salvation Army to address homelessness resulted in just one unsheltered person entering treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, BART’s Police Department has ramped up enforcement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/articles/2024/news20240328\">reporting a 62% increase in arrests\u003c/a> last year while aggressively recruiting to fill vacant positions on its force by offering higher salaries and signing bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those developments come as riders say they want to see more sworn officers in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://drive.zooce.com/management/builtinapps/fileoperator.aspx?child=1&a=D3B60E43-50D3-46D5-A799-2C3CECF14238&ro=1&fid=13728646727690992504_9832503603610834240\">2023 Bay Area Council poll\u003c/a> found three-fourths of respondents would make that a high priority. Four out of five agreed that people who violate BART’s code of conduct — rules that prohibit smoking, eating, and playing loud music, among other things — should be ejected from the system. And more than two-thirds of respondents said they thought BART should focus exclusively on running a clean, safe and reliable transit operation — while letting other public agencies deal with people in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debora Allen, a BART Board director, is among that majority. A staunch supporter of tougher law enforcement within the system, Allen was one of just two board members who voted against forming the Progressive Policing Bureau. And she remains dubious of its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, no one wants to help people who are down and out and in crisis more than me. I think all of us on that board have the same interest,” she says. But “transit isn’t the place to start social service programs. We have counties and cities who receive hundreds of millions of dollars each year to do this social service work. We should remain focused on transit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979246\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979246 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Narcan case on someone's belt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephine Barnes and other crisis intervention specialists always carry Narcan, a drug used to reverse opioid overdoses. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Allen argues that BART is using scarce dollars to deliver services to people inside the system, all but incentivizing them to stay there, while offering little in the way of data to show if the program is actually helping people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I have argued all along is our first line of defense should be to keep those people out of the system,” Allen says, decrying BART’s failure to clamp down on rampant fare evasion. \u003cb>“\u003c/b>Having them wandering and sometimes even living inside of a transit system with active moving trains all the time is the most dangerous place for them to decide to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We are definitely needed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Lake Merritt station, Barnes and Robinson are dispatched to a Dublin-Pleasanton-bound train that’s been stalled on the platform after a man reportedly flung a bag of feces-caked laundry around the first car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>So it was all over the train car. They say he wiped it out, but it definitely needs disinfecting,” Robinson says after speaking with the train operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They calmly head up the stairs and out of the station in pursuit of the man and spend about five minutes looking for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We don’t see him anywhere. We always make an attempt to try to find somebody,” says Robinson, who had hoped to refer him to a shower and laundry truck that serves the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this job successfully, she says, it’s important to not get too emotionally involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, my personal outlook and training is that, you know, this is their life, their problems, their choices,” Robinson says. “So I can’t dwell necessarily on the feelings that are so associated with seeing so much human misery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979243\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979243\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people in dark-blue uniforms talk to a BART train conductor.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (center) and Stephine Barnes speak to a BART train conductor about a man who had been causing a disturbance on the train. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Robinson says the support she and her team offer can be a game changer — if and when people actually accept it. She recounts trying to build a relationship, over months, with a young man she often saw riding the trains in her zone, obviously intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, he came and asked for us and said he was ready for recovery,” she says. “He needed somebody to dial the phone for him. He needed somebody to talk to his dad for him. He was literally at his lowest point in his life. And you need a hand in those moments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She paused, waiting for the whine of a departing train to fade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So yeah, we are definitely needed,” she says. “There needs to be a 100 of us, not just 20.”\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "BART's crisis intervention team is part of the transit agency's ambitious new strategy to reach out to the many people in the sprawling transit system who struggle with lack of shelter, mental health problems or addiction — without involving the police.",
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"title": "'We Approach in Peace': Are BART's Efforts to Help People in Crisis Working? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent rainy morning, Stephine Barnes paces slowly through a covered outdoor walkway off the main entrance of the San Leandro BART station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People like to camp out here because you have shelter. There’s no rain, it’s dry. So people just find little nooks and crannies,” Barnes says, surveying the area. “It’s usually where we find a lot of people in the wee hours of the morning, sleeping, camped out, wandering around.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnes is a BART crisis intervention specialist, and her job entails seeking out and offering help to the many people in the sprawling transit system struggling with lack of shelter, mental health problems or addiction. She and her partner for the day, Natalie Robinson, are part of the agency’s ambitious new efforts to address a slew of human crises that show up on BART’s trains and platforms every day — without involving the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spot a young woman with glasses and a purple bow in her hair who is hastily pulling belongings from a bike locker. Two roller bags, a dirty blanket and a ragged stuffed octopus are among the random array of possessions splayed on the ground around her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barnes and Robinson approach cautiously, mindful of a large Rottweiler sitting nearby.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We like to connect people with resources,” Robinson says. “So if you have a need for shelter, housing, anything like that, you can let us know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The woman, who gives her name as Cat, seems tentative but receptive. She tells them that she and her boyfriend arrived recently from Southern California. They had been living in their car and storing their belongings in the bike locker. But BART police had just ordered them to clear out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cat nods to the dog, which sports a black-and-white smiley face bandana around its neck. “That’s Einstein,” she says. “He’s our son.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my goodness, you’re just a sweetheart,” Barnes exclaims, patting the dog’s head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979248\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979248 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A middle-aged Black woman speaks to a younger woman wearing a purple hair decoration.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-12-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outside the San Leandro Bart station, BART Crisis Intervention Specialist Stephine Barnes tells an unhoused person named Cat about a nearby housing assistance program. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She tells Cat to take her time retrieving her belongings, and emphasizes that she and Robinson are not police officers and aren’t there to pressure her to leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you guys are interested in getting on the list for permanent housing in Alameda County, there’s a place called Hedco in Hayward,” Barnes tells her. “You can get coffee in the morning and all that kind of stuff. And then they put you in line on how to get these resources for housing and all of those things Alameda County offers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson explains how to get there and hands Cat her card, telling her to call if she needs anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really bad with resources, honestly. So this is great,” Cat says, stuffing the card in her jacket pocket and continuing her hurried packing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t have to be out here forever,” Robinson says as she and Barnes wish Cat luck and head back toward the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ll probably never know if she follows through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It varies widely,” Robinson says. “We could bring someone to a resource, and they literally don’t walk in the door, or we connect somebody, and they follow all the way through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>‘Customer service on steroids’\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2021, Barnes and Robinson, both seasoned BART employees, were among the first to join the crisis intervention team, now a 20-member crew dispatched throughout the 50-station transit system to offer help to people who appear to be overtly in need of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding that population has gotten a good deal easier in recent years, amid a discernible uptick in the number of people on BART’s trains and platforms experiencing homelessness or suffering from serious mental health issues — a trend that mirrors \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/homeless-populations-surge-11-in-san-jose-and-8-17176329.php\">the overall surge\u003c/a> in the Bay Area’s unhoused population since the start of the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART realized “a lot of the problems that were happening outside the station were coming inside the station,” says Barnes, 53, who was a station agent for 27 years, most recently at the Coliseum station in Oakland, before taking this job. “And, of course, as an agent, you see that firsthand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s boots-on-the-ground outreach approach, launched in the depths of the pandemic, marks a notable foray into social services for an agency whose main objective has always been getting people from point A to point B.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort comes as BART struggles to recoup ridership, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/202403%20MRR.pdf\">still hovers at just over 40%\u003c/a> of pre-pandemic levels, and as riders \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayareacouncil.org/press-releases/new-poll-overwhelming-support-for-more-police-on-bart-greater-focus-on-cleanliness-and-stronger-enforcement-of-rules/\">consistently say in surveys that \u003c/a>they’re most dissatisfied with how the agency addresses homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986011\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986011 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two middle-aged women in dark-blue uniforms speak to an unseen passenger on a BART train.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-06_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (left) and Stephine Barnes check on the well-being of a BART passenger they think might need help. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Those factors have prompted BART’s leaders to ratchet up funding for crisis intervention and related services — to the tune of $11 million last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/Homeless%20Action%20Plan.pdf\">according to the agency’s 2023 homeless action plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have seen a need for something different than what everyone was doing before, which was, ‘Call the police, call the police, call the police,’” says Barnes, who describes her job as “customer service on steroids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most jobs at BART have existed since the agency started running trains more than 50 years ago, she notes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was nothing, though, that really addressed the mental health component or the homelessness crisis that we’re experiencing in the Bay Area,” Barnes says. “So when I first read [about the job], I thought, ‘Wow, this is like the next-level customer service.’ Because some customers need more help than just buying a Clipper Card.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CISes, as they’re called, operate under the auspices of BART’s Police Department. But they wear distinctive, labeled uniforms and roam the stations and trains of their assigned zone in pairs, unaccompanied by sworn officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also have no enforcement power and don’t carry any weapons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re armed, instead, with latex gloves, Narcan — used to reverse opioid overdoses — and police radios in the event they need backup. And they use electronic notepads to document and tally their interactions, data the agency hopes will eventually demonstrate the still-undetermined effectiveness of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some CISes, like Robinson, 49, who worked as a BART police dispatcher for 16 years, also load their pockets with snacks to hand out. Others carry extra pairs of clean socks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the help CISes offer comes in the form of referrals to a collection of social service and mental health nonprofits sprinkled throughout BART’s five-county service area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get to do God’s work out here,” Robinson says. “We’re helping people who are unhoused, who have substance-abuse issues, mental health issues. And being able to connect them to the proper service — those who are willing to make changes in their life — it’s just really rewarding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Signs of distress\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On this morning, Barnes and Robinson are about midway through an 8-hour shift, one that began at 5 a.m. and has taken them back and forth multiple times across their zone, from San Leandro to Lake Merritt stations. Much of that is spent patrolling train cars and platforms, searching for telltale signs of distress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We pay attention to maybe some drug paraphernalia, someone who might be passed out, and check on their welfare,” Robinson says. “And then we’re also patrolling stations and just interacting with the public and building relationships with individuals that we see on a repeat basis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART station agents and train operators can reach out to the CISes for help dealing with difficult but non-threatening situations, Barnes says. Passengers can also now call BART police to request help from a non-sworn officer, and dispatchers are authorized to reroute certain 911 calls to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979245\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979245 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in a bathrobe and slippers walks on a train platform.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A person in a bathrobe and slippers walks along the platform of the Fruitvale BART Station — someone that Crisis Intervention Specialist Stephine Barnes says she has interacted with multiple times. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We can be more accessible to the public than the officers can. They’re responding to emergencies, they’re responding to fights, they’re responding to someone with a weapon,” Barnes says. “But we can take the time out. If you need to talk to me for an hour, you have me for an hour. If I need to escort you on the train, and I need to take you to a resource that’s 30, 40 minutes away, I have the time to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when people are in their worst state, Barnes says, they’re still generally grateful to have someone checking in on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, of course, there are times when you’re going to be called names and told ‘Get away, you’re going to get your ass kicked,’ she says. “But I got that more as a station agent than I have in this position.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>BART says CISes “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/articles/2023/news20230103-2\">have a background in social work\u003c/a>” or related experience and receive a month-long training that focuses on conflict resolution and de-escalation techniques for people suffering from mental health, homelessness and substance-abuse issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all trained in how to come in peace. So when we approach, we approach in peace,” Barnes says. “It’s about a greeting. It’s about, ‘Hey, how are you? How are you doing? How can I best support you?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And a lot of times, they’re very receptive to it,” she says. “But it takes time. Relationships take time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over roughly two hours that morning, Barnes and Robinson ask about 10 people if they need some help, including several semi-conscious riders slumped over on their seats and an older man near the entrance of the Coliseum station wrapped in a dirty blanket, muttering to himself. All, except Cat, the woman they encountered at San Leandro station, wave them off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last quarter of 2023, CISes \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/2024-02/Quarterly%20Service%20Performance%20Review%20-%20Second%20Quarter%20Fiscal%20Year%202024%20-%20Presentation%20%281%29.pdf\">reported having more than 4,500 contacts\u003c/a>, of which 210 — just under 5% — resulted in verifiable connections to service providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a game of patience. It may be the first contact somebody is ready to seek that help. Sometimes it might be the 20th contact,” says Ja’Son Scott, deputy chief of BART’s nascent Progressive Policing and Community Engagement Bureau, which encompasses the CIS program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott’s bureau was launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/archives/unarmed-bart-ambassadors-program-formalized-with-a-focus-on-community-service/article_f74c861e-326f-585d-9014-44665369b258.html\">in the fall of 2020\u003c/a>, just months after George Floyd’s murder by Minneapolis police sparked nationwide protests for racial justice and police accountability. BART says its new approach, aimed at helping to restore ridership, came in response to mounting requests from passengers for an increased safety presence in the system but with less reliance on armed officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979241\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979241 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two women in uniform look through an open BART train door.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (left) and Stephine Barnes speak to passengers on a BART train that’s been stalled on the platform after a man reportedly flung a bag of feces-caked laundry around the first car. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The initiative has an annual budget of roughly $8 million, and in addition to the 20 CISes, it includes up to 10 “transit ambassadors” who also patrol the system, reporting safety concerns and “biohazards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>I realize we didn’t have all the tools as police officers to deal with all the issues that you see in BART, and it’s not always necessary for a police officer to do that,” Scott says. “We can’t arrest our way through these problems.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>Outreach vs. enforcement\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>BART’s social service efforts, however, haven’t always gone smoothly. The agency’s inspector general \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/sites/default/files/docs/REPORT_%24350K%20for%20Homeless%20Outreach%20Yielded%20Unclear%20Results_Final_020323.pdf\">reported\u003c/a> last year that a $350,000 multiyear contract with the Salvation Army to address homelessness resulted in just one unsheltered person entering treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, BART’s Police Department has ramped up enforcement, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/news/articles/2024/news20240328\">reporting a 62% increase in arrests\u003c/a> last year while aggressively recruiting to fill vacant positions on its force by offering higher salaries and signing bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those developments come as riders say they want to see more sworn officers in the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://drive.zooce.com/management/builtinapps/fileoperator.aspx?child=1&a=D3B60E43-50D3-46D5-A799-2C3CECF14238&ro=1&fid=13728646727690992504_9832503603610834240\">2023 Bay Area Council poll\u003c/a> found three-fourths of respondents would make that a high priority. Four out of five agreed that people who violate BART’s code of conduct — rules that prohibit smoking, eating, and playing loud music, among other things — should be ejected from the system. And more than two-thirds of respondents said they thought BART should focus exclusively on running a clean, safe and reliable transit operation — while letting other public agencies deal with people in crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debora Allen, a BART Board director, is among that majority. A staunch supporter of tougher law enforcement within the system, Allen was one of just two board members who voted against forming the Progressive Policing Bureau. And she remains dubious of its benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Look, no one wants to help people who are down and out and in crisis more than me. I think all of us on that board have the same interest,” she says. But “transit isn’t the place to start social service programs. We have counties and cities who receive hundreds of millions of dollars each year to do this social service work. We should remain focused on transit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979246\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11979246 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Narcan case on someone's belt.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stephine Barnes and other crisis intervention specialists always carry Narcan, a drug used to reverse opioid overdoses. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Allen argues that BART is using scarce dollars to deliver services to people inside the system, all but incentivizing them to stay there, while offering little in the way of data to show if the program is actually helping people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I have argued all along is our first line of defense should be to keep those people out of the system,” Allen says, decrying BART’s failure to clamp down on rampant fare evasion. \u003cb>“\u003c/b>Having them wandering and sometimes even living inside of a transit system with active moving trains all the time is the most dangerous place for them to decide to live.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘We are definitely needed’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Lake Merritt station, Barnes and Robinson are dispatched to a Dublin-Pleasanton-bound train that’s been stalled on the platform after a man reportedly flung a bag of feces-caked laundry around the first car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>So it was all over the train car. They say he wiped it out, but it definitely needs disinfecting,” Robinson says after speaking with the train operator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They calmly head up the stairs and out of the station in pursuit of the man and spend about five minutes looking for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>“\u003c/b>We don’t see him anywhere. We always make an attempt to try to find somebody,” says Robinson, who had hoped to refer him to a shower and laundry truck that serves the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this job successfully, she says, it’s important to not get too emotionally involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I mean, my personal outlook and training is that, you know, this is their life, their problems, their choices,” Robinson says. “So I can’t dwell necessarily on the feelings that are so associated with seeing so much human misery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979243\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979243\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people in dark-blue uniforms talk to a BART train conductor.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-BART-CRISIS-INTERVENTION-UNIT-MD-04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">BART Crisis Intervention Specialists Natalie Robinson (center) and Stephine Barnes speak to a BART train conductor about a man who had been causing a disturbance on the train. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But Robinson says the support she and her team offer can be a game changer — if and when people actually accept it. She recounts trying to build a relationship, over months, with a young man she often saw riding the trains in her zone, obviously intoxicated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And then one day, he came and asked for us and said he was ready for recovery,” she says. “He needed somebody to dial the phone for him. He needed somebody to talk to his dad for him. He was literally at his lowest point in his life. And you need a hand in those moments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She paused, waiting for the whine of a departing train to fade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So yeah, we are definitely needed,” she says. “There needs to be a 100 of us, not just 20.”\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Desperate for a way to help the tens of thousands of people living in tents, cars and RVs on California’s streets, lawmakers are attempting to upend a key tenet of the state’s homelessness policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing — a significant departure from current law, which requires providers to accept people regardless of their drug and alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to get off of drugs and away from drugs, we should give them that option,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2479\">Assembly Bill 2479\u003c/a>. “They shouldn’t be forced to live next to people who are using drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 12,000 sober living beds in the state, but more than twice that many Californians who would qualify for those services, according to data from the California Research Bureau quoted in the Assembly Health Committee’s analysis of the second bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2893\">AB 2893\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law prohibits spending housing funding on sobriety-focused programs, many are funded by private donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers behind the two bills say they aren’t trying to alter the key idea that everyone deserves immediate housing, even people struggling with addictions. Instead, they’re attempting to give more choices to people who want to be sober. However, some experts worry that because California has a shortage of homeless housing, people who relapse into sober housing or who don’t want to stay sober would have nowhere to go but back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills come as California’s homelessness population is skyrocketing, having increased from about 118,000 in 2016 to more than 181,000 last year. Some critics blame and want to overturn the state’s inclusive housing policy. At the same time, as public fears about crime soar, voters in some liberal cities are putting limits on who can receive public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters this year passed an initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-march-election-prop-f-results-drug-screening-18693764.php\">mandating drug screenings\u003c/a> for welfare recipients. In San Diego County, Vista Mayor John Franklin recently introduced a measure pledging not to support “any program that enables continued drug use” and criticizing Housing First for precluding sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we are seeing a cultural shift,” said Christopher Calton, a research fellow who studies housing and homelessness for libertarian think-tank the Independent Institute. “People are starting to say these permissive policies aren’t working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s ‘Housing First’ homelessness policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At issue is the state’s adherence to “Housing First,” a framework where homeless residents are offered housing immediately and with minimal caveats or requirements, regardless of sobriety. The housing should be “low-barrier,” meaning residents are not required to participate in recovery or other programs. After someone is housed, providers are then supposed to offer voluntary substance use and mental health treatment, job training, or other services. The idea is that if people don’t have to focus all their energy on simply surviving on the streets, they’re better equipped to work on their other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First became the law of the land\u003c/a> in California in 2016 when the state required all state-funded programs to adopt the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale St in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. The 200-bed shelter opened in December of 2019. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The federal government also uses that framework. However, in 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/resource/4852/recovery-housing-policy-brief/\">U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said\u003c/a> requiring sobriety is not necessarily anti-Housing First. California did not follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans and conservative-leaning groups are now pushing to overturn California’s Housing First framework, saying it hasn’t successfully reduced homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/165420\">Assemblymember Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, from Folsom, is trying to completely repeal Housing First with \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>. That bill has yet to be heard by a committee and likely won’t advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with more than 180,000 Californians lacking a home, even Democrats want to see changes. The bills by Haney and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Assemblymember Chris Ward\u003c/a> of San Diego would allow up to 25% of state funds in each county to go toward sober housing.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']Neither Democrat wants to upend Housing First. Instead, they want sober housing facilities to operate under a Housing First framework. Haney’s bill would require counties to make sure sober facilities kept people housed at rates similar to facilities without sobriety requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills specify that tenants should not be kicked out of their sober housing just because they relapse, and instead, they should get support to help them recover. If a resident is no longer interested in being sober, the program should help them move into another housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a sober living option for people who want it would be a good thing — but it would have to be their choice, said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for The Corporation for Supportive Housing. But homeless housing is so scarce in California that it’s unlikely participants would be given a true choice, she said. And, these bills would divert already limited state money away from low-barrier housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My worry is that we have one pie of funding for housing,” she said. “So it’s not like we’re saying, ‘Let’s add extra money and try this other approach.’ We’d be saying, ‘Let’s spend less money on harm-reduction housing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her organization has not taken an official position on the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sure people don’t end up back on the street after a relapse, counties would have to keep spaces in low-barrier housing free in case someone needs to move out of sober housing, Haney said. But that’s not explicitly mandated in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key motivation for Haney to draft his sober housing bill is the surge of deaths caused by the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid fentanyl\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our Housing First policies in California do not reflect the realities of fentanyl and the need to provide pathways to get off of and away from such a deadly drug,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overdose deaths are rampant inside San Francisco’s homeless housing, a 2022\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/san-francisco-sros-overdoses/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found. But the state doesn’t track those deaths in public housing, meaning if Haney’s sober housing bill passes, it will be all but impossible to tell whether it saves lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should track those deaths, Haney said, adding, “Maybe I’ll do that bill next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Housing First work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The argument against Housing First is simple: Since California adopted the policy, the state’s homeless population has grown by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say that’s because high housing costs push people onto the streets faster than the state’s overburdened supportive housing system can pull them back inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tent under a freeway overpass in Oakland, photographed on Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2017, the day of the Point-In-Time survey of Alameda County’s homeless population. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under immense pressure to do something about the crisis, politicians are pointing to Housing First as a scapegoat, said Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness. But that’s like blaming the emergency room for the number of COVID patients coming in during the pandemic, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/spring-summer-23/highlight2.html\">shown Housing First to be successful\u003c/a>. The Department of Veterans Affairs in 2010 found adopting Housing FIrst \u003ca href=\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcop.21554\">reduced the time it took\u003c/a> to place people in housing from 223 days to 35 days. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4679127/\">A two-year study in five Canadian cities\u003c/a> found that Housing First participants spent 73% of their time in stable housing, compared with 32% in non-Housing First programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Assisting the Homeless (PATH), which operates Housing First programs in Southern California and the Bay Area, reported that 94% of people who moved in were still housed a year later. Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, which spearheads the county’s Housing First efforts, reported similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is as much evidence as I think would be necessary to show that this model works really well.” CEO Jennifer Loving said. “And the problem is we haven’t been able to do enough of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: The initial headline KQED used for this story was inaccurate. California is not considering making sobriety a mandatory requirement for shelter access. Rather, the state is considering using funding to support sober housing. We have since revised the headline to reflect this, and apologize for the inaccuracy.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Desperate for a way to help the tens of thousands of people living in tents, cars and RVs on California’s streets, lawmakers are attempting to upend a key tenet of the state’s homelessness policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two new bills would allow state funding to support sober housing — a significant departure from current law, which requires providers to accept people regardless of their drug and alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people want to get off of drugs and away from drugs, we should give them that option,” said \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/matt-haney-165453\">Assemblymember Matt Haney\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2479\">Assembly Bill 2479\u003c/a>. “They shouldn’t be forced to live next to people who are using drugs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are at least 12,000 sober living beds in the state, but more than twice that many Californians who would qualify for those services, according to data from the California Research Bureau quoted in the Assembly Health Committee’s analysis of the second bill, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2893\">AB 2893\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As state law prohibits spending housing funding on sobriety-focused programs, many are funded by private donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawmakers behind the two bills say they aren’t trying to alter the key idea that everyone deserves immediate housing, even people struggling with addictions. Instead, they’re attempting to give more choices to people who want to be sober. However, some experts worry that because California has a shortage of homeless housing, people who relapse into sober housing or who don’t want to stay sober would have nowhere to go but back to the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills come as California’s homelessness population is skyrocketing, having increased from about 118,000 in 2016 to more than 181,000 last year. Some critics blame and want to overturn the state’s inclusive housing policy. At the same time, as public fears about crime soar, voters in some liberal cities are putting limits on who can receive public assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco voters this year passed an initiative \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/sf-march-election-prop-f-results-drug-screening-18693764.php\">mandating drug screenings\u003c/a> for welfare recipients. In San Diego County, Vista Mayor John Franklin recently introduced a measure pledging not to support “any program that enables continued drug use” and criticizing Housing First for precluding sober housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we are seeing a cultural shift,” said Christopher Calton, a research fellow who studies housing and homelessness for libertarian think-tank the Independent Institute. “People are starting to say these permissive policies aren’t working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s ‘Housing First’ homelessness policy\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At issue is the state’s adherence to “Housing First,” a framework where homeless residents are offered housing immediately and with minimal caveats or requirements, regardless of sobriety. The housing should be “low-barrier,” meaning residents are not required to participate in recovery or other programs. After someone is housed, providers are then supposed to offer voluntary substance use and mental health treatment, job training, or other services. The idea is that if people don’t have to focus all their energy on simply surviving on the streets, they’re better equipped to work on their other issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-funding/active-funding/docs/housing-first-fact-sheet.pdf\">Housing First became the law of the land\u003c/a> in California in 2016 when the state required all state-funded programs to adopt the model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/011_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7844_qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale St in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. The 200-bed shelter opened in December of 2019. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The federal government also uses that framework. However, in 2015, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/resource/4852/recovery-housing-policy-brief/\">U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development said\u003c/a> requiring sobriety is not necessarily anti-Housing First. California did not follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans and conservative-leaning groups are now pushing to overturn California’s Housing First framework, saying it hasn’t successfully reduced homelessness. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/people/165420\">Assemblymember Josh Hoover\u003c/a>, from Folsom, is trying to completely repeal Housing First with \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2417\">AB 2417\u003c/a>. That bill has yet to be heard by a committee and likely won’t advance this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with more than 180,000 Californians lacking a home, even Democrats want to see changes. The bills by Haney and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/christopher-ward-35497\">Assemblymember Chris Ward\u003c/a> of San Diego would allow up to 25% of state funds in each county to go toward sober housing.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Neither Democrat wants to upend Housing First. Instead, they want sober housing facilities to operate under a Housing First framework. Haney’s bill would require counties to make sure sober facilities kept people housed at rates similar to facilities without sobriety requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both bills specify that tenants should not be kicked out of their sober housing just because they relapse, and instead, they should get support to help them recover. If a resident is no longer interested in being sober, the program should help them move into another housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having a sober living option for people who want it would be a good thing — but it would have to be their choice, said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for The Corporation for Supportive Housing. But homeless housing is so scarce in California that it’s unlikely participants would be given a true choice, she said. And, these bills would divert already limited state money away from low-barrier housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My worry is that we have one pie of funding for housing,” she said. “So it’s not like we’re saying, ‘Let’s add extra money and try this other approach.’ We’d be saying, ‘Let’s spend less money on harm-reduction housing.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her organization has not taken an official position on the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make sure people don’t end up back on the street after a relapse, counties would have to keep spaces in low-barrier housing free in case someone needs to move out of sober housing, Haney said. But that’s not explicitly mandated in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key motivation for Haney to draft his sober housing bill is the surge of deaths caused by the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid fentanyl\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our Housing First policies in California do not reflect the realities of fentanyl and the need to provide pathways to get off of and away from such a deadly drug,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overdose deaths are rampant inside San Francisco’s homeless housing, a 2022\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/projects/2022/san-francisco-sros-overdoses/\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> investigation\u003c/a> found. But the state doesn’t track those deaths in public housing, meaning if Haney’s sober housing bill passes, it will be all but impossible to tell whether it saves lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state should track those deaths, Haney said, adding, “Maybe I’ll do that bill next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does Housing First work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The argument against Housing First is simple: Since California adopted the policy, the state’s homeless population has grown by more than half.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say that’s because high housing costs push people onto the streets faster than the state’s overburdened supportive housing system can pull them back inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985917\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985917\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/20170131_AlamedaCountyHomelessCount_Credit_BertJohnson-4_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tent under a freeway overpass in Oakland, photographed on Tuesday, Jan. 31, 2017, the day of the Point-In-Time survey of Alameda County’s homeless population. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under immense pressure to do something about the crisis, politicians are pointing to Housing First as a scapegoat, said Ann Oliva, CEO of the National Alliance to End Homelessness. But that’s like blaming the emergency room for the number of COVID patients coming in during the pandemic, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/periodicals/em/spring-summer-23/highlight2.html\">shown Housing First to be successful\u003c/a>. The Department of Veterans Affairs in 2010 found adopting Housing FIrst \u003ca href=\"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcop.21554\">reduced the time it took\u003c/a> to place people in housing from 223 days to 35 days. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4679127/\">A two-year study in five Canadian cities\u003c/a> found that Housing First participants spent 73% of their time in stable housing, compared with 32% in non-Housing First programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People Assisting the Homeless (PATH), which operates Housing First programs in Southern California and the Bay Area, reported that 94% of people who moved in were still housed a year later. Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, which spearheads the county’s Housing First efforts, reported similar results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is as much evidence as I think would be necessary to show that this model works really well.” CEO Jennifer Loving said. “And the problem is we haven’t been able to do enough of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Correction: The initial headline KQED used for this story was inaccurate. California is not considering making sobriety a mandatory requirement for shelter access. Rather, the state is considering using funding to support sober housing. We have since revised the headline to reflect this, and apologize for the inaccuracy.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A Fairfield City Council member’s wife, who was paid $4,000 by California Forever, the investor-backed group trying to gain approval to build a new city in Solano County, has returned the money \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984830/california-forever-shells-out-2m-in-campaign-to-build-city-from-scratch\">after reporting by KQED\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sue Vaccaro received the fee from California Forever earlier this year, according to the group’s campaign finance filings released last week, which listed her as a campaign consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever spent $2 million on its campaign in the first quarter of this year as it works to gain county-wide support for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985195/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-will-likely-be-on-the-ballot\">a November ballot initiative\u003c/a> that would allow the company to transform thousands of acres of farmland into a dense, walkable city akin to Berlin or Paris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaccaro, who is married to Fairfield City Councilmember Rick Vaccaro and serves as president of the Filipino American Chamber of Commerce of Solano County, said California Forever paid her after she coordinated an informational meeting between the company and various Solano nonprofits, including the Chinese American Association of Solano County and Asian Pacific Islander American Public Affairs. She told KQED she was unsure why she was paid for the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though no campaign finance rule would bar Sue Vaccaro from taking such a fee, she opted to return the money this week after KQED reported on it as part of a story about California Forever’s campaign finance spending because she didn’t want to be associated with the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rick Vaccaro said that neither he nor his wife have endorsed the plan to build the city, which would be a few miles away from Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not plan on endorsing the project at any time,” Rick Vaccaro said. “[Sue] gave the money back because she didn’t want it to look like she was endorsing them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more housing coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]Opinions about the project have varied since the company announced its plans late last year. Several elected officials have spoken out against the project, including Congressmen John Garamendi and Mike Thompson, Vallejo Councilmember Charles Palmares and Princess Washington, the Mayor Pro-Tem of Suisun City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one elected official has voiced support for the project: Vacaville Vice Mayor Greg Ritchie, who has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/groups/775318240797761/?hoisted_section_header_type=recently_seen&multi_permalinks=798238288505756\">criticism on social media\u003c/a> from constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire-backed ballot initiative moved one step closer to the November election when California Forever submitted more than 20,000 signatures to the Solano County Registrar’s Office earlier this month. The office now has 30 days to verify those signatures before passing them along to the Board of Supervisors, which will have to approve the initiative to go before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A Fairfield City Council member’s wife, who was paid $4,000 by California Forever, the investor-backed group trying to gain approval to build a new city in Solano County, has returned the money \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984830/california-forever-shells-out-2m-in-campaign-to-build-city-from-scratch\">after reporting by KQED\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sue Vaccaro received the fee from California Forever earlier this year, according to the group’s campaign finance filings released last week, which listed her as a campaign consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever spent $2 million on its campaign in the first quarter of this year as it works to gain county-wide support for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985195/billionaire-backed-bid-for-new-solano-county-city-will-likely-be-on-the-ballot\">a November ballot initiative\u003c/a> that would allow the company to transform thousands of acres of farmland into a dense, walkable city akin to Berlin or Paris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vaccaro, who is married to Fairfield City Councilmember Rick Vaccaro and serves as president of the Filipino American Chamber of Commerce of Solano County, said California Forever paid her after she coordinated an informational meeting between the company and various Solano nonprofits, including the Chinese American Association of Solano County and Asian Pacific Islander American Public Affairs. She told KQED she was unsure why she was paid for the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though no campaign finance rule would bar Sue Vaccaro from taking such a fee, she opted to return the money this week after KQED reported on it as part of a story about California Forever’s campaign finance spending because she didn’t want to be associated with the initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rick Vaccaro said that neither he nor his wife have endorsed the plan to build the city, which would be a few miles away from Fairfield.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do not plan on endorsing the project at any time,” Rick Vaccaro said. “[Sue] gave the money back because she didn’t want it to look like she was endorsing them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Opinions about the project have varied since the company announced its plans late last year. Several elected officials have spoken out against the project, including Congressmen John Garamendi and Mike Thompson, Vallejo Councilmember Charles Palmares and Princess Washington, the Mayor Pro-Tem of Suisun City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one elected official has voiced support for the project: Vacaville Vice Mayor Greg Ritchie, who has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/groups/775318240797761/?hoisted_section_header_type=recently_seen&multi_permalinks=798238288505756\">criticism on social media\u003c/a> from constituents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The billionaire-backed ballot initiative moved one step closer to the November election when California Forever submitted more than 20,000 signatures to the Solano County Registrar’s Office earlier this month. The office now has 30 days to verify those signatures before passing them along to the Board of Supervisors, which will have to approve the initiative to go before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Half Moon Bay Mayor Calls Newsom's Legal Threat Over Farmworker Housing Unhelpful",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom weighed in on a debate over affordable housing in Half Moon Bay today, calling on the city’s planning commission to move swiftly to approve an apartment building for senior farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">statement\u003c/a>, Newsom told commissioners to “stop delaying” approval of the 40-unit project and threatened legal action against the city if they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The delay is egregious and jeopardizes the well-being of Californians,” Newsom said. “The state’s Housing Accountability Unit is reviewing the city’s actions and will take all necessary steps to hold Half Moon Bay accountable if the project does not move forward as state law requires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed five-story apartment building is one of two low-income housing developments for farmworkers the city has pursued in the wake of a mass shooting last year on two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms that brought to light squalid living conditions for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom visited the city after the Jan. 23, 2023, shooting rampage where a disgruntled farmworker killed seven co-workers and gravely injured an eighth. After touring the mushroom farms, he voiced outrage over the deplorable housing that lacked heat or running water, telling reporters: “Some of you should see where these folks are living, the conditions they’re in. Living in shipping containers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='half-moon-bay-shooting']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The planning commission held two meetings in late April with hours of public comment, but did not vote on the proposal. A third meeting is scheduled for May 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said that Newsom’s comments were unhelpful, and he denied that the approval was delayed, saying the commission was simply accommodating members of the public who wished to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he wants to meet with me and sit down and talk about housing, I would love to sit down with him,” said Jiménez, who added that Newsom did not reach out to him before weighing in. “He needs to understand that this is a process that we have to follow. There’s nothing being delayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez, who sits on the city council, declined to give an opinion on how the commission should vote because any appeal of its decision could go to a vote of the council. But Jiménez is a long-time farmworker advocate and has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">leading the call for more affordable workforce housing\u003c/a> in coastal San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago we knew that,” said Jiménez. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to and we want to.”\u003cbr>\nCity staff has recommended the commission approve the 40-unit apartment building, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly St. in downtown Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the Half Moon Bay City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/the-rhna-housing-element-cycle-6-demands-half-moon-bay-build-affordable-and-low-income-480-living-units/\">directed staff\u003c/a> to work with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing and a local community organization, Ayudando Latinos A Soñar. Mercy and ALAS are jointly developing the project, and the city has received millions of dollars in state and county funds for such a development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom follows through on the threat to take legal action against Half Moon Bay, the responsibility would fall to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/accountability-and-enforcement\">Housing Accountability Unit\u003c/a>, an enforcement agency that has wielded its power to push other cities to comply with state housing laws and build sufficient housing under the state’s housing element law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a> on city-owned land — is due to break ground in the coming weeks. On Tuesday, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">approved $6 million for that project\u003c/a>, which is expected to be ready for move-in by early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom weighed in on a debate over affordable housing in Half Moon Bay today, calling on the city’s planning commission to move swiftly to approve an apartment building for senior farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">statement\u003c/a>, Newsom told commissioners to “stop delaying” approval of the 40-unit project and threatened legal action against the city if they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The delay is egregious and jeopardizes the well-being of Californians,” Newsom said. “The state’s Housing Accountability Unit is reviewing the city’s actions and will take all necessary steps to hold Half Moon Bay accountable if the project does not move forward as state law requires.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed five-story apartment building is one of two low-income housing developments for farmworkers the city has pursued in the wake of a mass shooting last year on two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms that brought to light squalid living conditions for farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom visited the city after the Jan. 23, 2023, shooting rampage where a disgruntled farmworker killed seven co-workers and gravely injured an eighth. After touring the mushroom farms, he voiced outrage over the deplorable housing that lacked heat or running water, telling reporters: “Some of you should see where these folks are living, the conditions they’re in. Living in shipping containers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The planning commission held two meetings in late April with hours of public comment, but did not vote on the proposal. A third meeting is scheduled for May 14.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said that Newsom’s comments were unhelpful, and he denied that the approval was delayed, saying the commission was simply accommodating members of the public who wished to speak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If he wants to meet with me and sit down and talk about housing, I would love to sit down with him,” said Jiménez, who added that Newsom did not reach out to him before weighing in. “He needs to understand that this is a process that we have to follow. There’s nothing being delayed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jiménez, who sits on the city council, declined to give an opinion on how the commission should vote because any appeal of its decision could go to a vote of the council. But Jiménez is a long-time farmworker advocate and has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941716/we-have-a-moment-here-an-urgent-push-for-farmworker-housing-in-wake-of-half-moon-bay-tragedy\">leading the call for more affordable workforce housing\u003c/a> in coastal San Mateo County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago we knew that,” said Jiménez. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to and we want to.”\u003cbr>\nCity staff has recommended the commission approve the 40-unit apartment building, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly St. in downtown Half Moon Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the Half Moon Bay City Council \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastsidebuzz.com/the-rhna-housing-element-cycle-6-demands-half-moon-bay-build-affordable-and-low-income-480-living-units/\">directed staff\u003c/a> to work with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing and a local community organization, Ayudando Latinos A Soñar. Mercy and ALAS are jointly developing the project, and the city has received millions of dollars in state and county funds for such a development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Newsom follows through on the threat to take legal action against Half Moon Bay, the responsibility would fall to the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/accountability-and-enforcement\">Housing Accountability Unit\u003c/a>, an enforcement agency that has wielded its power to push other cities to comply with state housing laws and build sufficient housing under the state’s housing element law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a> on city-owned land — is due to break ground in the coming weeks. On Tuesday, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/ceo/news/supervisors-approve-nearly-6-million-farm-labor-housing\">approved $6 million for that project\u003c/a>, which is expected to be ready for move-in by early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Map: What You Need to Earn to Afford a Median-Priced Home in Your County in California",
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"content": "\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">In San Mateo County, homebuyers need to make an annual income of $511,000 to afford a median-priced home — the highest in the state, according to data released Thursday by the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That eye-popping figure is being driven primarily by persistently high interest rates, which show little sign of abating — at least through the summer, said Oscar Wei, the association’s deputy chief economist, who tracked home buying affordability figures for almost every county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand in the Bay Area, income levels tend to be a little bit higher compared to other parts of the country,” he said. “But $500,000 or over $500,000 — that’s still a huge number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wei said the lack of affordability is due, in part, to high borrowing costs, which have more than doubled over the past few years, along with already-high home prices, a shortage of supply, and incomes that haven’t grown in tandem with rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With interest rates rising that fast — and also, home prices not dropping much — that’s caused housing affordability to come down,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Minimum Income Needed to Afford a Median-Priced Home\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-i9PEb\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/i9PEb/6/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"834\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three other Bay Area counties — Santa Clara, Marin and San Francisco — fell just behind San Mateo County in terms of the annual income needed for a median-priced home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimates are based on the median price for a detached, single-family home for the first quarter of 2024 and assume a 30-year mortgage, a 20% down payment and a 6.86% interest rate, along with projected taxes and insurance costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, only 17% of earners could afford to purchase a median-priced home in their county, according to the realtors association. That’s a steep drop from 2012, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">when 56% of earners\u003c/a> could afford their county’s median-priced home, and a far cry from the current national average of 37%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more housing coverage\" tag=\"housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interest rates are expected to come down sometime before the fall, the traditional end to peak home-buying season, Wei said. But a continued shortage of supply is still likely to keep home prices high, he noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t expect a significant increase [in affordability],” he said, adding that he expected the year to end with less than 20% of earners in California being able to afford their county’s median-priced home. “That’s what we can hope for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing San Mateo and Santa Clara counties at the top of the list of least affordable counties is no surprise to Ahmad Thomas, CEO of the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, a business advocacy organization. The region’s tech companies have long drawn workers from across the country, leading to a high cost of living for at least the last two decades, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those higher costs could be justified because they allowed workers to live in close proximity to good-paying jobs, Thomas said. Now, though, as remote work enables many employees to live anywhere, he said the Bay Area’s high housing costs are becoming a vulnerability for the companies that first attracted those workers — and for the region as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The advantage that we have versus other regions … it’s not as pronounced,” Thomas said. “It is very hard for working families to make ends meet here, which is not what any of us wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth in home prices didn’t just come from tech companies adding new jobs; it was also a product of cities not allowing enough new housing to be built, said Greg Magofña, chief strategy officer at California Community Builders, a housing advocacy group focused on closing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/black-wealth-is-increasing-but-so-is-the-racial-wealth-gap/\">racial wealth gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just stopped building and stopped acknowledging that [children born in the region are] going to have to move out of our parents homes at some point,” he said. “Or, if you’re like me and are displaced from the Bay Area, you move back into your parents’ front bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2010 to 2019, the Bay Area added \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/research/where-did-we-build-housing-this-decade\">six new jobs for every new home\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 report from the rental listings site, Apartment List. In the San Francisco-Oakland-Berkeley and San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara metropolitan regions, jobs grew by 29% and 33%, respectively, between 2010 and 2020. During the same time, the number of housing units grew by just 5% and 7%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those with family members who already own a home in the area, rising home prices are not necessarily a problem, Magofña said. But it does present a formidable barrier for anyone trying to enter the market without \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/gen-z-millennial-down-payment-family-help/\">access to generational wealth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have that intergenerational wealth, then [homeownership] is more open to you as a middle-class person. But, I think a majority of Californians of color don’t have that background,” he said. “It’s really out of reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Community Builders recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975039/californias-middle-class-declines-as-low-and-high-incomes-surge-study-shows\">released a report\u003c/a> showing an exodus of middle-class earners from the state. The report didn’t look into reasons why people were leaving, but the organization’s CEO, Adam Briones, pointed to high housing costs as a primary driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dream of home ownership is very much alive, and it’s very much something that working families are pursuing,” Briones said. “People really want to buy a home, and they’re more than willing to leave the Bay Area in California to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp style=\"text-align: left\">In San Mateo County, homebuyers need to make an annual income of $511,000 to afford a median-priced home — the highest in the state, according to data released Thursday by the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That eye-popping figure is being driven primarily by persistently high interest rates, which show little sign of abating — at least through the summer, said Oscar Wei, the association’s deputy chief economist, who tracked home buying affordability figures for almost every county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I understand in the Bay Area, income levels tend to be a little bit higher compared to other parts of the country,” he said. “But $500,000 or over $500,000 — that’s still a huge number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wei said the lack of affordability is due, in part, to high borrowing costs, which have more than doubled over the past few years, along with already-high home prices, a shortage of supply, and incomes that haven’t grown in tandem with rising costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With interest rates rising that fast — and also, home prices not dropping much — that’s caused housing affordability to come down,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Minimum Income Needed to Afford a Median-Priced Home\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-i9PEb\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/i9PEb/6/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"800\" height=\"834\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three other Bay Area counties — Santa Clara, Marin and San Francisco — fell just behind San Mateo County in terms of the annual income needed for a median-priced home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The estimates are based on the median price for a detached, single-family home for the first quarter of 2024 and assume a 30-year mortgage, a 20% down payment and a 6.86% interest rate, along with projected taxes and insurance costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, only 17% of earners could afford to purchase a median-priced home in their county, according to the realtors association. That’s a steep drop from 2012, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/haitraditional\">when 56% of earners\u003c/a> could afford their county’s median-priced home, and a far cry from the current national average of 37%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interest rates are expected to come down sometime before the fall, the traditional end to peak home-buying season, Wei said. But a continued shortage of supply is still likely to keep home prices high, he noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t expect a significant increase [in affordability],” he said, adding that he expected the year to end with less than 20% of earners in California being able to afford their county’s median-priced home. “That’s what we can hope for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeing San Mateo and Santa Clara counties at the top of the list of least affordable counties is no surprise to Ahmad Thomas, CEO of the Silicon Valley Leadership Group, a business advocacy organization. The region’s tech companies have long drawn workers from across the country, leading to a high cost of living for at least the last two decades, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those higher costs could be justified because they allowed workers to live in close proximity to good-paying jobs, Thomas said. Now, though, as remote work enables many employees to live anywhere, he said the Bay Area’s high housing costs are becoming a vulnerability for the companies that first attracted those workers — and for the region as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The advantage that we have versus other regions … it’s not as pronounced,” Thomas said. “It is very hard for working families to make ends meet here, which is not what any of us wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The growth in home prices didn’t just come from tech companies adding new jobs; it was also a product of cities not allowing enough new housing to be built, said Greg Magofña, chief strategy officer at California Community Builders, a housing advocacy group focused on closing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/black-wealth-is-increasing-but-so-is-the-racial-wealth-gap/\">racial wealth gap\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just stopped building and stopped acknowledging that [children born in the region are] going to have to move out of our parents homes at some point,” he said. “Or, if you’re like me and are displaced from the Bay Area, you move back into your parents’ front bedroom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2010 to 2019, the Bay Area added \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/research/where-did-we-build-housing-this-decade\">six new jobs for every new home\u003c/a>, according to a 2021 report from the rental listings site, Apartment List. In the San Francisco-Oakland-Berkeley and San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara metropolitan regions, jobs grew by 29% and 33%, respectively, between 2010 and 2020. During the same time, the number of housing units grew by just 5% and 7%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those with family members who already own a home in the area, rising home prices are not necessarily a problem, Magofña said. But it does present a formidable barrier for anyone trying to enter the market without \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/gen-z-millennial-down-payment-family-help/\">access to generational wealth\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have that intergenerational wealth, then [homeownership] is more open to you as a middle-class person. But, I think a majority of Californians of color don’t have that background,” he said. “It’s really out of reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Community Builders recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975039/californias-middle-class-declines-as-low-and-high-incomes-surge-study-shows\">released a report\u003c/a> showing an exodus of middle-class earners from the state. The report didn’t look into reasons why people were leaving, but the organization’s CEO, Adam Briones, pointed to high housing costs as a primary driver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dream of home ownership is very much alive, and it’s very much something that working families are pursuing,” Briones said. “People really want to buy a home, and they’re more than willing to leave the Bay Area in California to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Eyes Cuts to California’s $500M Anti-Foreclosure Fund for Renters",
"headTitle": "Newsom Eyes Cuts to California’s $500M Anti-Foreclosure Fund for Renters | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program aimed at preserving existing affordable housing is on the chopping block — before the state has spent any of the nearly $500 million set aside for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California created the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB128#:~:text=Bill%20Text%20-%20AB-128%20Budget%20Act%20of%202021.,state%20budget%2C%20to%20take%20effect%20immediately%2C%20budget%20bill\">Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program (FIHPP)\u003c/a>, a $485 million program funded through 2027, as economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic put many low-income households at greater risk of foreclosure. The program sought to keep affordable homes and buildings under 25 units \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842392/how-moms-4-housing-changed-laws-and-inspired-a-movement\">out of the hands of corporations\u003c/a> by allowing nonprofits and community land trusts, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11868037/grandma-challenges-real-estate-giant-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">tenants of the foreclosed home\u003c/a>, the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a state budget deficit looming, Gov. Gavin Newsom froze the program in January 2024 before any dollars in the program were spent. Now, he’s proposing to cut the program in half — even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/01/17/california-foreclosure-filings-climb-41-off-pandemic-era-lows/\">foreclosure rates have climbed\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/across-california-eviction-cases-have-returned-to-or-surpassed-pre-pandemic-levels\"> evictions have surpassed their pre-pandemic levels\u003c/a> in California. Nationwide, eviction filings are associated with increases in the number of people experiencing homelessness, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/resource/eviction-filings-associated-increases-homelessness#:~:text=For%20every%20one%20percentage%20point,sheltered%20homelessness%20per%2010%2C000%20people.\">2023 study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When rents become unaffordable and tenants are pushed out, those folks are at the highest risk of homelessness,” said Leo Goldberg, co-director for policy and capacity building at the California Community Land Trust Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization supports 26 nonprofits around the state that help residents collectively own their properties through land trusts to preserve affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This intervention comes in before people are completely priced out of the community before they live on the streets, where interventions are extremely costly,” Goldberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program allows nonprofits or community groups to purchase affordable buildings at their lowest price, giving residents split ownership and responsibility. And, Goldberg said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828243/neighbors-rally-to-help-warriors-fan-keep-his-iconic-home\">there are plenty of properties that fit the bill\u003c/a>. California had more than 32,000 foreclosure filings in 2023 alone, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/01/17/california-foreclosure-filings-climb-41-off-pandemic-era-lows/?clearUserState=true\">Orange County Register\u003c/a> analysis of ATTOM data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985344\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985344\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco is covered for paint work on May 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Advocates with land trusts and other nonprofit community organizations said they need state funding to compete on the market with for-profit house-flippers, who in some cases have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923467/how-nonprofits-use-a-legal-loophole-to-flip-california-homes-for-a-profit\">abused the state law\u003c/a> that allows tenants of foreclosed homes, the government or nonprofits an exclusive 45-day window to match the winning bid in a foreclosure auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco artist Matthew Souzis and his apartment building neighbors believe an injection of this foreclosure-intervention funding could help transform their living situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Souzis said he’s seen rents skyrocket in the area surrounding his apartment in the Mission since he first moved there in 2007. The building has also amassed a number of habitability issues that have yet to be addressed, he said. The building has frequent plumbing challenges, and Souzis said a sign notifying residents about the need to upgrade the building seismically only recently came down after being up for almost eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a real liability for the owners. Most of the tenants are low-income. It’s a rent-controlled building and has a lot of infrastructure problems,” Souzis said. “If the objective is to make money, they’re going to do everything in their power to force people out so they can bring in people at market rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prado Group acquired the property in November 2023, and told KQED they have been working to complete outstanding repair work since then. Bill Goldman, its senior vice president, said the company has completed more than 50 deferred maintenance issues including the seismic retrofit, repainting the building and removing dry rot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We anticipate the remaining work to be completed in compliance with city ordinances and with all violations cleared by the end of this month,” Goldman told KQED. “We take our responsibility as a property owner very seriously and we are committed to transparency and responsiveness as we repair and improve the property, including all of the deficiencies that were not addressed by the prior ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985345\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985345\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco, which is covered for paint work on May 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The urgent need for repairs makes the rent-controlled building at 324 14th St. a strong candidate for foreclosure intervention funding. The San Francisco Community Land Trust is interested in purchasing the property, giving residents collective ownership, and using the funding to complete necessary repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best case for this building would be if the land trust bought it,” Souzis said. “There’s no way I could possibly live in San Francisco if I lose this place. And most of the people in the building are in the same boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, that option is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without additional funding support, representatives for the land trust told KQED that financing the purchase would be near impossible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Opportunities to prevent displacement and stop further homelessness will evaporate without the funding. That’s a concern across the board,” said Kyle Smeallie, policy director for the San Francisco Community Land Trust. “We believe in a model that lifts up community ownership but, first and foremost, prevents displacement of our residents. And that’s why the funding is so critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time state agencies completed \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/nP2DCpYzGliAj8E9SDFAb4?domain=hcd.ca.gov\">guidelines\u003c/a> to implement the foreclosure intervention program in 2023, the state faced a major budget shortfall. Areas across government are facing cuts, including affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor will release an updated state budget proposal, called the May Revise, on May 10, and supporters are now rallying to maintain the current funding and see the money actually begin to be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The size of the shortfall in January has necessitated reductions across nearly every aspect of city government, and some housing programs are part of that,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the State Department of Finance. Cutting funding for the foreclosure program, he said, was part of “reducing proposed spending over a multi-year period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recently built condo building up the block from Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco in May 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston is hoping the legislature can find a way to preserve the program in this year’s budget, and on Tuesday, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24654800-reso-supporting-fihpp-state-allocations\">introduced a city resolution\u003c/a> urging the governor to avoid any cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Acquiring sites through this kind of program is really essential to meeting affordable housing goals and to create stability for folks who are vulnerable to displacement,” he said. “There are plenty of sites in my district and across San Francisco that could be acquired with this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing nonprofits have submitted applications to preserve more than 300 homes in San Francisco, totaling $124 million, according to the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, nearly 30% of surveyed affordable housing providers — such as land trusts, Habitat for Humanity chapters, tribes and other organizations — have already identified projects that could use foreclosure-intervention funding, according to research by the California Community Land Trust Network. Those organizations shared plans for a total of 162 properties, ranging from 1-25 units each, that could be acquired should the funding become available.[aside postID=news_11985194 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/230808-SanFranciscoCityHall-25-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg']“There has never been a greater need for these funds. We are facing the double crisis of homelessness and displacement of low-income, predominantly Black and brown households,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24654801-community-support-letter-fihpp-funding-2024\">a letter in support\u003c/a> of the program signed by dozens of affordable housing providers, advocates and other experts. “We urgently call on the Legislature and the Governor to provide [the] Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program the resources that have been promised for three years and to avoid any further delays in implementing this innovative program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers negotiate the state budget, affordable housing advocates are pushing ahead with the model at smaller scales — and seeing success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871064/east-bay-tenant-land-trust-buy-foreclosed-home-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">East Bay grandmother Jocelyn Foreman’s house\u003c/a> was a catalyst for the funding in 2021 after she partnered with a land trust to fundraise and buy the home she was renting, staving off her eviction and displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, a $14 million pilot program has funded efforts to purchase and rehabilitate eight properties housing around 110 people across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this as a success story and a learning opportunity,” said Kasey Ventura, an organizer at the Beverly Vermont Community Land Trust in Los Angeles. “There are residents now who no longer have to fear evictions, and all of these buildings are being brought up to code so they have safer standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in San Francisco, Souzis is hoping his building could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sense that an ax is going to come down on us,” Souzis said about why he hopes the building will soon turn over to the land trust. “We all agree, in our tenants association, that this would just be much, much better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The governor is proposing to freeze a program aimed at keeping families facing foreclosure in their homes before any of the dollars ever get spent. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program aimed at preserving existing affordable housing is on the chopping block — before the state has spent any of the nearly $500 million set aside for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, California created the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB128#:~:text=Bill%20Text%20-%20AB-128%20Budget%20Act%20of%202021.,state%20budget%2C%20to%20take%20effect%20immediately%2C%20budget%20bill\">Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program (FIHPP)\u003c/a>, a $485 million program funded through 2027, as economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic put many low-income households at greater risk of foreclosure. The program sought to keep affordable homes and buildings under 25 units \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11842392/how-moms-4-housing-changed-laws-and-inspired-a-movement\">out of the hands of corporations\u003c/a> by allowing nonprofits and community land trusts, as well as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11868037/grandma-challenges-real-estate-giant-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">tenants of the foreclosed home\u003c/a>, the opportunity to purchase them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With a state budget deficit looming, Gov. Gavin Newsom froze the program in January 2024 before any dollars in the program were spent. Now, he’s proposing to cut the program in half — even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/01/17/california-foreclosure-filings-climb-41-off-pandemic-era-lows/\">foreclosure rates have climbed\u003c/a> and\u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/housing-homelessness/across-california-eviction-cases-have-returned-to-or-surpassed-pre-pandemic-levels\"> evictions have surpassed their pre-pandemic levels\u003c/a> in California. Nationwide, eviction filings are associated with increases in the number of people experiencing homelessness, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://nlihc.org/resource/eviction-filings-associated-increases-homelessness#:~:text=For%20every%20one%20percentage%20point,sheltered%20homelessness%20per%2010%2C000%20people.\">2023 study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When rents become unaffordable and tenants are pushed out, those folks are at the highest risk of homelessness,” said Leo Goldberg, co-director for policy and capacity building at the California Community Land Trust Network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization supports 26 nonprofits around the state that help residents collectively own their properties through land trusts to preserve affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This intervention comes in before people are completely priced out of the community before they live on the streets, where interventions are extremely costly,” Goldberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program allows nonprofits or community groups to purchase affordable buildings at their lowest price, giving residents split ownership and responsibility. And, Goldberg said, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11828243/neighbors-rally-to-help-warriors-fan-keep-his-iconic-home\">there are plenty of properties that fit the bill\u003c/a>. California had more than 32,000 foreclosure filings in 2023 alone, according to an \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2024/01/17/california-foreclosure-filings-climb-41-off-pandemic-era-lows/?clearUserState=true\">Orange County Register\u003c/a> analysis of ATTOM data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985344\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985344\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-05-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco is covered for paint work on May 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Advocates with land trusts and other nonprofit community organizations said they need state funding to compete on the market with for-profit house-flippers, who in some cases have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11923467/how-nonprofits-use-a-legal-loophole-to-flip-california-homes-for-a-profit\">abused the state law\u003c/a> that allows tenants of foreclosed homes, the government or nonprofits an exclusive 45-day window to match the winning bid in a foreclosure auction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco artist Matthew Souzis and his apartment building neighbors believe an injection of this foreclosure-intervention funding could help transform their living situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Souzis said he’s seen rents skyrocket in the area surrounding his apartment in the Mission since he first moved there in 2007. The building has also amassed a number of habitability issues that have yet to be addressed, he said. The building has frequent plumbing challenges, and Souzis said a sign notifying residents about the need to upgrade the building seismically only recently came down after being up for almost eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a real liability for the owners. Most of the tenants are low-income. It’s a rent-controlled building and has a lot of infrastructure problems,” Souzis said. “If the objective is to make money, they’re going to do everything in their power to force people out so they can bring in people at market rate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prado Group acquired the property in November 2023, and told KQED they have been working to complete outstanding repair work since then. Bill Goldman, its senior vice president, said the company has completed more than 50 deferred maintenance issues including the seismic retrofit, repainting the building and removing dry rot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We anticipate the remaining work to be completed in compliance with city ordinances and with all violations cleared by the end of this month,” Goldman told KQED. “We take our responsibility as a property owner very seriously and we are committed to transparency and responsiveness as we repair and improve the property, including all of the deficiencies that were not addressed by the prior ownership.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985345\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985345\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Signs on Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco, which is covered for paint work on May 7, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The urgent need for repairs makes the rent-controlled building at 324 14th St. a strong candidate for foreclosure intervention funding. The San Francisco Community Land Trust is interested in purchasing the property, giving residents collective ownership, and using the funding to complete necessary repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best case for this building would be if the land trust bought it,” Souzis said. “There’s no way I could possibly live in San Francisco if I lose this place. And most of the people in the building are in the same boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now, that option is uncertain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without additional funding support, representatives for the land trust told KQED that financing the purchase would be near impossible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Opportunities to prevent displacement and stop further homelessness will evaporate without the funding. That’s a concern across the board,” said Kyle Smeallie, policy director for the San Francisco Community Land Trust. “We believe in a model that lifts up community ownership but, first and foremost, prevents displacement of our residents. And that’s why the funding is so critical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time state agencies completed \u003ca href=\"https://url.us.m.mimecastprotect.com/s/nP2DCpYzGliAj8E9SDFAb4?domain=hcd.ca.gov\">guidelines\u003c/a> to implement the foreclosure intervention program in 2023, the state faced a major budget shortfall. Areas across government are facing cuts, including affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor will release an updated state budget proposal, called the May Revise, on May 10, and supporters are now rallying to maintain the current funding and see the money actually begin to be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The size of the shortfall in January has necessitated reductions across nearly every aspect of city government, and some housing programs are part of that,” said H.D. Palmer, a spokesperson for the State Department of Finance. Cutting funding for the foreclosure program, he said, was part of “reducing proposed spending over a multi-year period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985346\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985346\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240507-FORECLOSED-HOMES-FUND-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A recently built condo building up the block from Matthew Souzis’ building in San Francisco in May 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston is hoping the legislature can find a way to preserve the program in this year’s budget, and on Tuesday, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24654800-reso-supporting-fihpp-state-allocations\">introduced a city resolution\u003c/a> urging the governor to avoid any cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Acquiring sites through this kind of program is really essential to meeting affordable housing goals and to create stability for folks who are vulnerable to displacement,” he said. “There are plenty of sites in my district and across San Francisco that could be acquired with this funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing nonprofits have submitted applications to preserve more than 300 homes in San Francisco, totaling $124 million, according to the resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across California, nearly 30% of surveyed affordable housing providers — such as land trusts, Habitat for Humanity chapters, tribes and other organizations — have already identified projects that could use foreclosure-intervention funding, according to research by the California Community Land Trust Network. Those organizations shared plans for a total of 162 properties, ranging from 1-25 units each, that could be acquired should the funding become available.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There has never been a greater need for these funds. We are facing the double crisis of homelessness and displacement of low-income, predominantly Black and brown households,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24654801-community-support-letter-fihpp-funding-2024\">a letter in support\u003c/a> of the program signed by dozens of affordable housing providers, advocates and other experts. “We urgently call on the Legislature and the Governor to provide [the] Foreclosure Intervention Housing Preservation Program the resources that have been promised for three years and to avoid any further delays in implementing this innovative program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As lawmakers negotiate the state budget, affordable housing advocates are pushing ahead with the model at smaller scales — and seeing success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871064/east-bay-tenant-land-trust-buy-foreclosed-home-in-early-test-of-new-california-law\">East Bay grandmother Jocelyn Foreman’s house\u003c/a> was a catalyst for the funding in 2021 after she partnered with a land trust to fundraise and buy the home she was renting, staving off her eviction and displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, a $14 million pilot program has funded efforts to purchase and rehabilitate eight properties housing around 110 people across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see this as a success story and a learning opportunity,” said Kasey Ventura, an organizer at the Beverly Vermont Community Land Trust in Los Angeles. “There are residents now who no longer have to fear evictions, and all of these buildings are being brought up to code so they have safer standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in San Francisco, Souzis is hoping his building could be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a sense that an ax is going to come down on us,” Souzis said about why he hopes the building will soon turn over to the land trust. “We all agree, in our tenants association, that this would just be much, much better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco homeless services provider accused of falsifying $105,000 in invoices is cut off from future city funding, the city attorney’s office said in its latest move against alleged nonprofit fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation of San Francisco never carried out shelter maintenance work that it billed for, an investigation by City Attorney David Chiu’s office found, adding that the misused taxpayer funds remain unaccounted for. The investigation also found that the foundation violated its contracts with the city despite warnings over nepotism and other offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence denies the allegations, calling them “unfounded and baseless,” according to Vernon Goins, an Oakland-based attorney representing the foundation. Goins said the nonprofit is cooperating fully with the investigation “and will take remedial action where appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Providence Foundation of San Francisco is confident that it will successfully prove that it never engaged in any willful misconduct as to any city grant or contract,” Goins wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928222\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man dressed in a business suit stands in front of a microphone with a large sign behind him.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu at City Hall on October 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu announced Monday that he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2024.05.06-Counts-and-Allegations-Seeking-Debarment-and-Order-of-Suspension.pdf\">launched debarment proceedings\u003c/a> against Providence while immediately suspending it from bidding on or receiving new contracts or grants from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a difference between having challenges with financial compliance and intentionally defrauding the city and its taxpayers,” Chiu said in a statement. “My office’s work to root out bad actors who take advantage of our public resources continues. We will find out about your misdeeds, cut off your funding, and hold you accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action follows rising scrutiny of the city’s nonprofits in recent years and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981767/audit-finds-sf-homeless-housing-provider-misspent-taxpayer-money\">comes on the heels of a city audit released last month\u003c/a> that found HomeRise, a leading developer of housing for people exiting homelessness in San Francisco, has been “careless and irresponsible” with taxpayer money, spending $12,500 on a social event and handing out $200,000 in bonuses, among other improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence’s contracts with the city, through the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, include one to run the Oasis Hotel, a shelter for families experiencing homelessness; another to run a navigation center; and others to operate supportive services and housing voucher programs, according to Chiu’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged fraud involves falsified invoices related to maintenance at the Oasis Hotel. The city attorney claims the hotel was never painted nor had locks removed as reported on invoices, which also allegedly list a false contractor’s license number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation Executive Director Patricia Doyle signed off on these bills, according to Chiu’s office, and should have known they were fake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of new exterior paint is obvious to any person who views the Oasis, let alone the executive director and director of operations of the nonprofit in charge of operating the hotel,” according to a press release from the office. “In fact, a facilities report that the city commissioned after the Oasis had purportedly been painted lists ‘exterior paint’ as one of the shelter’s most pressing needs due to rust and fungus on the exterior of the building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]Chiu is also accusing the nonprofit of hiring “members of at least seven different families,” including children of the executive director and vice president of the board, in violation of the anti-nepotism provision in the grant agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing called Providence out on its hiring practices and other contract violations starting in March 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HSH has received complaints from Providence staff about personnel mismanagement, personnel oversight and inappropriate hiring practices,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/HSH-Corrective-Action-Letters.pdf\">one letter to the nonprofit reads\u003c/a>. The letter also lists complaints of wage theft, inadequate staffing, nepotism and accusations that Providence Foundation Director of Operations Kenisha Roach video-recorded guests and staff at the Oasis without permission during private conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence could be barred from getting city contracts or grants for up to five years through the debarment process, which is an administrative rather than legal procedure and is expected to take several months. At the city attorney’s request, the controller will appoint an independent hearing officer to hear arguments from both sides and decide. Debarment requires a finding of “willful misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspension will stay in place until the debarment proceeding is resolved. It doesn’t put an end to Providence’s current city contracts but could be grounds for terminating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco homeless services provider accused of falsifying $105,000 in invoices is cut off from future city funding, the city attorney’s office said in its latest move against alleged nonprofit fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation of San Francisco never carried out shelter maintenance work that it billed for, an investigation by City Attorney David Chiu’s office found, adding that the misused taxpayer funds remain unaccounted for. The investigation also found that the foundation violated its contracts with the city despite warnings over nepotism and other offenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence denies the allegations, calling them “unfounded and baseless,” according to Vernon Goins, an Oakland-based attorney representing the foundation. Goins said the nonprofit is cooperating fully with the investigation “and will take remedial action where appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Providence Foundation of San Francisco is confident that it will successfully prove that it never engaged in any willful misconduct as to any city grant or contract,” Goins wrote in an email to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11928222\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11928222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man dressed in a business suit stands in front of a microphone with a large sign behind him.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/10/RS59200_DSC09553-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu at City Hall on October 9, 2022. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chiu announced Monday that he \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2024.05.06-Counts-and-Allegations-Seeking-Debarment-and-Order-of-Suspension.pdf\">launched debarment proceedings\u003c/a> against Providence while immediately suspending it from bidding on or receiving new contracts or grants from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a difference between having challenges with financial compliance and intentionally defrauding the city and its taxpayers,” Chiu said in a statement. “My office’s work to root out bad actors who take advantage of our public resources continues. We will find out about your misdeeds, cut off your funding, and hold you accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action follows rising scrutiny of the city’s nonprofits in recent years and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11981767/audit-finds-sf-homeless-housing-provider-misspent-taxpayer-money\">comes on the heels of a city audit released last month\u003c/a> that found HomeRise, a leading developer of housing for people exiting homelessness in San Francisco, has been “careless and irresponsible” with taxpayer money, spending $12,500 on a social event and handing out $200,000 in bonuses, among other improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence’s contracts with the city, through the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, include one to run the Oasis Hotel, a shelter for families experiencing homelessness; another to run a navigation center; and others to operate supportive services and housing voucher programs, according to Chiu’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The alleged fraud involves falsified invoices related to maintenance at the Oasis Hotel. The city attorney claims the hotel was never painted nor had locks removed as reported on invoices, which also allegedly list a false contractor’s license number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence Foundation Executive Director Patricia Doyle signed off on these bills, according to Chiu’s office, and should have known they were fake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of new exterior paint is obvious to any person who views the Oasis, let alone the executive director and director of operations of the nonprofit in charge of operating the hotel,” according to a press release from the office. “In fact, a facilities report that the city commissioned after the Oasis had purportedly been painted lists ‘exterior paint’ as one of the shelter’s most pressing needs due to rust and fungus on the exterior of the building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chiu is also accusing the nonprofit of hiring “members of at least seven different families,” including children of the executive director and vice president of the board, in violation of the anti-nepotism provision in the grant agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing called Providence out on its hiring practices and other contract violations starting in March 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“HSH has received complaints from Providence staff about personnel mismanagement, personnel oversight and inappropriate hiring practices,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfcityattorney.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/HSH-Corrective-Action-Letters.pdf\">one letter to the nonprofit reads\u003c/a>. The letter also lists complaints of wage theft, inadequate staffing, nepotism and accusations that Providence Foundation Director of Operations Kenisha Roach video-recorded guests and staff at the Oasis without permission during private conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Providence could be barred from getting city contracts or grants for up to five years through the debarment process, which is an administrative rather than legal procedure and is expected to take several months. At the city attorney’s request, the controller will appoint an independent hearing officer to hear arguments from both sides and decide. Debarment requires a finding of “willful misconduct.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suspension will stay in place until the debarment proceeding is resolved. It doesn’t put an end to Providence’s current city contracts but could be grounds for terminating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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