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"content": "\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california-forever\">California Forever\u003c/a> pitched residents on its ambitious plan to build a new city on eastern Bay Area farmland at a town hall meeting last December, Sam Houston was on the fence. He assumed it would result in a sleepy suburb where, much like other cities in Solano County, residents would commute toward Silicon Valley for work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, his wife gave birth to their first child, and his perspective shifted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Especially having a son, [I think about] 20 years from now — is my son, Jasper, going to find a place here?” he asked. “Jasper being born definitely makes me think about the future and take it more to heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal from California Forever had been set to go before Solano County voters in November, but after months of controversy, testy debates between residents and millions of dollars spent on campaigning, the company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996747/california-forever-pulls-bid-to-build-new-city-from-this-years-ballot\">announced on Monday\u003c/a> that it was pulling its initiative from the ballot. Company representatives plan to try again in two years after working with county officials to publish an environmental impact report and development agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the project’s opponents, as well as supporters who spoke to KQED, including Houston, said they welcomed the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it was the right move,” Houston said. “I think it’s a way to take in the community’s feedback, their concerns, and their input and incorporate that into the plans. I think it’s the best way to address the community’s concerns and answer their questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, the county released a \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/SolanoCountyReport.pdf\">damning preliminary report\u003c/a> about the project’s impacts on the environment and cost to taxpayers, despite company representatives’ promises that it would not cost Solano residents anything. California Forever CEO Jan Sramek told KQED that he has repeatedly heard from residents who want a full environmental impact report before voting on the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996987\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/231205-SolanoCountyFarmers-57-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jan Sramek, CEO of California Forever, speaks during a town hall meeting in Rio Vista on Dec. 5, 2023, for the proposed California city backed by Silicon Valley investors on farmland in eastern Solano County. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Brian Hanlon, president of the housing advocacy organization California YIMBY, said that although his organization still supports the project and its vision to bring dense housing to the state, any project should have an environmental impact report and detailed planning done before asking voters to weigh in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conducting environmental assessments for big, new projects that could have real environmental impacts is good and appropriate,” Hanlon said. “It sounds like county leaders and California Forever are working collaboratively, in good faith, to solve the challenges. It strikes me as a positive sign.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monique Lopez Feybesse, owner of Vallejo-based patisserie Tarts de Feybesse, said she was looking forward to the new city and the business opportunities that could have come with it. Pushing the ballot measure back to 2026 could delay the new city, she said, though California Forever has asserted it would have spent the next two years working on reports and developer agreements anyway.[aside postID=news_11996747 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240604_CaliforniaForeverFarms_GC-12_qed-1020x680.jpg']“I detest the idea of taking polar sides,” she said. “The people who I have spoken to who oppose the project are mostly of an older generation who are reluctant for change and have valid questions about the impact. On the other side, the younger generation is hopeful for changes here and looking for opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who remain skeptical about the project hope the ballot measure’s delay gives the company a chance to prove itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Summers, a pastor at Healthy Vallejo Community Support Services, said he wants to stay involved with the community discussions that California Forever pledged to hold over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives them time to show the character of who they are by partnering with the cities,” he said. “I want some of the relationships to show that they really are serious about investing in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/statement-solano-together-win?utm_campaign=087fc253-f684-42c9-b418-c6ba4c0feb7c&utm_source=so&utm_medium=mail&cid=029ada15-a014-4860-9c51-349cf503a8cd\">Solano Together\u003c/a>, the biggest organization opposing the project, said the company’s decision was a “win” for the people of Solano. Nate Huntington, a spokesperson for the organization, said that while they are still determining their next steps, they plan to stay involved with discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think one key … is demanding transparency and accountability from California Forever and decision-makers,” he said. “We’ll want to continue to educate the public about what is happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I detest the idea of taking polar sides,” she said. “The people who I have spoken to who oppose the project are mostly of an older generation who are reluctant for change and have valid questions about the impact. On the other side, the younger generation is hopeful for changes here and looking for opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who remain skeptical about the project hope the ballot measure’s delay gives the company a chance to prove itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthony Summers, a pastor at Healthy Vallejo Community Support Services, said he wants to stay involved with the community discussions that California Forever pledged to hold over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It gives them time to show the character of who they are by partnering with the cities,” he said. “I want some of the relationships to show that they really are serious about investing in the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/statement-solano-together-win?utm_campaign=087fc253-f684-42c9-b418-c6ba4c0feb7c&utm_source=so&utm_medium=mail&cid=029ada15-a014-4860-9c51-349cf503a8cd\">Solano Together\u003c/a>, the biggest organization opposing the project, said the company’s decision was a “win” for the people of Solano. Nate Huntington, a spokesperson for the organization, said that while they are still determining their next steps, they plan to stay involved with discussions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think one key … is demanding transparency and accountability from California Forever and decision-makers,” he said. “We’ll want to continue to educate the public about what is happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Oakland on Tuesday began to sweep a small community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">unhoused people\u003c/a> who call a tiny beach near the Bay Bridge home, according to an attorney representing the residents in a federal lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the 12 residents of the Interstate 80 toll plaza camp, many of whom have disabilities, plan to stick together as they move on to another roadside about three miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>A lot of them are very sad,” said Andrea Henson, an attorney for the encampment residents who visited Tuesday morning as homeless advocates arrived with UHauls and police stood by to oversee the city sweep. “They’re scared, of course. They’re concerned about their safety, especially the women who have children. They were very happy that the community decided to stay together because they do provide protection and assistance to one another that, had they been isolated, they wouldn’t have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials moved to evict the community after two years of complaints from the San Francisco Boardsailing Association, which blamed the camp for car break-ins, increased trash and direct sewage runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of the encampment said the city has not offered them appropriate shelter as it has sought to clear them from the beach. Their court case was seen as an early test of last month’s Supreme Court ruling that discarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment. That decision could embolden cities to step up policing of encampments.[aside postID=news_11993312 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/GettyImages-1258550747-qut-1020x680.jpg']The Oakland residents staved off their eviction in court twice but eventually lost their bid to stay this month. Their lawsuit alleging that the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only three of the residents were still considering a city offer for shelter, Henson said, adding that the rest of the dozen individuals were not offered adequate accommodations. They include a man living with AIDS and a son caring for his father with severe dementia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have dementia, to go into a space that’s not managed right, or if you have AIDS, to go into a congregate setting … that could be a death sentence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson pointed to a family with three teenage children who were told to move to Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the moms is a disabled army veteran; she has a service disability. And then the other mom takes the children to school each day in San Francisco. They were told to go to Richmond,” Henson said, “but the only stable thing in these children’s lives is that school in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, in reference to city efforts to shelter those displaced in the case, Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson said Oakland “is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the city of Oakland did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday’s sweep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Oakland on Tuesday began to sweep a small community of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993380/unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling\">unhoused people\u003c/a> who call a tiny beach near the Bay Bridge home, according to an attorney representing the residents in a federal lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the 12 residents of the Interstate 80 toll plaza camp, many of whom have disabilities, plan to stick together as they move on to another roadside about three miles away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>A lot of them are very sad,” said Andrea Henson, an attorney for the encampment residents who visited Tuesday morning as homeless advocates arrived with UHauls and police stood by to oversee the city sweep. “They’re scared, of course. They’re concerned about their safety, especially the women who have children. They were very happy that the community decided to stay together because they do provide protection and assistance to one another that, had they been isolated, they wouldn’t have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials moved to evict the community after two years of complaints from the San Francisco Boardsailing Association, which blamed the camp for car break-ins, increased trash and direct sewage runoff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of the encampment said the city has not offered them appropriate shelter as it has sought to clear them from the beach. Their court case was seen as an early test of last month’s Supreme Court ruling that discarded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment. That decision could embolden cities to step up policing of encampments.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Oakland residents staved off their eviction in court twice but eventually lost their bid to stay this month. Their lawsuit alleging that the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act is still pending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only three of the residents were still considering a city offer for shelter, Henson said, adding that the rest of the dozen individuals were not offered adequate accommodations. They include a man living with AIDS and a son caring for his father with severe dementia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have dementia, to go into a space that’s not managed right, or if you have AIDS, to go into a congregate setting … that could be a death sentence,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson pointed to a family with three teenage children who were told to move to Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the moms is a disabled army veteran; she has a service disability. And then the other mom takes the children to school each day in San Francisco. They were told to go to Richmond,” Henson said, “but the only stable thing in these children’s lives is that school in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, in reference to city efforts to shelter those displaced in the case, Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson said Oakland “is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the city of Oakland did not respond to a request for comment on Tuesday’s sweep.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-latinos-call-on-local-national-leaders-to-address-housing-economy",
"title": "California Latinos Call on Local, National Leaders to Address Housing, Economy",
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"content": "\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In heavily Democratic California, Latinos are not likely to switch parties, despite high housing costs and the remnants of inflation, which are prompting some Latinos nationally to don red.",
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"title": "California Latinos Call on Local, National Leaders to Address Housing, Economy | KQED",
"description": "In heavily Democratic California, Latinos are not likely to switch parties, despite high housing costs and the remnants of inflation, which are prompting some Latinos nationally to don red.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Maria Vargas sells sliced jicama, cucumbers, and watermelon, among other fruits, from a sidewalk stand in San Francisco’s Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The El Salvadoran immigrant has two children and is expecting a third. After losing her previous job, she said she had no other choice but to find some way to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is more expensive,” Vargas said in Spanish. “Food and rent are increasing by a lot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of increasing household costs are top of mind for many Latinos in San Francisco and across the country, and are becoming a key campaign issue in this election year. While Latino voters have historically supported Democrats, Latino voter organizations say these concerns — and in particular, skyrocketing rents — are propelling some to shift their political alliances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That should worry presidential candidates, along with politicians competing for seats in congressional battleground states, though experts say there isn’t much evidence that trend has taken root yet in California. The Pew Research Center \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/religious-landscape-study/database/compare/party-affiliation/by/racial-and-ethnic-composition/among/state/california/\">found\u003c/a> that among adults in the state, approximately 50% of Latinos lean Democratic, 21% lean Republican and 29% expressed no party preference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Madrid, a partner at the public relations firm Grassroots Lab, said Democrats’ concern with cultural issues is missing the core political issue for many Latinos: the economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really no longer the party of the working class, and it shows in its policy and its priorities,” he said. “The working class is starting to revolt. They’re starting to say, ‘Enough.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that for the past 30 years, Latinos have always focused on growth in the economy, but the current climate is different.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996023\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-22-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Vargas sells fruit on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It was always about what opportunities lay before me, for my family, for my children, those were the primary economic concerns,” he said. “Today, it’s basic survival. It’s affordability and the inability to support a family in any reasonable way, with paying rents and trying to buy a home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2023 \u003ca href=\"https://gordoninstitute.fiu.edu/research/latino-public-opinion-forum/annual-hispanic-public-opinion-survey-2023.pdf\">survey (PDF)\u003c/a> from Florida International University and marketing firm Adsmovil, 1 in 5 Latino voters nationally have considered changing their political affiliation to another party or registering as independents. A majority of those voters — 61% — said that they would be open to leaving the Democratic Party, with a plurality of those — 38% — becoming Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an important group for either party to woo: According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2024/01/10/key-facts-about-hispanic-eligible-voters-in-2024/\">Pew Research Center,\u003c/a> Latinos are projected to account for nearly 15% of all eligible voters in November 2024, a new high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/unidosus_national_surveyoflatinovoters.pdf\">national poll conducted last year (PDF) \u003c/a>from the Latino civil rights organization, UnidosUS, and Mi Familia Vota shows that Latinos ranked inflation and the rising cost of living, jobs and the economy, and health care as the three most important issues they would like to see addressed by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996021\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LATINOVOTERSENTIMENT-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cesar Avila stands in the shop he runs, Bay Area Revives, on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Of those surveyed, 47% of Latino voters approved of President Joe Biden’s job performance, with nearly as many — 44% — disapproving. But, despite that, many were willing to stick with Democrats, as 39% of respondents said Democrats would be better able to address inflation and the rising cost of living, while only 21% said Republicans would be more effective.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want solutions that they’re going to feel in their pocketbook in the near-term,” said Laura Arce, senior vice president of economic initiatives at UnidosUS. “Not just … promises of policies in the future, but how will I be able to afford my mortgage or my rent?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, President Joe Biden \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995878/ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice\">announced a plan\u003c/a> to withhold some federal tax breaks for large landlords if they raise rents by more than 5% per year. And former President Donald Trump, who’s made combating rising inflation a central tenet of his campaign, focused \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/how-donald-trump-plans-fix-housing-market-1811663\">his housing plan\u003c/a> on cutting energy costs and interest rates to increase housing construction\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As November rolls around, Arce is glad that housing has garnered mainstream attention and “entered the political debate” in a way she hasn’t seen before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there is growing recognition by our elected officials and our candidates that a lot of the angst around our economic situation is centered around housing, and something needs to happen,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996580\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996580\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-06-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mission District resident Blanca Trujillo stands in front of an empty building on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arce pointed to past \u003ca href=\"https://unidosus.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/unidosus_systemicracism_executivesummary.pdf\">policies of exclusion and discrimination (PDF)\u003c/a> that have led to historically lower homeownership rates among Latinos, adding that because of these policies, Latino homebuyers are at a disadvantage when it comes to purchasing a home. They are less likely to be able to rely on generational wealth, she said, and also less likely to be able to rely on “generational knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to white households, Latino households’ median income is 45% lower, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californias-housing-divide/\">according to the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. And, nearly 60% of Latinos pay more than a third of their income on housing. In 2022, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/research-and-statistics/research-reports/snapshot-of-race-and-home-buying-in-america\">51% of Latinos were homeowners\u003c/a>, compared to 72% of white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a lot of Latino first-time homebuyers, they are also first-generation homebuyers, and so they don’t have the family wealth to lean on to help with a down payment,” Arce said. “They also may not have that expertise within the family of someone they can ask for advice about how to determine what’s a good mortgage product for me [and] what should I be looking for in a house.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco — as well as in much of the Bay Area — rising rents make it even harder for Latino residents to save for a down payment, said Julio Vidal, owner of Ceviche 19, a Peruvian restaurant in the Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Affordable housing is out of reach for Latinos because rent costs are too high,” Vidal said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996577\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996577\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240716-LatinoVoterSentiment-17-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Julio Vidal sits in Plaza Adelante on Mission Street in San Francisco on July 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nor does it help, said Blanca Trujillo, a Mexican-American woman living in San Francisco’s Mission District, that many Bay Area Latinos have to sometimes work two or three jobs to be able to afford stable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a family has stable housing, it helps with safety and with mental health,” Trujillo said in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message for both Democrats and Republicans nationally, Trujillo said, is simple: “This is a basic need for any family. They should focus more on building more housing in neighborhoods. As politicians, they know what our neighborhoods and families need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Madrid said the question is whether local leaders want a society with “de facto segregation” when it comes to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless San Francisco wants to lose its image as sort of a diverse, multiethnic, multiracial community,” he said, “it’s going to have to address housing for this community as a central part of its governance strategy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-forever-pulls-bid-to-build-new-city-from-this-years-ballot",
"title": "California Forever Pulls Bid to Build New City From This Year’s Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 3:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996536/farmers-are-divided-over-california-forevers-plan-in-solano-county\">California Forever\u003c/a>, the billionaire-backed company behind a controversial plan to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County, announced Monday it will pull its proposal from the November ballot and bring it back to the voters in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Jan Sramek said this new timeline allows the company to clarify the details surrounding neighbors’ biggest questions about the project: What will the new city really look like, and what impact will it have on the surrounding environment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big decision, and at the same time, it’s just a reordering of the steps in the process,” Sramek told KQED. “There’s overwhelming support for development in east Solano, but we’ve heard from a number of people saying, ‘Why can’t you do the environmental impact report first and then have a vote?’ We can do all of that without impacting the overall timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it was introduced last year, the proposal has been at the center of a heated debate over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991788/solano-county-supervisors-want-to-know-more-about-california-forever-before-its-on-the-ballot\">the future of Solano County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in favor pointed to California Forever’s promises to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">add 15,000 new jobs\u003c/a> to the county — where many residents commute outside the county for work — and vows that the new city would house 400,000 residents when fully built out. Opponents, however, feared those promises were merely a ploy to win over voters and noted the proposal did not include any legally binding guarantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear: California Forever knew their guarantees were not binding,” Daniela Ades, a spokesperson for local opposition group Solano Together, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/statement-solano-together-win\">statement\u003c/a>. “Instead of taking the time to deeply engage in a transparent process of what their proposal means to the county, they decided to deceive the public to try and get the initiative passed.”[aside postID=news_11996536 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/20240604_CALIFORNIAFOREVERFARMS_GC-37-KQED-2-1020x709.jpg']The decision to pull the ballot measure comes ahead of the Board of Supervisors’ meeting on Tuesday when officials were expected to submit the “East Solano Plan” to the voters this fall. Instead, the company has agreed to work with the county on zoning changes and an environmental impact report before re-submitting the proposal to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Announcing last year that California Forever would seek a vote on the November 2024 ballot, without a full environmental impact report and a fully negotiated development agreement, was a mistake,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said in a statement. “Delaying the vote gives everyone a chance to pause and work together, which is what is needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those opposing the project repeatedly pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991234/california-forever-releases-water-plan-but-there-are-still-some-questions\">company’s water strategy\u003c/a>, which included questions regarding plans to rely in part on imported water supplies. Company spokespeople said those questions could only be answered after voters approved the initiative. Now, the company will have to find those answers within the next two years when it conducts its environmental impact report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others were concerned about environmental impacts on the Jepson Prairie and vernal pools within the proposed city’s boundaries. A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/SolanoCountyReport.pdf\">recently published county report (PDF) \u003c/a>found that the new city could significantly change the biodiversity and environmental quality of those habitats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://eastsolanoplan.com/10-guarantees\">guarantees\u003c/a> was the promise that the new city would “pay its own way through the tax revenue it generates” and would be “operated at no cost to the Solano taxpayer, except for those who live in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Solano County’s report found that the project’s costs could exceed revenues generated by the new town, potentially leaving the county in a fiscal deficit of $103.1 million once the city was fully built out. Taxpayers could be on the hook for an additional $88.8 million for firefighting services from the Montezuma Fire Protection District, the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors ordered the report during their June meeting, and officials had only 30 days to compile research. Because of the quick turnaround, the report noted that its fiscal impact assessment is not comprehensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever’s ambitious plan aimed to operate outside the traditional bureaucracy, which housing advocates have criticized for slowing down housing development. Despite this new timeline, Sramek is not concerned about getting the project on the ballot in 2026 and moving forward with construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of examples in California where the process has resulted in projects that haven’t broken ground in 10 or 20 years, and I think what is encouraging here is that the county recognized it,” he said. “I think what we’ll be able to do here is the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 3:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996536/farmers-are-divided-over-california-forevers-plan-in-solano-county\">California Forever\u003c/a>, the billionaire-backed company behind a controversial plan to build a city from scratch in eastern Solano County, announced Monday it will pull its proposal from the November ballot and bring it back to the voters in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Jan Sramek said this new timeline allows the company to clarify the details surrounding neighbors’ biggest questions about the project: What will the new city really look like, and what impact will it have on the surrounding environment?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a big decision, and at the same time, it’s just a reordering of the steps in the process,” Sramek told KQED. “There’s overwhelming support for development in east Solano, but we’ve heard from a number of people saying, ‘Why can’t you do the environmental impact report first and then have a vote?’ We can do all of that without impacting the overall timeline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since it was introduced last year, the proposal has been at the center of a heated debate over \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991788/solano-county-supervisors-want-to-know-more-about-california-forever-before-its-on-the-ballot\">the future of Solano County\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those in favor pointed to California Forever’s promises to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986569/california-forever-says-12-start-ups-will-open-workplaces-in-its-new-city\">add 15,000 new jobs\u003c/a> to the county — where many residents commute outside the county for work — and vows that the new city would house 400,000 residents when fully built out. Opponents, however, feared those promises were merely a ploy to win over voters and noted the proposal did not include any legally binding guarantees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear: California Forever knew their guarantees were not binding,” Daniela Ades, a spokesperson for local opposition group Solano Together, said in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.solanotogether.org/post/statement-solano-together-win\">statement\u003c/a>. “Instead of taking the time to deeply engage in a transparent process of what their proposal means to the county, they decided to deceive the public to try and get the initiative passed.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The decision to pull the ballot measure comes ahead of the Board of Supervisors’ meeting on Tuesday when officials were expected to submit the “East Solano Plan” to the voters this fall. Instead, the company has agreed to work with the county on zoning changes and an environmental impact report before re-submitting the proposal to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Announcing last year that California Forever would seek a vote on the November 2024 ballot, without a full environmental impact report and a fully negotiated development agreement, was a mistake,” Supervisor Mitch Mashburn said in a statement. “Delaying the vote gives everyone a chance to pause and work together, which is what is needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those opposing the project repeatedly pointed to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991234/california-forever-releases-water-plan-but-there-are-still-some-questions\">company’s water strategy\u003c/a>, which included questions regarding plans to rely in part on imported water supplies. Company spokespeople said those questions could only be answered after voters approved the initiative. Now, the company will have to find those answers within the next two years when it conducts its environmental impact report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others were concerned about environmental impacts on the Jepson Prairie and vernal pools within the proposed city’s boundaries. A \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/SolanoCountyReport.pdf\">recently published county report (PDF) \u003c/a>found that the new city could significantly change the biodiversity and environmental quality of those habitats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://eastsolanoplan.com/10-guarantees\">guarantees\u003c/a> was the promise that the new city would “pay its own way through the tax revenue it generates” and would be “operated at no cost to the Solano taxpayer, except for those who live in the new community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, Solano County’s report found that the project’s costs could exceed revenues generated by the new town, potentially leaving the county in a fiscal deficit of $103.1 million once the city was fully built out. Taxpayers could be on the hook for an additional $88.8 million for firefighting services from the Montezuma Fire Protection District, the report found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors ordered the report during their June meeting, and officials had only 30 days to compile research. Because of the quick turnaround, the report noted that its fiscal impact assessment is not comprehensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Forever’s ambitious plan aimed to operate outside the traditional bureaucracy, which housing advocates have criticized for slowing down housing development. Despite this new timeline, Sramek is not concerned about getting the project on the ballot in 2026 and moving forward with construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a lot of examples in California where the process has resulted in projects that haven’t broken ground in 10 or 20 years, and I think what is encouraging here is that the county recognized it,” he said. “I think what we’ll be able to do here is the right balance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "berkeley-first-city-to-sanctify-single-family-zoning-considers-historic-reversal-allowing-small-apartments",
"title": "Berkeley, 1st City to Sanctify Single-Family Zoning, Considers Historic Reversal: Allowing Small Apartments",
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"headTitle": "Berkeley, 1st City to Sanctify Single-Family Zoning, Considers Historic Reversal: Allowing Small Apartments | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than a century after becoming the first city in America to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">enshrine single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> as sacrosanct, Berkeley will consider charting a new course: legalizing small apartment buildings in many neighborhoods throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed changes might have been unthinkable only a half decade ago — when it wasn’t unusual for residents to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">wield a piece\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://bpr.studentorg.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\">backyard produce\u003c/a> to protest new housing. The proposal comes instead amid a sea change of pro-housing activism across California, as state officials have taken an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">increasingly firm\u003c/a> stance in forcing cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2023/01/19/berkeley-housing-element-zoning-demolition-elmwood-shattuck-solano\">approve more housing\u003c/a> and as Berkeley leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">have committed\u003c/a> to undoing past policies that have \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">disproportionately impacted Black and Latino residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited,” said Berkeley City Councilmember Mark Humbert, whose district includes the Elmwood neighborhood. “We were a pioneer in exclusionary zoning, and I want to be a pioneer in inclusionary zoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, July 23, the council will \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-07-23%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General.pdf\">consider a proposal\u003c/a> that Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called “one of the largest up-zonings in California.” It would go beyond what state officials allowed in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">landmark 2021 law legalizing duplexes\u003c/a> and instead permit small apartment buildings, no more than three stories high, that could range from as few as two large apartments to as many as 12 or more smaller ones depending on the size of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lori Droste said there’s no guarantee the measure will pass. The former Berkeley city council member spearheaded the city’s effort to first study and then implement a plan to encourage so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/bizjournals/news/2023/11/13/missing-middle-qa-daniel-parolek.html\">missing middle housing\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be on pins and needles until then,” she said. “I think we have a real opportunity to be history makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear the proposal could radically remake the city’s neighborhoods as developers demolish or transform bungalows to create two- or three-story structures. And for those who live in the Berkeley hills, with its notoriously steep and narrow streets, the capacity of evacuation routes during a potential wildfire is top of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996325\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a residential neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trees fill the Claremont neighborhood in Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others have cautioned that increasing the supply of market-rate housing — without provisions that some units be set aside as affordable housing — will only accelerate the loss of the city’s residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neighborhoods where housing values are the lowest are going to be impacted the most,” Nico Calavita, a former professor of urban planning, told the city’s Planning Commission at a February meeting. “So you’re going to have market-rate housing going to neighborhoods, which are low-income and minority neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still others, however, have an opposing concern: that the apartments wouldn’t actually get built. A \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/making-missing-middle-pencil-the-math-behind-small-scale-housing-development-2024/\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center for Housing Innovation found that high costs for materials, labor and land, combined with onerous building codes and city fees, often make missing middle housing projects less profitable than single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with a country that’s made single-family homes so easy to build in the last 40 years that we have to find ways of making missing middle housing more profitable,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center. “If one little aspect of the legalization of missing middle housing is wrong and it cannot pencil — so housing cannot financially be built — then we will see no housing get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Berkeley Embraced Apartments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Droste \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyside.org/2019/02/26/berkeley-officials-push-for-zoning-reform-to-boost-missing-middle-housing\">first introduced\u003c/a> a proposal in 2019 to study the idea of missing middle housing, Berkeley was seen as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">ground zero\u003c/a> for a Not-In-My-Backyard approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white house in a neighborhood.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">2212 10th St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2017/06/climate-change-housing-berkeley/\">zucchini gate\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/no-house-for-you-kid/\">widely ridiculed instance\u003c/a> of a resident waving the vegetable at city officials to demonstrate that a duplex proposed for next door would threaten her ability to grow produce. There was an \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/2017/10/18/action-alert-prevent-yet-another-senseless-downzoning-in-berkeley/\">attempt at downzoning\u003c/a>, a years-long campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/30/magazine/housing-berkeley-yimby-fight.html\">building tall apartments on top of a parking lot\u003c/a> near a major train station and other battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly have come a long way,” Droste said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín acknowledged his own path from housing skeptic to champion, an evolution he said not only tracked with \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/28/california-to-build-more-housing-faster/\">state leadership’s push\u003c/a> for more housing but also with Berkeley residents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/04/berkeley-peoples-park-university-california-supreme-court/\">shift in views\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over time, seeing housing prices continue to skyrocket, seeing increased homelessness and people living in encampments on our streets, people living in RVs and the worsening climate emergency,” Arreguin said, “I came to the realization that the status quo is not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Propelling the shift was a national racial reckoning in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/news-event/trial-of-george-floyd-killing\">George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> at the hands of a police officer. Along with that, Droste said, came a \u003ca href=\"https://wwnorton.com/books/the-color-of-law/\">growing awareness\u003c/a> among Berkeley residents of how zoning has been wielded to exclude people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/24/berkeley-denounces-racist-history-of-single-family-zoning-begins-2-year-process-to-change-general-plan\">council adopted\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://newspack-berkeleyside-cityside.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Resolution-to-end-exclusionary-zoning-in-Berkeley.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from Droste that ended single-family zoning. The move was particularly symbolic because Berkeley had been the first \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">in the country\u003c/a>, in 1916, to designate some neighborhoods as off-limits to anything but single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Elmwood neighborhood was among the first to receive the classification. At the time, officials justified the action as protecting property owners from the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“evils of uncontrolled development”\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and ensuring “the permanency of character of districts” as a way to “stabilize and protect property values and investments.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">spread throughout the country\u003c/a>. In California, roughly 96% of residential land is currently zoned exclusively for single-family homes, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">recent survey\u003c/a> by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Researchers also found that jurisdictions with more restrictive zoning had fewer non-white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Berkeley further \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhabitat.org/post/what-was-the-neighborhood-preservation-ordinance\">restricted the ability to build apartment buildings\u003c/a>, including in many neighborhoods that already had them. As a result, housing production ground to a near-halt: Over the next three decades, the city added only \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-elements/docs/berkeley-5th-adopted051815.pdf\">715 homes\u003c/a>. And its population not only stalled but \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacensus.ca.gov/cities/Berkeley70.htm\">declined\u003c/a>, dropping from just under 117,000 in 1970 to just over 100,000 the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Berkeley Population and Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-xwjmW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/xwjmW/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, that trend has begun to reverse, with the city adding more than 13,000 new homes through 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Berkeley_CCD,_Alameda_County,_California?g=060XX00US0600190200\">according to the Census\u003c/a>. And its population began to rebound, growing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia,US/PST045223\">just under 119,000\u003c/a>. But the city’s Black population, which peaked in 1970 at about 23%, has fallen precipitously to just under 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident and housing advocate Darrell Owens said it was a transformation he witnessed firsthand as the Central Berkeley neighborhood where he grew up began losing its Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The neighborhood stopped growing,” Owens said. “So, like a game of musical chairs, wealthier people just outbid poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens’ own family was not immune to the transformation. When his grandmother died, her siblings sold her house to more equitably distribute the inheritance. But Owens said his parents couldn’t afford to buy another home in Berkeley. Instead, they moved to Solano County. Owens stayed to finish high school, and later to go to college. He now rents a home in North Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still could never afford to buy a house here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Owens, himself a housing researcher, the evidence is clear: limiting the supply of homes increases their price. It’s a conclusion backed by \u003ca href=\"https://furmancenter.org/files/Supply_Skepticism_-_Final.pdf\">several\u003c/a> literature \u003ca href=\"https://www.lewis.ucla.edu/research/market-rate-development-impacts/#:~:text=On%20one%20side%20are%20those,thus%20makes%20housing%20less%20affordable.\">reviews\u003c/a> citing dozens of studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other residents worry that opening historically Black neighborhoods to more apartment construction will further accelerate gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this upzoning going to affect African Americans?” Willie Phillips, of the community group, Friends of Adeline, told Planning Commission officials at a February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without considering that potential impact, he said, “You are destined to basically go back to the 1950s because … African-Americans cannot afford to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"An image of a house next to a row of homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Left) 1310 Haskell St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/wp-content/uploads/housing-market-interventions-and-residential-mobility-in-the-san-francisco-bay-area.pdf\">working paper\u003c/a> by researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, in collaboration with researchers at UC Berkeley and Stanford, found that building market-rate housing in areas experiencing gentrification does tend to benefit higher-income people more than lower-income people. However, the effects were mild. When coupled with strong tenant protections, the researchers said those impacts could be effectively mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens said he isn’t worried about Berkeley becoming gentrified; that has already happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gentrification in Berkeley doesn’t look like new apartment buildings,” he said. “Gentrification in Berkeley looks like old bungalows that have existed for 100 years, being sold for $2 million when 50 years ago they sold for maybe $100,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Middle Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal coming before the Berkeley City Council would allow ministerial approval — without the need for public hearings — of new housing projects in single-family and otherwise low-density neighborhoods throughout most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cap on the number of units in each building. Instead, city staff would regulate the size of buildings, ensuring they conform to height limits, setbacks and lot coverage requirements, among other restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Apartment buildings with three cars in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in the Elmwood neighborhood of Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal caps building heights at no more than 35 feet at the front of the building and 22 feet at the rear property line — which was an attempt to accommodate residents worried about three-story buildings looming over smaller ones, said Jordan Klein, director of Berkeley’s Planning and Development Department. Buildings also can’t take up more than 60% of the lot’s total area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was responsive to public input,” Klein said, adding that his staff also included a 15-foot rear setback requirement in response to residents’ concerns that neighboring buildings would shade their rooftop solar panels — or backyard gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each unit, or home, can be no smaller than 220 square feet or about the size of a “small studio,” Klein said. But there’s disagreement about whether the city should cap how large each unit can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially proposed scaling the size of the building depending on the number of units inside. Buildings with more units would be allowed to have a larger envelope, and buildings with fewer units would have a smaller one. Klein said the idea was to incentivize developers to build more units in each building. But the Planning Commission at its February meeting reversed that decision — a choice Klein said could lead to an unintended consequence: “The concern here is, ‘Are we going to end up with very large single-family homes?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, urged the commission to think of multi-generational families, who may need four or five bedrooms. Arreguín said that’s one aspect of the proposal he’s still wrestling with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to create a situation where we…could be building an eight-plex, and instead, we have a McMansion,” he said. “So how we thread that needle, I think, will be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klein said the council will also have to consider how to respond to concerns about increased building in the city’s high fire-hazard zones. For many residents of the Berkeley hills, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893199/the-oakland-hills-fire-transformed-firefighting-along-a-citys-edge-in-california\">1991 Tunnel Fire\u003c/a> that killed 25 people and destroyed 3,000 homes is still fresh in their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident Kelly Hammargren said that’s a particular concern for her, even though she doesn’t live in or own property in the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this increasing density in fire zones is absolutely crazy,” she told the Planning Commission in February. “We are a city where we are taking away cars and encouraging people to be on bicycles and on foot and on scooters. So if we have a big, fast, hot-moving fire, people aren’t going to be able to outrun it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially recommended waiting to include the hills neighborhoods in the upzoning proposal until the fire department could complete an analysis, which is expected later this year. However, the Planning Commission decided to include them instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We figured it would make more sense to wait until we had the results of the evacuation study before considering upzoning the hills,” Klein said, adding that the council could decide to reverse the Planning Commission’s recommendation or adopt the upzoning now and then amend it, if needed, following the fire department’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Susan Wengraf, who represents the area, declined to comment, as did representatives of the Park Hills Homes Association, an area neighborhood group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens with the proposal on Tuesday, Klein said he’s proud of the work his staff put into doing public outreach, as well as in drafting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we ready to do this or not?” he asked. “It’s up to the city council to decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new proposal — which the city council will consider on July 23 — would allow multi-family housing throughout the city.",
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"title": "Berkeley, 1st City to Sanctify Single-Family Zoning, Considers Historic Reversal: Allowing Small Apartments | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than a century after becoming the first city in America to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11840548/the-racist-history-of-single-family-home-zoning\">enshrine single-family neighborhoods\u003c/a> as sacrosanct, Berkeley will consider charting a new course: legalizing small apartment buildings in many neighborhoods throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed changes might have been unthinkable only a half decade ago — when it wasn’t unusual for residents to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">wield a piece\u003c/a> of \u003ca href=\"https://bpr.studentorg.berkeley.edu/2017/10/31/zucchini-gate-or-bust-berkeleys-battle-for-affordable-housing/\">backyard produce\u003c/a> to protest new housing. The proposal comes instead amid a sea change of pro-housing activism across California, as state officials have taken an \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">increasingly firm\u003c/a> stance in forcing cities to \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2023/01/19/berkeley-housing-element-zoning-demolition-elmwood-shattuck-solano\">approve more housing\u003c/a> and as Berkeley leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/09/01/business/economy/california-nimbys-housing.html\">have committed\u003c/a> to undoing past policies that have \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">disproportionately impacted Black and Latino residents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really excited,” said Berkeley City Councilmember Mark Humbert, whose district includes the Elmwood neighborhood. “We were a pioneer in exclusionary zoning, and I want to be a pioneer in inclusionary zoning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, July 23, the council will \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/2024-07-23%20Special%20Item%2001%20Zoning%20Ordinance%20and%20General.pdf\">consider a proposal\u003c/a> that Berkeley Mayor Jesse Arreguín called “one of the largest up-zonings in California.” It would go beyond what state officials allowed in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">landmark 2021 law legalizing duplexes\u003c/a> and instead permit small apartment buildings, no more than three stories high, that could range from as few as two large apartments to as many as 12 or more smaller ones depending on the size of the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lori Droste said there’s no guarantee the measure will pass. The former Berkeley city council member spearheaded the city’s effort to first study and then implement a plan to encourage so-called “\u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/bizjournals/news/2023/11/13/missing-middle-qa-daniel-parolek.html\">missing middle housing\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be on pins and needles until then,” she said. “I think we have a real opportunity to be history makers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear the proposal could radically remake the city’s neighborhoods as developers demolish or transform bungalows to create two- or three-story structures. And for those who live in the Berkeley hills, with its notoriously steep and narrow streets, the capacity of evacuation routes during a potential wildfire is top of mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996325\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996325\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of a residential neighborhood.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-47-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trees fill the Claremont neighborhood in Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Others have cautioned that increasing the supply of market-rate housing — without provisions that some units be set aside as affordable housing — will only accelerate the loss of the city’s residents of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Neighborhoods where housing values are the lowest are going to be impacted the most,” Nico Calavita, a former professor of urban planning, told the city’s Planning Commission at a February meeting. “So you’re going to have market-rate housing going to neighborhoods, which are low-income and minority neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still others, however, have an opposing concern: that the apartments wouldn’t actually get built. A \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/research-and-policy/making-missing-middle-pencil-the-math-behind-small-scale-housing-development-2024/\">recent report\u003c/a> from the Terner Center for Housing Innovation found that high costs for materials, labor and land, combined with onerous building codes and city fees, often make missing middle housing projects less profitable than single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re dealing with a country that’s made single-family homes so easy to build in the last 40 years that we have to find ways of making missing middle housing more profitable,” said Muhammad Alameldin, a policy associate at the Terner Center. “If one little aspect of the legalization of missing middle housing is wrong and it cannot pencil — so housing cannot financially be built — then we will see no housing get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Berkeley Embraced Apartments\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Droste \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyside.org/2019/02/26/berkeley-officials-push-for-zoning-reform-to-boost-missing-middle-housing\">first introduced\u003c/a> a proposal in 2019 to study the idea of missing middle housing, Berkeley was seen as \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/01/business/economy/single-family-home.html\">ground zero\u003c/a> for a Not-In-My-Backyard approach to housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996306\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white house in a neighborhood.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/007_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020_4421_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">2212 10th St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>There was \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/environment/2017/06/climate-change-housing-berkeley/\">zucchini gate\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/no-house-for-you-kid/\">widely ridiculed instance\u003c/a> of a resident waving the vegetable at city officials to demonstrate that a duplex proposed for next door would threaten her ability to grow produce. There was an \u003ca href=\"https://eastbayforeveryone.org/2017/10/18/action-alert-prevent-yet-another-senseless-downzoning-in-berkeley/\">attempt at downzoning\u003c/a>, a years-long campaign against \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/30/magazine/housing-berkeley-yimby-fight.html\">building tall apartments on top of a parking lot\u003c/a> near a major train station and other battles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly have come a long way,” Droste said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arreguín acknowledged his own path from housing skeptic to champion, an evolution he said not only tracked with \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/09/28/california-to-build-more-housing-faster/\">state leadership’s push\u003c/a> for more housing but also with Berkeley residents’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2024/04/berkeley-peoples-park-university-california-supreme-court/\">shift in views\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over time, seeing housing prices continue to skyrocket, seeing increased homelessness and people living in encampments on our streets, people living in RVs and the worsening climate emergency,” Arreguin said, “I came to the realization that the status quo is not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Propelling the shift was a national racial reckoning in the wake of \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/news-event/trial-of-george-floyd-killing\">George Floyd’s murder\u003c/a> at the hands of a police officer. Along with that, Droste said, came a \u003ca href=\"https://wwnorton.com/books/the-color-of-law/\">growing awareness\u003c/a> among Berkeley residents of how zoning has been wielded to exclude people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2021/02/24/berkeley-denounces-racist-history-of-single-family-zoning-begins-2-year-process-to-change-general-plan\">council adopted\u003c/a> a \u003ca href=\"https://newspack-berkeleyside-cityside.s3.amazonaws.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/Resolution-to-end-exclusionary-zoning-in-Berkeley.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from Droste that ended single-family zoning. The move was particularly symbolic because Berkeley had been the first \u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">in the country\u003c/a>, in 1916, to designate some neighborhoods as off-limits to anything but single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Elmwood neighborhood was among the first to receive the classification. At the time, officials justified the action as protecting property owners from the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://escholarship.org/content/qt26b8d8zh/qt26b8d8zh.pdf?t=poq62p&v=lg\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“evils of uncontrolled development”\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and ensuring “the permanency of character of districts” as a way to “stabilize and protect property values and investments.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/06/18/upshot/cities-across-america-question-single-family-zoning.html\">spread throughout the country\u003c/a>. In California, roughly 96% of residential land is currently zoned exclusively for single-family homes, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/single-family-zoning-california-statewide-analysis\">recent survey\u003c/a> by UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. Researchers also found that jurisdictions with more restrictive zoning had fewer non-white residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1973, Berkeley further \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhabitat.org/post/what-was-the-neighborhood-preservation-ordinance\">restricted the ability to build apartment buildings\u003c/a>, including in many neighborhoods that already had them. As a result, housing production ground to a near-halt: Over the next three decades, the city added only \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/housing-elements/docs/berkeley-5th-adopted051815.pdf\">715 homes\u003c/a>. And its population not only stalled but \u003ca href=\"http://www.bayareacensus.ca.gov/cities/Berkeley70.htm\">declined\u003c/a>, dropping from just under 117,000 in 1970 to just over 100,000 the following decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Berkeley Population and Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive line chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-xwjmW\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/xwjmW/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"500\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2000, that trend has begun to reverse, with the city adding more than 13,000 new homes through 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Berkeley_CCD,_Alameda_County,_California?g=060XX00US0600190200\">according to the Census\u003c/a>. And its population began to rebound, growing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/berkeleycitycalifornia,US/PST045223\">just under 119,000\u003c/a>. But the city’s Black population, which peaked in 1970 at about 23%, has fallen precipitously to just under 8%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident and housing advocate Darrell Owens said it was a transformation he witnessed firsthand as the Central Berkeley neighborhood where he grew up began losing its Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The neighborhood stopped growing,” Owens said. “So, like a game of musical chairs, wealthier people just outbid poor people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens’ own family was not immune to the transformation. When his grandmother died, her siblings sold her house to more equitably distribute the inheritance. But Owens said his parents couldn’t afford to buy another home in Berkeley. Instead, they moved to Solano County. Owens stayed to finish high school, and later to go to college. He now rents a home in North Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I still could never afford to buy a house here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Owens, himself a housing researcher, the evidence is clear: limiting the supply of homes increases their price. It’s a conclusion backed by \u003ca href=\"https://furmancenter.org/files/Supply_Skepticism_-_Final.pdf\">several\u003c/a> literature \u003ca href=\"https://www.lewis.ucla.edu/research/market-rate-development-impacts/#:~:text=On%20one%20side%20are%20those,thus%20makes%20housing%20less%20affordable.\">reviews\u003c/a> citing dozens of studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, other residents worry that opening historically Black neighborhoods to more apartment construction will further accelerate gentrification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How is this upzoning going to affect African Americans?” Willie Phillips, of the community group, Friends of Adeline, told Planning Commission officials at a February meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without considering that potential impact, he said, “You are destined to basically go back to the 1950s because … African-Americans cannot afford to live here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996305\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996305\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"An image of a house next to a row of homes.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(Left) 1310 Haskell St. in Berkeley on Feb. 27, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A 2022 \u003ca href=\"https://www.frbsf.org/wp-content/uploads/housing-market-interventions-and-residential-mobility-in-the-san-francisco-bay-area.pdf\">working paper\u003c/a> by researchers at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, in collaboration with researchers at UC Berkeley and Stanford, found that building market-rate housing in areas experiencing gentrification does tend to benefit higher-income people more than lower-income people. However, the effects were mild. When coupled with strong tenant protections, the researchers said those impacts could be effectively mitigated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owens said he isn’t worried about Berkeley becoming gentrified; that has already happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gentrification in Berkeley doesn’t look like new apartment buildings,” he said. “Gentrification in Berkeley looks like old bungalows that have existed for 100 years, being sold for $2 million when 50 years ago they sold for maybe $100,000.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Middle Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposal coming before the Berkeley City Council would allow ministerial approval — without the need for public hearings — of new housing projects in single-family and otherwise low-density neighborhoods throughout most of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cap on the number of units in each building. Instead, city staff would regulate the size of buildings, ensuring they conform to height limits, setbacks and lot coverage requirements, among other restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Apartment buildings with three cars in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240718-BERKELEYMISSINGMIDDLEHOUSING-05-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Apartment buildings in the Elmwood neighborhood of Berkeley on July 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The proposal caps building heights at no more than 35 feet at the front of the building and 22 feet at the rear property line — which was an attempt to accommodate residents worried about three-story buildings looming over smaller ones, said Jordan Klein, director of Berkeley’s Planning and Development Department. Buildings also can’t take up more than 60% of the lot’s total area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was responsive to public input,” Klein said, adding that his staff also included a 15-foot rear setback requirement in response to residents’ concerns that neighboring buildings would shade their rooftop solar panels — or backyard gardens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each unit, or home, can be no smaller than 220 square feet or about the size of a “small studio,” Klein said. But there’s disagreement about whether the city should cap how large each unit can be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially proposed scaling the size of the building depending on the number of units inside. Buildings with more units would be allowed to have a larger envelope, and buildings with fewer units would have a smaller one. Klein said the idea was to incentivize developers to build more units in each building. But the Planning Commission at its February meeting reversed that decision — a choice Klein said could lead to an unintended consequence: “The concern here is, ‘Are we going to end up with very large single-family homes?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, urged the commission to think of multi-generational families, who may need four or five bedrooms. Arreguín said that’s one aspect of the proposal he’s still wrestling with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to create a situation where we…could be building an eight-plex, and instead, we have a McMansion,” he said. “So how we thread that needle, I think, will be important.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Klein said the council will also have to consider how to respond to concerns about increased building in the city’s high fire-hazard zones. For many residents of the Berkeley hills, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11893199/the-oakland-hills-fire-transformed-firefighting-along-a-citys-edge-in-california\">1991 Tunnel Fire\u003c/a> that killed 25 people and destroyed 3,000 homes is still fresh in their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley resident Kelly Hammargren said that’s a particular concern for her, even though she doesn’t live in or own property in the hills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this increasing density in fire zones is absolutely crazy,” she told the Planning Commission in February. “We are a city where we are taking away cars and encouraging people to be on bicycles and on foot and on scooters. So if we have a big, fast, hot-moving fire, people aren’t going to be able to outrun it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff had initially recommended waiting to include the hills neighborhoods in the upzoning proposal until the fire department could complete an analysis, which is expected later this year. However, the Planning Commission decided to include them instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We figured it would make more sense to wait until we had the results of the evacuation study before considering upzoning the hills,” Klein said, adding that the council could decide to reverse the Planning Commission’s recommendation or adopt the upzoning now and then amend it, if needed, following the fire department’s report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Councilmember Susan Wengraf, who represents the area, declined to comment, as did representatives of the Park Hills Homes Association, an area neighborhood group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever happens with the proposal on Tuesday, Klein said he’s proud of the work his staff put into doing public outreach, as well as in drafting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are we ready to do this or not?” he asked. “It’s up to the city council to decide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this story repeated an error that originated in academic research used to inform the reporting. A proposed Black-owned dancehall was not seeking to move into the Elmwood neighborhood, but rather \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/books/edition/Proceedings_of_the_National_Conference_o/DcUUvqEa4JgC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Districting+Progress+and+Procedure+in+California%22+cheney&pg=PA183&printsec=frontcover\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">another neighborhood\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> in Berkeley. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sf-supervisors-greenlight-stonestown-galleria-revamp-to-add-3500-homes",
"title": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes",
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"headTitle": "SF Supervisors Greenlight Stonestown Galleria Revamp to Add 3,500 Homes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Stonestown Galleria’s asphalt parking lots will soon be replaced by thousands of homes and sprawling open space, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A development project five years in the making was approved unanimously by the board, greenlighting plans to reimagine the town center on the west side of the city. The proposal from Brookfield Properties includes 3,500 affordable and market-rate housing units, public parks and open space, retail shops and child and senior service centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project is going to be really transformational for the West Side,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who represents the district, said. “It’ll bring in new energy, new residents, in a way where it just makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.[aside postID=news_11993902 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240214-CoastalCommission-47-BL_qed-1-1020x680.jpg']“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The board unanimously approved the project, including parks, retail shops and service centers on the west side of the town center.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Stonestown Galleria’s asphalt parking lots will soon be replaced by thousands of homes and sprawling open space, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A development project five years in the making was approved unanimously by the board, greenlighting plans to reimagine the town center on the west side of the city. The proposal from Brookfield Properties includes 3,500 affordable and market-rate housing units, public parks and open space, retail shops and child and senior service centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project is going to be really transformational for the West Side,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who represents the district, said. “It’ll bring in new energy, new residents, in a way where it just makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-law-to-fix-unsafe-homeless-shelters-ignored-by-cities-and-counties",
"title": "California's Law to Fix Unsafe Homeless Shelters Ignored by Cities and Counties",
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"headTitle": "California’s Law to Fix Unsafe Homeless Shelters Ignored by Cities and Counties | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Now that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> has granted cities more power to ban sleeping outside, homeless Californians face a crucial decision: Try to get into a shelter, or risk going to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those able to find a shelter bed will step into a world rife with reports of violence, theft, health hazards — and a lack of accountability. Public records obtained by CalMatters show that most cities and counties have seemingly ignored a recent state law that aimed to reform dangerous conditions in shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, following earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/publications/thisplaceiskillingme#:~:text=A%20year%2Dlong%20investigation%20by,porta%20potties%3B%20showers%20with%20no\">reports\u003c/a> of maggots, flooding and sexual harassment in shelters, the state Legislature created \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">a new system\u003c/a> requiring local governments to inspect the facilities after complaints and file annual reports on shelter conditions, including plans to fix safety and building code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters found that just five of California’s 58 counties — Lake, Los Angeles, Monterey, Orange and Yuba — have filed shelter reports. Only 4 of the state’s 478 cities filed reports: Fairfield, Petaluma, Santa Rosa and Woodland, according to records from the agency in charge of implementing the law, the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is shocking, number one, that there is so little reporting, considering that is part of the legislation,” said the law’s author, Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, a Democrat representing parts of Orange and L.A. counties. “We are asking for the basics here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of CalMatters’ findings, she said she has requested a meeting with officials at the state housing agency. Quirk-Silva said she will consider audits or other measures as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we need to add more teeth,” she said. “There certainly could be a possibility that we will follow up with another piece of legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police call logs, shelter incident reports and other records obtained by CalMatters provide a hint of what’s missing as a result of the failure to report: a child falling out of an unreinforced window in San Mateo County and being hospitalized; multiple allegations of sexual harassment in Contra Costa County; food shortages in Placer County; and deaths, mold and vermin in many places across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has spent \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">at least $1.5 billion\u003c/a> on shelters and related solutions since 2018, legislative reports show, on top of millions invested by cities, counties and the federal government. The facilities are designed to be a temporary stop on the road to regaining housing but increasingly function as a bridge to nowhere; the state added new emergency shelter beds at roughly five times the rate of permanent housing with supportive services from 2018 to 2023, gaining 27,544 shelter beds, \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2023.pdf\">federal\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2018.PDF\">data\u003c/a> shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens in those shelters is largely a black box. No state agency keeps an updated list of how many shelters are operating or where, officials told CalMatters. There is no state licensing process for shelters. The U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2023.pdf\">Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> tracks numbers of emergency shelter beds and how long people live in them, but no information about resident deaths, health or safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996094\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg\" alt=\"The outside of a door.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The only 24-hour outdoor access residents had at this former homeless shelter in Anaheim was a small outdoor patio used for smoking. The shelter has since been permanently shut down and partially boarded up. May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While not every city or county in California has a homeless shelter, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">state housing officials estimated\u003c/a> a total of around 1,300 shelters in 2021. Municipalities continue to invest in them as a more immediate alternative to street homelessness, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2020-AHAR-Part-2.pdf\">experts stress\u003c/a> that other options — such as direct rent subsidies or housing with on-site services — are often more effective at combating the root issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bad idea. At the same time, so many unhoused people are living in these congregate shelters,” said Eve Garrow, a senior policy analyst and advocate for the ACLU of Southern California. “We want to make sure those spaces are safe and clean for as long as people need them, but we also want to move away from that model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996093\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg\" alt=\"Shopping carts next to chairs, safety cones and other materials outside of a fenced in storage unit.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An area where folks experiencing homelessness were given space to store their belongings while staying at the shelter that has since been permanently shut down in Anaheim on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Photo by )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 2021 state law was supposed to help enforce minimum building and safety standards for shelters by creating a new state oversight system. When people staying at shelters or their advocates \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2020/03/Discrimination-and-Harassment-in-Shelters_ENG.pdf\">file complaints\u003c/a>, the law requires cities or counties to inspect the facilities and report any violations to the state to reconsider future funding. The catch: cities and counties only have to report to the state if they determine that \u003ca href=\"https://codes.findlaw.com/ca/health-and-safety-code/hsc-sect-17920-3/?DCMP=google:ppc:TRLNA:21219027752:697523562873:161386574133&HBX_PK=&sid=9061109&source=google~ppc&tsid=latlppc&gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAjwtNi0BhA1EiwAWZaANIzl4kC28Sc9Kndy8F98puHpp4hD7dhJfgeGKqQGTcsejt7nrnMrGhoCSugQAvD_BwE\">a violation\u003c/a> is severe enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each city and county has a very unique way of processing complaints\u003cem>,\u003c/em>” said Mitchel Baker, assistant deputy director of the Department of Housing and Community Development’s codes and standards division. “What may be perceived as complaints or violations may not ultimately result in the issuance of a notice of violation or corrective order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California and the rest of the country barrel into a new legal era for mass homelessness, promises of safe shelter will be key to determining how many people can avoid more frequent tickets or jail. Many public officials, meanwhile, cast the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">Supreme Court’s Grants Pass ruling\u003c/a> as a necessary clarification after years of conflict over when cities should be allowed to dismantle tents, insisting that they will continue to offer alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement after the ruling. “The state will continue to work with compassion to provide individuals experiencing homelessness with the resources they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What those resources are is often hard to know, since many shelters are closed to visitors and so few places have filed state reports on conditions. However, people who have lived in shelters paint a more dire picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of one Huntington Beach shelter recently complained to health officials about mold, never-ending cases of pneumonia and neighbors walking around with infected, open sores. Homeless people and their families have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-shelter-private-security/\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> in several cities over shelter sexual assaults and wrongful deaths. In San Diego, Sharon Descans has been bouncing between shelters and a borrowed van after being evicted from a newer kind of publicly-funded tent city, where she said she weathered unpaid labor, multiple neighbors’ deaths and flashes of chaos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are pulling swords on each other and hitting each other with two-by-fours,” Descans said. “All I wanted from the day I got there is to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a dark dress rests her arm on a table outside while sitting down.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharon Descans at the Chula Vista Bayfront Park on June 23, 2024. Descans has been staying in a van after getting evicted from the O Lot Safe Sleeping site in San Diego’s Balboa Park. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Old problems, new failures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Up until the 1980s, many of the poorest people in California and other states could still afford rented rooms or cheap hotels. Then came a tidal wave of gentrification, wage stagnation, federal cuts to housing and cash aid, plus shocks like the AIDS and drug epidemics. In less than three decades, the state went from 37,000 dedicated beds for mental health patients to just 2,500 by 1983, according to historians at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK519584/\">National Academies of Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vast numbers of people “drifted onto the streets,” the historians wrote, as promised investments in community resources proved inadequate. The “modern era of homelessness” had begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large emergency shelters with bunk beds and communal showers emerged as a stop-gap despite comparisons to jail cells or military barracks. The shelter triage approach spread as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">California housing construction\u003c/a> slowed and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">homelessness exploded\u003c/a>, up 40% in the past five years alone, to more than 181,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters boomed thanks in large part to court rulings that forbid authorities from cracking down on homeless people solely for being homeless. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-homeless-shelters-17423387.php\">Martin v Boise\u003c/a>, courts decided that the city violated the U.S. Constitution’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment by ticketing people for sleeping outside when there wasn’t “adequate” shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened is cities and counties have quite explicitly raced to build more shelters in order to criminalize more people,” Garrow said. “Shelters become kind of an arm of this criminal legal system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva proposed the 2021 shelter law after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/publications/thisplaceiskillingme\">2019 ACLU report\u003c/a> by Garrow documented bedbug infestations, overflowing sewage and sexual harassment by shelter workers. The findings collided with Quirk-Silva’s experience talking with people on the street near her Fullerton neighborhood about why they weren’t in shelters. Her own brother died at age 50 after struggling with housing instability, mental health and alcohol abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters were growing fast, Quirk-Silva realized, and people were staying longer. California shelter residents now stay a median of about five months, or 155 days, the most recent federal \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/app/profile/system.performance.measures.hud.public.data/viz/HUDCoCSystemPerformanceMeasures/M2Returns\">data from 2023 shows\u003c/a> — a 30% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrow supported the 2021 law’s effort to create minimum standards for shelters. She has seen a few problematic shelters closed down in Orange County, she said, including an old transit station in Santa Ana not meant for human habitation, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2019/03/14/aclu-report-alleges-abuse-unsanitary-conditions-common-at-orange-county-homeless-shelters/\">previously flooded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Garrow wasn’t surprised to hear about the small number of cities and counties following through on the law, which she said several \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">amendments\u003c/a> weakened. One removed a requirement for local officials to regularly conduct unannounced shelter inspections. Another struck a rule to add signs with information about how to file complaints at shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would attribute the low number of complaints not to the fact that shelters are now clean and sanitary and abiding by a new law,” Garrow said. “But to the fact that people aren’t aware.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, cities and counties that find violations in their shelters are supposed to report any conditions that are “dangerous, hazardous, imminently detrimental to life or health, or otherwise render the homeless shelter unfit for human habitation.” However, even places filing state shelter reports omit serious potential safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County, for example, has filed lists of its several dozen shelters and one-page inventories of violations related to rats, roaches, hot water outages and garbage. Not mentioned were issues like a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-shelter-private-security/\">2021 conviction\u003c/a> of a former shelter security guard on multiple sexual assault charges. Or reports of shelter deaths, physical attacks and other incidents that appear in police call logs requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Shelters after SCOTUS\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent Friday in San Diego’s crown jewel of a central park, Balboa Park, Sharon Descans laid down on a concrete bench under a palm tree to ease the pain in her joints after a year of constant motion. The former college swimmer said she became homeless for the first time last year, after she got sick with COVID-19, lost two property management jobs, fell behind on rent and got evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was a tour she never wanted of last-ditch housing in a city \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-encampment-ban/\">at the forefront\u003c/a> of statewide efforts to vanquish street encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the Supreme Court decision, San Diego officials were moving people off the street to large publicly funded tent cities, called “safe sleeping” sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a site called \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/insidesd/mayor-gloria-opens-second-safe-sleeping-site-unsheltered-san-diegans\">O Lot\u003c/a>, Descans and many neighbors lived in Eskimo-brand ice fishing huts that multiple residents said were prone to leaking during rain. Her anxiety spiked at the makeshift shelter, she said, since she didn’t have a door to lock and witnessed widespread drug use and unpredictable outbursts. One neighbor died of cancer alone in his tent, Descans said, after what seemed like days without anyone checking on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996088\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996088\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg\" alt=\"A view of tents on a street sidewalk from the a car window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Gary Gonzales’ drives past an encampment in downtown San Diego on March 22, 2024. Gonzales is a part of the neighborhood policing division of the San Diego Police Department. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of that has been captured in state reports. San Diego is one of the many California locales that has not submitted any reports after the 2021 shelter law, according to state records, despite housing \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/homelessness-solutions/city-homeless-shelters-services/#shelters\">more than a dozen shelters\u003c/a> and some 10,600 homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Even if San Diego had filed the reports, state and local spokespeople said it’s not certain they would’ve captured operations at O Lot. Though many homeless people have temporarily lived at the tent site, nonprofit operator Dreams For Change stressed that it is not technically a shelter under federal definitions.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996089\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg\" alt=\"A row of tents with tarps over them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents are shown at the city’s O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked whether there was any process in place for complaints about homeless shelters in San Diego County, a spokesperson said only that the county does not directly operate any shelters. Under the state law, cities and counties are still responsible for monitoring complaints and reporting violations at shelters in their area with other owners or operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the city of San Diego said it has received five complaints since the shelter law was passed and that “city staff are working on” evaluating why a state report had not been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At all city-funded shelters, including the Safe Sleeping and Safe Parking programs, there is a comprehensive complaint process where potential issues are quickly and thoroughly resolved,” spokesperson Matt Hoffman said in a statement. “Every complaint is followed up on and, if needed, action is promptly taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At O Lot, Descans tried to keep her head down. She made friends with another mom whose son had also wrestled at a nearby high school. The pair heard they could earn money to work their way out of the tents by cleaning bathrooms and doing laundry for the nonprofit Dreams for Change. Descans said she was never paid around $1,000 for 55 hours of cleaning work, which she documented in photos and text message complaints to a site supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a tent with a cot, blankets and bag.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of one of the tents provided at the O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. People are given a cot, blanket, sleeping bag, and hygiene kit. 24/7 staffing, showers, laundry, and shuttles are also provided for clients. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In June, Descans was “exited” from the shelter — nonprofit-speak for evicted — after forms said she had a verbal altercation with staff and allowed an unpermitted visit from her 17-year-old son, who lives with other family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just feel like nobody cares,” Descans said. “It’s like cover your ass at any expense — who even cares about these homeless people?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Dreams for Change spokesperson said the nonprofit cannot comment on individual cases but has a process for formally hiring and paying residents who wish to work. The nonprofit added that it is one of several contractors that operate safe sleeping sites near Balboa Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 80 households have secured permanent housing after living at Dreams for Change’s portion of O Lot, spokesperson Kelly Spoon said in a statement. She confirmed three deaths at the site and added, “Dealing with a diverse population, occasional altercations may arise, but physical altercations are extremely rare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another current resident of the safe sleeping site, who asked not to be identified due to fear of retaliation, said he was also concerned about a lack of sufficient meals, deaths, sexual assaults reported by female neighbors, and a nagging lack of information from caseworkers about housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The animals almost get better treatment than the people,” he said. “You keep shitting on people, you’re going to get shit results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Swearigen also lived in a tent at O Lot before moving to a subsidized apartment last month. The grandson of a cattle rancher from Imperial County worked in construction for years until family deaths and the 2008 housing crash landed him on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a cowboy hat, a reddish orange shirt and black track pants with orange stripes sits on a blanket in the grass outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shawn Swearingen, 55, at the O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The tent in Balboa Park “wasn’t bad,” he said, though it wasn’t immune from theft and mental health crises that he has found are two constants of homelessness. Swearigen valued having his own space, as opposed to being “dormed up” in a bunk bed like when he first became homeless and stayed at a large shelter. It was so claustrophobic and counter-productive, he said that he spent the next decade trying to stay out of sight, often camping in the woods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of like a lack of options,” Swearigen said. “I really didn’t want to be a burden on people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Have you stayed at a California homeless shelter? Tell us about your experience \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://forms.gle/nFga3B3XvLRfd3dv6\">\u003cem>here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "California's Law to Fix Unsafe Homeless Shelters Ignored by Cities and Counties | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Now that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-homeless-camps-grants-pass-ruling/\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> has granted cities more power to ban sleeping outside, homeless Californians face a crucial decision: Try to get into a shelter, or risk going to jail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those able to find a shelter bed will step into a world rife with reports of violence, theft, health hazards — and a lack of accountability. Public records obtained by CalMatters show that most cities and counties have seemingly ignored a recent state law that aimed to reform dangerous conditions in shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, following earlier \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/publications/thisplaceiskillingme#:~:text=A%20year%2Dlong%20investigation%20by,porta%20potties%3B%20showers%20with%20no\">reports\u003c/a> of maggots, flooding and sexual harassment in shelters, the state Legislature created \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">a new system\u003c/a> requiring local governments to inspect the facilities after complaints and file annual reports on shelter conditions, including plans to fix safety and building code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalMatters found that just five of California’s 58 counties — Lake, Los Angeles, Monterey, Orange and Yuba — have filed shelter reports. Only 4 of the state’s 478 cities filed reports: Fairfield, Petaluma, Santa Rosa and Woodland, according to records from the agency in charge of implementing the law, the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is shocking, number one, that there is so little reporting, considering that is part of the legislation,” said the law’s author, Assemblymember Sharon Quirk-Silva, a Democrat representing parts of Orange and L.A. counties. “We are asking for the basics here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In light of CalMatters’ findings, she said she has requested a meeting with officials at the state housing agency. Quirk-Silva said she will consider audits or other measures as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we need to add more teeth,” she said. “There certainly could be a possibility that we will follow up with another piece of legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police call logs, shelter incident reports and other records obtained by CalMatters provide a hint of what’s missing as a result of the failure to report: a child falling out of an unreinforced window in San Mateo County and being hospitalized; multiple allegations of sexual harassment in Contra Costa County; food shortages in Placer County; and deaths, mold and vermin in many places across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has spent \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">at least $1.5 billion\u003c/a> on shelters and related solutions since 2018, legislative reports show, on top of millions invested by cities, counties and the federal government. The facilities are designed to be a temporary stop on the road to regaining housing but increasingly function as a bridge to nowhere; the state added new emergency shelter beds at roughly five times the rate of permanent housing with supportive services from 2018 to 2023, gaining 27,544 shelter beds, \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2023.pdf\">federal\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2018.PDF\">data\u003c/a> shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What happens in those shelters is largely a black box. No state agency keeps an updated list of how many shelters are operating or where, officials told CalMatters. There is no state licensing process for shelters. The U.S. \u003ca href=\"https://files.hudexchange.info/reports/published/CoC_HIC_State_CA_2023.pdf\">Department of Housing and Urban Development\u003c/a> tracks numbers of emergency shelter beds and how long people live in them, but no information about resident deaths, health or safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996094\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996094\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg\" alt=\"The outside of a door.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-32-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The only 24-hour outdoor access residents had at this former homeless shelter in Anaheim was a small outdoor patio used for smoking. The shelter has since been permanently shut down and partially boarded up. May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While not every city or county in California has a homeless shelter, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">state housing officials estimated\u003c/a> a total of around 1,300 shelters in 2021. Municipalities continue to invest in them as a more immediate alternative to street homelessness, even as \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2020-AHAR-Part-2.pdf\">experts stress\u003c/a> that other options — such as direct rent subsidies or housing with on-site services — are often more effective at combating the root issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a bad idea. At the same time, so many unhoused people are living in these congregate shelters,” said Eve Garrow, a senior policy analyst and advocate for the ACLU of Southern California. “We want to make sure those spaces are safe and clean for as long as people need them, but we also want to move away from that model.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996093\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996093\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg\" alt=\"Shopping carts next to chairs, safety cones and other materials outside of a fenced in storage unit.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/051424-OC-Shelter-JAH-CM-30-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An area where folks experiencing homelessness were given space to store their belongings while staying at the shelter that has since been permanently shut down in Anaheim on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Photo by )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 2021 state law was supposed to help enforce minimum building and safety standards for shelters by creating a new state oversight system. When people staying at shelters or their advocates \u003ca href=\"https://calcivilrights.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/32/2020/03/Discrimination-and-Harassment-in-Shelters_ENG.pdf\">file complaints\u003c/a>, the law requires cities or counties to inspect the facilities and report any violations to the state to reconsider future funding. The catch: cities and counties only have to report to the state if they determine that \u003ca href=\"https://codes.findlaw.com/ca/health-and-safety-code/hsc-sect-17920-3/?DCMP=google:ppc:TRLNA:21219027752:697523562873:161386574133&HBX_PK=&sid=9061109&source=google~ppc&tsid=latlppc&gad_source=1&gclid=CjwKCAjwtNi0BhA1EiwAWZaANIzl4kC28Sc9Kndy8F98puHpp4hD7dhJfgeGKqQGTcsejt7nrnMrGhoCSugQAvD_BwE\">a violation\u003c/a> is severe enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Each city and county has a very unique way of processing complaints\u003cem>,\u003c/em>” said Mitchel Baker, assistant deputy director of the Department of Housing and Community Development’s codes and standards division. “What may be perceived as complaints or violations may not ultimately result in the issuance of a notice of violation or corrective order.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California and the rest of the country barrel into a new legal era for mass homelessness, promises of safe shelter will be key to determining how many people can avoid more frequent tickets or jail. Many public officials, meanwhile, cast the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">Supreme Court’s Grants Pass ruling\u003c/a> as a necessary clarification after years of conflict over when cities should be allowed to dismantle tents, insisting that they will continue to offer alternatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said in a statement after the ruling. “The state will continue to work with compassion to provide individuals experiencing homelessness with the resources they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What those resources are is often hard to know, since many shelters are closed to visitors and so few places have filed state reports on conditions. However, people who have lived in shelters paint a more dire picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of one Huntington Beach shelter recently complained to health officials about mold, never-ending cases of pneumonia and neighbors walking around with infected, open sores. Homeless people and their families have \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-shelter-private-security/\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> in several cities over shelter sexual assaults and wrongful deaths. In San Diego, Sharon Descans has been bouncing between shelters and a borrowed van after being evicted from a newer kind of publicly-funded tent city, where she said she weathered unpaid labor, multiple neighbors’ deaths and flashes of chaos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are pulling swords on each other and hitting each other with two-by-fours,” Descans said. “All I wanted from the day I got there is to get out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg\" alt=\"A white woman wearing a dark dress rests her arm on a table outside while sitting down.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/062324_HomelessShelterConditions_KC_CM_005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharon Descans at the Chula Vista Bayfront Park on June 23, 2024. Descans has been staying in a van after getting evicted from the O Lot Safe Sleeping site in San Diego’s Balboa Park. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Old problems, new failures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Up until the 1980s, many of the poorest people in California and other states could still afford rented rooms or cheap hotels. Then came a tidal wave of gentrification, wage stagnation, federal cuts to housing and cash aid, plus shocks like the AIDS and drug epidemics. In less than three decades, the state went from 37,000 dedicated beds for mental health patients to just 2,500 by 1983, according to historians at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK519584/\">National Academies of Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vast numbers of people “drifted onto the streets,” the historians wrote, as promised investments in community resources proved inadequate. The “modern era of homelessness” had begun.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large emergency shelters with bunk beds and communal showers emerged as a stop-gap despite comparisons to jail cells or military barracks. The shelter triage approach spread as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">California housing construction\u003c/a> slowed and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">homelessness exploded\u003c/a>, up 40% in the past five years alone, to more than 181,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters boomed thanks in large part to court rulings that forbid authorities from cracking down on homeless people solely for being homeless. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/california-homeless-shelters-17423387.php\">Martin v Boise\u003c/a>, courts decided that the city violated the U.S. Constitution’s ban on cruel and unusual punishment by ticketing people for sleeping outside when there wasn’t “adequate” shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What has happened is cities and counties have quite explicitly raced to build more shelters in order to criminalize more people,” Garrow said. “Shelters become kind of an arm of this criminal legal system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quirk-Silva proposed the 2021 shelter law after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclusocal.org/en/publications/thisplaceiskillingme\">2019 ACLU report\u003c/a> by Garrow documented bedbug infestations, overflowing sewage and sexual harassment by shelter workers. The findings collided with Quirk-Silva’s experience talking with people on the street near her Fullerton neighborhood about why they weren’t in shelters. Her own brother died at age 50 after struggling with housing instability, mental health and alcohol abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shelters were growing fast, Quirk-Silva realized, and people were staying longer. California shelter residents now stay a median of about five months, or 155 days, the most recent federal \u003ca href=\"https://public.tableau.com/app/profile/system.performance.measures.hud.public.data/viz/HUDCoCSystemPerformanceMeasures/M2Returns\">data from 2023 shows\u003c/a> — a 30% increase since 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garrow supported the 2021 law’s effort to create minimum standards for shelters. She has seen a few problematic shelters closed down in Orange County, she said, including an old transit station in Santa Ana not meant for human habitation, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2019/03/14/aclu-report-alleges-abuse-unsanitary-conditions-common-at-orange-county-homeless-shelters/\">previously flooded\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Garrow wasn’t surprised to hear about the small number of cities and counties following through on the law, which she said several \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB362\">amendments\u003c/a> weakened. One removed a requirement for local officials to regularly conduct unannounced shelter inspections. Another struck a rule to add signs with information about how to file complaints at shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would attribute the low number of complaints not to the fact that shelters are now clean and sanitary and abiding by a new law,” Garrow said. “But to the fact that people aren’t aware.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, cities and counties that find violations in their shelters are supposed to report any conditions that are “dangerous, hazardous, imminently detrimental to life or health, or otherwise render the homeless shelter unfit for human habitation.” However, even places filing state shelter reports omit serious potential safety issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County, for example, has filed lists of its several dozen shelters and one-page inventories of violations related to rats, roaches, hot water outages and garbage. Not mentioned were issues like a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-shelter-private-security/\">2021 conviction\u003c/a> of a former shelter security guard on multiple sexual assault charges. Or reports of shelter deaths, physical attacks and other incidents that appear in police call logs requested by CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Shelters after SCOTUS\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On a recent Friday in San Diego’s crown jewel of a central park, Balboa Park, Sharon Descans laid down on a concrete bench under a palm tree to ease the pain in her joints after a year of constant motion. The former college swimmer said she became homeless for the first time last year, after she got sick with COVID-19, lost two property management jobs, fell behind on rent and got evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What followed was a tour she never wanted of last-ditch housing in a city \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/04/homeless-encampment-ban/\">at the forefront\u003c/a> of statewide efforts to vanquish street encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even before the Supreme Court decision, San Diego officials were moving people off the street to large publicly funded tent cities, called “safe sleeping” sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a site called \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/insidesd/mayor-gloria-opens-second-safe-sleeping-site-unsheltered-san-diegans\">O Lot\u003c/a>, Descans and many neighbors lived in Eskimo-brand ice fishing huts that multiple residents said were prone to leaking during rain. Her anxiety spiked at the makeshift shelter, she said, since she didn’t have a door to lock and witnessed widespread drug use and unpredictable outbursts. One neighbor died of cancer alone in his tent, Descans said, after what seemed like days without anyone checking on him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996088\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996088\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg\" alt=\"A view of tents on a street sidewalk from the a car window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sgt. Gary Gonzales’ drives past an encampment in downtown San Diego on March 22, 2024. Gonzales is a part of the neighborhood policing division of the San Diego Police Department. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of that has been captured in state reports. San Diego is one of the many California locales that has not submitted any reports after the 2021 shelter law, according to state records, despite housing \u003ca href=\"https://sdhc.org/homelessness-solutions/city-homeless-shelters-services/#shelters\">more than a dozen shelters\u003c/a> and some 10,600 homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(Even if San Diego had filed the reports, state and local spokespeople said it’s not certain they would’ve captured operations at O Lot. Though many homeless people have temporarily lived at the tent site, nonprofit operator Dreams For Change stressed that it is not technically a shelter under federal definitions.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996089\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996089\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg\" alt=\"A row of tents with tarps over them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_16-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents are shown at the city’s O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When asked whether there was any process in place for complaints about homeless shelters in San Diego County, a spokesperson said only that the county does not directly operate any shelters. Under the state law, cities and counties are still responsible for monitoring complaints and reporting violations at shelters in their area with other owners or operators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesman for the city of San Diego said it has received five complaints since the shelter law was passed and that “city staff are working on” evaluating why a state report had not been filed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At all city-funded shelters, including the Safe Sleeping and Safe Parking programs, there is a comprehensive complaint process where potential issues are quickly and thoroughly resolved,” spokesperson Matt Hoffman said in a statement. “Every complaint is followed up on and, if needed, action is promptly taken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At O Lot, Descans tried to keep her head down. She made friends with another mom whose son had also wrestled at a nearby high school. The pair heard they could earn money to work their way out of the tents by cleaning bathrooms and doing laundry for the nonprofit Dreams for Change. Descans said she was never paid around $1,000 for 55 hours of cleaning work, which she documented in photos and text message complaints to a site supervisor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996090\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996090\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a tent with a cot, blankets and bag.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_17-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of one of the tents provided at the O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. People are given a cot, blanket, sleeping bag, and hygiene kit. 24/7 staffing, showers, laundry, and shuttles are also provided for clients. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In June, Descans was “exited” from the shelter — nonprofit-speak for evicted — after forms said she had a verbal altercation with staff and allowed an unpermitted visit from her 17-year-old son, who lives with other family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just feel like nobody cares,” Descans said. “It’s like cover your ass at any expense — who even cares about these homeless people?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Dreams for Change spokesperson said the nonprofit cannot comment on individual cases but has a process for formally hiring and paying residents who wish to work. The nonprofit added that it is one of several contractors that operate safe sleeping sites near Balboa Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 80 households have secured permanent housing after living at Dreams for Change’s portion of O Lot, spokesperson Kelly Spoon said in a statement. She confirmed three deaths at the site and added, “Dealing with a diverse population, occasional altercations may arise, but physical altercations are extremely rare.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another current resident of the safe sleeping site, who asked not to be identified due to fear of retaliation, said he was also concerned about a lack of sufficient meals, deaths, sexual assaults reported by female neighbors, and a nagging lack of information from caseworkers about housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The animals almost get better treatment than the people,” he said. “You keep shitting on people, you’re going to get shit results.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shawn Swearigen also lived in a tent at O Lot before moving to a subsidized apartment last month. The grandson of a cattle rancher from Imperial County worked in construction for years until family deaths and the 2008 housing crash landed him on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a cowboy hat, a reddish orange shirt and black track pants with orange stripes sits on a blanket in the grass outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032223_SD_Encampment-Ban_KC_CM_20-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shawn Swearingen, 55, at the O Lot Safe Sleeping site at Balboa Park in San Diego on March 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kristian Carreon / CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The tent in Balboa Park “wasn’t bad,” he said, though it wasn’t immune from theft and mental health crises that he has found are two constants of homelessness. Swearigen valued having his own space, as opposed to being “dormed up” in a bunk bed like when he first became homeless and stayed at a large shelter. It was so claustrophobic and counter-productive, he said that he spent the next decade trying to stay out of sight, often camping in the woods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of like a lack of options,” Swearigen said. “I really didn’t want to be a burden on people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Have you stayed at a California homeless shelter? Tell us about your experience \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://forms.gle/nFga3B3XvLRfd3dv6\">\u003cem>here\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "ai-raising-the-rent-san-francisco-could-be-the-first-city-to-ban-the-practice",
"title": "AI Raising the Rent? San Francisco Could Be the First City to Ban the Practice",
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"headTitle": "AI Raising the Rent? San Francisco Could Be the First City to Ban the Practice | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco could soon be the first U.S. city to pull the plug on software designed to automate rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor and mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1jc-g_SefmZ0alC1ZelhpmLgYCM081Ig8/edit#heading=h.gjdgxs\">legislation\u003c/a> on Tuesday that would ban property owners and managers from using algorithm-based tools that recommend or set rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been demonstrated to increase eviction rates, bogus fees and other pressure tactics on tenants,” Peskin told KQED of the software. “Indeed, there are large corporate real estate landlords in San Francisco who are using it and holding units vacant and using it to artificially increase rents beyond what the market demands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes as attorneys general nationwide have filed multiple lawsuits against corporate landlords for alleged collusion by inflating rents. The Department of Justice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/03/20/rental-housing-market-doj-investigation-00147333\">investigating RealPage\u003c/a>, which produces real estate management software that uses algorithms to suggest rental prices. The probe is looking into whether RealPage enables price-fixing among large residential landlords and property owners who use the product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of units in San Francisco are estimated to be owned by companies that use RealPage, including Brookfield, Greystar, and AvalonBay, according to Lee Hepner, a San Francisco-based antitrust lawyer and senior legal counsel for the American Economic Liberties Project, who has been following the RealPage investigation and similar lawsuits closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This price-fixing scheme is being facilitated by a third-party algorithm, and the advent of this software means that it can facilitate those schemes across very large markets,” Hepner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from progressive research and advocacy organization, \u003ca href=\"http://accountable.us\">Accountable.US\u003c/a>, found that the six largest publicly traded apartment companies — all of which have been sued for their use of RealPage — made a combined $300 million in profits in the first quarter of the fiscal year, in many cases due to rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association declined to comment before the legislation was presented on Tuesday at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s proposal comes as President Joe Biden is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/16/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-major-new-actions-to-lower-housing-costs-by-limiting-rent-increases-and-building-more-homes/\">considering rent caps\u003c/a> on corporate landlords in a bid to slow rising rent prices and eviction rates nationwide. That plan, announced Tuesday, would require corporate landlords to cap rent increases on existing units at 5% — or risk missing out on federal tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal rent cap reflects what we’re seeing across the country: increasingly, cities, counties and states are turning to rent stabilization — recognizing its centrality to addressing the housing crisis and keeping people in their homes,” Tram Hoang, senior housing associate at the Oakland-based national research institute, PolicyLink, said in a statement. “Communities are grappling with record-high rent gouging and urgently need more elected leaders to step up and make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of renters nationwide in 2022 spent more than a third of their income on rent, according to data from the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. However, the lack of affordable rental units has simultaneously worsened across the country. The shortage of affordable and available homes for renters with extremely low incomes increased from approximately 6.8 million units needed in 2019 to 7.3 million in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://housingmatters.urban.org/research-summary/addressing-americas-affordable-housing-crisis\">data from the nonprofit research organization Urban Institute show\u003c/a>. Many households feel the pinch caused by a combination of inflation and the end of much pandemic-era rental relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Oakland renter Merika Goolsby has experienced the destabilizing effects of major rent hikes. When her two-year lease expired, she was given the choice of signing a one-year lease with an increase of $350 per month or paying month-to-month for an increase of $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t work any more hours. I was panicking. I called the office and said there’s no way I can afford an additional $350,” said Goolsby, who is a member of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, a statewide community organization that supports Peskin’s proposal. “I was told, ‘Maybe this isn’t the place for you; you should downsize.’ They weren’t willing to work with me at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan is already being met with pushback from groups including the National Housing Conference — a coalition representing a broad range of interest groups including realtors, land trusts and banks — who argue that mandatory rent caps could limit capital needed to build new units, discourage investment in multifamily rental housing, and hinder the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation’s housing supply has not kept pace with the needs of our growing population,” said David M. Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference. “The only way to address our affordable housing shortage is by building more affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “Rent caps don’t work and will have a chilling effect on housing supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan still requires congressional approval, which will almost certainly be a battle getting through the Republican-controlled House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, experts say it will take a combination of approaches to dig out of the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Hepner believes Peskin’s legislation aiming to control rents complements efforts to add more housing units across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing markets are very localized, and that’s why we think there is a significant role for not just state but even municipal lawmakers to take action,” Hepner said. “Hopefully, what San Francisco is doing joins momentum that’s been building for the better part of a year to tell the housing market across the country that this type of price-fixing scheme is not going to be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The legislation comes as President Biden is looking to curb rental increases at 5% for corporate landlords. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco could soon be the first U.S. city to pull the plug on software designed to automate rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor and mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1jc-g_SefmZ0alC1ZelhpmLgYCM081Ig8/edit#heading=h.gjdgxs\">legislation\u003c/a> on Tuesday that would ban property owners and managers from using algorithm-based tools that recommend or set rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been demonstrated to increase eviction rates, bogus fees and other pressure tactics on tenants,” Peskin told KQED of the software. “Indeed, there are large corporate real estate landlords in San Francisco who are using it and holding units vacant and using it to artificially increase rents beyond what the market demands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes as attorneys general nationwide have filed multiple lawsuits against corporate landlords for alleged collusion by inflating rents. The Department of Justice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/03/20/rental-housing-market-doj-investigation-00147333\">investigating RealPage\u003c/a>, which produces real estate management software that uses algorithms to suggest rental prices. The probe is looking into whether RealPage enables price-fixing among large residential landlords and property owners who use the product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of units in San Francisco are estimated to be owned by companies that use RealPage, including Brookfield, Greystar, and AvalonBay, according to Lee Hepner, a San Francisco-based antitrust lawyer and senior legal counsel for the American Economic Liberties Project, who has been following the RealPage investigation and similar lawsuits closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This price-fixing scheme is being facilitated by a third-party algorithm, and the advent of this software means that it can facilitate those schemes across very large markets,” Hepner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from progressive research and advocacy organization, \u003ca href=\"http://accountable.us\">Accountable.US\u003c/a>, found that the six largest publicly traded apartment companies — all of which have been sued for their use of RealPage — made a combined $300 million in profits in the first quarter of the fiscal year, in many cases due to rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association declined to comment before the legislation was presented on Tuesday at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s proposal comes as President Joe Biden is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/16/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-major-new-actions-to-lower-housing-costs-by-limiting-rent-increases-and-building-more-homes/\">considering rent caps\u003c/a> on corporate landlords in a bid to slow rising rent prices and eviction rates nationwide. That plan, announced Tuesday, would require corporate landlords to cap rent increases on existing units at 5% — or risk missing out on federal tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal rent cap reflects what we’re seeing across the country: increasingly, cities, counties and states are turning to rent stabilization — recognizing its centrality to addressing the housing crisis and keeping people in their homes,” Tram Hoang, senior housing associate at the Oakland-based national research institute, PolicyLink, said in a statement. “Communities are grappling with record-high rent gouging and urgently need more elected leaders to step up and make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of renters nationwide in 2022 spent more than a third of their income on rent, according to data from the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. However, the lack of affordable rental units has simultaneously worsened across the country. The shortage of affordable and available homes for renters with extremely low incomes increased from approximately 6.8 million units needed in 2019 to 7.3 million in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://housingmatters.urban.org/research-summary/addressing-americas-affordable-housing-crisis\">data from the nonprofit research organization Urban Institute show\u003c/a>. Many households feel the pinch caused by a combination of inflation and the end of much pandemic-era rental relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Oakland renter Merika Goolsby has experienced the destabilizing effects of major rent hikes. When her two-year lease expired, she was given the choice of signing a one-year lease with an increase of $350 per month or paying month-to-month for an increase of $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t work any more hours. I was panicking. I called the office and said there’s no way I can afford an additional $350,” said Goolsby, who is a member of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, a statewide community organization that supports Peskin’s proposal. “I was told, ‘Maybe this isn’t the place for you; you should downsize.’ They weren’t willing to work with me at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan is already being met with pushback from groups including the National Housing Conference — a coalition representing a broad range of interest groups including realtors, land trusts and banks — who argue that mandatory rent caps could limit capital needed to build new units, discourage investment in multifamily rental housing, and hinder the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation’s housing supply has not kept pace with the needs of our growing population,” said David M. Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference. “The only way to address our affordable housing shortage is by building more affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “Rent caps don’t work and will have a chilling effect on housing supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan still requires congressional approval, which will almost certainly be a battle getting through the Republican-controlled House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, experts say it will take a combination of approaches to dig out of the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Hepner believes Peskin’s legislation aiming to control rents complements efforts to add more housing units across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing markets are very localized, and that’s why we think there is a significant role for not just state but even municipal lawmakers to take action,” Hepner said. “Hopefully, what San Francisco is doing joins momentum that’s been building for the better part of a year to tell the housing market across the country that this type of price-fixing scheme is not going to be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-mayoral-candidates-agree-bold-action-is-needed-on-housing-what-are-their-proposals",
"title": "San Francisco Mayoral Candidates Agree Bold Action Is Needed on Housing. What Are Their Proposals?",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Mayoral Candidates Agree Bold Action Is Needed on Housing. What Are Their Proposals? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Housing will be top of mind for many San Francisco voters this November, and mayoral candidates hoping to lead the city out of its affordability crunch are rolling out competing plans to tackle the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their strategies differ, one thing the leading candidates agree on is the city desperately needs to take bold action on housing. San Francisco is on the hook to add 82,000 housing units by 2031 — and is still far from reaching its goal. That’s because the city has long struggled to produce more housing, due to a combination of zoning limits and high production costs, exacerbated by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">lengthy approval processes in City Hall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not enough housing built and the geography where it is being built doesn’t match with where the highest resources are,” said Sujata Srivastava, chief policy officer at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR), a nonprofit public policy organization. “We have met all of our housing production in the last few decades almost entirely in the eastern neighborhoods and there is very little happening in the northern and west side neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of San Francisco residents, about 65%, are renters. And at least 27% of those renters spend more than a third of their income on housing, and closer to 40% for families with low income, who on average earn $70,237 annually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/web/en/us/about/insights/data-stories/q3-2023-rental-affordability.html#:~:text=Based%20on%20Moody's%20analysis%2C%20low,of%20their%20income%20on%20rent.\">according to a 2023 Moody’s report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But building more affordable housing for lower- and middle-income residents has been a particularly difficult equation to solve — one that each candidate said they’re determined to fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Mayor London Breed, who has vowed to veto “any piece of anti-housing legislation” that comes across her desk. She recently received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">a significant endorsement from YIMBY Action\u003c/a>, a political advocacy group that advocates for housing development at all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her six years as mayor, Breed has overseen the creation of thousands of new units, despite falling woefully short of state requirements. In the first six months of 2023, for example, the city permitted 179 new units, or less than one home on average per day, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/plan-report/sf-housing-policy-and-practice-review.pdf\">2023 review (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her plan, dubbed Housing for All, launched in February 2023 and moved to cut inclusionary fees by nearly a third after a city committee suggested they were too high to make many projects feasible. Inclusionary fees require housing developers of projects with 10 or more units to either pay a fee into the city’s affordable housing fund, or include a portion of below-market units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To encourage more development, Breed said she is open to further reducing those fees to trigger new housing construction in San Francisco. She also introduced a $300 million affordable housing bond, which voters passed in March, that will fund building, acquiring or rehabilitating affordable units in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992945\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks during a press conference in support of a regional affordable housing measure at Five88, a mixed-use residential and retail property, in the Mission Bay neighborhood in San Francisco on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as I want the inclusionary funds for affordable housing, I want housing, period,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s competitors Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, and Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and Levi Strauss heir, agree on further reducing fees used to fund affordable housing. Lurie’s plan includes an economic impact analysis to recommend fee reductions, while Farrell, who recently secured support from the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, proposes decreasing the current 12% rate to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now developers are voting with their pocket books, investing (housing) in other cities and not San Francisco because we have made it too onerous,” Farrell told KQED, stressing that the current administration has “failed” to move fast enough on the city’s housing shortage. “There are affordable housing measures on the ballot that I will always support, but we can’t shy away from the argument or the reality that building more housing increases affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors and fellow mayoral candidates Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin told KQED that proactively lowering affordable housing fees is not an immediate priority since the city in 2023 created a process to review and adjust inclusionary fees already. Under that change, the city reviews fee rates every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a need to lower it more we can have that conversation, but we did that,” Safaí said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Excelsior Supervisor added that he thinks further reducing the transfer tax from 6% to 3% on union-backed projects, meaning fees tacked on when property is exchanged from one owner to another, could also spur development. But with\u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\"> tens of thousands of units\u003c/a> in various phases of the housing development process already, Safaí is also proposing a full audit of the Department of Building Inspection to find inefficiencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, Farrell and Lurie all agree on upzoning and building housing around major transit and commercial corridors on streets such as Van Ness, Geary and Lombard. Lurie says he wants to allow approving more six-to-eight-story buildings and create a new role in city hall to shepherd housing projects with community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, a longtime supervisor for the city’s densest neighborhoods including North Beach and Chinatown, has been criticized by his opponents for blocking some housing projects in particular around the North Beach and waterfront areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s not the only candidate who has a history of blocking some housing projects. As supervisor, Farrell opposed an \u003ca href=\"https://sfbgarchive.48hills.org/sfbgarchive/2011/05/31/not-our-neighborhood/\">affordable housing project at Booker T. Washington\u003c/a>, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike his competitors who are eager to build housing for all income levels, Peskin wants to prioritize building more housing that’s affordable to lower- and middle-income households. He’s currently working to pass legislation that would utilize tax-exempt government-issued revenue bonds to build housing affordable to the middle class including teachers, health care workers and first responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, San Francisco bureau chief of The New York Times, moderate the San Francisco mayoral debate featuring Ahsha Safaí, Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie, London Breed and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea is to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI), like teachers, firefighters, service workers who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices. It would cap rents at 15% below market rate or limit rents to caps set by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development for people with those income ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the moderate conservative candidates in the race are singularly focused on turning Ocean Beach into Miami Beach, and they are all focused on the problem which is zoning and not financing,” Peskin told KQED. “How we build workforce housing and affordable middle-income housing is where the work needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at least one affordable housing developer has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">criticized the plan\u003c/a>, arguing the savings for renters immediately don’t add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing affordability experts like SPUR’s Srivastava say increasing the city’s housing inventory is necessary to keep rents affordable, but development should be done thoughtfully to avoid displacing more vulnerable communities and neighborhoods that could get priced out with additional market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People on the westside and northern neighborhoods are watching this issue carefully,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lowering fees and exempting transfer taxes on multifamily projects, Lurie’s plan includes speeding up housing approvals by cutting certain design guidelines and creating a “shot clock” that sets maximum review times and standards for project approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has close to 73,000 units in the pipeline, \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\">24% of which are considered affordable\u003c/a>, but a lack of financing for those affordable and middle-income projects is a major impediment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city’s role can no longer be just about rezoning,” former San Francisco Planning Director John Rahaim said in a prepared statement. Rahaim also gave Lurie’s plan his seal of approval. “The city must help to create the local market conditions that enable approved units to actually get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie touts that his nonprofit, Tipping Point, built 145 units of affordable housing at 833 Bryant Street in three years — about half the typical time for such projects — at around $383,000 per unit compared to the city’s average of $700,000 per unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project utilized \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">state legislation passed in 2017\u003c/a> that expedited the approval process for some multifamily projects in cities that are not on track to meet housing production goals. It also received a $50 million boost directly from Tipping Point, donated from Charles and Helen Schwab, to get things moving quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all projects will have such a generous boost of capital at the start, Srivastava said. But she added it’s necessary that city leaders embrace creative solutions to get around the “slow and unwieldy” affordable housing financing model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next person in City Hall will need to adopt a plan that does not undermine state housing laws,” she said. “There isn’t a lot of room for the city to keep playing games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The next mayor of San Francisco will lead the city's charge to build nearly 82,000 new state-mandated housing units by 2031. ",
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"title": "San Francisco Mayoral Candidates Agree Bold Action Is Needed on Housing. What Are Their Proposals? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Housing will be top of mind for many San Francisco voters this November, and mayoral candidates hoping to lead the city out of its affordability crunch are rolling out competing plans to tackle the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While their strategies differ, one thing the leading candidates agree on is the city desperately needs to take bold action on housing. San Francisco is on the hook to add 82,000 housing units by 2031 — and is still far from reaching its goal. That’s because the city has long struggled to produce more housing, due to a combination of zoning limits and high production costs, exacerbated by \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965492/san-francisco-takes-forever-to-approve-new-housing-california-officials-are-forcing-change\">lengthy approval processes in City Hall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is not enough housing built and the geography where it is being built doesn’t match with where the highest resources are,” said Sujata Srivastava, chief policy officer at the San Francisco Bay Area Planning and Urban Research Association (SPUR), a nonprofit public policy organization. “We have met all of our housing production in the last few decades almost entirely in the eastern neighborhoods and there is very little happening in the northern and west side neighborhoods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of San Francisco residents, about 65%, are renters. And at least 27% of those renters spend more than a third of their income on housing, and closer to 40% for families with low income, who on average earn $70,237 annually, \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/web/en/us/about/insights/data-stories/q3-2023-rental-affordability.html#:~:text=Based%20on%20Moody's%20analysis%2C%20low,of%20their%20income%20on%20rent.\">according to a 2023 Moody’s report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But building more affordable housing for lower- and middle-income residents has been a particularly difficult equation to solve — one that each candidate said they’re determined to fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take Mayor London Breed, who has vowed to veto “any piece of anti-housing legislation” that comes across her desk. She recently received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992943/sf-mayor-london-breed-wins-key-yimby-endorsement-after-string-of-misses\">a significant endorsement from YIMBY Action\u003c/a>, a political advocacy group that advocates for housing development at all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her six years as mayor, Breed has overseen the creation of thousands of new units, despite falling woefully short of state requirements. In the first six months of 2023, for example, the city permitted 179 new units, or less than one home on average per day, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/policy-and-research/plan-report/sf-housing-policy-and-practice-review.pdf\">2023 review (PDF)\u003c/a> from the California Department of Housing and Community Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her plan, dubbed Housing for All, launched in February 2023 and moved to cut inclusionary fees by nearly a third after a city committee suggested they were too high to make many projects feasible. Inclusionary fees require housing developers of projects with 10 or more units to either pay a fee into the city’s affordable housing fund, or include a portion of below-market units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To encourage more development, Breed said she is open to further reducing those fees to trigger new housing construction in San Francisco. She also introduced a $300 million affordable housing bond, which voters passed in March, that will fund building, acquiring or rehabilitating affordable units in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992945\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed speaks during a press conference in support of a regional affordable housing measure at Five88, a mixed-use residential and retail property, in the Mission Bay neighborhood in San Francisco on June 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As much as I want the inclusionary funds for affordable housing, I want housing, period,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s competitors Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, and Daniel Lurie, an anti-poverty nonprofit founder and Levi Strauss heir, agree on further reducing fees used to fund affordable housing. Lurie’s plan includes an economic impact analysis to recommend fee reductions, while Farrell, who recently secured support from the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, proposes decreasing the current 12% rate to 10%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now developers are voting with their pocket books, investing (housing) in other cities and not San Francisco because we have made it too onerous,” Farrell told KQED, stressing that the current administration has “failed” to move fast enough on the city’s housing shortage. “There are affordable housing measures on the ballot that I will always support, but we can’t shy away from the argument or the reality that building more housing increases affordability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors and fellow mayoral candidates Ahsha Safaí and Aaron Peskin told KQED that proactively lowering affordable housing fees is not an immediate priority since the city in 2023 created a process to review and adjust inclusionary fees already. Under that change, the city reviews fee rates every three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If there is a need to lower it more we can have that conversation, but we did that,” Safaí said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Excelsior Supervisor added that he thinks further reducing the transfer tax from 6% to 3% on union-backed projects, meaning fees tacked on when property is exchanged from one owner to another, could also spur development. But with\u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\"> tens of thousands of units\u003c/a> in various phases of the housing development process already, Safaí is also proposing a full audit of the Department of Building Inspection to find inefficiencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, Farrell and Lurie all agree on upzoning and building housing around major transit and commercial corridors on streets such as Van Ness, Geary and Lombard. Lurie says he wants to allow approving more six-to-eight-story buildings and create a new role in city hall to shepherd housing projects with community input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin, a longtime supervisor for the city’s densest neighborhoods including North Beach and Chinatown, has been criticized by his opponents for blocking some housing projects in particular around the North Beach and waterfront areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he’s not the only candidate who has a history of blocking some housing projects. As supervisor, Farrell opposed an \u003ca href=\"https://sfbgarchive.48hills.org/sfbgarchive/2011/05/31/not-our-neighborhood/\">affordable housing project at Booker T. Washington\u003c/a>, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike his competitors who are eager to build housing for all income levels, Peskin wants to prioritize building more housing that’s affordable to lower- and middle-income households. He’s currently working to pass legislation that would utilize tax-exempt government-issued revenue bonds to build housing affordable to the middle class including teachers, health care workers and first responders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11990139\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11990139\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240612-SFMayoralDebate-09-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">From left, Manny Yekutiel, proprietor of the event space Manny’s and Heather Knight, San Francisco bureau chief of The New York Times, moderate the San Francisco mayoral debate featuring Ahsha Safaí, Mark Farrell, Daniel Lurie, London Breed and Aaron Peskin at the Sydney Goldstein Theater on June 12, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The idea is to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI), like teachers, firefighters, service workers who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices. It would cap rents at 15% below market rate or limit rents to caps set by the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development for people with those income ranges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of the moderate conservative candidates in the race are singularly focused on turning Ocean Beach into Miami Beach, and they are all focused on the problem which is zoning and not financing,” Peskin told KQED. “How we build workforce housing and affordable middle-income housing is where the work needs to be done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at least one affordable housing developer has already \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993629/san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant\">criticized the plan\u003c/a>, arguing the savings for renters immediately don’t add up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing affordability experts like SPUR’s Srivastava say increasing the city’s housing inventory is necessary to keep rents affordable, but development should be done thoughtfully to avoid displacing more vulnerable communities and neighborhoods that could get priced out with additional market-rate development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People on the westside and northern neighborhoods are watching this issue carefully,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lowering fees and exempting transfer taxes on multifamily projects, Lurie’s plan includes speeding up housing approvals by cutting certain design guidelines and creating a “shot clock” that sets maximum review times and standards for project approvals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has close to 73,000 units in the pipeline, \u003ca href=\"https://sfplanning.org/project/pipeline-report#current-dashboard\">24% of which are considered affordable\u003c/a>, but a lack of financing for those affordable and middle-income projects is a major impediment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city’s role can no longer be just about rezoning,” former San Francisco Planning Director John Rahaim said in a prepared statement. Rahaim also gave Lurie’s plan his seal of approval. “The city must help to create the local market conditions that enable approved units to actually get built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie touts that his nonprofit, Tipping Point, built 145 units of affordable housing at 833 Bryant Street in three years — about half the typical time for such projects — at around $383,000 per unit compared to the city’s average of $700,000 per unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project utilized \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">state legislation passed in 2017\u003c/a> that expedited the approval process for some multifamily projects in cities that are not on track to meet housing production goals. It also received a $50 million boost directly from Tipping Point, donated from Charles and Helen Schwab, to get things moving quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all projects will have such a generous boost of capital at the start, Srivastava said. But she added it’s necessary that city leaders embrace creative solutions to get around the “slow and unwieldy” affordable housing financing model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The next person in City Hall will need to adopt a plan that does not undermine state housing laws,” she said. “There isn’t a lot of room for the city to keep playing games.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "uc-berkeley-students-families-refuse-to-pay-new-fees-at-university-owned-housing",
"title": "UC Berkeley Family Housing Tenants Fight Rent Hike, New Parking Fees",
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"headTitle": "UC Berkeley Family Housing Tenants Fight Rent Hike, New Parking Fees | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of residents of a UC Berkeley family housing complex in Albany are refusing to pay new rent hikes and parking fees, saying the added expenses are putting new strain on already-tight family budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, the residents expressed their discontent after the university imposed a $64 monthly parking fee on July 1 at \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">University Village\u003c/a>, a nearly 974-unit residential community for graduate students, post-doc researchers and others. Residents also received a 4% rent increase on July 1 — the third year in a row of consecutive 4% increases. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">university’s website\u003c/a>, residents at the Village pay between $2,090 for one-bedroom units and $3,455 for three-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The households are refusing to pay the fee … to show the university that this is in fact a serious issue, and they can’t simply change the terms of their tenancy and start charging these new fees without coming to a fair agreement first,” said Brad Hirn, unit chair for UC Berkeley Academic Researchers at UAW Local 4811, a union representing graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The university recently hiked rents and imposed new parking fees at its family housing site, called UC Village, in Albany.",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Family Housing Tenants Fight Rent Hike, New Parking Fees | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of residents of a UC Berkeley family housing complex in Albany are refusing to pay new rent hikes and parking fees, saying the added expenses are putting new strain on already-tight family budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, the residents expressed their discontent after the university imposed a $64 monthly parking fee on July 1 at \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">University Village\u003c/a>, a nearly 974-unit residential community for graduate students, post-doc researchers and others. Residents also received a 4% rent increase on July 1 — the third year in a row of consecutive 4% increases. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://housing.berkeley.edu/explore-housing-options/family-student-housing-university-village/\">university’s website\u003c/a>, residents at the Village pay between $2,090 for one-bedroom units and $3,455 for three-bedroom apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The households are refusing to pay the fee … to show the university that this is in fact a serious issue, and they can’t simply change the terms of their tenancy and start charging these new fees without coming to a fair agreement first,” said Brad Hirn, unit chair for UC Berkeley Academic Researchers at UAW Local 4811, a union representing graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 450 households at the Village are members of the UAW 4811, according to Hirn. Hirn, who is not a resident of the Village, said that UAW 4811 is “overall concerned about reducing rent burden for students and workers due to these new fees,” and that he is “supporting the residents in their efforts” with his background in tenant and labor union organizing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, residents of the Village delivered a poster signed by over 270 residents to the offices of Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness, who oversees Residential & Student Service Programs, communicating their decision to not pay the fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents are demanding the university to drop the fees, waive monetary citations over the past several months from increasing monthly rents and to reach a fair agreement on parking fees, rent increases and housing services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would also like to see better transparency on how money is spent. Our primary playground is in complete disarray and dangerous for kids to play on,” Robin López, a Village resident, wrote in an email to KQED. “Part of [a] memorial for a past resident who was killed due to domestic violence has been removed and not yet replaced. There should be funds to take care of the bare minimum for a community full of children. We would also like to have reclaimed access to our community spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993666\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993666\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters hold a sign of signatures of residents of University Village, a housing community for students and families owned and operated by UC Berkeley, who are refusing to pay new parking fees imposed by the university at a rally outside the offices of UC Berkeley Associate Vice Chancellor Jo Mackness in Berkeley on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a statement, UC Berkeley spokesperson Adam Ratliff wrote that the planned increases in parking fees had been communicated to residents in February 2023. Mackness had announced in April 2021 the university’s plan to increase rents by 4% each year for three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We wanted to give our residents plenty of time to plan accordingly, which is why we first offered virtual parking permits at no cost for the 2023–24 academic year with the notice that we would need to charge for the permits on July 1, 2024, for the 2024–25 academic year,” Ratliff wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that resident vehicles are required to register and pay for a virtual permit to be allowed to park in an assigned parking space, and that the university’s goal is to ensure residents can have access to “adequate parking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We recognize our University Village community includes a diverse array of families with unique needs, and we remain committed to providing an affordable education for students and continually strive to keep costs and living expenses as low as possible,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff noted that if residents cannot afford the rent increases or the new parking fee, they are encouraged to work with the university’s \u003ca href=\"https://financialaid.berkeley.edu/\">Office of Financial Aid & Scholarships\u003c/a>, as well as with other resources and programs that can assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s press conference, speakers urged the university to negotiate with the union and described the power the university held over them as their “employer, landlord, educator, insurer, child care provider, and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign opposing new parking fees at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ninel Melkonyan, a UAW 4811 member, Village resident and graduate student in the Goldman School of Public Policy described the community as a “vibrant and diverse community representing a large number of marginalized people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an immigrant student, she said, “For many of us, it is our first and only home here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She called the parking fees “extraordinary,” leading to a dilemma where she has to ask herself, “Do I buy food for my family, or do I pay these extra fees?” adding that she would not be able to pay the fees without going further into debt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>López told KQED that at a town hall meeting last summer at the Village, UC Berkeley officials initially said that the parking fee would be more than $100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described the reaction from residents as “livid” and “upset.” When he spoke to a reporter from \u003cem>The Daily Californian\u003c/em>, the university’s undergraduate student newspaper, and the newspaper \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/archives/university-village-to-introduce-monthly-parking-fee/article_1b436e86-1522-594f-a842-9a595e25e270.html\">reported the story\u003c/a>, university staff said that they did not know where that number came from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I am assuming that the UC’s concession there was, ‘okay we’ll charge $64 instead,’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993712\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993712\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240711-UC-VILLAGE-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ticket on the windshield of a car parked at University Village in Albany on July 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>López, who is also the vice mayor of Albany, noted that the city has more red tape to go through when approving affordable housing opportunities but universities like UC Berkeley do not. He noted that Albany has “little to no control” over property owned by the university, even though it is within city limits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of maintaining affordable options for some of the most vulnerable student demographics, they rather increase their rent far above what the affordable housing numbers are right here in the exact same city,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He noted that the new parking permit fee resulted in residents, including himself, having to “reevaluate what our budget is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[A] $64 fee is not minuscule,” López said. “That could very well determine whether or not someone’s able to put food on the table or provide simple basic needs for their child.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-developers-slam-peskins-middle-income-housing-plan-as-redundant",
"title": "San Francisco Developers Have Mixed Feelings About Peskin’s Middle Income Housing Plan",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Developers Have Mixed Feelings About Peskin’s Middle Income Housing Plan | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "SF Supervisor Aaron Peskin is creating a new funding program to build ‘middle-income’ housing. Some affordable housing developers are optimistic to get more funding, but others worry it could be making funding more complicated than needed. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
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