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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:35 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">tents on San Francisco streets\u003c/a> is at its lowest point since before the city started counting in 2018, according to new quarterly figures announced on Thursday by Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest tally, conducted this month, found 242 tents and other structures around the city, down 60% from the 609 counted in July 2023, when a steady month-over-month decline began. The recent count found only five encampments of five or more tents, down from 14 last July. Declines were seen in every supervisorial district, ranging from a 9% drop in District 3 to 96% in District 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen more progress than we’ve seen in a long time because we’re making it harder for people to live on the streets,” Breed said at a Thursday press conference. “The goal is to not let people be comfortable living on the streets of San Francisco when we have an alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, city outreach teams have connected over 950 people to shelters since the beginning of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city ramped up efforts to clear encampments in the wake of a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that opened the door for more aggressive enforcement, including the use of fines and arrests, whether or not shelter beds are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"2547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-800x815.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-160x163.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1508x1536.jpg 1508w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-2010x2048.jpg 2010w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1920x1956.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers with the Department of Public Works examine and break down the contents of an unoccupied tent and load it into trucks headed for the dump. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since Breed launched the crackdown in August, amid a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">tough reelection campaign\u003c/a>, business owners and residents have said they see \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">fewer tents but just as many people\u003c/a> as they disperse throughout neighborhoods and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">find more discreet spots\u003c/a> to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tent count is meaningless. We need to consider human beings,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which has an ongoing lawsuit against the city over its homelessness policies. She said people often end up sleeping rough after their camps are cleared until they can buy another tent or get one donated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen progress from Prop C,” she added, referring to a business tax passed in 2018 that funds services and housing, “but high rents are driving more people into homelessness. We need more efforts focused on prevention, rather than punishing them for being poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006541 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-001-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of 3,000 interactions with people in encampments — a number that includes multiple interactions with the same individuals — 365 people accepted shelter, 296 people were arrested and 46 already had housing or shelter, per the mayor’s office. Of those who were arrested, 80% were cited for illegal lodging and released at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of the Department of Emergency Management, credited better coordination for the latest numbers. “Why we have seen improvement is because of the collaborative work of all the city departments,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has also seen a drop in the number of people living in vehicles, with the vehicle count down from 1,058 in July 2023 to 458 this month. An increase in family homelessness over the last couple of years fueled rising RV camping. The city recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000285/unhoused-rv-families-return-to-winston-drive-after-eviction-from-s-f-zoo-road\">evicted an RV community\u003c/a> near the zoo and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007425/san-francisco-bans-overnight-parking-for-rvs-on-most-city-streets\">banned overnight RV parking\u003c/a> on most streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Rafael Mandelman, whose District 8 saw the steepest decline in tents, celebrated the latest numbers. Just one tent remained in his district at last count, down from 24 last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at the progress the city has made over the last six years, it is remarkable,” he said. “This is not to say the work is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Encampment sweeps have accelerated since August, when Mayor London Breed’s promised crackdown began, adding to a steady decline in the number of tents on city streets since last summer. ",
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"title": "San Francisco’s Homeless Tent Count Drops to Record Low, Mayor Says | KQED",
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"headline": "San Francisco’s Homeless Tent Count Drops to Record Low, Mayor Says",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:35 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">tents on San Francisco streets\u003c/a> is at its lowest point since before the city started counting in 2018, according to new quarterly figures announced on Thursday by Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest tally, conducted this month, found 242 tents and other structures around the city, down 60% from the 609 counted in July 2023, when a steady month-over-month decline began. The recent count found only five encampments of five or more tents, down from 14 last July. Declines were seen in every supervisorial district, ranging from a 9% drop in District 3 to 96% in District 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen more progress than we’ve seen in a long time because we’re making it harder for people to live on the streets,” Breed said at a Thursday press conference. “The goal is to not let people be comfortable living on the streets of San Francisco when we have an alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, city outreach teams have connected over 950 people to shelters since the beginning of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city ramped up efforts to clear encampments in the wake of a June \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> that opened the door for more aggressive enforcement, including the use of fines and arrests, whether or not shelter beds are available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000640\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000640\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"2547\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-800x815.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-160x163.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1508x1536.jpg 1508w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-2010x2048.jpg 2010w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/ENCAMPMENT-SWEEPS-TRIPTYCH-01-1920x1956.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Workers with the Department of Public Works examine and break down the contents of an unoccupied tent and load it into trucks headed for the dump. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since Breed launched the crackdown in August, amid a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">tough reelection campaign\u003c/a>, business owners and residents have said they see \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">fewer tents but just as many people\u003c/a> as they disperse throughout neighborhoods and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006541/sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going\">find more discreet spots\u003c/a> to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The tent count is meaningless. We need to consider human beings,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which has an ongoing lawsuit against the city over its homelessness policies. She said people often end up sleeping rough after their camps are cleared until they can buy another tent or get one donated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen progress from Prop C,” she added, referring to a business tax passed in 2018 that funds services and housing, “but high rents are driving more people into homelessness. We need more efforts focused on prevention, rather than punishing them for being poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out of 3,000 interactions with people in encampments — a number that includes multiple interactions with the same individuals — 365 people accepted shelter, 296 people were arrested and 46 already had housing or shelter, per the mayor’s office. Of those who were arrested, 80% were cited for illegal lodging and released at the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mary Ellen Carroll, executive director of the Department of Emergency Management, credited better coordination for the latest numbers. “Why we have seen improvement is because of the collaborative work of all the city departments,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has also seen a drop in the number of people living in vehicles, with the vehicle count down from 1,058 in July 2023 to 458 this month. An increase in family homelessness over the last couple of years fueled rising RV camping. The city recently \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000285/unhoused-rv-families-return-to-winston-drive-after-eviction-from-s-f-zoo-road\">evicted an RV community\u003c/a> near the zoo and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007425/san-francisco-bans-overnight-parking-for-rvs-on-most-city-streets\">banned overnight RV parking\u003c/a> on most streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Rafael Mandelman, whose District 8 saw the steepest decline in tents, celebrated the latest numbers. Just one tent remained in his district at last count, down from 24 last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you look at the progress the city has made over the last six years, it is remarkable,” he said. “This is not to say the work is done.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "prop-33-rent-control-is-on-the-ballot-again-election-2024-california",
"title": "Rent Control Is on the Ballot Again. Here’s What to Know",
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"headTitle": "Rent Control Is on the Ballot Again. Here’s What to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control has long been anathema to economists. Now, some are rethinking it. But the topic remains hugely controversial as Californians prepare to vote on Proposition 33.",
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"title": "Rent Control Is on the Ballot Again. Here’s What to Know | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the third time in six years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">California voters will decide\u003c/a> in November whether to grant cities and counties more power to regulate rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-33\">Proposition 33 would repeal a 1995 law that curbs locals’ ability to cap rents\u003c/a>, known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=CIV&division=3.&title=5.&part=4.&chapter=2.7.&article\">Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act\u003c/a>. The law prohibits cities and counties from imposing rent control on all single-family homes, condos and apartments built after 1995 and ensures landlords can bring rents up to market rate when a new tenant moves in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would do away with those provisions, allowing cities and counties to adopt local rules that control rents on all types of properties and for new tenants. It would also bar the state from passing any new laws limiting local rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844438/californians-reject-rent-control-again-in-defeat-of-proposition-21\">Voters twice rejected similar initiatives\u003c/a> that would have gutted Costa-Hawkins, but rent control has become increasingly popular with advocates and political leaders as they struggle to rein in housing costs. The policy is also gaining traction nationally, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/housing/365063/kamala-harris-housing-rent-control-landlords\">President Joe Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris embracing the cause\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling in California tracks this shift in attitudes. A 2018 poll by the Public Policy Institute of California (PPIC) found \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/many-support-rent-control-but-prop-10-lags/\">52% of likely voters surveyed considered rent control a “good thing.”\u003c/a> However, when it came to actually voting that year on a proposition that would have given cities more power to expand rent control, only \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_10,_Local_Rent_Control_Initiative_(2018)\">about 40% supported it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-september-2024/\">September PPIC poll\u003c/a>, 51% of likely voters said they’d vote yes on Proposition 33, while another September survey, the \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/California-Elections-and-Policy-Poll-Statewide-Poll-Toplines-and-Crosstabs-FINAL.pdf?ref=torched.la\">California Elections & Policy Poll\u003c/a>, found it was nearly tied. In that poll, 37% of respondents said they would vote in favor, 33% against and the rest undecided. Younger voters were more likely to support the initiative, older voters less so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But does rent control work? The short answer is: It’s complicated, and it depends on who you ask. Among economists, rent control is a hugely controversial topic, and the research is mixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what to know about rent control in California:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Rent control is a form of price control that sets ceilings on rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/99646/rent_control._what_does_the_research_tell_us_about_the_effectiveness_of_local_action_1.pdf\">In the U.S., rent control dates back to WWI \u003c/a>in some cities and was expanded during WWII. Early laws put a total freeze on rent hikes. By the ‘50s, most cities abandoned this strict form of rent control, and by the ‘70s, more moderate second-generation rent control policies gained popularity. These laws, sometimes referred to as “rent stabilization,” allow some increases in rents and exempt certain properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the kind of rent control most common in the U.S. today. It’s mostly limited to coastal cities. In much of the country, state laws prohibit cities from passing rent caps.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Which California cities already have rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At least 30 out of California’s 482 cities have some form of rent control, including San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose, Richmond and others in the Bay Area, according to the tenant advocacy organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tenantstogether.org/resources/list-rent-control-ordinances-city\">Tenants Together\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has a statewide rent control law, which was passed in 2019. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1482\">Tenant Protection Act\u003c/a> caps annual rent increases at 5% plus inflation, or 10%, whichever is lower. Units built within the last 15 years are exempt, as are most single-family homes and condos, plus duplexes with their owner living in one unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenant Protection Act doesn’t impact local governments’ ability to pass or enforce more restrictive rent caps, but Costa-Hawkins still binds those local laws. Renters’ advocates argue that state law doesn’t go far enough and that cities should be able to decide what type of rent control would best protect tenants locally. That’s one of the big reasons they support repealing Costa-Hawkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The traditional view on rent control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/publication/4901152_Is_There_a_Consensus_Among_Economists_in_the_1990s\">A 1992 survey\u003c/a> found over 90% of economists agreed the policies are\u003ca href=\"https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-does-economic-evidence-tell-us-about-the-effects-of-rent-control/\"> inefficient, creating scarcity and driving up rents in non-regulated buildings\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kentclarkcenter.org/surveys/rent-control/\">2012 poll found 81% of economists at prominent American universities opposed it.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119006000635\">Studies have also shown\u003c/a> rent controls can lead to \u003ca href=\"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/261917\">declines in housing quality\u003c/a> because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. And \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0094119084710096\">studies have shown the policy reduces mobility\u003c/a> — that is, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S1051137705000495\">people in rent-controlled apartments tend to stay put longer\u003c/a>. While some argue that’s a good thing because it reduces displacement and contributes to neighborhood stability, others argue it’s a trap that keeps people from moving to take advantage of jobs or educational opportunities. They say that’s bad for individuals and the broader economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lastly, economists have long argued rent control could, in theory, discourage developers from building new rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008458\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008458\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg\" alt='A person wearing a white rain coat stand in front of several people dressed in green uniforms and holds a sign that says \"Housing Is A Human Right.\"' width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/035_SanJose_AntiEvictionProtest_01272021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Janet Werkman holds a sign that says, “Housing Is A Human Right” in front of the Santa Clara Superior Court in San Jose on Jan. 27, 2021, during a protest calling for stronger eviction protections in California. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As support for rent stabilization has grown among renters and lawmakers, \u003ca href=\"https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.9.1.99\">some economists have argued that research and real-world examples are refuting the traditional narrative\u003c/a>, which they say is largely based on economic theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://peoplesaction.org/wp-content/uploads/Economist-Sign-on-Letter_-FHFA-RFI-Response-1.pdf\">32 economists penned a letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency\u003c/a> lobbying for the use of rent control across the country as part of a broader campaign advocating for federal renter protections. They argued the naysaying over rent control mirrors economists’ historical opposition to minimum wage laws, which predicted widespread job losses that never actually materialized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As in that debate, they write, “The economics 101 model that predicts rent regulations will have negative effects on the housing sector is being proven wrong by empirical studies that better analyze real-world dynamics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They point to \u003ca href=\"https://dornsife.usc.edu/eri/publications/rent-matters/\">research that finds moderate rent regulations don’t dampen new construction\u003c/a> and highlight the \u003ca href=\"https://matthew-gross.github.io/gross_matthew_JMP.pdf\">societal and\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.anderson.ucla.edu/sites/default/files/document/2024-03/HACAMO_Priced_out__Housing_Affordability_and_Labor_Markets_v2_2%20%281%29.pdf\">economic benefits that come from bolstering neighborhood stability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rent control in the wild\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>More recent research into the real-world impacts of rent control describes a nuanced picture as it relates to rental prices, the stock of rental housing, and its impacts on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/pdfplus/10.1257/aer.20181289\">one study from 2019\u003c/a>, researchers took advantage of a natural experiment by examining the effects of a 1994 ballot measure that expanded rent control to small, multi-family properties in San Francisco that the city’s rent control laws hadn’t previously covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found tenants in controlled units were 20% more likely to stay in those apartments compared to people who didn’t have access to rent control, and “the vast majority of those incentivized to remain in their rent-controlled apartment would have been displaced from San Francisco had they not been covered.” That was especially true for renters of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That finding seemed to bolster advocates’ claims that rent control is effective at stemming displacement. But, the research also pointed to evidence that bolstered opponents’ claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It found that landlords responded to the policy by converting their properties to condos, selling them or redeveloping. Over time, that led to a 15% drop in rental housing in the city and a shift toward buildings that cater to higher-income residents. As the traditional economists had predicted, it drove up costs for people who weren’t already in rent-controlled apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://prospect.org/infrastructure/housing/2023-05-16-economists-hate-rent-control/\">Rutgers economist Mark Paul, who supports rent control\u003c/a>, argues \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/research/publication/rent-control-and-supply-affordable-housing\">policymakers could prevent this reduction in rental housing stock\u003c/a> by pairing rent caps with other regulations that mitigate such unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me, the evidence is quite clear that rent control can be tremendously beneficial,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Extreme vs. moderate\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Paul and some other modern economists argue that the trick to rent control is balancing landlords’ needs with those of tenants while taking other steps to address the housing shortage, like building a lot more affordable apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Any policy, you can design a helpful version of it, or you can design a potentially harmful version of it,” he said. “We can design smart rent control policies to deliver both affordability and stability for renters while also maintaining a healthy market for people to continue building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008459\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008459\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Several people march on the street with two women holding a yellow banner that says "Tenants' Lives Are Under Attack. Repeal the Ellis Act." \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/048_KQED_DenhiDonisFlowerLadyEvictionProtest_05162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Friends and supporters of Denhi Donis, known as the ‘Flower Lady,’ gather outside of her Bernal Heights home in San Francisco on May 16, 2022, to protest an Ellis Act eviction notice she received. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To stop landlords from shirking maintenance, for instance, Paul said they should be allowed to pass on the costs of improvements to renters. Policymakers can do that by allowing rent increases above the rent control threshold in some cases so property owners can recover their investments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos, Paul said lawmakers can put rules in place limiting those conversions. He also argues for policies that hold rents down not just for existing tenants but also for new tenants, a controversial provision referred to as vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Much ado about vacancy control\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act allows landlords to reset rents when a new tenant moves in. One of the more controversial aspects of Proposition 33 is a provision in the measure that would do away with that and allow cities to cap rents even for new tenants moving in, aka vacancy control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vacancy control makes rent caps far more effective for tenants, but landlords loathe it, said Michael Manville, chair of Urban Planning at the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Places that have long-standing regimes of vacancy control, they do tend to see market declines in the quality of their rental housing,” said Manville, who’s working on a study of rent stabilization in Los Angeles. “It gives the landlords a strong incentive to try and leave the market.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that’s exactly what Gustavo Gonzalez, who owns two small apartment buildings in San Jose, said he would do if Proposition 33 passes and San Jose adopts vacancy controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to make it real difficult for me to make up the funds to maintain and take care of my building,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manville sees this as the conundrum of rent control: “Strong rent control holds down the rents but creates a real mess. Softer rent control, like California has right now, avoids a lot of those messes but really doesn’t hold the rents down very much.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But advocates argue that without vacancy control, tenants are often locked in place since they don’t want to give up their low rent, and that, in turn, encourages property owners to go to great lengths to push them out and raise rents — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945257/california-landlords-can-evict-renters-for-repairs-a-new-bill-could-limit-that\">a problem advocates say is widespread\u003c/a> in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970993/these-new-california-housing-laws-are-going-into-effect-in-2024\">despite laws meant to protect tenants\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want people to move in, get discouraged and move out,” said Oakland renter Annmarie Bustamante, who contends that’s what her former landlord did. “We need to switch the incentivization models. We need to create stronger laws and give cities the opportunity to create their own rent control laws so that people will have a stronger voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, there are experts, like Manville, who argue that even with vacancy control, regulating rents just isn’t the best way to address the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even if you have the most elaborate, strong rent control law,” he said, “you really have no control over who’s going to be in that building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who benefits the most from rent control?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As is the case with almost everything to do with rent control, the research is mixed. As one author put it in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1051137724000020?via%3Dihub\"> a recent survey of rent regulation studies from around the world\u003c/a>, “…the overall impact of rent control policy on the welfare of society is not clear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://econpapers.repec.org/article/eeejuecon/v_3a61_3ay_3a2007_3ai_3a1_3ap_3a129-151.htm\">One study found that in Cambridge, Massachusetts, there were more high-income tenants living in rent-controlled apartments\u003c/a> than low-income tenants . \u003ca href=\"https://www.regeringen.se/contentassets/55b8feda4c5f447aad3eb1346ffaae52/edward-l.-glaeser-does-rent-control-reduce-segregation\">Another study looking at rent-controlled properties in New Jersey and California\u003c/a> found tenants tended to be older and single.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0094119089900272?via%3Dihub\">A third study of first-generation rent-controlled properties in New York City\u003c/a> found the policy benefited low, middle, and high-income tenants equally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In general, Manville said those who benefit aren’t always the people who most need the help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even Paul, a proponent of rent control, said the policy “is not a silver bullet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he argues for \u003ca href=\"https://belonging.berkeley.edu/opening-door-rent-control\">rent control as one useful tool among the many\u003c/a> we must piece together to tackle a housing crisis as dire as California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The truth is that no single solution is going to be enough to fix the huge hole that we find ourselves in here today,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-vowed-to-build-housing-on-surplus-state-property-99-of-the-land-will-stay-vacant",
"title": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here's How It's Going.",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here’s How It’s Going. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 10: An earlier version of the headline for this story incorrectly identified the percentage of state-owned excess land that would stay vacant. The actual percentage is unknown. The headline has been edited. The story was also edited to clarify that the Department of General Services analyzed 44,000 parcels, which includes all state-owned land.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> became governor of California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2019/09/new-california-surplus-lands-maps-and-legislation\">he campaigned\u003c/a> on a promise to make excess state-owned land available for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after he entered office, he made good on that promise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/EO-N-06-19.pdf\">issuing an executive order\u003c/a> that directed state agencies to assess more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\">44,000 parcels to determine their suitability for development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order reads, in part, that “state agencies own thousands of parcels of land throughout the state, some of which exceed those agencies’ foreseeable needs,” and that “state land is often located in or near urban areas where the need for new housing is acute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as it turned out, only 46 of those 44,000 parcels, which represent all of the state’s land, were found to be both in excess of the state’s needs and suitable for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, 19\u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\"> have concrete plans\u003c/a> for development, and one has finished construction. Last week, Newsom announced the most recent project under his executive order: a 372-unit apartment building that will be built on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/about-hcd/newsroom/outdated-san-francisco-dmv-will-soon-become-site-over-370-new-homes\">outdated San Francisco DMV office\u003c/a>. Once construction is complete, the DMV office will be renovated and will continue to operate as it did before, but with tenants living above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the properties propose adding an estimated 4,200 units of new housing — a not insignificant amount that is nonetheless dwarfed by the state’s goal of planning for some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes\u003c/a> by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Affordable Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive area chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-NJdtu\" src=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 2000; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"1000\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003cem>A map of \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\">California’s excess sites\u003c/a>. (California Department of General Services)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the state’s excess land was disqualified for housing because it’s located in forests, on beaches or far from cities and existing infrastructure required for people to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where you have ‘vacant land’ that folks refer to, that land is not [actually] available,” said Ana Lasso, director of California’s Department of General Services. “It doesn’t have the utilities or the infrastructure to accept housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For affordable housing developers, the dearth of buildable excess land underscores a point they’ve long argued with state leaders: Quick-fix solutions to the housing crisis are usually neither quick nor a real fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JT Harechmak, policy director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said finding available land is only one part of the problem. The bigger issue is getting the funding to construct housing on it. While the state has invested an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/23/governor-newsom-awards-more-than-789-million-to-build-thousands-of-sustainable-homes-for-californians/#:~:text=Since%20taking%20office%2C%20Governor%20Newsom,%2427%20billion%20to%20address%20homelessness.\">$40 billion\u003c/a> in affordable housing, most of that funding represents one-time allocations as opposed to ongoing support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our developers have a backlog of projects — many of them are shovel-ready and ready to go,” he said. “They just lack the final amount of funding that they need to cross the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento that provides affordable housing for individuals earning up to $56,000 annually. Completed under Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2019 executive order, the project broke ground in June 2021, with tenants moving in last year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sonrisadowntown.com/\">Sonrisa\u003c/a>, a 58-unit apartment building in downtown Sacramento, is the first project to be completed under Newsom’s 2019 executive order and offers housing to people earning up to $56,000 annually. The project broke ground in June 2021, and tenants moved in last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danielle Foster, executive director of the Capitol Area Development Authority (CADA), said Newsom’s executive order helped speed construction. By allowing CADA to lease the land for practically pennies, the state helped her organization reduce construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great help to have parcels that are primed for affordable housing development,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property, located on just a quarter of an acre of land, also forced her organization to think more creatively about building infill housing — new homes and apartments built within an existing city — so CADA sought to maximize the number of units it could build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008492\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of an apartment at Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sonrisa’s 58 apartments are micro-units: small studio apartments that fit within 267 square feet. Each unit has a small kitchenette with a stove and fridge and an area that doubles as both a living room and bedroom. A Murphy bed folds into the wall so tenants can prop a couch against the wall during the day. Tenants receive a free local transit pass and access to onsite bike storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We showed how we could create livability in small spaces,” Foster said. “We have private developers also building like this now. It’s fun to see how this work contributes to the affordable housing stock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener said projects like these are not a silver bullet for the housing crisis but rather one piece of the puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007934 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/AP24207558088069-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we’ve not had nearly enough money, and many cities have made it impossible to zone for and approve this kind of housing, so we’ve been methodically resolving permitting and zoning issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he reiterated affordable housing developers’ concerns that freeing up excess state land isn’t the biggest piece of that puzzle: “The funding issue remains.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts have likened the budget for an affordable housing project to a lasagna, with many layers often overlapping to hold up the project. Developers have long complained that without a permanent statewide source of funding, financing affordable housing will continue to be convoluted and inefficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing developers relied on two multibillion-dollar bond measures to fund their projects — a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000157/bay-areas-20-billion-housing-bond-pulled-from-ballots-leaving-advocates-heartbroken\">$20 billion Bay Area-wide bond\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">$10 billion statewide bond\u003c/a>. Both failed to make it to the voters this November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007340/how-prop-5-would-impact-affordable-housing-and-property-taxes\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, which would make it easier for local governments to pass bond measures for affordable housing and public infrastructure, is seen by some developers as the best bet to secure future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing, said his company has submitted a proposal for one project on an excess state-owned site. Though EAH’s proposal was not ultimately chosen, the nonprofit is interested in submitting proposals for other sites in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as construction costs soar and demand grows, it only becomes more expensive to build, Jordan said. He hopes the state can dedicate more subsidies to actually build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never enough,” Jordan said. “While every little bit helps, and you don’t want to sound ungrateful, you really need a permanent source at the state level for affordable housing, and that hasn’t happened quite yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 26 excess sites the state identified as suitable for housing that have not yet been offered to developers. Some are in high-fire risk zones, regulatory floodways, or on steep slopes. Others are within a quarter-mile of hazardous waste sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said all of those parcels are “gearing up for development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A push to put affordable housing on excess land owned by California, like a project at an outdated San Francisco DMV office, faces obstacles, including infrastructure and funding issues.",
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"title": "Newsom Vowed to Build Housing on Excess State Property. Here's How It's Going. | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Oct. 10: An earlier version of the headline for this story incorrectly identified the percentage of state-owned excess land that would stay vacant. The actual percentage is unknown. The headline has been edited. The story was also edited to clarify that the Department of General Services analyzed 44,000 parcels, which includes all state-owned land.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> became governor of California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2019/09/new-california-surplus-lands-maps-and-legislation\">he campaigned\u003c/a> on a promise to make excess state-owned land available for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after he entered office, he made good on that promise, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/EO-N-06-19.pdf\">issuing an executive order\u003c/a> that directed state agencies to assess more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\">44,000 parcels to determine their suitability for development\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The order reads, in part, that “state agencies own thousands of parcels of land throughout the state, some of which exceed those agencies’ foreseeable needs,” and that “state land is often located in or near urban areas where the need for new housing is acute.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as it turned out, only 46 of those 44,000 parcels, which represent all of the state’s land, were found to be both in excess of the state’s needs and suitable for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, 19\u003ca href=\"https://www.dgs.ca.gov/RESD/Projects/Page-Content/Projects-List-Folder/Executive-Order-N-06-19-Affordable-Housing-Development#@ViewBag.JumpTo\"> have concrete plans\u003c/a> for development, and one has finished construction. Last week, Newsom announced the most recent project under his executive order: a 372-unit apartment building that will be built on top of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/about-hcd/newsroom/outdated-san-francisco-dmv-will-soon-become-site-over-370-new-homes\">outdated San Francisco DMV office\u003c/a>. Once construction is complete, the DMV office will be renovated and will continue to operate as it did before, but with tenants living above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Together, the properties propose adding an estimated 4,200 units of new housing — a not insignificant amount that is nonetheless dwarfed by the state’s goal of planning for some \u003ca href=\"https://statewide-housing-plan-cahcd.hub.arcgis.com/\">2.5 million new homes\u003c/a> by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Affordable Housing\" aria-label=\"Interactive area chart\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-NJdtu\" src=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 2000; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"1000\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\n \u003cem>A map of \u003ca href=\"https://experience.arcgis.com/experience/f9b1ccf48e864ac8af8014cbb89371b8/\">California’s excess sites\u003c/a>. (California Department of General Services)\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of the state’s excess land was disqualified for housing because it’s located in forests, on beaches or far from cities and existing infrastructure required for people to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where you have ‘vacant land’ that folks refer to, that land is not [actually] available,” said Ana Lasso, director of California’s Department of General Services. “It doesn’t have the utilities or the infrastructure to accept housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For affordable housing developers, the dearth of buildable excess land underscores a point they’ve long argued with state leaders: Quick-fix solutions to the housing crisis are usually neither quick nor a real fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JT Harechmak, policy director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, said finding available land is only one part of the problem. The bigger issue is getting the funding to construct housing on it. While the state has invested an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/08/23/governor-newsom-awards-more-than-789-million-to-build-thousands-of-sustainable-homes-for-californians/#:~:text=Since%20taking%20office%2C%20Governor%20Newsom,%2427%20billion%20to%20address%20homelessness.\">$40 billion\u003c/a> in affordable housing, most of that funding represents one-time allocations as opposed to ongoing support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of our developers have a backlog of projects — many of them are shovel-ready and ready to go,” he said. “They just lack the final amount of funding that they need to cross the finish line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008493\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008493\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/StateSurplusLand1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento that provides affordable housing for individuals earning up to $56,000 annually. Completed under Gov. Gavin Newsom’s 2019 executive order, the project broke ground in June 2021, with tenants moving in last year. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sonrisadowntown.com/\">Sonrisa\u003c/a>, a 58-unit apartment building in downtown Sacramento, is the first project to be completed under Newsom’s 2019 executive order and offers housing to people earning up to $56,000 annually. The project broke ground in June 2021, and tenants moved in last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Danielle Foster, executive director of the Capitol Area Development Authority (CADA), said Newsom’s executive order helped speed construction. By allowing CADA to lease the land for practically pennies, the state helped her organization reduce construction costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great help to have parcels that are primed for affordable housing development,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property, located on just a quarter of an acre of land, also forced her organization to think more creatively about building infill housing — new homes and apartments built within an existing city — so CADA sought to maximize the number of units it could build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008492\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008492\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1000\" height=\"667\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1.jpg 1000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/SonrisaInterior1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1000px) 100vw, 1000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The interior of an apartment at Sonrisa, a 58-unit building in downtown Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Sonrisa Studio Apartments)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sonrisa’s 58 apartments are micro-units: small studio apartments that fit within 267 square feet. Each unit has a small kitchenette with a stove and fridge and an area that doubles as both a living room and bedroom. A Murphy bed folds into the wall so tenants can prop a couch against the wall during the day. Tenants receive a free local transit pass and access to onsite bike storage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We showed how we could create livability in small spaces,” Foster said. “We have private developers also building like this now. It’s fun to see how this work contributes to the affordable housing stock.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener said projects like these are not a silver bullet for the housing crisis but rather one piece of the puzzle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we’ve not had nearly enough money, and many cities have made it impossible to zone for and approve this kind of housing, so we’ve been methodically resolving permitting and zoning issues,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he reiterated affordable housing developers’ concerns that freeing up excess state land isn’t the biggest piece of that puzzle: “The funding issue remains.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some housing experts have likened the budget for an affordable housing project to a lasagna, with many layers often overlapping to hold up the project. Developers have long complained that without a permanent statewide source of funding, financing affordable housing will continue to be convoluted and inefficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing developers relied on two multibillion-dollar bond measures to fund their projects — a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000157/bay-areas-20-billion-housing-bond-pulled-from-ballots-leaving-advocates-heartbroken\">$20 billion Bay Area-wide bond\u003c/a> and a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">$10 billion statewide bond\u003c/a>. Both failed to make it to the voters this November. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007340/how-prop-5-would-impact-affordable-housing-and-property-taxes\">Proposition 5\u003c/a>, which would make it easier for local governments to pass bond measures for affordable housing and public infrastructure, is seen by some developers as the best bet to secure future funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Welton Jordan, chief real estate development officer for affordable housing developer EAH Housing, said his company has submitted a proposal for one project on an excess state-owned site. Though EAH’s proposal was not ultimately chosen, the nonprofit is interested in submitting proposals for other sites in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as construction costs soar and demand grows, it only becomes more expensive to build, Jordan said. He hopes the state can dedicate more subsidies to actually build affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s never enough,” Jordan said. “While every little bit helps, and you don’t want to sound ungrateful, you really need a permanent source at the state level for affordable housing, and that hasn’t happened quite yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 26 excess sites the state identified as suitable for housing that have not yet been offered to developers. Some are in high-fire risk zones, regulatory floodways, or on steep slopes. Others are within a quarter-mile of hazardous waste sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Gallegos, a spokesperson for the governor’s office, said all of those parcels are “gearing up for development.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "search-continues-for-funding-and-purpose-for-oaklands-historic-16th-street-train-station",
"title": "Search Continues for Funding and Purpose for Oakland’s Historic 16th Street Train Station",
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"headTitle": "Search Continues for Funding and Purpose for Oakland’s Historic 16th Street Train Station | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Badly needed repairs to West Oakland’s historic 16th Street Station are still far from a done deal — following decades of neglect and multiple owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main sticking point has been finding the money to pay for the repairs. City Ventures, the train station’s latest owners, hired Arthur Combs, the principal of OE Consulting, to explore fundraising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the [previous] restoration efforts have focused on the physical plant of the building, restoring this glorious architectural edifice, and that’s crucial,” he said. “But our focus is really on the benefit to the community. And we hope that that slight shift in focus will inspire a donor or seven.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures, a housing developer based in San Francisco and Irvine, bought the historic station in 2022 — and, earlier this year, hired OE Consulting, which focuses in part on coming up with organizational strategies for nonprofits, public agencies and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures applied with the city of Oakland to build a 77-unit townhome-style development — dubbed “Signal House” — on the areas around the station. The proposal has been under review since May 2023 and does not include rehabilitation of the station. Repairs to the station, which include seismic retrofitting, are estimated to cost around $50 million, according to Combs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1426px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt='An illustration of a map that says\"Signal House Site Plan\" with blue, red and yellow areas highlighted.' width=\"1426\" height=\"1110\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM.png 1426w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-800x623.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-1020x794.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-160x125.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1426px) 100vw, 1426px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map showing the boundaries of the proposed ‘Signal House’ housing development on the 16th Street Station site in West Oakland. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of City Ventures)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Combs said among the initial steps is a search for an “anchor funder” — someone who can donate $3 million to $5 million to kickstart the restoration project for the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OE Consulting is soliciting community input, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking for an anchor funder who believes that the community needs to make the final call,” Combs said. “[The funder] may have preferences for public health, early childhood, a history of activism in West Oakland, a social justice nonprofit hub or an entrepreneurship hub, but they will trust the community to make the final call and be willing to underwrite a startup amount of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combs said OE Consulting has been in conversations with a few community leaders and influencers, asking them what they feel the community needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Levy, president of the Oakland Heritage Alliance (OHA), and other longtime advocates of the station are demanding that City Ventures include rehabilitation of the station along with their proposal for housing on the site. Nearly 2,000 people have signed on to the alliance’s \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/bring-the-16th-street-station-back-to-life\">petition\u003c/a> in agreement.[aside postID=\"news_11910890\" label=\"Related Story\"]“Our fear is sort of a divide and conquer mentality where the housing moves forward, the community is placated with renderings and hopes and dreams of a restored station, the housing gets approved, built, and then the momentum for doing something with the station falls apart,” Levy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OHA has also submitted an application to add the station to the National Register of Historic Places. Levy said, if approved, this would unlock tax credits for restoration work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007816\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"The interior hall of an abandoned building.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Light shines through windows in the Main Hall of the now abandoned 16th Street Station in West Oakland on Feb. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">once beautiful, bustling station\u003c/a>, built in 1912, was a major transportation hub that saw hundreds of trains every day and fueled the booming economy of West Oakland in the early to mid-1900s. It was badly damaged after the Loma Prieta earthquake in 1989, and service ended in 1994.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OHA has also asked City Ventures to reconsider the design of the development, which they say encroaches on the station and obscures the historic baggage wing. West Oakland served as the West Coast headquarters for the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters — the first Black union in the United States — and those porters worked out of the baggage wing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combs said OE consulting has been in talks with several potential anchor funders, but there is no commitment from any of them yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City Ventures is incredibly sensitive to making an implicit promise or an explicit promise to the community of West Oakland and then inadvertently breaking it,” he said. “There have been so many starts and stops with this station. There’s just no guarantee that this is going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Badly needed repairs to West Oakland’s historic 16th Street Station are still far from a done deal — following decades of neglect and multiple owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The main sticking point has been finding the money to pay for the repairs. City Ventures, the train station’s latest owners, hired Arthur Combs, the principal of OE Consulting, to explore fundraising.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the [previous] restoration efforts have focused on the physical plant of the building, restoring this glorious architectural edifice, and that’s crucial,” he said. “But our focus is really on the benefit to the community. And we hope that that slight shift in focus will inspire a donor or seven.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures, a housing developer based in San Francisco and Irvine, bought the historic station in 2022 — and, earlier this year, hired OE Consulting, which focuses in part on coming up with organizational strategies for nonprofits, public agencies and businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Ventures applied with the city of Oakland to build a 77-unit townhome-style development — dubbed “Signal House” — on the areas around the station. The proposal has been under review since May 2023 and does not include rehabilitation of the station. Repairs to the station, which include seismic retrofitting, are estimated to cost around $50 million, according to Combs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007805\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1426px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18%E2%80%AFPM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007805\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18%E2%80%AFPM.png\" alt='An illustration of a map that says\"Signal House Site Plan\" with blue, red and yellow areas highlighted.' width=\"1426\" height=\"1110\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM.png 1426w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-800x623.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-1020x794.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/Screenshot-2024-10-03-at-1.36.18 PM-160x125.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1426px) 100vw, 1426px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A map showing the boundaries of the proposed ‘Signal House’ housing development on the 16th Street Station site in West Oakland. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of City Ventures)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Combs said among the initial steps is a search for an “anchor funder” — someone who can donate $3 million to $5 million to kickstart the restoration project for the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OE Consulting is soliciting community input, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking for an anchor funder who believes that the community needs to make the final call,” Combs said. “[The funder] may have preferences for public health, early childhood, a history of activism in West Oakland, a social justice nonprofit hub or an entrepreneurship hub, but they will trust the community to make the final call and be willing to underwrite a startup amount of money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combs said OE Consulting has been in conversations with a few community leaders and influencers, asking them what they feel the community needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Daniel Levy, president of the Oakland Heritage Alliance (OHA), and other longtime advocates of the station are demanding that City Ventures include rehabilitation of the station along with their proposal for housing on the site. Nearly 2,000 people have signed on to the alliance’s \u003ca href=\"https://actionnetwork.org/petitions/bring-the-16th-street-station-back-to-life\">petition\u003c/a> in agreement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Our fear is sort of a divide and conquer mentality where the housing moves forward, the community is placated with renderings and hopes and dreams of a restored station, the housing gets approved, built, and then the momentum for doing something with the station falls apart,” Levy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OHA has also submitted an application to add the station to the National Register of Historic Places. Levy said, if approved, this would unlock tax credits for restoration work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007816\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007816\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"The interior hall of an abandoned building.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/016_KQED_16thStreetStationOakland_02162022_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Light shines through windows in the Main Hall of the now abandoned 16th Street Station in West Oakland on Feb. 16, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">once beautiful, bustling station\u003c/a>, built in 1912, was a major transportation hub that saw hundreds of trains every day and fueled the booming economy of West Oakland in the early to mid-1900s. It was badly damaged after the Loma Prieta earthquake in 1989, and service ended in 1994.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OHA has also asked City Ventures to reconsider the design of the development, which they say encroaches on the station and obscures the historic baggage wing. West Oakland served as the West Coast headquarters for the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters — the first Black union in the United States — and those porters worked out of the baggage wing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Combs said OE consulting has been in talks with several potential anchor funders, but there is no commitment from any of them yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City Ventures is incredibly sensitive to making an implicit promise or an explicit promise to the community of West Oakland and then inadvertently breaking it,” he said. “There have been so many starts and stops with this station. There’s just no guarantee that this is going to work.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Homelessness Funds Come With a Catch: Cities Must Follow Housing Laws",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday dangled a new carrot in front of cities looking to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/encampment-sweeps\">clean up homeless encampments\u003c/a>: money in exchange for compliance with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the $131 million in new \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/encampment-resolution-funding-program\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a> dollars would be available to 18 cities and counties across the state, including seven in the Bay Area, representing a nearly $50 million investment in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money comes with new conditions, including that local governments maintain a compliant housing element — a state-mandated document detailing where cities propose to permit new housing — and follow all state housing laws. If they fail to do so, the state could revoke the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to provide carrots, not just sticks,” Newsom said. But, he warned, “We will claw back funds. … If you’re out of compliance, we’re no longer interested in funding failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes after Newsom on Thursday said the city of Norwalk, southeast of Los Angeles, was far behind on its housing element and violated state law by imposing a shelter moratorium, making it ineligible for state housing and homelessness funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has increased pressure on cities to clear encampments following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> in June that gave them the green light to enforce camping bans by citing and arresting people, whether or not there are shelter beds available. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">July executive order\u003c/a>, he directed state agencies to dismantle camps on their land and urged cities to follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a row of tents in a plaza in front of city hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall in 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have enacted anti-camping laws, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Newsom said that since the beginning of July, California has cleared 991 encampments and 18,771 cubic yards of debris on state-owned land, while 12,200 camps have been removed since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jim Wunderman of Bay Area Council, a business-backed advocacy organization, said he was encouraged to see the governor maintain a focus on clearing encampments and provide “real money to cities to make that possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s been tremendous frustration in the business community in recent years over the lack of progress on homelessness. “Now,” he said, “we’re seeing that happen,” thanks to the opening provided by the Supreme Court. “It really enables cities now to take control of their destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Works employees clear debris left under Highway 101 near Cesar Chavez Street. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor also announced a new effort to streamline encampment sweeps by allowing local communities to get reimbursed by the state for clearing encampments on state-owned land in their jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness, welcomed that emphasis on shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Communities can only address homelessness when all levels of government are working together and leveraging each other’s resources,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231017-LakeMercedRVs-023-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked a change in tone for the governor, who’s struck a more combative note in the recent past, blaming cities for making excuses and not doing enough to address the crisis. “He talked about sharing responsibility with cities, which felt important,” Visotzky said. “He was stepping away from some of the finger-pointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom took office in 2019, the state has funneled more than $27 billion toward the homelessness crisis. Despite that, the number of homeless Californians has risen nearly 20% in that time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-ahar-part-1.Pdf\">surpassing 180,000 at last count\u003c/a> — with nearly 70% of those unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state’s investment is unprecedented, researchers at the policy nonprofit All Home said it doesn’t come close to what’s needed. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates\u003c/a> that slashing homelessness in the Bay Area alone would require an additional $9.5 billion on top of current spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has disbursed $737 million through the Encampment Resolution Funding Program since 2021, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s a list of the latest Encampment Resolution Fund recipients:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City of Antioch: $6,812,686\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Berkeley: $5,395,637\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Carlsbad: $2,994,225\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Los Angeles: $11,351,281\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Palm Springs: $5,106,731\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Petaluma: $8,098,978\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Redlands: $5,341,800\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Richmond: $9,336,746\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Sacramento: $18,199,661\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of San José: $4,821,083\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Victorville: $6,365,070\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Visalia: $3,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Contra Costa: $5,708,516\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Riverside: $12,612,779\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of San Bernardino: $11,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco: $7,975,486\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Humboldt County — Continuum of Care: $3,784,294\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pasadena — Continuum of Care: $2,772,801\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom on Friday dangled a new carrot in front of cities looking to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/encampment-sweeps\">clean up homeless encampments\u003c/a>: money in exchange for compliance with state housing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the $131 million in new \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/grants-and-funding/programs-active/encampment-resolution-funding-program\">Encampment Resolution Funding Program\u003c/a> dollars would be available to 18 cities and counties across the state, including seven in the Bay Area, representing a nearly $50 million investment in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the money comes with new conditions, including that local governments maintain a compliant housing element — a state-mandated document detailing where cities propose to permit new housing — and follow all state housing laws. If they fail to do so, the state could revoke the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to provide carrots, not just sticks,” Newsom said. But, he warned, “We will claw back funds. … If you’re out of compliance, we’re no longer interested in funding failure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes after Newsom on Thursday said the city of Norwalk, southeast of Los Angeles, was far behind on its housing element and violated state law by imposing a shelter moratorium, making it ineligible for state housing and homelessness funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has increased pressure on cities to clear encampments following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court decision\u003c/a> in June that gave them the green light to enforce camping bans by citing and arresting people, whether or not there are shelter beds available. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">July executive order\u003c/a>, he directed state agencies to dismantle camps on their land and urged cities to follow suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11959131\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11959131\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg\" alt=\"a row of tents in a plaza in front of city hall\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS43040_011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall in 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, at least 18 jurisdictions around the state have enacted anti-camping laws, according to a tally maintained by the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Newsom said that since the beginning of July, California has cleared 991 encampments and 18,771 cubic yards of debris on state-owned land, while 12,200 camps have been removed since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President and CEO Jim Wunderman of Bay Area Council, a business-backed advocacy organization, said he was encouraged to see the governor maintain a focus on clearing encampments and provide “real money to cities to make that possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said there’s been tremendous frustration in the business community in recent years over the lack of progress on homelessness. “Now,” he said, “we’re seeing that happen,” thanks to the opening provided by the Supreme Court. “It really enables cities now to take control of their destiny.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000360\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000360\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240814-ENCAMPMENTSWEEP-45-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Public Works employees clear debris left under Highway 101 near Cesar Chavez Street. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The governor also announced a new effort to streamline encampment sweeps by allowing local communities to get reimbursed by the state for clearing encampments on state-owned land in their jurisdictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness, welcomed that emphasis on shared responsibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Communities can only address homelessness when all levels of government are working together and leveraging each other’s resources,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This marked a change in tone for the governor, who’s struck a more combative note in the recent past, blaming cities for making excuses and not doing enough to address the crisis. “He talked about sharing responsibility with cities, which felt important,” Visotzky said. “He was stepping away from some of the finger-pointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Newsom took office in 2019, the state has funneled more than $27 billion toward the homelessness crisis. Despite that, the number of homeless Californians has risen nearly 20% in that time, \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-ahar-part-1.Pdf\">surpassing 180,000 at last count\u003c/a> — with nearly 70% of those unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state’s investment is unprecedented, researchers at the policy nonprofit All Home said it doesn’t come close to what’s needed. The organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991834/slashing-bay-area-homelessness-would-cost-9-5-billion-report-says\">estimates\u003c/a> that slashing homelessness in the Bay Area alone would require an additional $9.5 billion on top of current spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has disbursed $737 million through the Encampment Resolution Funding Program since 2021, according to Newsom’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Here’s a list of the latest Encampment Resolution Fund recipients:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>City of Antioch: $6,812,686\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Berkeley: $5,395,637\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Carlsbad: $2,994,225\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Los Angeles: $11,351,281\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Palm Springs: $5,106,731\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Petaluma: $8,098,978\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Redlands: $5,341,800\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Richmond: $9,336,746\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Sacramento: $18,199,661\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of San José: $4,821,083\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Victorville: $6,365,070\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City of Visalia: $3,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Contra Costa: $5,708,516\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of Riverside: $12,612,779\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>County of San Bernardino: $11,000,000\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>City and County of San Francisco: $7,975,486\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Humboldt County — Continuum of Care: $3,784,294\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Pasadena — Continuum of Care: $2,772,801\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Bans Overnight Parking for RVs on Most City Streets",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006541 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240405-District5BOSRedistricting-001-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The policy change to San Francisco’s code, introduced by Mayor London Breed, allows the city to tow RVs and other oversized vehicles parked on city streets. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> transportation officials will begin taking aggressive steps to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">stop oversized vehicles from parking overnight\u003c/a> on city streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s Municipal Transportation Authority’s board approved the policy change, which allows the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living inside them reject offers of shelter, housing or services. The Tuesday board meeting, which stretched into the night, was filled with residents united in their opposition to the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision is clearly an attack on our most vulnerable communities and is not a solution,” Yessica Hernandez, a housing justice organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said during public comment. “Hiding a problem doesn’t solve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed proposed the policy change. It comes as she and officials in other California cities crack down on encampments and unhoused people living on the streets. For years, vocal residents have urged officials to address blight and public safety issues sometimes caused by homeless encampments. Several San Francisco Supervisors, including Joel Engardio, Rafael Mandelman, Matt Dorsey and Catherine Stefani, support the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In July, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> directing state officials to dismantle homeless encampments in public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12000146\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12000146\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/231017-LakeMercedRVs-020-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">RVs line Winston Drive in San Francisco on Oct. 17, 2023, near San Francisco State University. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, officials from the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing insisted the policy would only be used as a last resort when dealing with RV dwellers who refuse offers for shelter or services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nobody wants to see anybody on the streets and everybody, whether they live in an RV or not, want safe and clean and well maintained streets,” Dominica Henderson, a board member, said. “Doing nothing is not an option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s current law does not allow RVs to park overnight on certain streets, while other streets allow it. More than 8,323 people are unhoused, according to \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#PIT-Count-Dashboard\">the city’s 2024 count\u003c/a>. About 9% of the 4,354 people who are unsheltered in San Francisco live in their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MTA officials and the San Francisco Police Department will enforce the policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City workers are out on the streets every day offering shelter and housing to people living in recreational vehicles,” Jeff Tumlin, SFMTA’s director of transportation, said in a statement. “This legislation will allow for parking enforcement if and when all those offers have been refused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, city officials have already moved 50 households from vehicles on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965352/san-francisco-rv-community-fears-new-parking-rules-could-push-them-closer-to-homelessness\">Winston Drive near Stonestown Mall\u003c/a> and Zoo Road near Lake Merced into long-term housing since June after threatening to tow their vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing activists and critics argue the proposed law does nothing to fix the lack of affordable housing in the city or access to safe parking sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the conversation was, ‘Give up your RV for permanent shelter,’ it would be a completely different conversation,” Lukas Illa, an organizer with the Coalition on Homelessness, said. “Shelter is so temporary. So many folks I have talked to desperately want permanent solutions. But that is not what’s being offered by the city.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Proposition 5 is not the flashiest measure Californians will see in November, but both opponents and supporters say its impact shouldn’t be understated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, most bond measures need a two-thirds supermajority, or 66.67%, of voter approval to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55% for bond measures that are earmarked for affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue money unlocked through Proposition 5 could launch local governments into a future of fiscal agency, with voters able to approve funding more easily for much-needed affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, caution it will throw the state back to the bad old days of rapidly rising property taxes that once threatened to oust owners from their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are proponents saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing advocates want this proposition to pass so cities can raise more money to build or update badly needed housing and infrastructure. They point to past efforts that fell short despite earning more than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amie Fishman, Director of the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, said cities often have to rely on state funding because bond measures are hard to get approved at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 5 is a crucial step to empowering local communities to address local affordable housing and infrastructure needs,” she said. “It allows local communities to take control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would mirror a similar one that California voters approved in 2000, which lowered the voter threshold needed to pass school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are critics saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 5 worry that voters could be confused by the text of the measure, which reads, “Allows local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure with 55% voter approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say it lacks context because it doesn’t specify the current threshold for approval, which is 66.67%, and voters may think they are being asked to increase the threshold from 50% to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, like former San Jose City Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are also concerned about the potential increase in property taxes if the proposition passes and it becomes easier to pass bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he agreed that cities need to plan for more affordable housing and infrastructure, the burden to pay for that could fall on people like his mother, who is retired and living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area,” he said. “It actually reverses a lot of the protections we had under Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978 after property taxes rose so sharply that some people were priced out of their homes. Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/pdf/pub29.pdf\">amended California’s Constitution\u003c/a>, limiting the tax rate to 1% of the property’s assessed value and capping the yearly increase to no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment also required a two-thirds supermajority to approve any local “special taxes,” which means taxes devoted specifically for one purpose, including the debt service needed to pay for bonds that can fund anything from homelessness services to infrastructure or schools.[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is Proposition 5 related to Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would remove that two-thirds supermajority requirement for bond measures specifically dealing with affordable housing and public infrastructure. However, ballot measures that chip away at Proposition 13 protections can be a hard sell for some voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after Proposition 13 passed, 65% of Californians still support it, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\">2018 study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. That same study found that 56% of likely voters oppose lowering the two-thirds threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, the author of that study, said it can be hard to convince people that something that was approved a long time ago, like Proposition 13, needs to be changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hurdle, particularly when it may impact their own taxes and ultimately the cost of living at a time when people are sensitive to their rising costs of living in California,” he said. “At the end of the day, it’s the arguments around needing to do more locally about affordable housing and infrastructure that will convince people that it’s important to make an exception in these two cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Proposition 5 is not the flashiest measure Californians will see in November, but both opponents and supporters say its impact shouldn’t be understated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, most bond measures need a two-thirds supermajority, or 66.67%, of voter approval to pass. Proposition 5 would lower that threshold to 55% for bond measures that are earmarked for affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents argue money unlocked through Proposition 5 could launch local governments into a future of fiscal agency, with voters able to approve funding more easily for much-needed affordable housing and public infrastructure projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, however, caution it will throw the state back to the bad old days of rapidly rising property taxes that once threatened to oust owners from their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are proponents saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many affordable housing advocates want this proposition to pass so cities can raise more money to build or update badly needed housing and infrastructure. They point to past efforts that fell short despite earning more than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amie Fishman, Director of the Nonprofit Housing Association of Northern California, said cities often have to rely on state funding because bond measures are hard to get approved at the local level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 5 is a crucial step to empowering local communities to address local affordable housing and infrastructure needs,” she said. “It allows local communities to take control.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would mirror a similar one that California voters approved in 2000, which lowered the voter threshold needed to pass school bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are critics saying?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of Proposition 5 worry that voters could be confused by the text of the measure, which reads, “Allows local bonds for affordable housing and public infrastructure with 55% voter approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say it lacks context because it doesn’t specify the current threshold for approval, which is 66.67%, and voters may think they are being asked to increase the threshold from 50% to 55%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, like former San Jose City Councilmember Johnny Khamis, are also concerned about the potential increase in property taxes if the proposition passes and it becomes easier to pass bond measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While he agreed that cities need to plan for more affordable housing and infrastructure, the burden to pay for that could fall on people like his mother, who is retired and living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This could open the floodgates to new propositions and taxes and make it much harder for seniors like my mother to live in the area,” he said. “It actually reverses a lot of the protections we had under Prop. 13.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters passed Proposition 13 in 1978 after property taxes rose so sharply that some people were priced out of their homes. Proposition 13 \u003ca href=\"https://www.boe.ca.gov/proptaxes/pdf/pub29.pdf\">amended California’s Constitution\u003c/a>, limiting the tax rate to 1% of the property’s assessed value and capping the yearly increase to no more than 2%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amendment also required a two-thirds supermajority to approve any local “special taxes,” which means taxes devoted specifically for one purpose, including the debt service needed to pay for bonds that can fund anything from homelessness services to infrastructure or schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How is Proposition 5 related to Proposition 13?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 5 would remove that two-thirds supermajority requirement for bond measures specifically dealing with affordable housing and public infrastructure. However, ballot measures that chip away at Proposition 13 protections can be a hard sell for some voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years after Proposition 13 passed, 65% of Californians still support it, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\">2018 study from the Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>. That same study found that 56% of likely voters oppose lowering the two-thirds threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Baldassare, the author of that study, said it can be hard to convince people that something that was approved a long time ago, like Proposition 13, needs to be changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hurdle, particularly when it may impact their own taxes and ultimately the cost of living at a time when people are sensitive to their rising costs of living in California,” he said. “At the end of the day, it’s the arguments around needing to do more locally about affordable housing and infrastructure that will convince people that it’s important to make an exception in these two cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers | KQED",
"description": "On the surface, Proposition 34 seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control.",
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"headline": "Proposition 34 Limits How Prescription Drug Revenue Can Be Spent By Certain Providers",
"datePublished": "2024-10-02T03:00:42-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Aaron Schrank and Ana De Almeida Amaral contributed to this episode.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, we take a closer look at Prop 34, which takes aim at how revenues earned through a federal drug pricing program are spent by a very specific number of providers. On the surface it seems like a healthcare prop, but underneath it all is a proxy war over rent control. Reporter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/people/aaron-schrank\">Aaron Schrank\u003c/a>, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcrw.com/\">KCRW\u003c/a> in Los Angeles, helps us understand what’s at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC5380710933&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003c/em>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Quite often there’s a prop or two on California’s ballot that seems like it’s about one thing, but it’s mostly about something else.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Meet Proposition 34. The \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> prop that’s drawing big spending from \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">landlord\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> groups. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Behind it all is a proxy war over rent control, and likely how one organization is spending money made through a federal drug pricing program.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Host of The Bay.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, Host of Bay Curious. This is Prop Fest, our 10 part series that goes in deep on the propositions you’ll be voting on this November. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> All so you can vote smart. Today we’re getting into the weeds on what is going on in Proposition 34 – about prescription drug spending.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> But also about rent control. We’ll explain why, right after this.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[SPONSOR MESSAGE]\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Proposition 34 is one of the trickier measures California voters must consider this year. Here’s about how it will read on your ballot…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>VO: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Proposition 34 is a statute that restricts spending of prescription drug revenues by certain health care providers. It also authorizes statewide negotiation of Medi-Cal drug prices. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joining me today is Reporter Aaron Schrank, who has been covering Prop 34 for NPR member station KCRW in Los Angeles. Welcome Aaron.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Shrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Happy to be here!\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Before we get too far into the weeds on this one, broadly, what is Prop 34 aiming to do?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well it is hard to avoid weeds on this particular proposition but broadly, Prop 34 would place new restrictions on how certain\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">healthcare providers can use the revenue they earn through a federal drug discount program. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But more to the point: the measure is aiming to limit the political spending of one particular health care provider called the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. That foundation (as listeners of the previous Propfest episode may recall) is the primary backer of another measure on this year’s ballot which would expand rent control in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There’s also another minor provision in Prop 34 that would permanently authorize a program called Medi-Cal Rx, which is already in place, and allows California to negotiate Medi-Cal drug prices on a statewide basis.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">At the heart of this is how funding is used that comes from a specific federal program. It’s called the 340B Drug Pricing Program. Can you explain what that is and how it works?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yes. 340B is a piece of federal legislation passed in the early 90s requiring pharmaceutical drug manufacturers to give significant discounts on the price of drugs to health care providers that focus on serving low-income and at-risk patients. Those discounts can be between 25 percent and about 50 percent off the retail price of the drugs. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then, if the health providers give the drugs to a patient who has insurance, those providers can bill the insurance company for reimbursement based on the full cost of the drug. This, in turn, creates a stream of revenue for these social safety net health providers, allowing them to basically make money which they can use to further their operations. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the intention of 340B was to help these providers stretch their resources in order to serve more patients and to provide more comprehensive services to disadvantaged communities. We’re talking about things like offering free care for uninsured patients or offering free vaccines. However, Congress didn’t actually specify any of that in the law, so there is currently no legal requirement for how this 340B revenue must be used.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And what are the proponents of Prop 34 looking to change about that?\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Well, they’re looking to establish a legal requirement for how that revenue can be used within the state of California –– or at least how some providers can use it. If approved, Prop 34 would require certain providers to spend 98 percent of those 340B revenues on “direct patient care.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Here’s Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click:\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We need real transparency on 340b dollars. And we need real guardrails on this program. Fundamentally our entire message is that uh, dollars meant for patients, should be spent on patients.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The measure’s definition of “direct patient care” includes medical, dental, pharmaceutical or behavioral health services directly administered to individual patients. It also specifies that they must be health care services that are regularly provided by other health providers in the community. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Prop 34 also establishes penalties. A provider that doesn’t comply with that 98 percent rule would have their healthcare license and tax exempt status permanently revoked. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But it’s not \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">all \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">health care providers who would have to meet these new requirements, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s right, and that’s where this takes a bit of a turn. The law would only apply to 340B providers who meet some very specific conditions. First, they must have spent at least $100 million over a decade on purposes that do not qualify as direct patient care. Next, they must own –– or have previously owned –– one or more apartment buildings. And finally, the apartment buildings they own have to have been collectively cited for at least 500 health and safety violations.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So that narrows things down a bit. Now, I should say the backers of this proposal do claim to believe that their measure would apply to more than one health care provider, but there’s really only one entity that we can be fairly certain would be impacted by the passage of Prop 34, and that is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003cb>\u003cbr>\nOlivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> Okay, so what is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and why are they seemingly being singled out with this Proposition?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, or AHF, is the largest AIDS organization in the world. It was founded in Los Angeles in 1987, initially to provide hospice care to people dying of AIDS. As treatments and life expectancy for AIDS patients improved, AHF began opening clinics and then expanded nationally and internationally over the years. Today, they serve 2 million patients across 17 states and 47 countries.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The organization has more recently also gotten into housing. Back in 2017, they launched the Healthy Housing Foundation, which purchases and renovates existing buildings, primarily here in Los Angeles, where it has about 1,400 apartment units. CEO Michael Weinstein told me he sees housing as an extension of the organization’s existing mission.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Our mission is both medicine and advocacy. And under medicine, we consider housing to be a component of that.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> He says that housing is the number one determinant of health, and that being unhoused is a huge health risk. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s worth mentioning that AHF has an annual budget of about 2.5 billion dollars. The vast majority of their revenue comes from their network of 62 pharmacies, which is largely a result of its participation in that 340B program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, as to why they seem to be in the cross-hairs of this ballot measure. The backers of Prop 34 don’t like how AHF uses that revenue, particularly when the organization spends money on political activity. Between 2015 and 2020, AHF spent more than $110 million on ballot measure campaigns in California, including two previous attempts to expand rent control. The California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents apartment landlords, spent many millions to help defeat those two previous rent control measures. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">And, again, this year, the AHF is the main sponsor of another rent control proposition – Prop 33. And the same landlord lobbying groups that have spent millions campaigning against AHF’s rent control measures are the ones sponsoring Proposition 34. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> So, is Prop 34 really about housing, and not that much about health care at all?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Well, if you look at who is spending money to convince voters to approve this measure, it’s clear that this does have a lot to do with housing, and with the politics of housing and rent control specifically. The measure’s impact on health care is mostly limited to the question of how this one healthcare provider can spend its money. And backers of the proposition would argue that AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s spending on things like apartment buildings and rent control campaigns comes at the expense of patient care.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Now, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has positioned themselves as a pro-tenant group, and a group trying to help people experiencing homelessness, but to further complicate things, they’ve been criticized for the conditions in some of their low-incoming housing facilities. Can you elaborate on that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Sure, as I mentioned, AHF has purchased several old hotels and small apartment complexes, mostly in the Skid Row area of downtown Los Angeles. There have been lots of complaints and reports of squalid conditions at those sites. The Los Angeles Times reported that the rate of code enforcement and public health complaints at AHF buildings is three times higher than those at other Skid Row nonprofits. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">AHF has also been criticized for evicting\u003c/span> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">tenants for unpaid rent, while simultaneously publicly advocating against evictions. Many tenants have filed lawsuits against the organization, citing substandard living conditions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, despite the controversy and criticism, CEO Michael Weinstein defends the organization’s approach to housing. He says many of the buildings AHF has purchased are a century-old and that previous owners are in some cases partly liable for their condition. He says his organization has spent millions on renovations, and he stresses that his tenants have some of the cheapest rents available in the city. The tenants I’ve spoken with were paying between $400 and $650 a month. Which is obviously well below the market average. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But that certainly all contributes to the controversy around AIDS Healthcare Foundation.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Hm, if Prop 34 passes, what will happen to the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, if they don’t meet the spending requirements?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I’ll note that it’s unclear exactly how much AHF spends on direct patient care right now, but it’s safe to say that it is certainly under that 98 percent threshold. So, if Prop 34 passes, it would likely mean that AHF would have to stop operating as a healthcare provider in California.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked CEO Michael Weinstein what would happen to his organization if voters approve Prop 34…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> That’s 16, 000 patients that we serve across California who would have to look for another provider and retaining people with HIV in care is extremely important both in terms of breaking the chain of infection, but also for their health. There’s tens of thousands of more patients who go to our STD services, our free STD services. Yeah, so I mean, it would be very deleterious, and it would put an extra burden on the county and state who have to care for those patients.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It’s also worth mentioning that, if voters do approve Prop 34, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation will still have some legal recourse to challenge the law. The organization believes that the measure is unconstitutional, based on the Constitution’s Bill of Attainder Clauses, which prohibit state legislatures from passing targeted statutes imposing punishment on specific actors without trial. So, if passed, this is almost certain to end up before a judge. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">This prop also has implications for Medi-Cal drug prices. Can you walk us through that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb> Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sure, so Medi-Cal is the state’s Medicaid program; it’s a public insurance program that provides coverage to low-income Californians, including coverage for prescription drugs.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In 2019, Governor Gavin Newsom signed an executive order to save the state money on prescription drug purchases made through Medi-Cal. It did this basically by authorizing state agencies to negotiate with drug manufacturers together as a single entity for lower prices — and by requiring Medi-Cal to pay pharmacies directly for prescription drugs. This is known as the Medi-Cal Rx program. If passed, Prop 34 would enshrine that program into permanent law.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The campaign for Prop. 34 has been running a barrage of ads claiming that this particular provision would “drastically cut the costs of prescription drugs for Medi-Cal patients.” While that certainly sounds good, that claim is misleading, because again this is already happening and the measure is not proposing anything new in this regard, just more of an administrative update to keep it going. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I asked Yes on 34 spokesperson Nathan Click about this…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Nathan Click: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The next governor, whoever that might be, could take this executive order off the books. The next governor will be able to do that with a stroke of a pen. It’s not in statute. It’s only by executive order. This would codify that executive order and make those important savings permanent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> If this prop fails, what would happen to Medi-cal Rx?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Nothing. Newsom’s executive order is in place. But as Click points out, it would remain open to potentially being undone by a future governor. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Who’s supporting prop 34 and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> The primary supporter and financial backer of Proposition 34 is the California Apartment Association, which is a lobbying group that represents corporate rental property landlords. The top donors to the campaign for prop 34 are Equity Residential, which is the fifth largest owner of apartments in the country, and Essex Property Trust, which is the 11th largest. The Yes on 34 campaign has also been endorsed by the Republican Party of California, the ALS Association, the San Francisco Women’s Cancer Network, as well State Assemblyman Evan Low, a Democrat who represents Silicon Valley. These supporters all have issues with how the AIDS Healthcare Foundation has been operating, in one domain or another. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Alright, and I can probably guess but, who opposes Prop 34 and why?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The main opposition to Prop 34, unsurprisingly, is the AIDS Healthcare Foundation. They are saying they are being targeted and that the landlord lobby is using the guise of representing patients when this is really about stifling the movement for rent control. Here’s AIDS Healthcare Foundation CEO Michael Weinstein:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Weinstein: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What you’ve seen this year that you’ve never seen before is, um, a moneyed interest putting an initiative on the ballot with the specific purpose of silencing and exacting revenge against their opponent. And that’s what 34 is. It seeks revenge. I mean, pure and simple. It does not pass the laugh test that the California Apartment Association is so concerned about patient care and access. I don’t know of any time they’ve ever taken any interest in that before.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Other groups opposing Prop 34 include Consumer Watchdog, the National Organization for Women, the Dolores Huerta Foundation and the League of Women Voters. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">It sounds like there are, kind of, a few ways voters could approach voting on Prop 34.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yeah. There’s a lot to consider. If you have strong feelings one way or the other about the AIDS Healthcare Foundation’s rent control measure, Prop 33, you might also vote for or against 34 based on that. Or you might vote depending on how you think that 340B money should be spent. But there is also a question of: Do you think propositions should be used in this way? Essentially weaponized in disputes between various interest groups. We’ve seen a lot of this before when labor unions and companies are hashing things out, most recently on the ballot with dialysis clinics. I think some voters will be overwhelmed and frustrated being dragged into this one, and will vote accordingly.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">What does funding look like on this prop?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">As of late last month, the California Apartment Association and its supporters had spent $30 million in support of Proposition 34. Meanwhile, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation had spent just over $1 million fighting it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003ci>\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Lot’s to consider on this one. Reporter Aaron Shrank, thank you so much for walking us through it.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Aaron Schrank: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thank you so much, Olivia.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In review, a vote yes on prop 34 would limit how a small number of healthcare providers – potentially only one, the AIDS Healthcare Foundation – can spend their revenues from the 340B Drug Price Discount Program. It would also permanently authorize Medi-cal Rx. A vote no means these new rules would not go into effect.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> We really hope you’ve been getting what you need out of Prop Fest so far. You can find transcripts for this episode, and past ones at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">If you value the work we’re doing here, please consider donating to KQED to support it! We’re a public media station that runs on listener donations to survive, and every contribution makes a difference. Learn more at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/donate\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">KQED.org/donate\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious. It’s made by Alan Montecillo, Jessica Kariisa, Olivia Allen-Price, Amanda Font, Christopher Beale, Ana De Almeida Amaral, and me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get extra support from Katie Sprenger, Jen Chien, Maha Sanad, Holly Kernan, and the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 35, which could change how we fund Medical – a lifeline for low income, disabled Californians. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Be sure you’re subscribed to The Bay and Bay Curious so you don’t miss out. We’ll see ya tomorrow.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "care-court-was-supposed-to-help-those-hardest-to-treat-heres-how-its-going",
"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going",
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"headTitle": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here’s How It’s Going | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” [aside postID=\"news_11955211,news_11952228,news_11924117\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The California program is marking one year since it first rolled out in seven counties. It was billed as a way to get people with untreated schizophrenia and associated disorders — particularly those experiencing street homelessness — into services and housing.",
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"title": "CARE Court Was Supposed to Help Those Hardest to Treat. Here's How It's Going | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">W\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hen it rolled out last year in eight counties, CARE Court took aim at one of the state’s most vexing challenges: how to treat people whose illness often makes them believe they are not sick and who, if left untreated, can oscillate between jails, hospitals and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using the weight of a judge’s black robe to nudge county health departments’ doctors in white coats to provide an array of services, the program sought to reach the hardest-to-treat cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the program went live in seven counties — San Francisco, Glenn, Tuolumne, Stanislaus, Orange, Riverside, and San Diego — and ten months after it launched in Los Angeles County, petitions appear to be trickling in slower than expected and treatment plans are taking longer to put in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, while Gov. Gavin Newsom, who first \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/03/03/governor-newsom-launches-new-plan-to-help-californians-struggling-with-mental-health-challenges-homelessness/\">introduced the initiative in March 2022\u003c/a>, initially said it would target those “living on our streets with severe mental health and substance use disorders,” the number of unhoused people going through the program varies widely from county to county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005914\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005914\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a suit stands at a podium with a microphone.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1355\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1536x1041.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092024-Senate-Judiciary-FG-05-1920x1301.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California State Senator Thomas Umberg speaks before the Senate Judiciary Committee about SB1338, the Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Court Program, on April 26, 2022, in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Tom Umberg, who co-authored the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1338\">legislation\u003c/a> that implemented CARE Court, said the gradual rollout hasn’t come as a complete surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re changing the culture here,” he said. “So, that takes a little time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of mid-September, at least 692 petitions had been filed across seven of the counties in the first cohort, excluding San Francisco, according to data provided by superior court and county health officials. Of those petitions, a little more than a third, or 245, have been dismissed. And nearly one in five, or 121 petitions, have resulted in a CARE Agreement, an official document that details a voluntary treatment regime. There have been six court-ordered, or involuntary, CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has so far received 42 petitions, said Melanie Kushnir, director of the Collaborative Justice Programs at the San Francisco Superior Courts. Of those, she said roughly half are active, meaning the participant is attending hearings and working toward or enrolled in a CARE Agreement. Citing privacy concerns, Kushnir declined to provide data on the exact number of dismissals or CARE Agreements reached but said there had been no CARE Plans issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state had initially estimated that between 7,000 and 12,000 people would qualify for CARE Court each year once the program was fully implemented. But even accounting for the small number of counties that launched last year, court and public health officials agree the number of petitions is far fewer than expected — prompting opponents to argue the program is wasting taxpayers’ dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the California Department of Finance, the state has already allocated $72 million to counties for start-up costs, along with $12 million for ongoing operations in fiscal year 2024–25, which will increase to $47 million in fiscal year 2026–27.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel like the program has already failed,” said Samuel Jain, a senior mental health policy attorney at Disability Rights California, which is among the groups that advocated against CARE Court from the start. “The law doesn’t provide any new services and instead directs the limited resources we have to these expensive court processes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But supporters say it’s too early to pass judgment on a program that has yet to be fully implemented. The remaining 50 counties are due to open their own programs by Dec. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really make some grand statement about its efficacy in the first 12 months of it rolling out, I think, is a leap for a state with 40 million people,” Dr. Mark Ghaly, the outgoing Secretary of California’s Health and Human Services Agency, told KQED. “But I do think that’s exactly the question that we have to keep in mind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The number of petitions varies widely\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>In Glenn County, with a population of \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Glenn_County,_California?g=050XX00US06021\">around 29,000\u003c/a>, just one petition has been filed as of Sept. 12, and it was ultimately dismissed, said Chris Ruhl, executive officer of the Glenn County Superior Court. Ruhl expects one or two more may be submitted soon and that more will follow as word of the program spreads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We generally anticipate there will be an increase in the number of petitions and filings, but we don’t know that for sure,” he said. “We’ll be watching very closely.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007228\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit leans against a wooden divider in a court room.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-12-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, stands in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At the other end of the spectrum is Los Angeles County, which, with a population of around \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/Los_Angeles_County,_California?g=050XX00US06037\">10 million\u003c/a>, has seen the most petitions: 268 as of Sept. 18. There, the number of petitions has been steadily increasing, Los Angeles Superior Court Judge Scott Herin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it started off like everybody expected, which was an overwhelming flood of cases,” Herin said, adding that the gradual ramp-up was perhaps “more healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s allowed some county behavioral health agencies to reappropriate staff assigned to CARE Court to other needs. In Stanislaus County, which has received 47 petitions, 19 of which have been dismissed, Behavioral Health & Recovery Services Director Tony Vartan said some of his CARE Court staff spent the first four to five months doing outreach with police and sheriff departments, hospital workers and others to build awareness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But as we saw that trend of those petitions, we pulled back some of our staff, and we assigned them to areas that needed more work,” he said. “Our staff emphasize where the cases are, regardless of what program we manage. That way, we make sure that the staff are working and they’ve got cases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Cases dismissed\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Despite the lower-than-expected number of petitions, county behavioral health and court staff say they weren’t surprised to see that more than a third have been dismissed. Dismissal rates vary across the counties, from just over 90% in Tuolumne County, where 10 of 11 cases were dismissed, to a low of 26% in both Riverside and Los Angeles counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Michael Begert said participants need to not only be diagnosed with schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder, but they also must be likely to benefit from services, can’t already be enrolled in services, and must be unlikely to survive without additional support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And that’s a small eye in a needle to thread,” Begert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algenib Collin is trying to thread that needle as she looks for any program that might help for her daughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Collin applied for CARE Court the day it opened, she said, “I was so desperate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly 18 months prior, she had seen her daughter, now 27, rapidly deteriorate on San Francisco’s streets. Collin said she would receive a call from the hospital nearly every other week, reporting her daughter had been placed on a 5150, or a temporary mental health hold, only to be rereleased back into homelessness and addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A large multi-story building and a driveway alongside it.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230707-ORANGE-COUNTY-CARE-COURT-AD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Orange County Superior Court will technically house the local CARE Court, though judges say they will more likely hold meetings with patients at a more neutral site, like a conference room at the county health office. \u003ccite>(April Dembosky/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>High on fentanyl and possibly other drugs, Collin said her daughter would bang her head against the sidewalk or speak to herself in a language only she could understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter will die if she doesn’t get help,” Collin said. “Believe me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, when it came to determining whether she qualified for CARE Court, the petition was rejected. Collin doesn’t know why, and she may never know. Privacy laws prohibit her from accessing her daughter’s medical records, so she isn’t sure whether her daughter has been formally diagnosed with a psychotic disorder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation doesn’t include any provision that gives petitioners the right to appeal a judge’s denial, though Ghaly said she could potentially refile the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating,” Collin said. “I don’t want my daughter to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives from the San Francisco Public Health Department declined to be interviewed. Begert said he couldn’t comment on individual cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, it’s up to the judge to hold public health departments accountable for providing appropriate care, Ghaly said, sharing an anecdote about how officials in San Diego frame the program: “They share with clients that CARE is an approach for the individual to … really get the black robe effect to hold the county accountable. And that’s exactly the way that we had hoped.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Breaking the pattern\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Collin’s experience, however, highlights a disconnect between the way the program was initially described — to, in Newsom’s words from 2022, “break the pattern that leaves people without hope and cycling repeatedly through homelessness and incarceration” — and what was actually written into legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the first year of the program’s rollout, success rates of getting people who are also experiencing homelessness into the program have varied. In Stanislaus County, for instance, Vartan said roughly 70% of the participants were unhoused before enrolling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opposite is true in Los Angeles and Riverside counties, where 30% and 20%–25% of enrollees are experiencing homelessness, respectively, health officials said. In Orange County, the figure is closer to 15%, according to Dr. Veronica Kelley, Director of the Orange County Health Care Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007229\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007229\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg\" alt=\"A man sits next to three women at a table as he points to something.\" width=\"1024\" height=\"694\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-800x542.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-1020x691.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1612098398-160x108.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Veronica Kelley, director of Behavioral Health Services for Orange County, right, listens as Orange County Superior Judge Ebrahim Baytieh speaks during a CARE court information session at Behavioral Health Training Center on Aug. 16, 2023, in Orange. The county’s behavioral health department and a representative from the public defender’s office is meeting with the public to explain what the CARE Act is. \u003ccite>(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the former two counties, the majority of petitions have come from family members, health officials said. In Orange County, Kelley said the figure is closer to 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than view this as a failure to reach people who are living outside, Ghaly said he’s actually pleased to see the higher levels of petitions coming from family members on behalf of people who have housing, emphasizing that the goal was not to solve homelessness but to solve the problem of untreated mental illness “upstream.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It means that we’re getting to meet them earlier,” he said. “Almost anyone with severe schizophrenia or a psychotic disorder may be at risk of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, Ghaly acknowledged that because eligibility is narrowly tailored, it may also mean, “We might not see the kind of outcomes that we wanted to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the legislation, people whose primary diagnosis is a psychotic disorder are eligible for CARE Court, but those whose psychosis is primarily the result of using drugs are not. Asked whether the state would consider expanding eligibility to include cases of drug-induced psychosis, Ghaly said the question is a “fraught” one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you ask most psychiatrists who take care of patients with these diagnoses and in largely these social circumstances, it’s really hard to tell what came first,” he said. “Was it the substance-use disorder that drove the psychosis? Or, were there underlying psychotic features to some disorder — maybe diagnosed, maybe not — that then drove the substance-use disorder?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He continued, “Where the state lands at the moment is, there may be a very important population of people who have significant substance-use disorders and these other mental health conditions, who could benefit from CARE. And as we engage with our county partners and the practitioners who are in CARE, we’re asking exactly this question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, even if someone doesn’t end up in CARE Court, health officials say they’re often referred to other programs within the county. And in Orange County, Kelley said 41 out of 95 petitions were dismissed because the client was already receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And it would be unethical to remove them from that treatment and stick them over here in court and hope that that works better,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, Ghaly said, that is also part of the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is a group of people who didn’t go all the way down the CARE path, but because the CARE pathway was a potential, they got served and supported,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Building trust\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For those who do qualify for CARE Court, the process to reach a voluntary treatment plan or CARE Agreement can be challenging, judges and health officials said. Just building enough trust to get someone to come into court can itself sometimes take two months, Kelley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“None of us would be open to a stranger coming up to us and telling us, ‘Come with me to court. I can help you,’” she said. “So, to believe that someone who’s severely impacted by a mental illness would be open to that doesn’t make any sense.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kaitlyn Willison, an attorney with Legal Assistance to the Elderly in San Francisco who represents CARE Court participants, said the first step might involve combing the streets to search for people, which takes time. Once the person is found, the next hurdle is building trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means I need to see them two, three, four times before they go to court,” Willison said. “And the timelines just aren’t set up in a way that allows us as respondents’ counsel enough time to build that really precious trust that we need to best advocate for our clients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Umberg said he’s looking into further legislation or possible rule changes within the court system to address the challenges Willison and others have experienced so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jain, with Disability Rights California, is skeptical. One of those challenges is baked into the nature of the program itself, he said: that it has the potential to veer away from voluntary agreements and into coerced care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is that the court is a coercive program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12007227\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12007227\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"A white man wearing a blue dress suit rests his hand on his face with a calendar in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240917-CARECourt-04-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Judge Michael Begert, presiding over CARE Court, sits in the San Francisco Superior Court in San Francisco on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For Judge Begert in San Francisco, coerced treatment is very much “what we’re trying to avoid.” But, he acknowledged that changing the cultures of both the court system and the mental health care system is no easy task.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting people to change their mindset in a culture that’s very well-formed and static is a hard thing to do,” he said. “You bring the healthcare system into the criminal justice system — or the justice system in general — it starts to act like the justice system. So, that’s always a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control",
"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control",
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"headTitle": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Reporter Vanessa Rancaño discusses what's at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.",
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"title": "Proposition 33 Would End State Limits on Rent Control | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s Note: An earlier version of this podcast episode said that nothing would change immediately if Prop 33 passes. In fact, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011500/if-proposition-33-passes-these-bay-area-cities-would-see-big-rent-control-changes\">several communities have laws that would immediately go into effect\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/propfest\">Prop Fest\u003c/a> is a collaboration from Bay Curious and The Bay podcasts, where we break down each of the 10 statewide propositions that will be on your November 2024 ballot. Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">KQED’s Voter Guide\u003c/a> for more information on state and local races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, reporter Vanessa Rancaño helps us understand what’s at stake in Proposition 33, which would remove state limits on rent control that have been in place since 1995, and give power back to local governments to enact or change rent control policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC3223859608&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a transcript of the episode.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> I’ve been renting my place here in the Bay Area for 9 years and once a year, around the time when our lease terms are due for renewal. I start to get anxious about what that rent increase might look like.\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s a real fear! \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Renters in California pay about 50 percent more for housing than renters in other states. Which means a lot of people are spending about as much as they can afford on rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Big rent increases price a lot of people out of their homes every year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One way local governments have tried to give renters a bit more stability is by enacting rent control laws. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> But caps set by the state mean they can only go so far… I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra, host of The Bay\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And I’m Olivia Allen-Price, host of Bay Curious. Today we’re moving in on Prop 33, which would give authority back to local governments to enact or change rent control laws.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> We’ve seen similar props in 2018 and 2020, and voters didn’t go for it. But polling shows the tide could be turning.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We’ll get into what exactly Prop 33 would do … plus an overview on the debate about rent control. Does it lower rents? Or have the opposite effect?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s all just ahead on Prop Fest. Stay tuned…\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">SPONSOR BREAK\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s dive deep into Proposition 33, which will read like this on your ballot. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Amanda Font: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Proposition 33 is a state statue that expands local governments’ authority to enact rent control on residential property. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is one of the big ticket items on this year’s ballot. With tens of millions of dollars being spent on both sides. Because this one impacts people’s wallets. Here to wade through it with us is KQED housing reporter Vanessa Rancaño. Welcome, Vanessa. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hello. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So let’s start big picture. What is Proposition 33 aiming to do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It aims to give local governments more power to regulate rents. They do this via rent control laws. So these are policies that cap annual rent increases. At the moment, there’s a state law that sets some parameters on how far rent control Laws can go in California. But if Prop 33 passes, those limits would be removed. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There is rent control already in some Bay Area cities like San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose. So cities do have some ability to enact rent control, right?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, they definitely do, but they can only go so far. And that’s because of this state law called the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act that’s been around since 1995. And it’s sort of key to understand that before we can unpack Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(Music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Well, let’s get into Costa-Hawkins, Where to begin? Walk us through it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Sure. So the context for this law is that there was a swell of tenant activism in the 70s and 80s, which led to the passage of a number of local rent control laws. And at the time, people were struggling to pay rent for a bunch of reasons. We weren’t building enough, there was inflation, wages weren’t rising. And in 1978, Prop 13 passed here in California, limiting property taxes homeowners pay. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, tenants had been promised that because landlords would be paying less in taxes, those savings were going to trickle down to them and they’d be paying less in rent. But that did not happen. Rents, in fact, rose. And tenants rights groups felt duped. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So in response to all these different factors, we saw a handful of cities pass rent control laws that limited how much a landlord could raise rent. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">What we see then is a backlash against that increase in tenant power. Some people blamed rent control for the housing shortage. They thought rent control scared off developers from building new apartments because they wouldn’t be able to make as high a profit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So that’s the background when in 1995 these two state lawmakers, Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins, put forward legislation to curb rent control. It passes by just one vote and shapes rent control policy across California for decades. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, what exactly does Costa-Hawkins do? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So it does two big things. It exempts single family homes, condos and anything built after 1995 from rent control. That’s why you see rent controlled units tend to be older. The idea there is that to encourage new construction you’ve got to exempt new apartments from rent control. For cities that had existing rent control laws in place Costa-Hawkins froze the cutoff dates for how old a unit had to be to be eligible for rent control under those laws. So, for example, in Oakland, the cutoff is 1983. Berkeley, it’s 1980. San Jose, San Francisco—nothing built after 1979 can have rent control. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The second really important thing that Costa-Hawkins does is it eliminates what’s called \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy control\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. That ties rent control to an apartment instead of to the tenant. So under Costa-Hawkins we have \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">vacancy decontrol\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. It means that if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, the landlord can raise the rent up to market rate, as high as they want. They’re only limited in terms of how much they can raise the rent a year to year after a tenant moves in. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">At this point Costa-Hawkins has been on the books in California for just shy of 30 years. Can you talk about what kind of impacts have seen?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, I think we can say that we see fewer people Living in rent controlled apartments than we might otherwise. We also see rent control apartments getting older. So our stock of rent controlled apartments dwindles because buildings get redeveloped. I think it’s really hard to say if limits on rent control have had any impact on development because there are just so many other factors in play. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But developers would certainly say that they like them, I would assume. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So this year we’re voting on Prop 33. What would it do exactly? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It would take us back to before Costa-Hawkins and hand the power to make decisions on rent control back to local governments. To be clear, it does not mean that suddenly rent control is going to be in every town, affecting every home or anything even close to that. But it does open the door for communities to make local rent control decisions without being limited by state law. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I feel like I’m having déja vu with this one because people have tried to overturn Costa-Hawkins before. Right? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah, there were two efforts, one in 2018 and one in 2020, that took aim at the law and voters shot both of those down. There are some powerful interests that really do not want to see the expansion of rent control. Landlord groups, real estate groups. They have put a lot of money into fighting these statewide initiatives and they have so far been successful. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Now, rent control is controversial even among those who want to see lower rents. Can you explain why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yeah. I mean, traditionally, economists have seen rent control as a really bad idea. They argue that rent caps are inefficient, that they create scarcity and drive up rents in non-regulated buildings. I came across this survey from 1992 that found over 90% of economists agreed that these policies drive down the quantity and quality of available housing. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ya know, Bay Curious actually did an explainer that covered some of those things about rent control back in 2018. So I would say if the efficacy of rent control is really important to how you vote, you might go give that a listen for some additional context. We’ll link to it in our show notes or just head online and search something like: “Bay Curious Rent Control 2018” and it should be the first thing that pops up.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes, that is a great overview of the arguments. I think the only thing I would add is that more recently we have seen some economists come forward to argue that there is research and there are real world examples that refute this traditional narrative, which they say is based more on economic theory than empirical evidence. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Mark Paul is a Rutgers economist who studies rent control and also very much supports it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Mark Paul: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Most mainstream economists are taught these theoretical models where perfect competition exists, there’s no such thing as market power, you know where landlords have more power than renters. In their models that they’re thinking about this there’s unlimited supply of affordable housing, homelessness doesn’t exist, and corporate landlords that use algorithmic pricing to jack prices up, something that we see the Federal Trade Commission going after corporate landlords for, things like that can’t exist because they would just get outcompeted. But I think people underestimate the bias most economists have against government intervention.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Hmm so it sounds like not all economists are necessarily on the same page the way they might have been at one time? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yes. So last year, a group of 32 economists wrote this letter to the Federal Housing Finance Agency lobbying for the use of rent control across the country. And what they’re arguing is that all this naysaying that we see about rent control mirrors economists’ traditional opposition to minimum wage laws. They predicted that minimum wage laws were going to lead to widespread joblessness, and we haven’t actually seen that happen. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Hm Interesting. Are there any components of rent control that folks who do study this \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">can \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">agree on?\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">(music)\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So here is what I think we can safely say. There is research evidence that rent control does work to hold rents down for tenants in eligible units. But how much varies a lot across policies and studies. There is also evidence that it can have unintended consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the places where there’s agreement about what those consequences are: that it can lead to a decline in housing quality, because landlords have less incentive to maintain their properties. It can lead to a reduction in the number of rental housing units on the market because landlords convert apartments to condos. So there are studies that have found that more moderate forms of rent control can avoid some of these unintended consequences. And then the economists, those who support rent control argue that if you put in place other regulations, along with rent control, you can get around some of these consequences. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So, for instance, you can do things to try to prevent landlords from converting their apartments to condos. You can allow landlords to pass along maintenance costs to renters to sort of incentivize them to continue to maintain their properties. So things like that. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I know one critique of rent control has been it can be pretty blunt in terms of who it actually helps. Can you explain that?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I will say that you know, there are many people who argue that even if you put in place the strongest, best rent control policy, it’s not necessarily going to reach the right people, right? Because it is tied to a property rather than a person. Michael Manville is a UCLA Urban planning professor who studies rent control. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Michael Manville: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">If we’re serious about helping our most vulnerable tenants, that’s really going to involve some combination of making housing in general just much more plentiful, and spending money in targeted subsidies for low-income people. Because the thing is, even if you have the most powerful, strong rent control law, you could end up holding down the rent for a bunch of people who don’t necessarily need that assistance. And letting a bunch of people who do need that assistance pay a very high housing costs because they aren’t fortunate enough to be in a rent controlled unit. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">All right. Walk us through who is opposing Prop 33 and why. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In general, it’s landlord and real estate interests. And what they argue is that these policies ultimately are counterproductive, that they will lead to less new construction and ultimately housing prices will just go up, that rental prices will go up. I’ve also heard from landlords that, you know, their property taxes keep going up, but they’re seeing stricter caps on how much they can raise the rent and that makes it really tough for them to maintain their properties. And many of them are just really frustrated. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Who is supporting this measure and why? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So the AIDS Healthcare Foundation and its president, Michael Weinstein is the chief proponent of not just Prop 33, but also the last two attempts to roll back Costa-Hawkins in 2018 and 2020. The California Democratic Party is also backing it. Some tenant advocacy groups. Some unions. Francisco Dueñas runs Housing Now California it’s a coalition of organizations advocating for pro renter policies. They very much support Prop 33. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We see that they help provide stability for tenants. That it helps prevent or protect against, you know, surprise increases in rents. And I think that’s the biggest benefit that people really look towards, is just knowing that their rents are not going to rise 100%, you know, from one month to the next when they’re lease ends.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And in general all these folks argue that the rent is just too high, that people are getting pushed out of cities. People are ending up homeless. And, you know, at the very least that we should do something to protect people from huge surprise rent increases. They point out that while we do have a state rent control law, it passed in 2019 and it limits annual increases to 10%, it’s just too high, they say. And that law sunsets in 2030 in any case. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Other arguments I’ve heard are that homeowners are benefiting from a form of price control in the form of fixed rate mortgages. And we should, you know, extend similar protections to renters. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Beyond all that, there are people who argue that we should rethink how we approach housing in this country, that we should reframe it as a fundamental human right rather than a commodity. And they see rent control as one small step in that direction.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cb>Francisco Dueñas: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The profit motive shouldn’t be the only thing that leads the policy when it comes to housing because then, you know, everybody but the highest bidder is losing out if our housing policy is only focused on profit and, you know, outcomes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">I do want to underline that support coming from the AIDS Healthcare Foundation on this prop, because that plays into what we’ll be talking about tomorrow, Proposition 34, which some have seen as a proposition built specifically to take aim at the AIDS Healthcare Foundation for their advocacy on rent control issues over the years. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Vanessa, this is one of the most expensive measures from a spending perspective that we’re seeing. Can you tell us how that’s all shaking out so far?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Oh my god. People are spending so much money on this. So to date, it’s over $40 million to support this proposition. The vast majority of that is coming from the AIDS HealthCare Foundation. In terms of opposition, they’ve raised over $65 million. The vast majority of that is coming from the California Apartment Association and the California Association of Realtors. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Woo! Spendy. Vanessa Rancaño is a housing reporter at KQED. Vanessa, thanks for breaking this down for us. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Vanessa Rancaño: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thanks for having me.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/b> \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Let’s review. A vote yes on Prop 33 means you want local governments to have the power to enact or change their own rent control laws. A vote no on Prop 33 would keep state limits on rent control in place. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That’s it on Prop 33. You can find audio and transcripts of this episode, and all the others in our Prop Fest series at \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/propfest\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">KQED.org/propfest\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. While you’re on the KQED website, be sure to check out our voter guide, which has lots more important information about your statewide and local elections. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Prop Fest is a collaboration between The Bay and Bay Curious podcasts. It’s made by…\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alan Montecillo\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Olivia Allen-Price\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jessica Kariisa\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>Amanda Font\u003cbr>\nChristopher Beale\u003cbr>\n\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ana De Almeda Amaral\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And me, Ericka Cruz Guevarra\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We get extra support from\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jen Chien\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Holly Kernan\u003cbr>\n\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And the whole KQED family\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tomorrow we will get into Prop 34, which would limit how some healthcare providers can spend money earned through a federal drug pricing program. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Olivia Allen-Price: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It looks like a healthcare bill, but it actually has a lot to do with rent control. We’ll spill the tea on that tomorrow – but be sure you’re subscribed so you don’t miss out.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra:\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Thanks for listening to Prop Fest. Peace.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council is scheduled to vote Monday on a long-debated proposal to give tenants first dibs on buying their building from their landlord, but the council is expected to reject it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure’s primary sponsor, Councilmember Kate Harrison, resigned earlier this year, leaving it without anyone on the council to advocate for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few of the remaining council members appear to be in support. When the legislation went to a policy committee in July, two of the three committee members — Councilmembers Susan Wengraf and Mark Humbert — recommended that the full council reject it. But Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, who voted against Wengraf and Humbert in committee, said she plans to revive the proposal if it fails tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is formally called the Community/Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act or COPA/TOPA. It would allow tenants or a community land trust acting in their interest to make an offer on a building before the landlord puts it on the market. The owner may choose to reject the offer but can receive a tax break if they accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically on an honor system,” said Tracy Parent, the director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which is one of the groups backing the proposal. “There’s no funding attached to it. So it really is just a law that sellers have to abide by with their realtors, and it’s up to tenants or the community organizations to blow the whistle in the event that we see an instance of noncompliance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent said Berkeley’s not the first city to consider the idea; San Francisco adopted similar legislation a few years ago, which inspired the coalition’s advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property owners and realtors associations oppose the policy, arguing that it adds delay for property owners who are eager to sell. According to the legislation text, the waiting period could be up to six months for a building with 10 or more units. That includes time for the tenants to be notified of the sale and come up with an offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11996949,news_12004348,news_12002901\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TOPA is an inefficient and expensive approach to promoting tenant home ownership,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, in a statement. “The legislation complicates and prolongs the sales process for any residential rental property in Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Parent said the process of selling a tenant-occupied property is already lengthy, and COPA/TOPA is expected to add only an additional two months to the sale process for multi-unit buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among council members, another point of contention is that the proposal allows tenants themselves to make an offer on their building. Wengraf, who recommended rejecting the proposal, called the name TOPA a “misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very unlikely in this market that tenants, especially low-income tenants, would be able to get a loan to purchase a multi-unit property,” she said. “I see that as aspirational, but I don’t see it as practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harrison and other advocates believe that it’s important to include anyway — even if it’s an unlikely scenario. And though she’s no longer on the council, she said they should continue discussing the issue in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it should be passed right this second,” Harrison said. “I think it needed to have real hearings. I find this whole situation like it’s a ‘Yes/No’ question very frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Berkeley City Council is scheduled to vote Monday on a long-debated proposal to give tenants first dibs on buying their building from their landlord, but the council is expected to reject it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure’s primary sponsor, Councilmember Kate Harrison, resigned earlier this year, leaving it without anyone on the council to advocate for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few of the remaining council members appear to be in support. When the legislation went to a policy committee in July, two of the three committee members — Councilmembers Susan Wengraf and Mark Humbert — recommended that the full council reject it. But Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, who voted against Wengraf and Humbert in committee, said she plans to revive the proposal if it fails tonight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is formally called the Community/Tenant Opportunity to Purchase Act or COPA/TOPA. It would allow tenants or a community land trust acting in their interest to make an offer on a building before the landlord puts it on the market. The owner may choose to reject the offer but can receive a tax break if they accept it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically on an honor system,” said Tracy Parent, the director of the Bay Area Community Land Trust, which is one of the groups backing the proposal. “There’s no funding attached to it. So it really is just a law that sellers have to abide by with their realtors, and it’s up to tenants or the community organizations to blow the whistle in the event that we see an instance of noncompliance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parent said Berkeley’s not the first city to consider the idea; San Francisco adopted similar legislation a few years ago, which inspired the coalition’s advocacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Property owners and realtors associations oppose the policy, arguing that it adds delay for property owners who are eager to sell. According to the legislation text, the waiting period could be up to six months for a building with 10 or more units. That includes time for the tenants to be notified of the sale and come up with an offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TOPA is an inefficient and expensive approach to promoting tenant home ownership,” said Krista Gulbransen, executive director of the Berkeley Property Owners Association, in a statement. “The legislation complicates and prolongs the sales process for any residential rental property in Berkeley.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Parent said the process of selling a tenant-occupied property is already lengthy, and COPA/TOPA is expected to add only an additional two months to the sale process for multi-unit buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among council members, another point of contention is that the proposal allows tenants themselves to make an offer on their building. Wengraf, who recommended rejecting the proposal, called the name TOPA a “misnomer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very unlikely in this market that tenants, especially low-income tenants, would be able to get a loan to purchase a multi-unit property,” she said. “I see that as aspirational, but I don’t see it as practical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Harrison and other advocates believe that it’s important to include anyway — even if it’s an unlikely scenario. And though she’s no longer on the council, she said they should continue discussing the issue in committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it should be passed right this second,” Harrison said. “I think it needed to have real hearings. I find this whole situation like it’s a ‘Yes/No’ question very frustrating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "newsom-has-not-solved-californias-housing-crisis-3-lessons-for-kamala-harris",
"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Has Not Solved California’s Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002010,forum_2010101906781,forum_2010101906944\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
"closealltabs": {
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
},
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"order": 18
},
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},
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"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"meta": {
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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