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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom used a new law for the first time Friday to try to force a wealthy Southern California coastal city to end its years of opposition to meeting low-income housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration sued the Orange County city of Huntington Beach under the law that took effect Jan. 1 after passing in a 2017 package of measures intended to alleviate the state’s severe housing shortage and homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Reversal, Orange County Supervisors Vote for More Homeless Shelters\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HomelessRiverbedBikes-1180x755.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, supervisors voted to set up as many as three new temporary shelters in Irvine, Huntington Beach and Laguna Niguel.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California has more homeless people than any other state and the nation’s highest poverty rate when soaring housing and rental costs are taken into account. Newsom, who took office this month, has proposed building 3.5 million housing units in the state with nearly 40 million residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit says leaders in Huntington Beach, home to about 200,000 people, have repeatedly refused to amend the city’s housing plan to add state-required low-income housing and are fighting a separate lawsuit by housing advocates. The city says it’s complying with state housing and zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second major issue facing California that the self-styled “Surf City USA” is battling the state over. Huntington Beach also is challenging the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695486/judge-huntington-beach-not-bound-by-state-sanctuary-law\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sanctuary law\u003c/a> that limits cooperation with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is in a traditionally Republican area that has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11379015/despite-pro-trump-rally-is-orange-county-becoming-less-conservative\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">shifting more Democratic\u003c/a> like the rest of California. State officials say housing negotiations began before Huntington Beach challenged the immigration law and the lawsuit isn’t retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities are taking herculean efforts to meet this crisis head on,” the Democratic governor said in a statement. “But some cities are refusing to do their part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Michael Gates said it’s following the law, pointing to a victory in a related lawsuit. An appeals court ruled in 2017 that cities like Huntington Beach that have their own charters can approve plans that don’t meet the state’s housing requirements and can eliminate sites zoned for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown signed a law last year closing what housing advocates described as a legal loophole for charter cities. Huntington Beach’s charter led an Orange County judge to rule that it isn’t bound by the state’s sanctuary law because it has greater autonomy to enforce local laws. The state has appealed that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates said the city has approved more than 2,500 new housing units since 2014, including about 100 low-income units, leaving the city about 400 units short of state goals for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Huntington Beach, criticized Newsom’s “heavy-handed litigation tactics that will divert the city’s time, energy and resources to respond to obstructive and otherwise frivolous lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers, including Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego, praised Newsom for opening what she called “a new chapter for housing in California” against cities that “have flouted their legal and ethical obligations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was deemed out of compliance in 2015, and state officials most recently notified the city in November that it was still breaking state law. California sued in Orange County Superior Court under the new law strengthening its ability to require local governments to meet housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Housing and Community Development sets the number of new housing units that a region is projected to need to provide homes for all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says 90 percent of housing plans statewide are in compliance, while Huntington Beach is one of 51 cities and counties that are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said high housing costs and rents “are eroding quality of life for families across this state.” He said the problem is “an existential threat to our state’s future and demands an urgent and comprehensive response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promised several moves to increase affordable housing, including giving cities more money for housing shelters but taking away transportation money if they fail to meet their goals. The Democratic governor’s budget proposal seeks $1.75 billion to combat homelessness by encouraging new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom used a new law for the first time Friday to try to force a wealthy Southern California coastal city to end its years of opposition to meeting low-income housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration sued the Orange County city of Huntington Beach under the law that took effect Jan. 1 after passing in a 2017 package of measures intended to alleviate the state’s severe housing shortage and homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In Reversal, Orange County Supervisors Vote for More Homeless Shelters\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656882/in-reversal-orange-county-supervisors-vote-for-more-homeless-shelters\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HomelessRiverbedBikes-1180x755.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In March, supervisors voted to set up as many as three new temporary shelters in Irvine, Huntington Beach and Laguna Niguel.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>California has more homeless people than any other state and the nation’s highest poverty rate when soaring housing and rental costs are taken into account. Newsom, who took office this month, has proposed building 3.5 million housing units in the state with nearly 40 million residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit says leaders in Huntington Beach, home to about 200,000 people, have repeatedly refused to amend the city’s housing plan to add state-required low-income housing and are fighting a separate lawsuit by housing advocates. The city says it’s complying with state housing and zoning laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the second major issue facing California that the self-styled “Surf City USA” is battling the state over. Huntington Beach also is challenging the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11695486/judge-huntington-beach-not-bound-by-state-sanctuary-law\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sanctuary law\u003c/a> that limits cooperation with federal immigration officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is in a traditionally Republican area that has been \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11379015/despite-pro-trump-rally-is-orange-county-becoming-less-conservative\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">shifting more Democratic\u003c/a> like the rest of California. State officials say housing negotiations began before Huntington Beach challenged the immigration law and the lawsuit isn’t retaliatory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many cities are taking herculean efforts to meet this crisis head on,” the Democratic governor said in a statement. “But some cities are refusing to do their part.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney Michael Gates said it’s following the law, pointing to a victory in a related lawsuit. An appeals court ruled in 2017 that cities like Huntington Beach that have their own charters can approve plans that don’t meet the state’s housing requirements and can eliminate sites zoned for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Gov. Jerry Brown signed a law last year closing what housing advocates described as a legal loophole for charter cities. Huntington Beach’s charter led an Orange County judge to rule that it isn’t bound by the state’s sanctuary law because it has greater autonomy to enforce local laws. The state has appealed that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gates said the city has approved more than 2,500 new housing units since 2014, including about 100 low-income units, leaving the city about 400 units short of state goals for low-income housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republican state Sen. John Moorlach, who represents Huntington Beach, criticized Newsom’s “heavy-handed litigation tactics that will divert the city’s time, energy and resources to respond to obstructive and otherwise frivolous lawsuits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers, including Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego, praised Newsom for opening what she called “a new chapter for housing in California” against cities that “have flouted their legal and ethical obligations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was deemed out of compliance in 2015, and state officials most recently notified the city in November that it was still breaking state law. California sued in Orange County Superior Court under the new law strengthening its ability to require local governments to meet housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Housing and Community Development sets the number of new housing units that a region is projected to need to provide homes for all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department says 90 percent of housing plans statewide are in compliance, while Huntington Beach is one of 51 cities and counties that are not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said high housing costs and rents “are eroding quality of life for families across this state.” He said the problem is “an existential threat to our state’s future and demands an urgent and comprehensive response.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promised several moves to increase affordable housing, including giving cities more money for housing shelters but taking away transportation money if they fail to meet their goals. The Democratic governor’s budget proposal seeks $1.75 billion to combat homelessness by encouraging new affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "controversial-bay-area-housing-plan-heads-to-state-legislature",
"title": "Controversial Bay Area Housing Plan Heads to State Legislature",
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"content": "\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The CASA Compact, created by a tenuous alliance of housing interests, has support from key state leaders.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An ambitious plan to tackle the Bay Area’s housing crisis is making its way to the state Capitol, where lawmakers could advance a wide-ranging set of compromises drafted by a coalition of often divergent local interests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeking a nine-county solution to a seemingly intractable problem, a broad coalition of developers, tenant advocates, elected officials, business leaders and labor interests created a 10-point plan to address regional housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But making the proposal — known as the \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/CASA_Compact.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CASA Compact\u003c/a> —a reality will require the approval and deft maneuvering of state lawmakers, who are already hearing opposition to various components of the agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A rising tide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of CASA (which looks like an acronym but actually doesn’t stand for anything other than the Spanish word for “house”) argue that the plan is the rising tide that will lift all ships, and that collective action will allow stakeholders with less political clout (read: tenants) to achieve meaningful policy gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to have a regional approach,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, the chair of the Assembly Committee on Housing and Community Development. “We are an economic region, we are a social and a cultural region, and we are a region with the most intense manifestation of the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA Compact includes proposals aimed at both spurring new housing construction and protecting existing tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Developers would be able to tap into streamlined approvals and tax incentives for more housing projects, and minimum zoning standards would be established around transit stops to increase density.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the plan, vulnerable tenants would be aided by a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance, as well as the establishment of a regionwide rent cap and protections against certain kinds of evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the plan’s less controversial proposals push for greater transparency around impact fees charged to developers and encourage the use of surplus public properties for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To raise money for the proposals, the compact suggests the creation of a new Bay Area housing agency, led by elected officials but also including developers and tenant activists, which would levy regional taxes and distribute funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">Forum: Major Housing Plan Gets Approval\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101869236/major-housing-plan-gets-approval-from-mtc-association-of-bay-area-governments\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2017/07/construction-job-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Members of the Committee to House the Bay Area, which created the plan, suggest a variety of tax options, including a fee on developers, a tax on businesses, a regionwide sales tax or parcel tax increase, and regional revenue sharing. The goal, they say, is to place a regional tax measure on the November 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>No shortage of critics\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Critics of the plan question the very idea of a regional approach to the Bay Area’s formidable housing crisis and argue that key constituencies were excluded from the process of drafting the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Kirsch, founder of the group Livable California, which advocates for local control in planning, said the compact was created “without input from those communities that value and cherish the character and quality of life in their small communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that the majority of the cities were excluded, that’s unfair,” Kirsch added. “It’s a stacked deck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CASA compact received the endorsement of two regional planning agencies, the Metropolitan Transit Commission (MTC) and the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG). Both votes, though \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11719212/despite-strong-opposition-bay-area-officials-endorse-ambitious-regional-affordable-housing-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">nonbinding, \u003c/a>were preceded by hours of fierce public debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At both hearings, representatives from the region’s smaller cities voiced concern over forfeiting any housing decisions to a regional entity. And speakers from Peninsula towns hinted at the political perils of ceding local control. In Mountain View, Palo Alto and Los Altos, mayors and council members were defeated in November by challengers advocating slower growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am in the growing wave of voter pushback against state mandates to remove local control,” Los Altos City Councilwoman Anita Enander told the MTC. “I defeated our mayor on a platform of listening to residents and keeping land-use decisions in the hands of local officials.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Delicate juggling act\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A key tenet of the compact is that all proposals advance in unison at the state Capitol.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing,” said Michael Covarrubias, head of TMG Partners, a local developer, who co-chaired the CASA committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that commitment to policy unity is merely aspirational. There’s nothing stopping only certain pieces of the agreement from moving forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out the appropriate protections for renters could be particularly difficult on the heels of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11702293/early-results-show-rent-control-measure-trailing-at-polls\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">defeat of Proposition 10\u003c/a> in November, a measure that sought to expand rent control statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Our premise is, if you put them together, they have a better chance of passing.’\u003ccite>Michael Covarrubias, TMG Partners\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Tenant groups and the California Apartment Association, which represents landlords, both participated in the CASA process, but have distanced themselves from the final proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unless the rent control and just-cause eviction elements are removed in their entirety, CAA cannot endorse the proposed CASA Compact and will oppose any related legislation aimed at implementing the rent control and just cause eviction elements,” wrote Joshua Howard, senior vice president of CAA, in a \u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/app/uploads/2018/12/CASA-Dec-18-2018_MTC-Letter.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">December letter\u003c/a> to the MTC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also proposes a regionwide rent cap that would be equal to the Consumer Price Index plus 5 percent. For a tenant paying $1,500 per month, the maximum allowable increase in monthly rent would be roughly $140.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, a regionwide just-cause eviction policy would require landlords to cite specific causes for eviction, and provide relocation assistance for tenants evicted through no fault of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some tenant groups have argued that these protections are too weak to help Bay Area renters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paola Laverde, chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board, said the plan was a great starting point, but called the rent cap a “laughable increase.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As written, these policies will not protect the most vulnerable that need protection,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Nod from Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are some indications, though, that the plan could get a warmer reception among key leaders in Sacramento. During his budget press conference last week, Gov. Gavin Newsom praised the general idea of the plan, although he offered few specifics about what the next steps would be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I love the regional approach. The issues of homelessness and housing have to be looked at from a regional perspective,” he said. “That’s exactly the spirit of what they’re trying to advance. I haven’t looked into the details of any legislative package, but it’s certainly the spirit I’m embracing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chairs of the Legislature’s two housing committees, Chiu and state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco, are both eager to advance the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CASA would have been unthinkable five or ten years ago,” Wiener said. “These recommendations are bold, aggressive and necessary, and the fact that we’ve achieved such broad regional buy-in shows how quickly the politics of housing has shifted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of the compact recommendations have \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">already been introduced in the Legislature\u003c/a>. Others proposals are expected to be hashed out and unveiled after the Legislature’s Bay Area caucus holds its retreat next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers will also have to figure out what form the recommended regional housing entity will take, or whether the new responsibilities (and the power of the purse) can be folded into an existing regional body like ABAG.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a little bit unclear to me what direction that’s going to go in,” Wiener said. “It may be a great idea, but we haven’t really analyzed it yet.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>April Whitley has lived in her Chico home with her husband and two kids for the last three years, but they won’t for much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitley said her landlord called at the end of November to tell her she needed to move out because she wanted her daughter — who lost her home in the Camp Fire — to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In the Aftermath of the Camp Fire, a Slow, Simmering Crisis in Chico\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2019/01/16/ChicoCar.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My initial reaction was, ‘Oh my gosh, I have nowhere to go.’ There’s nowhere in Chico,” Whitley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of people displaced by the Camp Fire have taken up whatever spaces were left in an already tight rental market in Butte County. According to Butte County’s Housing Authority, every single unit is occupied, and renters are now essentially playing a game of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718604/camp-fire-survivors-in-lone-remaining-shelter-face-uncertain-future\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">housing “musical chairs,”\u003c/a> with fierce competition whenever a space opens up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, landlords like Whitley’s are evicting tenants to make room for their own family members affected by the Camp Fire. Whitley’s landlord did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitley said she tried buying a house, but because she doesn’t have much extra cash, she said the post-fire market has been even harder for her to navigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the cash that folks from Paradise have with their insurance money, so we can’t compete in bidding wars that are happening right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unable to find a home they can afford in Chico or the surrounding areas, Whitley and her family are moving to her brother’s place in Capay, a small community outside Sacramento nearly two hours away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is for her two kids to stay in her brother’s extra bedrooms, while Whitley and her husband live in an RV on her brother’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11720257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11720257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"This is the RV that Whitley and her husband plan to live in on her brother's property in Capay, an unincorporated town nearly two hours from Chico.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This is the RV that Whitley and her husband plan to live in on her brother’s property in Capay, an unincorporated town nearly two hours from Chico. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city passed an \u003ca href=\"http://www.chico.ca.us/documents/ORD2522-Emergency-PriceGouging-CampFire.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency ordinance\u003c/a> after the fire preventing landlords from evicting existing tenants in order to jack up rents for fire victims, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.legalmatch.com/law-library/article/owner-move-in-omi-evictions.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">owner move-in evictions\u003c/a> are legal. Chico Mayor Randall Stone said they are just another hurdle the city has to deal with after the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can do, we’ve done, from a legal standpoint,” Stone said. “We can just provide resources to make it easier and better, trying to preserve the tax base and the employment base as much as humanly possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone said he’s working to encourage development through permit fee reduction and legislation that would require the construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>April Whitley has lived in her Chico home with her husband and two kids for the last three years, but they won’t for much longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitley said her landlord called at the end of November to tell her she needed to move out because she wanted her daughter — who lost her home in the Camp Fire — to live there.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In the Aftermath of the Camp Fire, a Slow, Simmering Crisis in Chico\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2019/01/16/ChicoCar.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“My initial reaction was, ‘Oh my gosh, I have nowhere to go.’ There’s nowhere in Chico,” Whitley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The influx of people displaced by the Camp Fire have taken up whatever spaces were left in an already tight rental market in Butte County. According to Butte County’s Housing Authority, every single unit is occupied, and renters are now essentially playing a game of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718604/camp-fire-survivors-in-lone-remaining-shelter-face-uncertain-future\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">housing “musical chairs,”\u003c/a> with fierce competition whenever a space opens up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, landlords like Whitley’s are evicting tenants to make room for their own family members affected by the Camp Fire. Whitley’s landlord did not respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whitley said she tried buying a house, but because she doesn’t have much extra cash, she said the post-fire market has been even harder for her to navigate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the cash that folks from Paradise have with their insurance money, so we can’t compete in bidding wars that are happening right now,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unable to find a home they can afford in Chico or the surrounding areas, Whitley and her family are moving to her brother’s place in Capay, a small community outside Sacramento nearly two hours away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan is for her two kids to stay in her brother’s extra bedrooms, while Whitley and her husband live in an RV on her brother’s property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11720257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11720257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"This is the RV that Whitley and her husband plan to live in on her brother's property in Capay, an unincorporated town nearly two hours from Chico.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS34775_Image-from-iOS-41-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This is the RV that Whitley and her husband plan to live in on her brother’s property in Capay, an unincorporated town nearly two hours from Chico. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city passed an \u003ca href=\"http://www.chico.ca.us/documents/ORD2522-Emergency-PriceGouging-CampFire.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency ordinance\u003c/a> after the fire preventing landlords from evicting existing tenants in order to jack up rents for fire victims, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.legalmatch.com/law-library/article/owner-move-in-omi-evictions.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">owner move-in evictions\u003c/a> are legal. Chico Mayor Randall Stone said they are just another hurdle the city has to deal with after the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we can do, we’ve done, from a legal standpoint,” Stone said. “We can just provide resources to make it easier and better, trying to preserve the tax base and the employment base as much as humanly possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone said he’s working to encourage development through permit fee reduction and legislation that would require the construction of affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>On a recent Friday night, roommates Jason Jones and Tamiko Panzella were hanging out in the Oakland apartment they shared, laughing about an epic gym workout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get there and we have to take our shoes and socks off,” Jones said, laughing. “I’m like, oh no, she got me into yoga. She tricked me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What made the yoga session jarring was that it was Jones’ first full day of freedom after more than a decade behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah they tell me to get into Downward Dog,” Jones said, as Panzella chuckled. “That’s the one position you don’t want to be in, in prison. The second day out! I look over there and she’s dying laughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On one level, it’s all normal, life-with-roommates kind of stuff, but this is new for Jones, 35.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently was released on parole, serving nearly 14 years in a series of California prisons for felony assault with a deadly weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Panzella are part of a first-of-its-kind program that’s providing vitally needed housing for inmates released from prison. The program also aims to break down misconceptions and fear surrounding the formerly incarcerated in a nation that \u003ca href=\"http://www.prisonstudies.org/highest-to-lowest/prison-population-total?field_region_taxonomy_tid=All\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">imprisons more people than any other\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Homecoming Project in California’s Alameda County is matching prisoners being released after long sentences with homeowners and renters, who want to take part in the experiment. The nonprofit behind the program pays the former inmates’ rent for six months and actively supports the partnership.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s the first time I felt like I’m actually part of a family, you know what I mean?” said Jones.’\u003ccite>Jason Jones, former inmate\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Call it the social justice arm of the sharing economy. “The sharing economy with a conscience, with values,” said Alex Busansky, a former prosecutor and Justice Department lawyer. He now runs \u003ca href=\"https://impactjustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Impact Justice\u003c/a>, the group behind the novel housing initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Homecoming Project provides cash subsidies to homeowners in exchange for renting a room to a former inmate, Busansky said. It is similar to how Airbnb allows people to monetize their extra living spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For people getting out of prison, the penalty hasn’t ended and re-entry is its own obstacle course that everybody has to navigate,” Busansky said. “Housing is essential to being able to get through that obstacle course: If you don’t have a place to sleep, to shower, to keep your things, it’s very difficult to think about doing anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How it works\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Finding stable, affordable housing — especially in the San Francisco Bay Area — is often one of the biggest barriers to ex-inmates, along with finding a decent job and getting their life back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the nation, most inmates getting out after serving a lengthy sentence are offered some kind of transitional housing or a slot in a halfway house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That usually involves communal living in cramped quarters with other ex-convicts. Often, there are strict curfews, limits on visitors and other prison-like rules and restrictions. Some former inmates chafe at those limits, because it can limit their ability to reconnect with family or find a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this program has none of that. Participants come and go as they please. Issues that arise are worked out like any normal roommate situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Project Homecoming says you’re a person and we’re going to treat you like a person and give you the footholds and the scaffolding to be able to come back home and to be a full member of society just like anybody else,” Busansky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ex-inmates and home hosts are both carefully screened, through interviews and home visits, to make sure it’s a good match. Hosts agree to rent their space for at least six months. There is training for the hosts before anyone gets a key to the home and follow-up support for all of them on the often unique and formidable challenges facing the formerly imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a hard look at people’s pasts,” said the program’s coordinator, Terah Lawyer, who, as a formerly incarcerated woman, knows about the challenges of transitioning back from prison. “We have to look at their past as an indicator of what they’ve become over time. Most of our hosts are familiar with redemption and change and want to be a part of helping be the stepping stone for someone’s second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the experiment is small. It launched just a few months ago with six male ex-convicts paired with local hosts — couples and families — around the Bay Area. Impact Justice hopes to expand it to 25 participants by the end of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panzella said she was initially apprehensive. But she had volunteered at a local prison and knew the challenges facing the formerly incarcerated. The more she learned, the more she and her boyfriend became excited to take part in the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it’s not just working with the person in front of you,” Panzella said. “If it’s successful, this is something that could be replicated” in other American cities for smooth re-entry for former prisoners. In the United States, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 600,000 people\u003c/a> are released from prison every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The larger goal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A larger and perhaps more elusive goal is to demystify and to humanize the often abstract debates around criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people, the story of prison in America is not a story they know,” said Busansky. “They don’t know people who are in prison or people who are getting out of prison.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Busansky said the biggest obstacle to growing the program was finding enough hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fear,” said Busansky. “There’s apprehension, a sense of the unknown. It’s hard to tell people, ‘This is a great idea and you should try it; bring a stranger getting out of prison into your home.’ Not a conversation that most people are used to having.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s one Busansky believes America has to have — especially now — as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/onpoint/2018/05/21/trump-prison-reform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing bipartisan\u003c/a> national movement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2018/04/18/philadelphia-da-larry-krasner-incarceration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">progressive district attorneys\u003c/a>, reform groups and businesses work to unwind decades of drug war-fueled mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13843559/in-this-san-quentin-class-inmates-write-their-ways-into-better-futures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In This San Quentin Class, Inmates Write Their Way Into a Better Future\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13843559/in-this-san-quentin-class-inmates-write-their-ways-into-better-futures\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2018/10/20110917_1100E-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One recent report estimated former inmates were almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 times more likely\u003c/a> to become homeless than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d love to increase our host numbers, but we can’t just say ‘Yes’ to anyone and everyone,” Lawyer said. “We’re not going to house people in unsafe neighborhoods that are not nurturing” or would put ex-inmates at greater risk for re-offending or falling back into old habits, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Part of a family’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Jones grew up in Tulare, a mostly farming and dairy city in California’s Central Valley. His path to prison is a familiar one: Absent parents and little oversight led to a cycle of police trouble and being in and out of foster care and group homes starting around age 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the households I’ve been in consisted of some kind of abuse either mentally, verbally, physically — whatever it was, or some type of drug use in the household,” he said. He called growing up “a horrible experience” and that he started to not trust people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones said he felt like one of the lucky ones. Most inmates released from the California prison system got just $200 and were sent off to figure things out on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones had much more than that: He learned how to code with the backing of \u003ca href=\"https://thelastmile.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Last Mile\u003c/a>, a computer tech and business training program for inmates. He had a software job waiting for him with the pop culture movie, games and TV website \u003ca href=\"https://www.fandom.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fandom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he didn’t have a home to go back to and initially had reservations about the Homecoming Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, man, this feel like adult foster care, like I’m getting adopted again,” he said. “Going into a stranger’s household, getting judged all over again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few short months he and hosts Panzella and her boyfriend, Joe Klein, have become genuine friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel kind of weird even saying we’re in a ‘program’ because it doesn’t really feel like that,” Panzella said. “I think we just have a really strong friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones agreed. He called it one of the only stable homes he has ever known. He recently spent the holiday season with Panzella’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers said the key difference with this program and others is that former inmates get to see and experience the day-to-day life of people on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in the community — in someone’s home — able to watch how they buy groceries, clean their home, live a normal life, get up go to work and come home enjoy a TV show,” said Lawyer. “What that really looks like in real time is essential as an example to our participants, who have been completely out of society for 10-plus years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panzella and Klein have been with Jones through a dizzying number of firsts since he left prison, including going to the beach, to a bowling alley, using a smartphone, getting on social media and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know what to order,” said Jones on his experience of seeing some restaurant menus that made his head spin. “I’m just like I don’t know what this food is like. I grew up eating burritos and pizza pockets at a liquor store, bologna sandwiches and Top Ramen.” Jones has enjoyed eating crab dumplings and Korean BBQ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones has reunited with a teenage son and a daughter. But he’s still trying to reconnect and get custody of another daughter in his hometown of Tulare. She is now in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jones, coming back has been complicated and difficult, but his new roommates — with support from Impact Justice — have helped him navigate it all. “It’s the first time I felt like I’m actually part of a family, you know what I mean?” said Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of the program is something he didn’t expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if it wasn’t for this situation and the sacrifices and things that Joe and Tamiko were able to do, I don’t know exactly how far along I would be,” said Jones. “I’m only able to start work and do all this stuff because of that assistance that they gave me immediately when I got out.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On a recent Friday night, roommates Jason Jones and Tamiko Panzella were hanging out in the Oakland apartment they shared, laughing about an epic gym workout.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I get there and we have to take our shoes and socks off,” Jones said, laughing. “I’m like, oh no, she got me into yoga. She tricked me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What made the yoga session jarring was that it was Jones’ first full day of freedom after more than a decade behind bars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yeah they tell me to get into Downward Dog,” Jones said, as Panzella chuckled. “That’s the one position you don’t want to be in, in prison. The second day out! I look over there and she’s dying laughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On one level, it’s all normal, life-with-roommates kind of stuff, but this is new for Jones, 35.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He recently was released on parole, serving nearly 14 years in a series of California prisons for felony assault with a deadly weapon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones and Panzella are part of a first-of-its-kind program that’s providing vitally needed housing for inmates released from prison. The program also aims to break down misconceptions and fear surrounding the formerly incarcerated in a nation that \u003ca href=\"http://www.prisonstudies.org/highest-to-lowest/prison-population-total?field_region_taxonomy_tid=All\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">imprisons more people than any other\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Homecoming Project in California’s Alameda County is matching prisoners being released after long sentences with homeowners and renters, who want to take part in the experiment. The nonprofit behind the program pays the former inmates’ rent for six months and actively supports the partnership.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘It’s the first time I felt like I’m actually part of a family, you know what I mean?” said Jones.’\u003ccite>Jason Jones, former inmate\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Call it the social justice arm of the sharing economy. “The sharing economy with a conscience, with values,” said Alex Busansky, a former prosecutor and Justice Department lawyer. He now runs \u003ca href=\"https://impactjustice.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Impact Justice\u003c/a>, the group behind the novel housing initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Homecoming Project provides cash subsidies to homeowners in exchange for renting a room to a former inmate, Busansky said. It is similar to how Airbnb allows people to monetize their extra living spaces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For people getting out of prison, the penalty hasn’t ended and re-entry is its own obstacle course that everybody has to navigate,” Busansky said. “Housing is essential to being able to get through that obstacle course: If you don’t have a place to sleep, to shower, to keep your things, it’s very difficult to think about doing anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How it works\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Finding stable, affordable housing — especially in the San Francisco Bay Area — is often one of the biggest barriers to ex-inmates, along with finding a decent job and getting their life back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the nation, most inmates getting out after serving a lengthy sentence are offered some kind of transitional housing or a slot in a halfway house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That usually involves communal living in cramped quarters with other ex-convicts. Often, there are strict curfews, limits on visitors and other prison-like rules and restrictions. Some former inmates chafe at those limits, because it can limit their ability to reconnect with family or find a job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this program has none of that. Participants come and go as they please. Issues that arise are worked out like any normal roommate situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Project Homecoming says you’re a person and we’re going to treat you like a person and give you the footholds and the scaffolding to be able to come back home and to be a full member of society just like anybody else,” Busansky said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ex-inmates and home hosts are both carefully screened, through interviews and home visits, to make sure it’s a good match. Hosts agree to rent their space for at least six months. There is training for the hosts before anyone gets a key to the home and follow-up support for all of them on the often unique and formidable challenges facing the formerly imprisoned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a hard look at people’s pasts,” said the program’s coordinator, Terah Lawyer, who, as a formerly incarcerated woman, knows about the challenges of transitioning back from prison. “We have to look at their past as an indicator of what they’ve become over time. Most of our hosts are familiar with redemption and change and want to be a part of helping be the stepping stone for someone’s second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the experiment is small. It launched just a few months ago with six male ex-convicts paired with local hosts — couples and families — around the Bay Area. Impact Justice hopes to expand it to 25 participants by the end of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panzella said she was initially apprehensive. But she had volunteered at a local prison and knew the challenges facing the formerly incarcerated. The more she learned, the more she and her boyfriend became excited to take part in the pilot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because it’s not just working with the person in front of you,” Panzella said. “If it’s successful, this is something that could be replicated” in other American cities for smooth re-entry for former prisoners. In the United States, \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/pie2018.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than 600,000 people\u003c/a> are released from prison every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The larger goal\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>A larger and perhaps more elusive goal is to demystify and to humanize the often abstract debates around criminal justice reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many people, the story of prison in America is not a story they know,” said Busansky. “They don’t know people who are in prison or people who are getting out of prison.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Busansky said the biggest obstacle to growing the program was finding enough hosts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s fear,” said Busansky. “There’s apprehension, a sense of the unknown. It’s hard to tell people, ‘This is a great idea and you should try it; bring a stranger getting out of prison into your home.’ Not a conversation that most people are used to having.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s one Busansky believes America has to have — especially now — as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/onpoint/2018/05/21/trump-prison-reform\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing bipartisan\u003c/a> national movement of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2018/04/18/philadelphia-da-larry-krasner-incarceration\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">progressive district attorneys\u003c/a>, reform groups and businesses work to unwind decades of drug war-fueled mass incarceration.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13843559/in-this-san-quentin-class-inmates-write-their-ways-into-better-futures\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">In This San Quentin Class, Inmates Write Their Way Into a Better Future\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13843559/in-this-san-quentin-class-inmates-write-their-ways-into-better-futures\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2018/10/20110917_1100E-1180x664.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One recent report estimated former inmates were almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.prisonpolicy.org/reports/housing.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">10 times more likely\u003c/a> to become homeless than the general population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’d love to increase our host numbers, but we can’t just say ‘Yes’ to anyone and everyone,” Lawyer said. “We’re not going to house people in unsafe neighborhoods that are not nurturing” or would put ex-inmates at greater risk for re-offending or falling back into old habits, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘Part of a family’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Jones grew up in Tulare, a mostly farming and dairy city in California’s Central Valley. His path to prison is a familiar one: Absent parents and little oversight led to a cycle of police trouble and being in and out of foster care and group homes starting around age 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the households I’ve been in consisted of some kind of abuse either mentally, verbally, physically — whatever it was, or some type of drug use in the household,” he said. He called growing up “a horrible experience” and that he started to not trust people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones said he felt like one of the lucky ones. Most inmates released from the California prison system got just $200 and were sent off to figure things out on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones had much more than that: He learned how to code with the backing of \u003ca href=\"https://thelastmile.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The Last Mile\u003c/a>, a computer tech and business training program for inmates. He had a software job waiting for him with the pop culture movie, games and TV website \u003ca href=\"https://www.fandom.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Fandom\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he didn’t have a home to go back to and initially had reservations about the Homecoming Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was like, man, this feel like adult foster care, like I’m getting adopted again,” he said. “Going into a stranger’s household, getting judged all over again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a few short months he and hosts Panzella and her boyfriend, Joe Klein, have become genuine friends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel kind of weird even saying we’re in a ‘program’ because it doesn’t really feel like that,” Panzella said. “I think we just have a really strong friendship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones agreed. He called it one of the only stable homes he has ever known. He recently spent the holiday season with Panzella’s family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers said the key difference with this program and others is that former inmates get to see and experience the day-to-day life of people on the outside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re in the community — in someone’s home — able to watch how they buy groceries, clean their home, live a normal life, get up go to work and come home enjoy a TV show,” said Lawyer. “What that really looks like in real time is essential as an example to our participants, who have been completely out of society for 10-plus years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Panzella and Klein have been with Jones through a dizzying number of firsts since he left prison, including going to the beach, to a bowling alley, using a smartphone, getting on social media and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know what to order,” said Jones on his experience of seeing some restaurant menus that made his head spin. “I’m just like I don’t know what this food is like. I grew up eating burritos and pizza pockets at a liquor store, bologna sandwiches and Top Ramen.” Jones has enjoyed eating crab dumplings and Korean BBQ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones has reunited with a teenage son and a daughter. But he’s still trying to reconnect and get custody of another daughter in his hometown of Tulare. She is now in foster care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Jones, coming back has been complicated and difficult, but his new roommates — with support from Impact Justice — have helped him navigate it all. “It’s the first time I felt like I’m actually part of a family, you know what I mean?” said Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of the program is something he didn’t expect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, if it wasn’t for this situation and the sacrifices and things that Joe and Tamiko were able to do, I don’t know exactly how far along I would be,” said Jones. “I’m only able to start work and do all this stuff because of that assistance that they gave me immediately when I got out.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Despite Opposition, Bay Area Officials Endorse Ambitious Affordable Housing Plan",
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"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>A panel of Bay Area elected officials endorsed an ambitious housing plan early Friday morning that advances a broad set of proposals to address the region’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly three hours of heated public comment, the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) executive board voted 21-9 in favor of the\u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Committee to House the Bay Area Compact\u003c/a>, referred to as CASA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-point plan recommends a broad mix of strategies, from regional rent caps to denser development near transit centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s vote was nonbinding: Most of the ideas need approval from the state Legislature before any actual changes take place. Some of them, including a mandate for \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB50\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">denser housing around transit\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency aid for tenants\u003c/a>, have already been introduced as bills in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vote to direct ABAG president David Rabbitt to sign the compact was nonetheless controversial. Dozens of elected officials and members of the public packed into the meeting to criticize it as government overreach and a misguided effort to force suburbs to become more dense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That the CASA committee could come up with a product that 97 percent of Bay Area cities think is a terrible idea proves that a public agency is capable of building consensus,\" said Cupertino Mayor Steven Scharf, who opposes the plan. \"Unfortunately it's not the kind of consensus we really want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The divide also foreshadows the balancing act state lawmakers now have to perform, as they consider turning these proposals into enforceable policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslye Corsiglia, a Silicon Valley affordable housing advocate who co-chaired the committee that created the CASA plan, noted that while far from perfect, it represents a set of compromises that will hopefully address the Bay Area's growing housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know that for everyone involved, there are things that everyone likes, and things that they hold their nose at,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/thehardask/status/1086136155341344769\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the Great Recession ended in 2010, the Bay Area has added 722,000 jobs but constructed only 106,000 housing units, the compact notes, an imbalance that's led to widespread displacement and crippling congestion, as more residents are forced to move farther away from their jobs. The 15-year plan calls for producing 35,000 housing units a year in the Bay Area, with about 14,000 of them affordable to lower-income households. It also recommends preserving 30,000 affordable units, and protecting 300,000 lower-income households from displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corsiglia group's, the Committee to House the Bay Area, includes elected officials, developers and tenant advocates charged with creating a \"15-year emergency policy package to confront the region's housing crisis head-on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Central to the plan, which took upward of 18 months to draft, is the recommendation to create a regional housing entity with the authority to levy taxes and issue bonds to fund the construction of new affordable housing units, as well as administer the financial aid outlined in the compact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Metropolitan Transportation Commission director Steve Heminger, who also signed the compact after his board overwhelmingly approved it in December, said he hoped the new agency would be created in time to place a revenue-generating measure on the 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need a significant amount of new authority and new revenue to deliver on a solution to the housing crisis,\" Heminger said. \"And for that you gotta go to Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compact endorses state action to create minimum density requirements near transit, (similar to Senate Bill 50, recently proposed by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco) and increase the number of projects eligible for expedited review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also proposes a regionwide cap on rent increases, and recommends creating a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An amendment added by Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez asks state lawmakers to go further in protecting tenants -- including a request that the just-cause eviction provisions in the plan take effect immediately, rather than after a one-year waiting period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan's backers hope the 10 proposals will be pursued concurrently in the state Legislature, although there's little guarantee that will happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heminger argued that grouping the individual proposals together gives them a better chance of becoming law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The waters are pretty stormy in Sacramento when it comes to this subject,\" he said. \"I think it’s probably better in a storm to be in a boat and not in the open water.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A panel of Bay Area elected officials endorsed an ambitious housing plan early Friday morning that advances a broad set of proposals to address the region’s affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly three hours of heated public comment, the Association of Bay Area Governments (ABAG) executive board voted 21-9 in favor of the\u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> Committee to House the Bay Area Compact\u003c/a>, referred to as CASA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 10-point plan recommends a broad mix of strategies, from regional rent caps to denser development near transit centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Friday’s vote was nonbinding: Most of the ideas need approval from the state Legislature before any actual changes take place. Some of them, including a mandate for \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB50\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">denser housing around transit\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">emergency aid for tenants\u003c/a>, have already been introduced as bills in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vote to direct ABAG president David Rabbitt to sign the compact was nonetheless controversial. Dozens of elected officials and members of the public packed into the meeting to criticize it as government overreach and a misguided effort to force suburbs to become more dense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That the CASA committee could come up with a product that 97 percent of Bay Area cities think is a terrible idea proves that a public agency is capable of building consensus,\" said Cupertino Mayor Steven Scharf, who opposes the plan. \"Unfortunately it's not the kind of consensus we really want.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The divide also foreshadows the balancing act state lawmakers now have to perform, as they consider turning these proposals into enforceable policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leslye Corsiglia, a Silicon Valley affordable housing advocate who co-chaired the committee that created the CASA plan, noted that while far from perfect, it represents a set of compromises that will hopefully address the Bay Area's growing housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know that for everyone involved, there are things that everyone likes, and things that they hold their nose at,\" she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Since the Great Recession ended in 2010, the Bay Area has added 722,000 jobs but constructed only 106,000 housing units, the compact notes, an imbalance that's led to widespread displacement and crippling congestion, as more residents are forced to move farther away from their jobs. The 15-year plan calls for producing 35,000 housing units a year in the Bay Area, with about 14,000 of them affordable to lower-income households. It also recommends preserving 30,000 affordable units, and protecting 300,000 lower-income households from displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corsiglia group's, the Committee to House the Bay Area, includes elected officials, developers and tenant advocates charged with creating a \"15-year emergency policy package to confront the region's housing crisis head-on.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Central to the plan, which took upward of 18 months to draft, is the recommendation to create a regional housing entity with the authority to levy taxes and issue bonds to fund the construction of new affordable housing units, as well as administer the financial aid outlined in the compact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Metropolitan Transportation Commission director Steve Heminger, who also signed the compact after his board overwhelmingly approved it in December, said he hoped the new agency would be created in time to place a revenue-generating measure on the 2020 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need a significant amount of new authority and new revenue to deliver on a solution to the housing crisis,\" Heminger said. \"And for that you gotta go to Sacramento.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compact endorses state action to create minimum density requirements near transit, (similar to Senate Bill 50, recently proposed by state Sen. Scott Wiener, D-San Francisco) and increase the number of projects eligible for expedited review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also proposes a regionwide cap on rent increases, and recommends creating a supply of emergency cash and legal assistance to tenants facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An amendment added by Santa Clara County Supervisor Cindy Chavez asks state lawmakers to go further in protecting tenants -- including a request that the just-cause eviction provisions in the plan take effect immediately, rather than after a one-year waiting period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan's backers hope the 10 proposals will be pursued concurrently in the state Legislature, although there's little guarantee that will happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heminger argued that grouping the individual proposals together gives them a better chance of becoming law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The waters are pretty stormy in Sacramento when it comes to this subject,\" he said. \"I think it’s probably better in a storm to be in a boat and not in the open water.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Camp Fire Survivors in Lone Remaining Shelter Face Uncertain Future",
"title": "Camp Fire Survivors in Lone Remaining Shelter Face Uncertain Future",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of victims of California's deadliest wildfire have been worried about whether they will have a roof over their heads in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than two months since the Camp Fire erupted in Butte County on Nov. 8, there is one remaining shelter in Chico — and the contract ends at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silver Dollar fairgrounds at the southern end of Chico is currently serving as a shelter for more than 600 Camp Fire survivors. Nearly 14,000 homes were lost in the blaze that took at least 86 lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\">In the Aftermath of the Camp Fire, a Slow, Simmering Crisis in Chico\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\">\u003cimg src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2019/01/16/ChicoCar.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The shelter at the fairgrounds, owned by the state of California, is operated by the American Red Cross and has trailers and a dormitory to house the evacuees. In order to keep the shelter up and running, the Red Cross has been in negotiations with the fairgrounds' management to extend the contract so evacuees can continue to use the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evacuee is Jerillyn Ramsey, 73. She is worried that negotiations to extend the lease for the shelter could fall through. Ramsey's home in Paradise burned to the ground during the fires and she has no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Basically, I would probably have to live in a tent with homeless people or on the street,\" Ramsey said. \"I'm a senior. I don't know really what I would do ... live in my car?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been a serious housing shortage for Camp Fire survivors. The vacancy rate for housing in Butte County before the fire was around 1 to 2 percent, or roughly 1,000 housing units. Now the vacancy rate is 0 percent, according to Ed Mayer, executive director of Butte County's Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every single unit that is available has been occupied,\" Mayer told KQED. \"So we are now involved in a game of musical chairs. You're not going to find a house unless someone leaves their chair. And when someone does leave their chair, there will be many households who are vying for that one seat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers from several agencies and organizations, including the County's Housing Authority, Red Cross and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, have been trying to help people find available housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayer said finding a new home for displaced survivors has been an \"uphill battle.\" On any given day, more than a dozen caseworkers have been calling landlords -- not just near Butte County but throughout California -- to find a new place for survivors to stay, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"headline": "Camp Fire Survivors in Lone Remaining Shelter Face Uncertain Future",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of victims of California's deadliest wildfire have been worried about whether they will have a roof over their heads in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than two months since the Camp Fire erupted in Butte County on Nov. 8, there is one remaining shelter in Chico — and the contract ends at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Silver Dollar fairgrounds at the southern end of Chico is currently serving as a shelter for more than 600 Camp Fire survivors. Nearly 14,000 homes were lost in the blaze that took at least 86 lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\">In the Aftermath of the Camp Fire, a Slow, Simmering Crisis in Chico\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11718337/in-the-aftermath-of-the-camp-fire-a-slow-simmering-crisis-in-chico\">\u003cimg src=\"https://u.s.kqed.net/2019/01/16/ChicoCar.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The shelter at the fairgrounds, owned by the state of California, is operated by the American Red Cross and has trailers and a dormitory to house the evacuees. In order to keep the shelter up and running, the Red Cross has been in negotiations with the fairgrounds' management to extend the contract so evacuees can continue to use the facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One evacuee is Jerillyn Ramsey, 73. She is worried that negotiations to extend the lease for the shelter could fall through. Ramsey's home in Paradise burned to the ground during the fires and she has no place to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Basically, I would probably have to live in a tent with homeless people or on the street,\" Ramsey said. \"I'm a senior. I don't know really what I would do ... live in my car?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There has been a serious housing shortage for Camp Fire survivors. The vacancy rate for housing in Butte County before the fire was around 1 to 2 percent, or roughly 1,000 housing units. Now the vacancy rate is 0 percent, according to Ed Mayer, executive director of Butte County's Housing Authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Every single unit that is available has been occupied,\" Mayer told KQED. \"So we are now involved in a game of musical chairs. You're not going to find a house unless someone leaves their chair. And when someone does leave their chair, there will be many households who are vying for that one seat.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers from several agencies and organizations, including the County's Housing Authority, Red Cross and U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, have been trying to help people find available housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayer said finding a new home for displaced survivors has been an \"uphill battle.\" On any given day, more than a dozen caseworkers have been calling landlords -- not just near Butte County but throughout California -- to find a new place for survivors to stay, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Could Anti-Price Gouging Laws Slow California's Rising Rents?",
"title": "Could Anti-Price Gouging Laws Slow California's Rising Rents?",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Crooning in the shower is not Chad Regeczi’s thing. That’s why when he learned last year that his monthly rent would go up $300 so the new owners of his La Mesa apartment could upgrade his bathroom with a sound system, he was bemused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred bucks!” he said. “I mean an iPod costs less than that. Everybody has got a phone now. Who needs a Bluetooth speaker in a bathroom apartment? It’s just weird.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'When there’s a fire, you pass an anti-rent gouging ordinance. The state has a fire. It’s called the housing crisis.'\u003ccite>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Regeczi, a VA employee, said the 30 percent rent increase didn’t match the condition of his apartment. But he felt powerless to challenge his landlords on the hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Who’s gonna tell them no?\" he asked. \"There are no rules to how much your rent can go up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may change. Talk is underway about putting a law on the books that would bar California landlords from raising rent beyond a certain percentage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/11/16/watch-california-mayors-forum-on-homelessness-and-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in November\u003c/a> the rule would mimic limits on what businesses can charge during natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When there’s a fire, you pass an anti-rent gouging ordinance,” Schaaf said. “The state has a fire. It’s called the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rents are surging in some California cities, where there is no rent control, by double, even triple digits, according to mayors and tenants rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\">San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-973691890-e1547589744990.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>More than half of the state’s renters pay more than a third of their income on housing, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/proposition-10-should-california-allow-cities-to-apply-rent-control-policies-to-more-rental-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>. And a third of renters spend more than half of their paycheck on a place to live. The real estate firm Zillow \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/homelessness-rent-affordability-22247/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> last month that communities where people pay more than a third of their salary on rent see a faster rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median rent for a one-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,500 a month, in Los Angeles it’s $2,420 and $1,950 in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zumper.com/blog/2019/01/zumper-national-rent-report-january-2019/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to the real estate search site Zumper\u003c/a>. And Attom Data Solutions found the average rent on a three-bedroom apartment in California has risen 20 percent since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's affordable housing crisis has dampened the California Dream that once included almost guaranteed homeownership. Increasingly, even renting an apartment is becoming out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has said politicians should not interpret voter rejection of the rent control initiative Proposition 10 in November to mean they’re off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not going to be good enough to say, 'Well the voters spoke,' ” Garcetti said. “We have a problem we have to confront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti wants the California Legislature to approve an anti-price gouging rent cap. Support of such a cap may be building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic State Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco said legislators are mulling over whether to pitch a bill as one way to deal with the state’s 3.5 million housing unit shortage over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That shortage is leading to displacement, evictions, people becoming homeless, working families leaving, young people not having stable housing,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener sees a cap as an interim measure until more housing is built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we get there and it’s going to take a while to get there, we need to take action to keep people stable in the housing that they have,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, who is policy director at \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>, said the cap would protect tenants from the most egregious rent increases aimed at removing them from an apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants receiving increases 25, 30, 40 percent, which we read about all the time, those increases would be illegal,” Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords don’t like the idea of rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=__Dqu-diT7o\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a form of tenant welfare, paid only by a small number of people,” said Dan Faller, president of the Apartment Owners Association of California. “If this is a society problem, then society ought to solve it. But this will make the crisis worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants advocates, like Rafael Bautista of San Diego’s Tenants United, worry for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the state needs rent control that restricts annual increases to 2 percent. He believes that the proposed anti-gouging cap is a ruse for mayors to punt the housing affordability issue to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically a watered-down version so that we don’t pursue rent control because they’ll point to that and say, `Well, you know we have these measures in place. Why do you still need rent control?’ ” Bautista said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">40 Years on, How Does Proposition 13 Impact the California Dream?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dreame\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS9650_9303339141_3f3db8e6d2_o-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But La Mesa resident Chad Regeczi called the cap a good start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is America,” Regeczi said. “People want to make money. But at the same time they can’t be crushing people. It’s about what’s acceptable, what’s doable, what’s fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regeczi moved out of his apartment following the $300 rent increase. He’s in a larger place now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This place is way nicer than that and it’s just 200 bucks more than what I was paying there,” he said. “It doesn’t even make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But deja vu could be setting in. Regeczi’s new place just got new owners and that may mean a new rent increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg%20https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Crooning in the shower is not Chad Regeczi’s thing. That’s why when he learned last year that his monthly rent would go up $300 so the new owners of his La Mesa apartment could upgrade his bathroom with a sound system, he was bemused.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Three hundred bucks!” he said. “I mean an iPod costs less than that. Everybody has got a phone now. Who needs a Bluetooth speaker in a bathroom apartment? It’s just weird.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'When there’s a fire, you pass an anti-rent gouging ordinance. The state has a fire. It’s called the housing crisis.'\u003ccite>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Regeczi, a VA employee, said the 30 percent rent increase didn’t match the condition of his apartment. But he felt powerless to challenge his landlords on the hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Who’s gonna tell them no?\" he asked. \"There are no rules to how much your rent can go up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may change. Talk is underway about putting a law on the books that would bar California landlords from raising rent beyond a certain percentage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Mayor Libby Schaaf \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/articles/2018/11/16/watch-california-mayors-forum-on-homelessness-and-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">said in November\u003c/a> the rule would mimic limits on what businesses can charge during natural disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When there’s a fire, you pass an anti-rent gouging ordinance,” Schaaf said. “The state has a fire. It’s called the housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rents are surging in some California cities, where there is no rent control, by double, even triple digits, according to mayors and tenants rights advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\">San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-973691890-e1547589744990.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>More than half of the state’s renters pay more than a third of their income on housing, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/proposition-10-should-california-allow-cities-to-apply-rent-control-policies-to-more-rental-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>. And a third of renters spend more than half of their paycheck on a place to live. The real estate firm Zillow \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/research/homelessness-rent-affordability-22247/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> last month that communities where people pay more than a third of their salary on rent see a faster rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median rent for a one-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,500 a month, in Los Angeles it’s $2,420 and $1,950 in San Diego, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zumper.com/blog/2019/01/zumper-national-rent-report-january-2019/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">according to the real estate search site Zumper\u003c/a>. And Attom Data Solutions found the average rent on a three-bedroom apartment in California has risen 20 percent since 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state's affordable housing crisis has dampened the California Dream that once included almost guaranteed homeownership. Increasingly, even renting an apartment is becoming out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti has said politicians should not interpret voter rejection of the rent control initiative Proposition 10 in November to mean they’re off the hook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not going to be good enough to say, 'Well the voters spoke,' ” Garcetti said. “We have a problem we have to confront.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garcetti wants the California Legislature to approve an anti-price gouging rent cap. Support of such a cap may be building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic State Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco said legislators are mulling over whether to pitch a bill as one way to deal with the state’s 3.5 million housing unit shortage over the next decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That shortage is leading to displacement, evictions, people becoming homeless, working families leaving, young people not having stable housing,” Wiener said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener sees a cap as an interim measure until more housing is built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Until we get there and it’s going to take a while to get there, we need to take action to keep people stable in the housing that they have,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Garcia, who is policy director at \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC Berkeley’s Terner Center for Housing Innovation\u003c/a>, said the cap would protect tenants from the most egregious rent increases aimed at removing them from an apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tenants receiving increases 25, 30, 40 percent, which we read about all the time, those increases would be illegal,” Garcia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Landlords don’t like the idea of rent control.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/__Dqu-diT7o'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/__Dqu-diT7o'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“It’s a form of tenant welfare, paid only by a small number of people,” said Dan Faller, president of the Apartment Owners Association of California. “If this is a society problem, then society ought to solve it. But this will make the crisis worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenants advocates, like Rafael Bautista of San Diego’s Tenants United, worry for another reason.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the state needs rent control that restricts annual increases to 2 percent. He believes that the proposed anti-gouging cap is a ruse for mayors to punt the housing affordability issue to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s basically a watered-down version so that we don’t pursue rent control because they’ll point to that and say, `Well, you know we have these measures in place. Why do you still need rent control?’ ” Bautista said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dream\">40 Years on, How Does Proposition 13 Impact the California Dream?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11711689/40-years-on-how-does-proposition-13-impact-the-california-dreame\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/RS9650_9303339141_3f3db8e6d2_o-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But La Mesa resident Chad Regeczi called the cap a good start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is America,” Regeczi said. “People want to make money. But at the same time they can’t be crushing people. It’s about what’s acceptable, what’s doable, what’s fair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regeczi moved out of his apartment following the $300 rent increase. He’s in a larger place now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This place is way nicer than that and it’s just 200 bucks more than what I was paying there,” he said. “It doesn’t even make sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But deja vu could be setting in. Regeczi’s new place just got new owners and that may mean a new rent increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg%20https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>We talk a lot about the Bay Area's housing and homelessness crises. But it might be even worse on the Central Coast, which has some of the highest poverty rates in the state. At one school district in Salinas, more than 3,300 students — 40 percent of the student population — are considered homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more of Vanessa Rancaño's reporting from Salinas:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">For Many Students in Salinas, Homelessness Has Become the Norm\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716742/amid-soaring-homelessness-in-monterey-county-school-districts-scramble-to-help-vulnerable-students\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As Homelessness Rises, Salinas Officials Make Strides in Identifying Vulnerable Students\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Q'ed Up is hosted and produced by Ryan Levi. This episode was edited by Queena Kim. Follow Ryan on Twitter at @ryan_levi. Send us a note at qedup@kqed.org. Find more Q'ed Up at kqed.org/qedup.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We talk a lot about the Bay Area's housing and homelessness crises. But it might be even worse on the Central Coast, which has some of the highest poverty rates in the state. At one school district in Salinas, more than 3,300 students — 40 percent of the student population — are considered homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Read more of Vanessa Rancaño's reporting from Salinas:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">For Many Students in Salinas, Homelessness Has Become the Norm\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716742/amid-soaring-homelessness-in-monterey-county-school-districts-scramble-to-help-vulnerable-students\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As Homelessness Rises, Salinas Officials Make Strides in Identifying Vulnerable Students\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Q'ed Up is hosted and produced by Ryan Levi. This episode was edited by Queena Kim. Follow Ryan on Twitter at @ryan_levi. Send us a note at qedup@kqed.org. Find more Q'ed Up at kqed.org/qedup.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>No wonder Gov. Gavin Newsom dropped those hints earlier this week about an upcoming “Marshall Plan” for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, he’d made ambitious campaign promises to combat California’s housing crisis: leading the effort to build 3.5 million units over the next seven years (an unprecedented rate), jacking up state subsidies for housing reserved for lower-income Californians, and easing regulations so it would be easier to build all types of new housing. But what would he deliver?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We got the first glimpses of his plans Thursday, as Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unveiled his first governor’s budget\u003c/a>. And yeah, it’s a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those not intimately aware of the chronology of the state’s fiscal planning process (I’m jealous of you), please remember that these are just proposals. The Legislature may tweak, change, expand or kill many of these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they give you a good idea of Newsom’s priorities to combat what he has called “the issue when it comes to California poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the key takeaways from Newsom’s first major housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing’s not taking a back seat to other priorities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates frequently criticized former Gov. Jerry Brown for placing the issue on the back burner while focusing on the state’s fiscal health and other priorities like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">Jerry Brown’s ‘Two Legacies’ on Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/brown2-e1547245280683.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No one will accuse Newsom of doing the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From major funding increases for affordable housing, to his threat to take away any city’s transportation dollars if it doesn’t meet its housing quota, Newsom’s plans match the audacious ambitions he outlined in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not playing small ball with housing,” said Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that his plan includes everything (more on that later), but collectively Newsom’s proposals reveal that housing and homelessness will be at the forefront of his legislative agenda, and will not take a backseat to other campaign promises such as universal health care or early childhood education. At least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No governor in recent memory has proposed this big a budget boost for housing and homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It takes a lot of money to build housing reserved for lower-income Californians—roughly $330,000 per unit, by one estimate. Affordable housing and homelessness advocates have been complaining for years that they are receiving nowhere near the level of financial support they need from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposals include a major infusion of more than $1.7 billion in one-time and ongoing affordable housing cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for local governments to combat homelessness—of that $300 million will go towards regional planning, and $200 million as awards for cities that build new shelters or permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A quintupling of ongoing cash (from $80 million to $500 million) for the state’s most important low-income housing financing tool, the low-income housing tax credit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for “moderate-income” housing production, or the so-called “missing middle” of housing for California’s middle class; Newsom said he has also urged Silicon Valley firms to match this funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$25 million to get more homeless Californians on federal disability programs\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I have never seen this kind of attention paid in the budget to homelessness and affordable housing issues,” said Anya Lawler, a housing policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “Just the page count alone is a little unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also said he would appoint a new homelessness czar in the next few days to help coordinate state, regional and local initiatives. Included in the budget is a policy tweak that would allow new homeless shelters to avoid prolonged environmental reviews—a regulatory hurdle that often holds up new housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing advocates caution that they’re waiting to see details—especially how much will actually go towards the production of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Newsom threatened cities that aren’t building enough housing—and cities are nervous\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cities and the NIMBY homeowners who populate them are often blamed as the biggest obstacle to producing more low-income and market-rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To incentivize cities to approve more projects, Newsom has proposed $500 million in awards to cities and counties that meet new, short-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing quotas assigned to local governments are often laughably flawed. Beverly Hills, for example, met its state-mandate affordable housing target last year with three measly low-income units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to revamp the whole housing-goal setting process. Statewide, the goals are are going to bigger than what they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $500 million is the carrot, and most cities are eager to revamp the seemingly senseless way in which they’re assigned housing quotas. But along with that carrot could be a thorny stick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposes taking away transportation funding—including revenue generated by the recently enacted gas tax—from cities that fail to meet longer-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are not happy. They say much of housing production is out of their control, and dependent on market conditions and developer proclivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t set a goal that’s not achievable, and then penalize us with transportation dollars that aren’t there,” said Jason Rhine, assistant legislative director for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Left unmentioned: rent control, zoning reform, and that pesky ‘3.5 million units’ promise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One number that didn’t make its way into Newsom’s first budget: 3.5 million. That’s how many new homes he has pledged California will build under his watch—a number that most housing experts say is unrealistic. The Newsom administration did not publicly estimate how many new units his new proposals would generate—perhaps an indication that the new governor is distancing himself from the figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also missing from the budget or the governor’s comments: any reference to rent control or stronger tenant protections, despite his earlier pledge that he would try to broker a compromise. In fairness, the budget unveiling might not be the appropriate venue to talk about that. But a source briefed on the budget said that while Newsom’s team expressed enthusiasm for legislators to take up rent control, they weren’t leading on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom may be taking a wait-and-see approach on the most controversial piece of housing legislation he’ll encounter this year: an attempt to force cities to allow apartment buildings to be built around transit stops. San Francisco Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener’s second attempt at “zoning reform”—which would strip cities of their ability to block denser housing in areas previously reserved for single family homes—will need Newsom’s support to actually become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Wiener’s new legislation, Newsom said he hadn’t read it yet—the same response he gave to questions about last year’s bill during the campaign. But he did say he “appreciates the spirit” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>No wonder Gov. Gavin Newsom dropped those hints earlier this week about an upcoming “Marshall Plan” for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, he’d made ambitious campaign promises to combat California’s housing crisis: leading the effort to build 3.5 million units over the next seven years (an unprecedented rate), jacking up state subsidies for housing reserved for lower-income Californians, and easing regulations so it would be easier to build all types of new housing. But what would he deliver?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We got the first glimpses of his plans Thursday, as Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11717355/gavin-newsom-looks-to-spend-and-save-in-first-budget-proposal\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unveiled his first governor’s budget\u003c/a>. And yeah, it’s a big deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those not intimately aware of the chronology of the state’s fiscal planning process (I’m jealous of you), please remember that these are just proposals. The Legislature may tweak, change, expand or kill many of these.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, they give you a good idea of Newsom’s priorities to combat what he has called “the issue when it comes to California poverty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the key takeaways from Newsom’s first major housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Housing’s not taking a back seat to other priorities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Housing advocates frequently criticized former Gov. Jerry Brown for placing the issue on the back burner while focusing on the state’s fiscal health and other priorities like climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">Jerry Brown’s ‘Two Legacies’ on Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713988/jerry-browns-two-legacies-on-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/brown2-e1547245280683.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>No one will accuse Newsom of doing the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From major funding increases for affordable housing, to his threat to take away any city’s transportation dollars if it doesn’t meet its housing quota, Newsom’s plans match the audacious ambitions he outlined in the campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not playing small ball with housing,” said Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that his plan includes everything (more on that later), but collectively Newsom’s proposals reveal that housing and homelessness will be at the forefront of his legislative agenda, and will not take a backseat to other campaign promises such as universal health care or early childhood education. At least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>No governor in recent memory has proposed this big a budget boost for housing and homelessness\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It takes a lot of money to build housing reserved for lower-income Californians—roughly $330,000 per unit, by one estimate. Affordable housing and homelessness advocates have been complaining for years that they are receiving nowhere near the level of financial support they need from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposals include a major infusion of more than $1.7 billion in one-time and ongoing affordable housing cash. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That includes:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for local governments to combat homelessness—of that $300 million will go towards regional planning, and $200 million as awards for cities that build new shelters or permanent supportive housing\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A quintupling of ongoing cash (from $80 million to $500 million) for the state’s most important low-income housing financing tool, the low-income housing tax credit\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$500 million in one-time cash for “moderate-income” housing production, or the so-called “missing middle” of housing for California’s middle class; Newsom said he has also urged Silicon Valley firms to match this funding\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$25 million to get more homeless Californians on federal disability programs\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I have never seen this kind of attention paid in the budget to homelessness and affordable housing issues,” said Anya Lawler, a housing policy advocate for the Western Center on Law and Poverty. “Just the page count alone is a little unprecedented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also said he would appoint a new homelessness czar in the next few days to help coordinate state, regional and local initiatives. Included in the budget is a policy tweak that would allow new homeless shelters to avoid prolonged environmental reviews—a regulatory hurdle that often holds up new housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing advocates caution that they’re waiting to see details—especially how much will actually go towards the production of new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Newsom threatened cities that aren’t building enough housing—and cities are nervous\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Cities and the NIMBY homeowners who populate them are often blamed as the biggest obstacle to producing more low-income and market-rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To incentivize cities to approve more projects, Newsom has proposed $500 million in awards to cities and counties that meet new, short-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The housing quotas assigned to local governments are often laughably flawed. Beverly Hills, for example, met its state-mandate affordable housing target last year with three measly low-income units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to revamp the whole housing-goal setting process. Statewide, the goals are are going to bigger than what they used to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That $500 million is the carrot, and most cities are eager to revamp the seemingly senseless way in which they’re assigned housing quotas. But along with that carrot could be a thorny stick.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom proposes taking away transportation funding—including revenue generated by the recently enacted gas tax—from cities that fail to meet longer-term housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities are not happy. They say much of housing production is out of their control, and dependent on market conditions and developer proclivities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t set a goal that’s not achievable, and then penalize us with transportation dollars that aren’t there,” said Jason Rhine, assistant legislative director for the League of California Cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Left unmentioned: rent control, zoning reform, and that pesky ‘3.5 million units’ promise\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>One number that didn’t make its way into Newsom’s first budget: 3.5 million. That’s how many new homes he has pledged California will build under his watch—a number that most housing experts say is unrealistic. The Newsom administration did not publicly estimate how many new units his new proposals would generate—perhaps an indication that the new governor is distancing himself from the figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also missing from the budget or the governor’s comments: any reference to rent control or stronger tenant protections, despite his earlier pledge that he would try to broker a compromise. In fairness, the budget unveiling might not be the appropriate venue to talk about that. But a source briefed on the budget said that while Newsom’s team expressed enthusiasm for legislators to take up rent control, they weren’t leading on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom may be taking a wait-and-see approach on the most controversial piece of housing legislation he’ll encounter this year: an attempt to force cities to allow apartment buildings to be built around transit stops. San Francisco Democratic state Sen. Scott Wiener’s second attempt at “zoning reform”—which would strip cities of their ability to block denser housing in areas previously reserved for single family homes—will need Newsom’s support to actually become law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Wiener’s new legislation, Newsom said he hadn’t read it yet—the same response he gave to questions about last year’s bill during the campaign. But he did say he “appreciates the spirit” of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As Homelessness Rises, Salinas Officials Make Strides in Identifying Vulnerable Students",
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"content": "\u003cp>You can measure Cheryl Camany’s effectiveness at identifying homeless students by the stacks of pink paper piled around her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each slip of paper is a residency questionnaire parents fill out for their kids at the beginning of the school year, and each offers a clue to just how many students in this Salinas school district don’t have stable living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\">For Many Students in Salinas, Homelessness Has Become the Norm\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0699-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In the last four years, the number of K-12 \u003ca href=\"https://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrCharterSub.aspx?cds=00&agglevel=state&year=2017-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless students in California\u003c/a> has increased by more than 20 percent. As that rate rises, some school districts are doing a better job than others at identifying their homeless students and offering help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camany, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.salinascityesd.org/family-resource/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless liaison\u003c/a> for the Salinas City Elementary School District, has made it her mission to find the kids in her district who don’t have stable living conditions. And she says the situation now is more dire than she’s ever seen it in her two decades working with homeless students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part, she said, because people are getting priced out of Silicon Valley and crowding the market here. In historically working-class Salinas, rents shot up more than 50 percent in the last five years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to data from Apartment List\u003c/a>, an online rental listing site. That’s left many lower-income families with few housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716766 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Camany (right) and her colleague, Diana Morales, at the Salinas City Elementary School District Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Flipping through a stack of residency forms in Camany’s office offers a glimpse of how many students are living without stable housing conditions in Salinas. Some live with another family, other are renting rooms, or sleeping in cars, shelters or garages. Even if students aren’t homeless in the traditional sense, many are living in situations so challenging they’re \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/hs/homelessdef.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legally considered homeless,\u003c/a> in situations where there’s no guarantee of getting a turn in the bathroom or no place to study or sleep comfortably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, schools have to help homeless students get \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/hs/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">equal access to an education\u003c/a>. That means providing essential things students need for school, like uniforms, supplies, tutoring, transportation and food. But to help, schools first have to find these students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716757 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0704-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liliana Ramirez calls parents to verify their residence at the Salinas City Elementary School District Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Education reports about 400 local educational agencies in California have failed to identify even a single homeless student, though experts say homeless kids live in just about every community in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Camany last year identified more than 3,300 homeless students in her district, nearly 40 percent of the entire student population. And she expects that number to go up this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes finding these students means showing up at local shelters to keep tabs on the newly homeless. But it also means digging into all those pink forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camany has learned just how hard it is to get an accurate picture of a kid’s living situation based on the responses to the questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes parents are ashamed, or worried about losing their kids because of how they’re living, Camany explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Camany has been working with homeless students for almost two decades. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But most of the time they’re renting illegally and they don’t want to be found out,” she said. “They’ve been told ‘Don’t you dare tell anybody you’re living here.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And sometimes, she added, parents just don’t understand the forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Out of about 10,000 pink forms that we get every year, we have over 2,000 phone calls,” Camany said, noting that she and her colleagues spend hundreds of hours trying to get to the bottom of families’ living situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her team, she said, has to earn parents’ trust and explain the protections that homeless families are entitled to, which include automatic eligibility for free school food programs and immediate enrollment, even if parents don’t have proof of residency or vaccination or school records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716759\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uniforms and other clothes for students at the Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño, KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not all homeless liaisons in other districts can dedicate this kind of time to keeping tabs on students. In fact, insufficient time is the number one reason the state Department of Education gives for why schools are not doing a better job of identifying their homeless student populations. And while all districts are required to have a homeless liaison, many do that job in addition to any number of other roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to give [teachers] tools on how to even talk to the parents,” Camany said. “They’re afraid of the H word; the homeless word. So they don’t even know how to approach mom or dad or the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716764 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tote bags with messages for homeless families, made by students, on display at the Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Camany and her team know who the district’s homeless families are, the real work starts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team connects families to housing resources, holds classes for parents and takes their kids on field trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the bottom line is to give them hope,” Camany said, crediting her district and county for backing the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we didn’t have support, both emotionally and financially, we couldn’t do what we we do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Monterey County only recently began focusing in earnest on its student homelessness issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yvette Irving took a job as an assistant superintendent with the Monterey County Office of Education two years ago, she was told to figure out how to better help the growing number of homeless students in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">School supplies for students at the Family Resource Center \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I genuinely thought there was a mistake in terms of the number,” Irving said, of learning that one in 10 students in the county was homeless at the time. “Then, realizing that the number was accurate and it was also accurate that there was no set-aside funding, it was very sobering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, districts and counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/fo/r8/homeless18rfa.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">compete for grant money\u003c/a> for homeless students. When Irving took the job, Monterey wasn’t receiving any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed under her watch. From 2018 through 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5677800-2018-19-Funding-Results-for-for-Education-for.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county will receive\u003c/a> $237,500 a year, nearly the maximum grant awarded by the state. The education office has already hired a dedicated countywide coordinator for homeless services who helps train teachers and administrators on their legal obligations to homeless students, and how best to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ernesto Vela, an assistant superintendent for the county education office, the effort to identify and support homeless students is pragmatic. He points out that over 60 percent of socioeconomically disadvantaged students in California \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp.cde.ca.gov/sb2018/ViewReport?ps=true&lstTestYear=2018&lstTestType=B&lstGroup=3&lstCounty=00&lstDistrict=00000&lstSchool=0000000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">aren’t meeting\u003c/a> math or reading benchmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those districts that genuinely want to improve the quality of education for their students have no choice but to start looking deeper into the makeup of that population,” he said. “We have no choice but to dig really deep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: An earlier version of this story stated about 400 districts in California have failed to identify even a single homeless student. It has been up updated to read “400 local educational agencies,” which refers to both districts and other administrative agencies that oversee schools in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You can measure Cheryl Camany’s effectiveness at identifying homeless students by the stacks of pink paper piled around her office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each slip of paper is a residency questionnaire parents fill out for their kids at the beginning of the school year, and each offers a clue to just how many students in this Salinas school district don’t have stable living conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\">For Many Students in Salinas, Homelessness Has Become the Norm\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716780/for-many-students-in-salinas-homelessness-is-becoming-the-norm\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0699-1180x885.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In the last four years, the number of K-12 \u003ca href=\"https://data1.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrCharterSub.aspx?cds=00&agglevel=state&year=2017-18\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless students in California\u003c/a> has increased by more than 20 percent. As that rate rises, some school districts are doing a better job than others at identifying their homeless students and offering help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camany, the \u003ca href=\"http://www.salinascityesd.org/family-resource/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">homeless liaison\u003c/a> for the Salinas City Elementary School District, has made it her mission to find the kids in her district who don’t have stable living conditions. And she says the situation now is more dire than she’s ever seen it in her two decades working with homeless students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s in part, she said, because people are getting priced out of Silicon Valley and crowding the market here. In historically working-class Salinas, rents shot up more than 50 percent in the last five years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.apartmentlist.com/rentonomics/rental-price-data/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">according to data from Apartment List\u003c/a>, an online rental listing site. That’s left many lower-income families with few housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716766\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716766 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0736.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Camany (right) and her colleague, Diana Morales, at the Salinas City Elementary School District Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Flipping through a stack of residency forms in Camany’s office offers a glimpse of how many students are living without stable housing conditions in Salinas. Some live with another family, other are renting rooms, or sleeping in cars, shelters or garages. Even if students aren’t homeless in the traditional sense, many are living in situations so challenging they’re \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/hs/homelessdef.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">legally considered homeless,\u003c/a> in situations where there’s no guarantee of getting a turn in the bathroom or no place to study or sleep comfortably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the law, schools have to help homeless students get \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/hs/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">equal access to an education\u003c/a>. That means providing essential things students need for school, like uniforms, supplies, tutoring, transportation and food. But to help, schools first have to find these students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716757\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716757 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0704-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Liliana Ramirez calls parents to verify their residence at the Salinas City Elementary School District Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Education reports about 400 local educational agencies in California have failed to identify even a single homeless student, though experts say homeless kids live in just about every community in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, Camany last year identified more than 3,300 homeless students in her district, nearly 40 percent of the entire student population. And she expects that number to go up this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes finding these students means showing up at local shelters to keep tabs on the newly homeless. But it also means digging into all those pink forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camany has learned just how hard it is to get an accurate picture of a kid’s living situation based on the responses to the questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes parents are ashamed, or worried about losing their kids because of how they’re living, Camany explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716765\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716765\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0733.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cheryl Camany has been working with homeless students for almost two decades. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But most of the time they’re renting illegally and they don’t want to be found out,” she said. “They’ve been told ‘Don’t you dare tell anybody you’re living here.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And sometimes, she added, parents just don’t understand the forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Out of about 10,000 pink forms that we get every year, we have over 2,000 phone calls,” Camany said, noting that she and her colleagues spend hundreds of hours trying to get to the bottom of families’ living situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her team, she said, has to earn parents’ trust and explain the protections that homeless families are entitled to, which include automatic eligibility for free school food programs and immediate enrollment, even if parents don’t have proof of residency or vaccination or school records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716759\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716759\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0717.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Uniforms and other clothes for students at the Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño, KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not all homeless liaisons in other districts can dedicate this kind of time to keeping tabs on students. In fact, insufficient time is the number one reason the state Department of Education gives for why schools are not doing a better job of identifying their homeless student populations. And while all districts are required to have a homeless liaison, many do that job in addition to any number of other roles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to give [teachers] tools on how to even talk to the parents,” Camany said. “They’re afraid of the H word; the homeless word. So they don’t even know how to approach mom or dad or the kids.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716764\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11716764 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0730.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tote bags with messages for homeless families, made by students, on display at the Family Resource Center. \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Camany and her team know who the district’s homeless families are, the real work starts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team connects families to housing resources, holds classes for parents and takes their kids on field trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the bottom line is to give them hope,” Camany said, crediting her district and county for backing the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we didn’t have support, both emotionally and financially, we couldn’t do what we we do,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Monterey County only recently began focusing in earnest on its student homelessness issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Yvette Irving took a job as an assistant superintendent with the Monterey County Office of Education two years ago, she was told to figure out how to better help the growing number of homeless students in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11716762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11716762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725-1920x1440.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/IMG_0725.jpg 2016w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">School supplies for students at the Family Resource Center \u003ccite>(Vanessa Rancaño/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I genuinely thought there was a mistake in terms of the number,” Irving said, of learning that one in 10 students in the county was homeless at the time. “Then, realizing that the number was accurate and it was also accurate that there was no set-aside funding, it was very sobering.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, districts and counties \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/fg/fo/r8/homeless18rfa.asp\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">compete for grant money\u003c/a> for homeless students. When Irving took the job, Monterey wasn’t receiving any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That changed under her watch. From 2018 through 2021, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/5677800-2018-19-Funding-Results-for-for-Education-for.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">county will receive\u003c/a> $237,500 a year, nearly the maximum grant awarded by the state. The education office has already hired a dedicated countywide coordinator for homeless services who helps train teachers and administrators on their legal obligations to homeless students, and how best to support them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ernesto Vela, an assistant superintendent for the county education office, the effort to identify and support homeless students is pragmatic. He points out that over 60 percent of socioeconomically disadvantaged students in California \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp.cde.ca.gov/sb2018/ViewReport?ps=true&lstTestYear=2018&lstTestType=B&lstGroup=3&lstCounty=00&lstDistrict=00000&lstSchool=0000000\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">aren’t meeting\u003c/a> math or reading benchmarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those districts that genuinely want to improve the quality of education for their students have no choice but to start looking deeper into the makeup of that population,” he said. “We have no choice but to dig really deep.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: An earlier version of this story stated about 400 districts in California have failed to identify even a single homeless student. It has been up updated to read “400 local educational agencies,” which refers to both districts and other administrative agencies that oversee schools in the state.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown's parting piece of advice for newly sworn in Gov. Gavin Newsom? \"\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorenewsomoath\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Don't screw it up\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom inherits a booming state that is itself the world's fifth-largest economy, California also has the highest rate of child poverty in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his inaugural address and amid jabs at Trump administration policies, Newsom declared, \"We will be the California to all.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new governor's speech was interrupted by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716306/a-family-affair-as-gavin-newsom-becomes-californias-40th-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">perfectly timed appearance\u003c/a> of his two-year-old son, Dutch Newsom, who wandered onstage as Gov. Newsom talked about early childhood care, education and family separation at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11716443\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Dutch Newsom by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-800x564.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-160x113.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-1020x719.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-1200x846.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Outgoing Gov. Jerry Brown's parting piece of advice for newly sworn in Gov. Gavin Newsom? \"\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorenewsomoath\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Don't screw it up\u003c/a>.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom inherits a booming state that is itself the world's fifth-largest economy, California also has the highest rate of child poverty in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his inaugural address and amid jabs at Trump administration policies, Newsom declared, \"We will be the California to all.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new governor's speech was interrupted by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11716306/a-family-affair-as-gavin-newsom-becomes-californias-40th-governor\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">perfectly timed appearance\u003c/a> of his two-year-old son, Dutch Newsom, who wandered onstage as Gov. Newsom talked about early childhood care, education and family separation at the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11716443\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-800x564.jpg\" alt=\"Dutch Newsom by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"564\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-800x564.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-160x113.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-1020x719.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final-1200x846.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/dutch_011719_final.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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},
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"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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"soldout": {
"id": "soldout",
"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
"info": "Sold Out: Rethinking Housing in America",
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