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"disqusTitle": "If California Pursues a Cap on Rent Increases, How Many Tenants Will it Actually Help?",
"title": "If California Pursues a Cap on Rent Increases, How Many Tenants Will it Actually Help?",
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"content": "\u003cp>What happened to all that talk about rent control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than four months after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/proposition-10-rent-control-defeated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an initiative\u003c/a> to allow cities to expand rent control failed overwhelmingly at the ballot box, and less than four months after then-incoming Gov. Gavin Newsom talked about brokering a compromise between tenant and landlord groups, no new legislation from lawmakers or specific proposals from the Newsom administration have been introduced to cap how much rents can rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Spurred by Possible Sale, Tenants of Vulcan Arts Lofts Rally for Rent Control\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2019/02/VulcanHall-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 52-unit East Oakland live-work complex, currently housing some 200 artists, is being marketed as a rare, rent-control exempt investment opportunity.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators who have backed rent control expansions in the past say they’re working on proposals to help tenants stay in their homes. Newsom, in his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, called on the Legislature to send him tenant protections he could sign into law, although he didn’t offer any specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is on the table,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco, who co-authored a failed rent control bill last year. “”From topics like just cause eviction to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VSxw3xUShU\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Costa Hawkins\u003c/a> and other protections, everything is being considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible compromise: A bill to ban “rent gouging,” similar to one poised to take effect in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/state/2019/01/16/democrats-are-confident-they-will-pass-the-nations-first-statewide-rent-controls-and-a-ban-on-no-cause-evictions/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">That measure\u003c/a>, expected to be signed by Gov. Kate Brown in the next few weeks, would make Oregon the nation’s first state to enact anti-gouging provisions covering the vast majority of rental properties within its borders. While often characterized as statewide “rent control,” in reality it focuses on the most flagrant rent hikes—typically 10 percent or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was surprising to see (Oregon) with that type of success. It was heartening,” said Chiu. “As California policymakers we like to think we’re leading, but in this instance, hats off to our Oregon counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu stresses that any rent-gouging bill would need to be part of more comprehensive tenant protections, and that other more stringent rent control measures are still a possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley housing think tank released an anti-gouging \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/finding-common-ground-rent-control\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> last year after consulting with both landlord and tenant groups. A Bay Area regional housing plan popular with state legislators from the area offers a \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">similar solution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly would an anti-gouging law in California actually look like? And how many people would it actually help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one can say yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s the difference between a gouging cap and rent control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen California cities have some form of rent control, including major population centers such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Jose. In rent-controlled units in those cities, landlords can raise rents typically from 3 to 5 percent per year, depending on the city and factors such as inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MAP: San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/kansasstreet2016-1180x888.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city's report also found that less than 18 percent of all new units created in the last 10 years were affordable.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anti-gouging proposals would give landlords a lot more wiggle room than traditional rent control. The Oregon plan would allow landlords to raise rents up to 7 percent annually plus inflation—had it been in effect last year, rent hikes would have been capped at about 10 percent. In Portland, that means the landlord charging the average rate of of $1,120 for a one-bedroom apartment could still increase the rent $100 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This policy is much different than rent control,” said Mike Wilkerson, an economist with ECONorthwest, an economic consulting firm that analyzed the Oregon plan. “This isn’t going to be reducing anyone’s rent immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oregon plan also would allow landlords to raise rent beyond the cap once a tenant decides to leave—a provision sacrosanct to landlords and known in wonkish circles as “vacancy decontrol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key California question: What units would fall under a potential gouging cap?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1995 state law known colloquially in housing circles as “Costa-Hawkins” bans any form of rent control from being applied to units built after 1995, as well as to single- family home rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation recently estimated how many California rentals not currently covered by rent control could be covered by a gouging cap if freed from the constraints of Costa Hawkins. Their conclusion: an additional 4.9 million units—a huge chunk of the state’s rental stock. Nearly 40 percent would be single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How many renters would a rent-gouging cap protect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>How did Oregon determine that around 10 percent was the “right” cap? And how many Oregonian renters stand to benefit when the plan takes effect?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the (Oregon rent cap law) was particularly rigorous in the sense of data-informed,” says Wilkerson. “My guess is in talks with the development community, I think they kind of tested the water, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson’s analysis found that in the last 18 years, only in two of those years did more than 20 percent of one-bedroom units in Portland see rent increases over 10 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal UC Berkeley researchers issued last year suggested even tighter rent increase caps—5 percent plus regional inflation, which in California averaged out to about 8 percent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proposal was based off a state law that prohibits increasing the price of any consumer good more than 10 percent after a natural disaster. It had nothing to do with how many renters would actually benefit from a rent-gouging cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need better data about rent levels,” said Hayley Raetz, a Terner Center researcher who is tapping private rental data to try to answer these questions. “And it’s hard to get that data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers can’t rely on average rent increases in a neighborhood or city to tell how many people might benefit from a cap. Such averages mask the possibility that some units in a region are experiencing major rent hikes, while other units remain stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson, who had access to a private database of Portland rentals, does point out one important insight—that before the new Oregon proposal, most of the largest rent increases were on lower-cost apartments rented by lower-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be good news for low-income renters now, but it does mean that any rent cap may benefit lower-income Californians more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really what this is doing is protecting lower-rent units, where we’re consistently seeing rents going up,” said Wilkerson. “And the benefit is preserving more units to be naturally affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What happened to all that talk about rent control?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than four months after \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/proposition-10-rent-control-defeated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an initiative\u003c/a> to allow cities to expand rent control failed overwhelmingly at the ballot box, and less than four months after then-incoming Gov. Gavin Newsom talked about brokering a compromise between tenant and landlord groups, no new legislation from lawmakers or specific proposals from the Newsom administration have been introduced to cap how much rents can rise.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Spurred by Possible Sale, Tenants of Vulcan Arts Lofts Rally for Rent Control\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13850732/spurred-by-possible-sale-vulcan-arts-lofts-tenants-rally-for-rent-control\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/arts/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2019/02/VulcanHall-1020x574.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The 52-unit East Oakland live-work complex, currently housing some 200 artists, is being marketed as a rare, rent-control exempt investment opportunity.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators who have backed rent control expansions in the past say they’re working on proposals to help tenants stay in their homes. Newsom, in his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">State of the State\u003c/a> address earlier this month, called on the Legislature to send him tenant protections he could sign into law, although he didn’t offer any specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything is on the table,” said Assemblyman David Chiu, Democrat from San Francisco, who co-authored a failed rent control bill last year. “”From topics like just cause eviction to \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-VSxw3xUShU\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Costa Hawkins\u003c/a> and other protections, everything is being considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One possible compromise: A bill to ban “rent gouging,” similar to one poised to take effect in Oregon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.wweek.com/news/state/2019/01/16/democrats-are-confident-they-will-pass-the-nations-first-statewide-rent-controls-and-a-ban-on-no-cause-evictions/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">That measure\u003c/a>, expected to be signed by Gov. Kate Brown in the next few weeks, would make Oregon the nation’s first state to enact anti-gouging provisions covering the vast majority of rental properties within its borders. While often characterized as statewide “rent control,” in reality it focuses on the most flagrant rent hikes—typically 10 percent or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was surprising to see (Oregon) with that type of success. It was heartening,” said Chiu. “As California policymakers we like to think we’re leading, but in this instance, hats off to our Oregon counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu stresses that any rent-gouging bill would need to be part of more comprehensive tenant protections, and that other more stringent rent control measures are still a possibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC Berkeley housing think tank released an anti-gouging \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/finding-common-ground-rent-control\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> last year after consulting with both landlord and tenant groups. A Bay Area regional housing plan popular with state legislators from the area offers a \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/our-work/plans-projects/casa-committee-house-bay-area\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">similar solution\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what exactly would an anti-gouging law in California actually look like? And how many people would it actually help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one can say yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What’s the difference between a gouging cap and rent control?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Over a dozen California cities have some form of rent control, including major population centers such as Los Angeles, San Francisco and San Jose. In rent-controlled units in those cities, landlords can raise rents typically from 3 to 5 percent per year, depending on the city and factors such as inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">MAP: San Francisco Loses Old Affordable Housing Units Almost as Fast as It Builds New Ones\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11712821/map-san-francisco-loses-existing-affordable-housing-almost-as-fast-as-it-builds-it\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/kansasstreet2016-1180x888.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city's report also found that less than 18 percent of all new units created in the last 10 years were affordable.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Anti-gouging proposals would give landlords a lot more wiggle room than traditional rent control. The Oregon plan would allow landlords to raise rents up to 7 percent annually plus inflation—had it been in effect last year, rent hikes would have been capped at about 10 percent. In Portland, that means the landlord charging the average rate of of $1,120 for a one-bedroom apartment could still increase the rent $100 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This policy is much different than rent control,” said Mike Wilkerson, an economist with ECONorthwest, an economic consulting firm that analyzed the Oregon plan. “This isn’t going to be reducing anyone’s rent immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Oregon plan also would allow landlords to raise rent beyond the cap once a tenant decides to leave—a provision sacrosanct to landlords and known in wonkish circles as “vacancy decontrol.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key California question: What units would fall under a potential gouging cap?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 1995 state law known colloquially in housing circles as “Costa-Hawkins” bans any form of rent control from being applied to units built after 1995, as well as to single- family home rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation recently estimated how many California rentals not currently covered by rent control could be covered by a gouging cap if freed from the constraints of Costa Hawkins. Their conclusion: an additional 4.9 million units—a huge chunk of the state’s rental stock. Nearly 40 percent would be single-family homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How many renters would a rent-gouging cap protect?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>How did Oregon determine that around 10 percent was the “right” cap? And how many Oregonian renters stand to benefit when the plan takes effect?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think the (Oregon rent cap law) was particularly rigorous in the sense of data-informed,” says Wilkerson. “My guess is in talks with the development community, I think they kind of tested the water, so to speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson’s analysis found that in the last 18 years, only in two of those years did more than 20 percent of one-bedroom units in Portland see rent increases over 10 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal UC Berkeley researchers issued last year suggested even tighter rent increase caps—5 percent plus regional inflation, which in California averaged out to about 8 percent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proposal was based off a state law that prohibits increasing the price of any consumer good more than 10 percent after a natural disaster. It had nothing to do with how many renters would actually benefit from a rent-gouging cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need better data about rent levels,” said Hayley Raetz, a Terner Center researcher who is tapping private rental data to try to answer these questions. “And it’s hard to get that data.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers can’t rely on average rent increases in a neighborhood or city to tell how many people might benefit from a cap. Such averages mask the possibility that some units in a region are experiencing major rent hikes, while other units remain stable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilkerson, who had access to a private database of Portland rentals, does point out one important insight—that before the new Oregon proposal, most of the largest rent increases were on lower-cost apartments rented by lower-income tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not be good news for low-income renters now, but it does mean that any rent cap may benefit lower-income Californians more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really what this is doing is protecting lower-rent units, where we’re consistently seeing rents going up,” said Wilkerson. “And the benefit is preserving more units to be naturally affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism",
"title": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A special thanks to photographer Ernest Lowe, whose photos taken in the 1960s of African-American farmworkers in the San Joaquin Valley provided inspiration for this story. \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/black-migrants/\">Those photos are now on display at UC Merced\u003c/a>. Find more photos of the Marshalls, Beaverses and other families at \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">ErnestLowe.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]D[/dropcap]rops of rain collect in pools around potted plants outside the Marshall home in South Dos Palos, as a storm rolls into the small farming community about 100 miles southeast of San Jose. A wind chime hanging on the front porch provides background music to a family gathering inside in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe, Lee, Zella, David and Marilyn Marshall are five of 13 siblings who grew up on this plot of land. Today, they're all in their 60s and 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The difference between here and the South is just that — it's hidden.'\u003ccite>Joe Marshall\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the Marshall siblings’ father moved to the Central Valley from Mississippi in 1944 to work for the railroad, his goal was twofold: make enough money to provide for his wife and children, and put distance between his family and the racist laws of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the brothers say they found California had its own racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people in the South, they let you know right off the top, you not welcome, you not wanted,” Lee Marshall said. “And, 'Hey, don’t get out of place. You say mister to me.' And they demand that you say 'yes sir' and all this kind of stuff to 'em. It was just straight out, they didn’t hide it. That was better for me 'cause I know where you stand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These down here, there’s a hidden thing that they use on you,\" Lee Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow.jpg 1148w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lee's brother, Joe Marshall, said it was a more subtle form of racism the brothers faced growing up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we could go anywhere and eat, it wasn’t a place where you had to go to the back door,” said Joe. “It was nothing like being in the South.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference between here and the South is just that — it’s hidden,” Joe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that racism shaped how the Marshalls lived and worked. It also shaped the destiny of their town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728218\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728218\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"725\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1020x924.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1200x1087.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1940s and 1950s, the Marshall brothers say South Dos Palos was thriving. The community was a hub of agricultural business and black-owned cafes, stores and service stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything in South Dos Palos, except for a few places like behind us, was owned by black people,” Joe Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican and Central American workers make up the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654965/ice-is-auditing-this-central-valley-grower-again-and-he-blames-california-lawmakers\">bulk of farm labor\u003c/a> in California today, but throughout the 1940s, ‘50s and ‘60s, African-Americans and poor white families — many of them migrants who moved to the state during and after the Dust Bowl storms of the 1930s— also worked in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To earn money, the Marshall brothers pruned and harvested crops like almonds, lettuce, grapes and cotton, one of California’s top producing crops at the time. They went to work and came back to a home that didn’t have running water or indoor plumbing. They used to be embarrassed to have to tell their girlfriends to use an outdoor toilet when they would come visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget, as long as I live, when the city put in the sewer line,” Joe recalls. “And they say 'but, it’s up to each house to dig to hook up to it.' Man, we were digging out there with a smile on! We were thinkin', man we gonna get indoor bathroom! That was the happiest day of my life!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Tale of Two Farm Towns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just a few miles from South Dos Palos is another community called Dos Palos. During the Marshall siblings’ childhood, Dos Palos was a mostly white community. Many of the homes there had the infrastructure that houses in South Dos Palos lacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You go down that way further down,” Lee said, “they had all of this and we didn't have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Joe and Lee grew older and wanted a job outside of working in the fields, Dos Palos is where they went to look for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You out there waitin’ for a job interview, and behind closed doors they just cuttin’ you down, you’re not wanted,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would take that more so than ever, this hidden prejudice which still goes on today in these little towns like this. It’s a hidden thing that can just tear you down. Because you get your confidence up, thinkin’ that you’re on your way. And you got somebody behind closed doors trying to block your way or stop you from doing certain things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg\" alt=\"South Dos Palos today.\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1200x771.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Dos Palos today. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.meissinger.com/index.html\">Michael Eissinger\u003c/a>, an anthropology professor at Fresno State University who studies historically rural African-American settlements in the San Joaquin Valley, said there were many communities in California like South Dos Palos and Dos Palos — a black community and an all-white community just a few miles apart — existing side by side, separate but interdependent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism is not 'I don't like you because of your color.' That's bigotry, prejudice,” Eissinger said. \"Racism is when it is done by the system, by society as a whole, and society is done on the \u003cem>landscape\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/post/diversity-fresno-how-racial-covenants-once-ruled-prestigious-neighborhoods\">racially restrictive covenants\u003c/a>, clauses in deeds to properties that specified who could and could not live there, blocked African-American families, and individuals and families of other races, from buying or renting certain homes, including in California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">Redlining\u003c/a> created barriers to black families obtaining loans to buy houses in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5633328\">sundown towns\u003c/a>, places that people of color could visit during the day, but had to leave by the time it got dark. You can still \u003ca href=\"https://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=CA\">see the legacy\u003c/a> of this in the Central Valley today, in towns like Clovis, the nearly all-white, affluent suburb of Fresno, and then again in Stockton and Lodi. These are kindred cities walled off by a brief but mandatory drive through farmed landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two hours south on Highway 99 is another unincorporated town called Teviston. Once occupied by black families living and working on the outskirts of the mostly white community of Pixley, today Latino families populate most of the houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1946, Bertha Mae Beavers moved to Teviston from Oklahoma at the age of 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they was, you could just come out here and pick money off trees the way they told it. But shoot, I should have stayed in Oklahoma,” the 89-year-old Beavers recalled. “I did the same thing: chopped cotton, picked cotton. I did it all. And it was rough out here, just like in Oklahoma. You had to work hard for your money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg\" alt=\"Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945.\" width=\"800\" height=\"735\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-160x147.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1020x937.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1200x1102.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she arrived, a white woman was beat up on the railroad tracks near Teviston and Pixley. A rumor circulated that a black man from Teviston had beat the woman. For a while, no black people were allowed in Pixley, Beavers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would go to work, and get off early,” she said. “And come home and the mens would get they guns and set up all night. I was afraid. And it finally, they finally found out who beat the white lady up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the white woman’s husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He beat her up and they tried to say the black man down here in Teviston beat 'em,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beavers was afraid, but she stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She eventually married her husband in Teviston, and they had 12 children. The family lived on the outskirts of Pixley and worked in the fields to get by. Like South Dos Palos, homes in Teviston didn’t have running water, gas or indoor plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg\" alt=\"Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"815\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-160x163.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1179x1200.jpg 1179w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Just in the house we lived in, we didn’t have a two bedroom, so with all of us 12 kids we slept in one bedroom. And we could lay in the bed at night ... and see the stars. [Through the] cracks,” recalled Bertha Mae's daughter, Ruth Ann Jones, age 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ‘60s transformed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, a state law — the \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt0b69q1bw/\">Rumford Act, or California Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> — was passed to end discrimination by property owners who refused to sell or rent to African-Americans. In 1964, the same year the Civil Rights Act was passed, the state ballot initiative Proposition 14 nullified the Rumford Act. The California Supreme Court later ruled Proposition 14 was unconstitutional, and the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt5h4nb0wd;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=d0e5393&toc.id=d0e831&brand=oac4\">upheld\u003c/a> that decision. The federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 would eventually outlaw housing discrimination nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, labor organizer Cesar Chavez and a growing movement of farmworkers fighting for better pay and working conditions was \u003ca href=\"https://ufw.org/research/history/ufw-history/\">gaining momentum in the Central Valley\u003c/a>. While some black workers were involved, the movement was largely Chicano and Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it really started at was in the grapes,” said Ruth Jones’ husband, CL Jones. “They wanted to change things. And they did, you know, make things a lot better for some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Latino farmworkers began staying in the San Joaquin Valley in greater numbers, instead of going back and forth to Mexico, it began changing the black-white dynamic of Teviston and Pixley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg\" alt=\"Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove.\" width=\"800\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-160x157.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1020x1003.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1200x1180.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Beavers family noticed something in the Latino families moving into the area. Something that was completely unfamiliar: a certain boldness and lack of fear that black families coming from the South felt they couldn’t afford to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Teviston’s residents pushed to get a community well and gas in their homes, some African-American families distanced themselves from upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728263\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg\" alt=\"Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston.\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1020x709.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1200x834.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were scared the white people could come take their property or take their house so they didn’t really want no gas,” another Beavers daughter, Annie Jo Ellis, age 65, said. “[Because] this is what you grew up with: fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the 1970s and ‘80s, Bertha Mae’s children were able to get out of farm labor, and find new jobs. A few worked at nearby schools as lunch ladies and at the post office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as black people, I don’t think fought as hard as we should have... for what we wanted,” Ruth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know when you come from Oklahoma, you didn’t really have nothin’,” Annie said. “So now you got a little something and they was raised that the white man takes everything. So they just get out here and they still scared of the white man. Let’s tell the truth about it, they were scared ... of white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you go to Teviston now, you can see homes scattered throughout the town, but it's not much of a town. There are no businesses, just a boarded-up gas station and two churches. The Beavers still have mixed feelings about how their community has evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll tell you what we used to say when we was growin’ up,\" said CL Jones. \"The white people are watchin’ the wrong people. They was keepin us down, and the Hispanics was steady gettin’ ahead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Dos Palos, as the Marshall siblings grew older and started their own families, they encouraged their children to go to school or work other jobs, anything to stay out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were no jobs that the young blacks wanted to do,” Joe Marshall said. “And then I saw this town kinda dryin’ up. To where, when you come over, you could stop on any corner and holler at somebody and talk for a few minutes. I can come over here now, I might not see nobody! It’s a ghost town. The Mexicans were still working in the fields. And all of a sudden, you started lookin’ up, Mexicans bought this land, build a nice house. Better than some of the houses that’s been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was OK with Joe, because his kids were getting out and getting ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an opportunity for [Latinos],” he said. “Our misfortune and their fortune, to be able to come in and buy something and build. To this day, there’s still no jobs here. So you can’t expect this town to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, South Dos Palos is still a gathering place for the Marshall family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They return here for small gatherings and large family reunions. Every April, hundreds of extended relatives fill the street to celebrate their mother’s birthday. She passed away several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe looks at his Latino neighbors and can relate to what they’re going through. He knows no one would work in the fields if they didn't have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t see any blacks out there (in the fields) now, you don’t see any whites out there now. It’s all Latinos now. And you want to cry about 'they’re doing our jobs'? No. They didn’t take a job from me. I gave it to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We paid our dues far as laborin’ hard in the fields,” Lee Marshall said. “And believe me, I don’t wanna do it. Whoever wanna do it, I just pray for 'em.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Marshall and Beavers families moved to California in the 1940s for better jobs, and to escape the Jim Crow policies of the South. Instead, they found California had its own racism and segregation.",
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"description": "The Marshall and Beavers families moved to California in the 1940s for better jobs, and to escape the Jim Crow policies of the South. Instead, they found California had its own racism and segregation.",
"title": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism | KQED",
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"headline": "Black Farmworkers in the Central Valley: Escaping Jim Crow for a Subtler Kind of Racism",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/the-california-report-magazine/id1314750545?mt=2\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to The California Report Magazine podcast.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>A special thanks to photographer Ernest Lowe, whose photos taken in the 1960s of African-American farmworkers in the San Joaquin Valley provided inspiration for this story. \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/black-migrants/\">Those photos are now on display at UC Merced\u003c/a>. Find more photos of the Marshalls, Beaverses and other families at \u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">ErnestLowe.com\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">D\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>rops of rain collect in pools around potted plants outside the Marshall home in South Dos Palos, as a storm rolls into the small farming community about 100 miles southeast of San Jose. A wind chime hanging on the front porch provides background music to a family gathering inside in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe, Lee, Zella, David and Marilyn Marshall are five of 13 siblings who grew up on this plot of land. Today, they're all in their 60s and 70s.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'The difference between here and the South is just that — it's hidden.'\u003ccite>Joe Marshall\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>When the Marshall siblings’ father moved to the Central Valley from Mississippi in 1944 to work for the railroad, his goal was twofold: make enough money to provide for his wife and children, and put distance between his family and the racist laws of the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the brothers say they found California had its own racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The people in the South, they let you know right off the top, you not welcome, you not wanted,” Lee Marshall said. “And, 'Hey, don’t get out of place. You say mister to me.' And they demand that you say 'yes sir' and all this kind of stuff to 'em. It was just straight out, they didn’t hide it. That was better for me 'cause I know where you stand.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"These down here, there’s a hidden thing that they use on you,\" Lee Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728216\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728216\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-800x800.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-160x160.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-1020x1020.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-64x64.jpg 64w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-96x96.jpg 96w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-128x128.jpg 128w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow-150x150.jpg 150w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsBarrow.jpg 1148w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lee's brother, Joe Marshall, said it was a more subtle form of racism the brothers faced growing up here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know we could go anywhere and eat, it wasn’t a place where you had to go to the back door,” said Joe. “It was nothing like being in the South.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The difference between here and the South is just that — it’s hidden,” Joe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that racism shaped how the Marshalls lived and worked. It also shaped the destiny of their town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728218\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728218\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg\" alt=\"The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"725\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-800x725.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-160x145.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1020x924.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1-1200x1087.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/Marshalls1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Marshall brothers, including Joe and Lee, in South Dos Palos, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the 1940s and 1950s, the Marshall brothers say South Dos Palos was thriving. The community was a hub of agricultural business and black-owned cafes, stores and service stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything in South Dos Palos, except for a few places like behind us, was owned by black people,” Joe Marshall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mexican and Central American workers make up the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654965/ice-is-auditing-this-central-valley-grower-again-and-he-blames-california-lawmakers\">bulk of farm labor\u003c/a> in California today, but throughout the 1940s, ‘50s and ‘60s, African-Americans and poor white families — many of them migrants who moved to the state during and after the Dust Bowl storms of the 1930s— also worked in the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728225\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728225\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg\" alt=\"Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall.\" width=\"800\" height=\"540\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-800x540.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1020x688.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday-1200x809.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/MarshallsToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four of 13 of the Marshall siblings stand in the living room of their family home in South Dos Palos. From left to right: Lee, Zella, Joe and Marilyn Marshall. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To earn money, the Marshall brothers pruned and harvested crops like almonds, lettuce, grapes and cotton, one of California’s top producing crops at the time. They went to work and came back to a home that didn’t have running water or indoor plumbing. They used to be embarrassed to have to tell their girlfriends to use an outdoor toilet when they would come visit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll never forget, as long as I live, when the city put in the sewer line,” Joe recalls. “And they say 'but, it’s up to each house to dig to hook up to it.' Man, we were digging out there with a smile on! We were thinkin', man we gonna get indoor bathroom! That was the happiest day of my life!”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A Tale of Two Farm Towns\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Just a few miles from South Dos Palos is another community called Dos Palos. During the Marshall siblings’ childhood, Dos Palos was a mostly white community. Many of the homes there had the infrastructure that houses in South Dos Palos lacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You go down that way further down,” Lee said, “they had all of this and we didn't have it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Joe and Lee grew older and wanted a job outside of working in the fields, Dos Palos is where they went to look for one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You out there waitin’ for a job interview, and behind closed doors they just cuttin’ you down, you’re not wanted,” Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would take that more so than ever, this hidden prejudice which still goes on today in these little towns like this. It’s a hidden thing that can just tear you down. Because you get your confidence up, thinkin’ that you’re on your way. And you got somebody behind closed doors trying to block your way or stop you from doing certain things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728240\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg\" alt=\"South Dos Palos today.\" width=\"800\" height=\"514\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-800x514.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday-1200x771.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/SouthDosToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">South Dos Palos today. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.meissinger.com/index.html\">Michael Eissinger\u003c/a>, an anthropology professor at Fresno State University who studies historically rural African-American settlements in the San Joaquin Valley, said there were many communities in California like South Dos Palos and Dos Palos — a black community and an all-white community just a few miles apart — existing side by side, separate but interdependent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Racism is not 'I don't like you because of your color.' That's bigotry, prejudice,” Eissinger said. \"Racism is when it is done by the system, by society as a whole, and society is done on the \u003cem>landscape\u003c/em>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kvpr.org/post/diversity-fresno-how-racial-covenants-once-ruled-prestigious-neighborhoods\">racially restrictive covenants\u003c/a>, clauses in deeds to properties that specified who could and could not live there, blocked African-American families, and individuals and families of other races, from buying or renting certain homes, including in California. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/18486/redlining\">Redlining\u003c/a> created barriers to black families obtaining loans to buy houses in certain neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5633328\">sundown towns\u003c/a>, places that people of color could visit during the day, but had to leave by the time it got dark. You can still \u003ca href=\"https://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntownsshow.php?state=CA\">see the legacy\u003c/a> of this in the Central Valley today, in towns like Clovis, the nearly all-white, affluent suburb of Fresno, and then again in Stockton and Lodi. These are kindred cities walled off by a brief but mandatory drive through farmed landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two hours south on Highway 99 is another unincorporated town called Teviston. Once occupied by black families living and working on the outskirts of the mostly white community of Pixley, today Latino families populate most of the houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1946, Bertha Mae Beavers moved to Teviston from Oklahoma at the age of 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought they was, you could just come out here and pick money off trees the way they told it. But shoot, I should have stayed in Oklahoma,” the 89-year-old Beavers recalled. “I did the same thing: chopped cotton, picked cotton. I did it all. And it was rough out here, just like in Oklahoma. You had to work hard for your money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728250\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728250\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg\" alt=\"Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945.\" width=\"800\" height=\"735\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-800x735.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-160x147.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1020x937.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen-1200x1102.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BerthaMaeAndBen.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Bertha Mae and Benjamin Beavers in Oklahoma around 1945. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Shortly after she arrived, a white woman was beat up on the railroad tracks near Teviston and Pixley. A rumor circulated that a black man from Teviston had beat the woman. For a while, no black people were allowed in Pixley, Beavers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would go to work, and get off early,” she said. “And come home and the mens would get they guns and set up all night. I was afraid. And it finally, they finally found out who beat the white lady up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the white woman’s husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He beat her up and they tried to say the black man down here in Teviston beat 'em,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beavers was afraid, but she stayed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She eventually married her husband in Teviston, and they had 12 children. The family lived on the outskirts of Pixley and worked in the fields to get by. Like South Dos Palos, homes in Teviston didn’t have running water, gas or indoor plumbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728257\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg\" alt=\"Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s.\" width=\"800\" height=\"815\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-800x815.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-160x163.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1020x1039.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-1179x1200.jpg 1179w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/RuthBeavers-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ruth Beavers in Teviston, 1960s. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Just in the house we lived in, we didn’t have a two bedroom, so with all of us 12 kids we slept in one bedroom. And we could lay in the bed at night ... and see the stars. [Through the] cracks,” recalled Bertha Mae's daughter, Ruth Ann Jones, age 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ‘60s transformed California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1963, a state law — the \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt0b69q1bw/\">Rumford Act, or California Fair Housing Act\u003c/a> — was passed to end discrimination by property owners who refused to sell or rent to African-Americans. In 1964, the same year the Civil Rights Act was passed, the state ballot initiative Proposition 14 nullified the Rumford Act. The California Supreme Court later ruled Proposition 14 was unconstitutional, and the U.S. Supreme Court \u003ca href=\"https://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt5h4nb0wd;NAAN=13030&doc.view=frames&chunk.id=d0e5393&toc.id=d0e831&brand=oac4\">upheld\u003c/a> that decision. The federal Fair Housing Act of 1968 would eventually outlaw housing discrimination nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around this time, labor organizer Cesar Chavez and a growing movement of farmworkers fighting for better pay and working conditions was \u003ca href=\"https://ufw.org/research/history/ufw-history/\">gaining momentum in the Central Valley\u003c/a>. While some black workers were involved, the movement was largely Chicano and Filipino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it really started at was in the grapes,” said Ruth Jones’ husband, CL Jones. “They wanted to change things. And they did, you know, make things a lot better for some.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Latino farmworkers began staying in the San Joaquin Valley in greater numbers, instead of going back and forth to Mexico, it began changing the black-white dynamic of Teviston and Pixley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728260\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728260\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg\" alt=\"Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove.\" width=\"800\" height=\"787\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-800x787.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-160x157.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1020x1003.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-1200x1180.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-50x50.jpg 50w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/StoveLighting-64x64.jpg 64w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Benny Beavers lights the family's Box King stove. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Beavers family noticed something in the Latino families moving into the area. Something that was completely unfamiliar: a certain boldness and lack of fear that black families coming from the South felt they couldn’t afford to have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Teviston’s residents pushed to get a community well and gas in their homes, some African-American families distanced themselves from upgrades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728263\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728263\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg\" alt=\"Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston.\" width=\"800\" height=\"556\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-800x556.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-160x111.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1020x709.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck-1200x834.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversTruck.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lula Jenkins, Annie and Goldie Beavers, and Deloris and Joyce Perry ride in the back of a pickup hauling water in Teviston. \u003ccite>(\u003ca href=\"http://ernestlowe.com/\">Courtesy Ernest Lowe\u003c/a>)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They were scared the white people could come take their property or take their house so they didn’t really want no gas,” another Beavers daughter, Annie Jo Ellis, age 65, said. “[Because] this is what you grew up with: fear.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the 1970s and ‘80s, Bertha Mae’s children were able to get out of farm labor, and find new jobs. A few worked at nearby schools as lunch ladies and at the post office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as black people, I don’t think fought as hard as we should have... for what we wanted,” Ruth said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know when you come from Oklahoma, you didn’t really have nothin’,” Annie said. “So now you got a little something and they was raised that the white man takes everything. So they just get out here and they still scared of the white man. Let’s tell the truth about it, they were scared ... of white people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11728265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11728265\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/BeaversToday.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Beavers family stands outside Friendship Baptist Church in Teviston. The church is one of two still standing in the unincorporated community just south of Pixley. \u003ccite>(Alexandra Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If you go to Teviston now, you can see homes scattered throughout the town, but it's not much of a town. There are no businesses, just a boarded-up gas station and two churches. The Beavers still have mixed feelings about how their community has evolved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll tell you what we used to say when we was growin’ up,\" said CL Jones. \"The white people are watchin’ the wrong people. They was keepin us down, and the Hispanics was steady gettin’ ahead.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In South Dos Palos, as the Marshall siblings grew older and started their own families, they encouraged their children to go to school or work other jobs, anything to stay out of the fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were no jobs that the young blacks wanted to do,” Joe Marshall said. “And then I saw this town kinda dryin’ up. To where, when you come over, you could stop on any corner and holler at somebody and talk for a few minutes. I can come over here now, I might not see nobody! It’s a ghost town. The Mexicans were still working in the fields. And all of a sudden, you started lookin’ up, Mexicans bought this land, build a nice house. Better than some of the houses that’s been here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it was OK with Joe, because his kids were getting out and getting ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was just an opportunity for [Latinos],” he said. “Our misfortune and their fortune, to be able to come in and buy something and build. To this day, there’s still no jobs here. So you can’t expect this town to grow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowadays, South Dos Palos is still a gathering place for the Marshall family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They return here for small gatherings and large family reunions. Every April, hundreds of extended relatives fill the street to celebrate their mother’s birthday. She passed away several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe looks at his Latino neighbors and can relate to what they’re going through. He knows no one would work in the fields if they didn't have to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You don’t see any blacks out there (in the fields) now, you don’t see any whites out there now. It’s all Latinos now. And you want to cry about 'they’re doing our jobs'? No. They didn’t take a job from me. I gave it to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We paid our dues far as laborin’ hard in the fields,” Lee Marshall said. “And believe me, I don’t wanna do it. Whoever wanna do it, I just pray for 'em.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of Democratic state lawmakers is pushing to consolidate the funding available for California cities to take on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say California’s current system of helping the homeless is a bureaucratic maze, and want $450 million in the state budget to create a one-stop shop for local governments to access funds for everything from rental assistance, to health services, to shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge investment and it’s a huge system change,” said Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Smaller cities that don’t have lobbyists and grant writers, they really often miss this opportunity.’\u003ccite>Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk-Silva\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last year, California funded more than a dozen programs to address homelessness across six different departments — a web of deadlines and requirements for local governments looking for a slice of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Smaller cities that don’t have lobbyists and grant writers, they really often miss this opportunity, just because of a lack of a workforce,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flexible Housing Program proposed in Assembly Bill 816 would pool together money at the state level, and allow local governments to apply for it with something akin to the college “common app.” Funding would be prioritized for initiatives that work across city lines, and the money could be used for a variety of services that help individuals and families off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no silos, there should be no jurisdictional differences, we should all come together,” said Assemblyman Todd Gloria, D-San Diego. “Because people don’t care what government program, what charity or neighborhood group got them off the street. They just want to get off the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the idea point to the success of flexible housing pools in Los Angeles and Napa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pool has six or seven different funding sources inside of it,” said Vivian Wan, Chief Operating Officer of Abode Services, a non-profit that has operated Napa’s program since 2007. “So instead of having six or seven different contracts and different programs, we’re able to bring folks in and then find the source that best fits that household and that housing placement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faster that service providers can access money, Wan said, the faster they can secure an apartment lease for a homeless family.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There should be no silos, there should be no jurisdictional differences, we should all come together.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman Todd Gloria\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She points to the example of two counties that both received money through the state CalWORKS Housing Support Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the county that had the Flex pool, which was Santa Clara County, we had housed over 75 families before we were even in contract to serve anyone [in the other county],” said Wan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wan cautioned state lawmakers that there’s a cost to creating a dynamic pool of money: lots of work on the back end to make sure that grants are fulfilling their intended purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have the back end finance folks,” she added. “I kid you not, we get invoices pushed back because the federal scrutiny is so great. If it’s rounding the wrong way at the thousandths of a penny level we get pushback.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the competitive state budget process, a mayor’s request to cut a ribbon on a new shelter could outweigh calls to spend millions building administrative support (or what politicians sometimes derisively refer to as “overhead”) into a new state funding pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you make that type of investment and a real systemic change, that can be challenging,” Assemblywoman Quirk-Silva said. “But I think we’ll all see the progress we’re hoping for because I truly do not think anybody feels happy when they see people in such distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of Democratic state lawmakers is pushing to consolidate the funding available for California cities to take on homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say California’s current system of helping the homeless is a bureaucratic maze, and want $450 million in the state budget to create a one-stop shop for local governments to access funds for everything from rental assistance, to health services, to shelters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a huge investment and it’s a huge system change,” said Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk-Silva, D-Fullerton.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Smaller cities that don’t have lobbyists and grant writers, they really often miss this opportunity.’\u003ccite>Assemblywoman Sharon Quirk-Silva\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Last year, California funded more than a dozen programs to address homelessness across six different departments — a web of deadlines and requirements for local governments looking for a slice of funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Smaller cities that don’t have lobbyists and grant writers, they really often miss this opportunity, just because of a lack of a workforce,” Quirk-Silva said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Flexible Housing Program proposed in Assembly Bill 816 would pool together money at the state level, and allow local governments to apply for it with something akin to the college “common app.” Funding would be prioritized for initiatives that work across city lines, and the money could be used for a variety of services that help individuals and families off the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There should be no silos, there should be no jurisdictional differences, we should all come together,” said Assemblyman Todd Gloria, D-San Diego. “Because people don’t care what government program, what charity or neighborhood group got them off the street. They just want to get off the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the idea point to the success of flexible housing pools in Los Angeles and Napa counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The pool has six or seven different funding sources inside of it,” said Vivian Wan, Chief Operating Officer of Abode Services, a non-profit that has operated Napa’s program since 2007. “So instead of having six or seven different contracts and different programs, we’re able to bring folks in and then find the source that best fits that household and that housing placement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faster that service providers can access money, Wan said, the faster they can secure an apartment lease for a homeless family.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There should be no silos, there should be no jurisdictional differences, we should all come together.’\u003ccite>Assemblyman Todd Gloria\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>She points to the example of two counties that both received money through the state CalWORKS Housing Support Program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the county that had the Flex pool, which was Santa Clara County, we had housed over 75 families before we were even in contract to serve anyone [in the other county],” said Wan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Wan cautioned state lawmakers that there’s a cost to creating a dynamic pool of money: lots of work on the back end to make sure that grants are fulfilling their intended purpose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You need to have the back end finance folks,” she added. “I kid you not, we get invoices pushed back because the federal scrutiny is so great. If it’s rounding the wrong way at the thousandths of a penny level we get pushback.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the competitive state budget process, a mayor’s request to cut a ribbon on a new shelter could outweigh calls to spend millions building administrative support (or what politicians sometimes derisively refer to as “overhead”) into a new state funding pool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you make that type of investment and a real systemic change, that can be challenging,” Assemblywoman Quirk-Silva said. “But I think we’ll all see the progress we’re hoping for because I truly do not think anybody feels happy when they see people in such distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>A Heart to Heart Between Newsom and Cities Skirting Housing Laws\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Gov. Gavin Newsom invited leaders from cities he says haven't built enough housing for a heart to heart. He was just a stone's throw from Huntington Beach which the state just sued for that exact reason.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Saul Gonzalez\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Credit Union to Give No-Interest Loans to Striking Oakland Teachers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A credit union in the Bay Area is working with Oakland's teachers union on no interest loans for teachers in the event that their strike takes a while.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Julia McEvoy\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego Military Community Worried About Impact of National Emergency Declaration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Military communities around the country are looking at the potential impact of the president’s declaration of a National Emergency to build more border wall. In San Diego, officials are worried about the impact of delaying or halting military projects.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Steve Walsh\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Business As Usual in Tijuana, Officials Say\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Members of the Mexican government say, despite Trump's declaration of a national emergency at the border, the situation there is nothing out of ordinary.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Christal Smith\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Their House Survived the Camp Fire, But Their Insurance Didn't\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Californians who live in an area devastated by wildfire have new protections as of Jan. 1. If their home survives a blaze, their property insurer must maintain their coverage for at least a year after the disaster. But that new law doesn’t help families reeling from the last fall’s Camp Fire.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Pauline Bartolone\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sausalito declared a local emergency Monday morning after a mudslide tore through a neighborhood on Crescent Avenue and Sausalito Boulevard last week. The city is now eligible to receive financial reimbursement from the state and federal government for the damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storms slamming the Bay Area put a strain on the hillside and caused a duplex to slide downhill into another home on Thursday, destroying both residences. About 25 people were evacuated from the hilly area above downtown and one woman was injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city said it is focused on ensuring the mudslide area is stabilized and the remaining buildings are safe. It plans to appoint a contact person for the victims and will give assistance to renters and landlords who have been affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/CityofSausalito/status/1096490088630874112\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sausalito received five inches of rain in the 24 hours before the mudslide occurred, according to the National Weather Service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"During the rainy season, particularly late in the season when we know the ground is saturated. That's the time when city staff becomes the most concerned for the potential for landslide,\" said Abbot Chambers, director of communications for Sausalito. \"Definitely with this storm coming, we were aware that the risk was higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the evacuees have since been able to return to their homes. Contractors worked to clear Sausalito Boulevard and Crescent over the weekend, but still have more work to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/SMFDinfo/status/1096094015752007680\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A section of Crescent Avenue remains closed, and it's unclear when the debris from the hillside will be removed from the street. The city stated the cleanup \"is complicated by the possible presence of hazardous materials like asbestos and lead from the sheet rock, stucco, flooring, and paint of the houses that were destroyed.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected area of Sausalito Boulevard also remains shut off to vehicles until the roadway and slide area can be further evaluated by engineers. City staff said the road is likely to remain closed for another week.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Before the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">most destructive wildfire\u003c/a> tore through Butte County, detailed plans for a tiny home village for the homeless in Chico were met with a mix of indifference, NIMBY-ism and outright rejection from a previous city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But November’s Camp Fire, which killed 85 people and incinerated some 14,000 area homes, breathed new life into plans for a community of one-room wooden homes to help house some of Butte County’s homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fire created a whole new reality, it added an urgency for sure,” says Charles Withuhn, a volunteer and board member with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicohousingactionteam.org/\">Chico Housing Action Team\u003c/a> or CHAT. The current city council has given the project the go-ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723656/camp-fire-survivors-must-leave-their-properties-where-will-they-go\">Some Camp Fire Survivors Must Leave Their Properties. But Where Will They Go?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723656/camp-fire-survivors-must-leave-their-properties-where-will-they-go\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/IMG_0893-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The retired contractor and small business owner is showing me around the 2.6 acre future site of what will be called Simplicity Village. The tiny home community is planned to house some of Chico’s homeless — including some from the Camp Fire. It’s across from a lumber yard and just off Highway 99, a local thoroughfare through Chico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of problems in the world that I can’t fix. \u003cem>I can\u003c/em> put together a little tiny house,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a citizen-led approach that’s being funded almost entirely though private and corporate donations of money, materials and labor. The group estimates initial construction will cost roughly $790,000, with about half of that coming from in-kind donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a volunteer army,” says CHAT organizer and board member Bill Kurnizki. “We fundraise by doing musical programs, putting letters out to people and asking for donations. So the windows, the doors, siding, roofing — all donated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tiny home village is not solely for Camp Fire homeless, but CHAT organizers say some of the people made homeless by the blaze will get priority slots. “We want to accommodate Camp Fire victims and maybe one third of the buildings will be set aside for them,” Withuhn says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT organizer Leslie Johnson, a local attorney, notes that many homeless often get some federal subsidies such as Social Security, Supplemental Security Income or disability benefits. Simplicity Village will charge just $200 a month for rent and utilities to cover the village’s operational expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have to look for every kind of opportunity to try to help solve this housing situation,” Johnson says. “People just can’t afford conventional size housing. A lot of people just can’t. But a little tiny house, people can afford to rent that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/composite21_custom-668c8db9a3af67e9cf32b5d9a330df2c4445ab44-e1550503414786.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727082\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/composite21_custom-668c8db9a3af67e9cf32b5d9a330df2c4445ab44-e1550503414786.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"714\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Exterior and interior of the tiny homes built for a community called Simplicity Village in Chico. \u003ccite>(Eric Westervelt/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An ongoing housing crisis\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Camp Fire’s historic destruction worsened an already difficult housing crisis in and around the northern city of Chico. Even before the Camp Fire, Butte County already had some 2,000 homeless \u003ca href=\"http://www.buttehomelesscoc.com/uploads/1/1/7/5/117500423/2017_butte_pit_summary_community_report_-_final.pdf\">according to a 2017 survey\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the fire, local rents have skyrocketed further, homes are selling well-above asking and there are almost no vacant rental properties available. That reality has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/31/690230719/camp-fire-victims-forced-to-find-housing-as-last-shelter-closes\">exacerbated the housing crunch \u003c/a>as some fire refugees start to leave the area and the state altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other tiny home plans afoot in other parts of California and in other states. But CHAT hopes Simplicity Village becomes something of a model for other cities in the state grappling with widening inequality and the impacts of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We may be entering the final phase of human existence and our ability to adapt and continue to live on the planet will depend on imaginative ways to live a smaller carbon footprint. This community will have a fraction of the carbon footprint of the typical urban or suburban setting.’\u003ccite>Charles Withuhn, CHAT volunteer and board member\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“This is as much about sustainability and community as it is about tiny,” Withuhn says. “We may be entering the final phase of human existence and our ability to adapt and continue to live on the planet will depend on imaginative ways to live a smaller carbon footprint,” he believes. “This community will have a fraction of the carbon footprint of the typical urban or suburban setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT presented a detailed tiny home village proposal some four years ago. But they were met with foot-dragging from the city council at the time and then outright rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers believe it took the Camp Fire to finally help get the idea off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, they hope to break ground on 33 one-room homes. Most of them will include a small bed, kitchenette and bathroom. The village will also have five larger buildings for community meetings, meals, kitchen, laundry, as well as a workshop area and a security guard house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is coordinating with county and state agencies to provide on-site mental health and other support services. The group will screen applicants and those accepted will have to live by a community code of conduct that includes no drug or alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT has signed a letter of intent for an 18-year lease in a three-way agreement with the private landowner and the city of Chico. They’ve hired a civil engineer and are working with city agencies to get water, sewer and electricity permits lined up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Chico tiny home village, organizers admit, will be just small piece of a much \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/15/668380458/housing-crisis-concerns-grow-as-camp-fire-continues-to-burn\">bigger housing puzzle\u003c/a> here. Local media are calling for the city of Chico \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsreview.com/chico/time-to-prioritize-temporary-housing/content?oid=27644419\">to do more to accommodate fire evacuees\u003c/a>. CHAT is also calling for more mobile home parks, more affordable, subsidized apartments, more tiny home villages and other creative solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727049/their-home-survived-the-camp-fire-but-their-insurance-did-not\">Their Home Survived the Camp Fire — But Their Insurance Did Not\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727049/their-home-survived-the-camp-fire-but-their-insurance-did-not\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/img_5791-c925cc170413e54df350e3e98b62e862a94d2bab-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Organizer Withuhn says it’s not about political ideology. “Politics has nothing to do with this,” he says. “This is about human rights, human dignity, having a community. Are we going to be civilized and pull together as a team when there’s a crisis? Or is it just: guy with the most toys at the end wins, that’s it, who cares?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re saying we’d rather be part of a community,” he says, “that’s pulling together to solve a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Before the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11705243/california-wildfires-what-you-need-to-know\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">most destructive wildfire\u003c/a> tore through Butte County, detailed plans for a tiny home village for the homeless in Chico were met with a mix of indifference, NIMBY-ism and outright rejection from a previous city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But November’s Camp Fire, which killed 85 people and incinerated some 14,000 area homes, breathed new life into plans for a community of one-room wooden homes to help house some of Butte County’s homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fire created a whole new reality, it added an urgency for sure,” says Charles Withuhn, a volunteer and board member with the nonprofit \u003ca href=\"https://www.chicohousingactionteam.org/\">Chico Housing Action Team\u003c/a> or CHAT. The current city council has given the project the go-ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723656/camp-fire-survivors-must-leave-their-properties-where-will-they-go\">Some Camp Fire Survivors Must Leave Their Properties. But Where Will They Go?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723656/camp-fire-survivors-must-leave-their-properties-where-will-they-go\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/IMG_0893-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The retired contractor and small business owner is showing me around the 2.6 acre future site of what will be called Simplicity Village. The tiny home community is planned to house some of Chico’s homeless — including some from the Camp Fire. It’s across from a lumber yard and just off Highway 99, a local thoroughfare through Chico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot of problems in the world that I can’t fix. \u003cem>I can\u003c/em> put together a little tiny house,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a citizen-led approach that’s being funded almost entirely though private and corporate donations of money, materials and labor. The group estimates initial construction will cost roughly $790,000, with about half of that coming from in-kind donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re a volunteer army,” says CHAT organizer and board member Bill Kurnizki. “We fundraise by doing musical programs, putting letters out to people and asking for donations. So the windows, the doors, siding, roofing — all donated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tiny home village is not solely for Camp Fire homeless, but CHAT organizers say some of the people made homeless by the blaze will get priority slots. “We want to accommodate Camp Fire victims and maybe one third of the buildings will be set aside for them,” Withuhn says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT organizer Leslie Johnson, a local attorney, notes that many homeless often get some federal subsidies such as Social Security, Supplemental Security Income or disability benefits. Simplicity Village will charge just $200 a month for rent and utilities to cover the village’s operational expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just have to look for every kind of opportunity to try to help solve this housing situation,” Johnson says. “People just can’t afford conventional size housing. A lot of people just can’t. But a little tiny house, people can afford to rent that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727082\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/composite21_custom-668c8db9a3af67e9cf32b5d9a330df2c4445ab44-e1550503414786.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11727082\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/composite21_custom-668c8db9a3af67e9cf32b5d9a330df2c4445ab44-e1550503414786.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"714\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Exterior and interior of the tiny homes built for a community called Simplicity Village in Chico. \u003ccite>(Eric Westervelt/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An ongoing housing crisis\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Camp Fire’s historic destruction worsened an already difficult housing crisis in and around the northern city of Chico. Even before the Camp Fire, Butte County already had some 2,000 homeless \u003ca href=\"http://www.buttehomelesscoc.com/uploads/1/1/7/5/117500423/2017_butte_pit_summary_community_report_-_final.pdf\">according to a 2017 survey\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the fire, local rents have skyrocketed further, homes are selling well-above asking and there are almost no vacant rental properties available. That reality has \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/31/690230719/camp-fire-victims-forced-to-find-housing-as-last-shelter-closes\">exacerbated the housing crunch \u003c/a>as some fire refugees start to leave the area and the state altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other tiny home plans afoot in other parts of California and in other states. But CHAT hopes Simplicity Village becomes something of a model for other cities in the state grappling with widening inequality and the impacts of climate change.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We may be entering the final phase of human existence and our ability to adapt and continue to live on the planet will depend on imaginative ways to live a smaller carbon footprint. This community will have a fraction of the carbon footprint of the typical urban or suburban setting.’\u003ccite>Charles Withuhn, CHAT volunteer and board member\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“This is as much about sustainability and community as it is about tiny,” Withuhn says. “We may be entering the final phase of human existence and our ability to adapt and continue to live on the planet will depend on imaginative ways to live a smaller carbon footprint,” he believes. “This community will have a fraction of the carbon footprint of the typical urban or suburban setting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT presented a detailed tiny home village proposal some four years ago. But they were met with foot-dragging from the city council at the time and then outright rejection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Organizers believe it took the Camp Fire to finally help get the idea off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, they hope to break ground on 33 one-room homes. Most of them will include a small bed, kitchenette and bathroom. The village will also have five larger buildings for community meetings, meals, kitchen, laundry, as well as a workshop area and a security guard house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group is coordinating with county and state agencies to provide on-site mental health and other support services. The group will screen applicants and those accepted will have to live by a community code of conduct that includes no drug or alcohol use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CHAT has signed a letter of intent for an 18-year lease in a three-way agreement with the private landowner and the city of Chico. They’ve hired a civil engineer and are working with city agencies to get water, sewer and electricity permits lined up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This Chico tiny home village, organizers admit, will be just small piece of a much \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/11/15/668380458/housing-crisis-concerns-grow-as-camp-fire-continues-to-burn\">bigger housing puzzle\u003c/a> here. Local media are calling for the city of Chico \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsreview.com/chico/time-to-prioritize-temporary-housing/content?oid=27644419\">to do more to accommodate fire evacuees\u003c/a>. CHAT is also calling for more mobile home parks, more affordable, subsidized apartments, more tiny home villages and other creative solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727049/their-home-survived-the-camp-fire-but-their-insurance-did-not\">Their Home Survived the Camp Fire — But Their Insurance Did Not\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11727049/their-home-survived-the-camp-fire-but-their-insurance-did-not\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/img_5791-c925cc170413e54df350e3e98b62e862a94d2bab-1020x765.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Organizer Withuhn says it’s not about political ideology. “Politics has nothing to do with this,” he says. “This is about human rights, human dignity, having a community. Are we going to be civilized and pull together as a team when there’s a crisis? Or is it just: guy with the most toys at the end wins, that’s it, who cares?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re saying we’d rather be part of a community,” he says, “that’s pulling together to solve a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Copyright 2019 \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">NPR\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tom and Tamara Conry were dead set on returning to Paradise after the deadly Camp Fire destroyed the town last November. The couple’s home was barely touched by the fire, and most other survivors had a much steeper climb to recovery. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when their property insurer, American Reliable, notified them in December that it wasn’t renewing the couple’s homeowner’s coverage, they realized that returning home would be even harder than expected. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting that letter was like a slap in the face,” Tamara Conry said. “Right now, when it’s going to be the hardest time ever to get insurance at any kind of reasonable price, that’s when you non-renew us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other families in Butte County could face a similar insurance dilemma. About 10 percent of buildings in Paradise are still standing after last November’s wildfire, according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though a new California law that took effect in January requires insurers to renew homeowner’s coverage on properties that survived wildfires for at least one year, the new law doesn’t help people affected by last year’s fire disasters like the Conrys. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their situation can almost be worse, sometimes, than people whose homes are gone,” said Amy Bach, executive director of the consumer advocacy group United Policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re sort of competing with the total loss victims for attention and dollars, but they also don’t have the same protection that a total loss victim has to keep their insurance,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom and Tamara Conry are now living in a rental apartment in Yuba City, about an hour south of Paradise, because their home is still contaminated by smoke. Their back deck was also scorched. American Reliable covered their hotel after the couple evacuated and is now paying for their temporary rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that the insurance company wasn’t renewing their coverage has just added to the headache of making their home livable again, the Conrys say. At least two other insurers turned them down and they worked with two different brokers to try to find a new policy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I feel like it would have been easier if the house had burned down,” Tamara said, adding that she and Tom also feel truly sorry for all the families who lost much more than they did. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727051\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/img_8103-b346db241df96c0440acdd72c30542d8d104653e-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Camp Fire of November 2018 destroyed roughly 90 percent of the homes in Paradise, Calif. The owners of the few homes that remain standing may face problems when it is time to renew their home insurance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11727051\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Camp Fire of November 2018 destroyed roughly 90 percent of the homes in Paradise, Calif. The owners of the few homes that remain standing may face problems when it is time to renew their home insurance. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Insurance says it’s heard from others in fire areas who have faced a non-renewal from a property insurer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a state senator in 2018, California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara pushed through the new law that helps ensure at least one year of continued coverage for homeowners with property standing in fire zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said this law was intended to help families like the Conrys, who may face the same situation in future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A sudden non-renewal can shatter survivors’ feeling of security that they have barely started to rebuild,” Lara wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB894\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">new California law\u003c/a> ensures people whose homes have completely burned down in a wildfire can renew a homeowners policy for at least two years. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Global Indemnity, the parent company of American Reliable Insurance Company, didn’t respond to emails and phone calls asking to discuss the Conrys’ situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Sektnan, who represents the industry as president of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acicnet.org/home/about-us/acic-staff/mark-sektnan\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Property Casualty Insurers Association of America\u003c/a>, says companies are always reassessing their risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to make sure you don’t have too many policies concentrated in a particular area because if there is a loss, it could have negative implications for the company,” Sektnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One insurer, Merced Property and Casualty, already went \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercedpcins.com/documents/FrequentlyAskedQuestionsAboutMercedProperty.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">belly-up\u003c/a> because of the Camp Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sektnan says there are about 50 homeowner insurers in California, and homeowners like the Conrys are sure to find another option. Policyholders in areas devastated by wildfires will likely pay more for their coverage, though. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s to ensure that … people in the high-risk areas should pay a higher amount for insurance than people who live in low-risk areas. Otherwise, people like where I live would end up subsidizing these people,” Sektnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Conrys recently found a new homeowners policy,\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com/index.php/general-info/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\"> a last resort plan\u003c/a> California law provides for people like them. They’re paying more than double what they did before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the devastation in Paradise, and the insurance headaches, have been too much for the Conrys. They’ve recently decided they’re not going back, and have put their house up for sale. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 Capital Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Their+Home+Survived+The+Camp+Fire+%E2%80%94+But+Their+Insurance+Did+Not&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tom and Tamara Conry were dead set on returning to Paradise after the deadly Camp Fire destroyed the town last November. The couple’s home was barely touched by the fire, and most other survivors had a much steeper climb to recovery. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when their property insurer, American Reliable, notified them in December that it wasn’t renewing the couple’s homeowner’s coverage, they realized that returning home would be even harder than expected. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Getting that letter was like a slap in the face,” Tamara Conry said. “Right now, when it’s going to be the hardest time ever to get insurance at any kind of reasonable price, that’s when you non-renew us?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other families in Butte County could face a similar insurance dilemma. About 10 percent of buildings in Paradise are still standing after last November’s wildfire, according to the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though a new California law that took effect in January requires insurers to renew homeowner’s coverage on properties that survived wildfires for at least one year, the new law doesn’t help people affected by last year’s fire disasters like the Conrys. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their situation can almost be worse, sometimes, than people whose homes are gone,” said Amy Bach, executive director of the consumer advocacy group United Policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re sort of competing with the total loss victims for attention and dollars, but they also don’t have the same protection that a total loss victim has to keep their insurance,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tom and Tamara Conry are now living in a rental apartment in Yuba City, about an hour south of Paradise, because their home is still contaminated by smoke. Their back deck was also scorched. American Reliable covered their hotel after the couple evacuated and is now paying for their temporary rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that the insurance company wasn’t renewing their coverage has just added to the headache of making their home livable again, the Conrys say. At least two other insurers turned them down and they worked with two different brokers to try to find a new policy. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I feel like it would have been easier if the house had burned down,” Tamara said, adding that she and Tom also feel truly sorry for all the families who lost much more than they did. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11727051\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/img_8103-b346db241df96c0440acdd72c30542d8d104653e-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"The Camp Fire of November 2018 destroyed roughly 90 percent of the homes in Paradise, Calif. The owners of the few homes that remain standing may face problems when it is time to renew their home insurance.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11727051\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Camp Fire of November 2018 destroyed roughly 90 percent of the homes in Paradise, Calif. The owners of the few homes that remain standing may face problems when it is time to renew their home insurance. \u003ccite>(Pauline Bartolone/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Department of Insurance says it’s heard from others in fire areas who have faced a non-renewal from a property insurer. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a state senator in 2018, California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara pushed through the new law that helps ensure at least one year of continued coverage for homeowners with property standing in fire zones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said this law was intended to help families like the Conrys, who may face the same situation in future disasters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A sudden non-renewal can shatter survivors’ feeling of security that they have barely started to rebuild,” Lara wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB894\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">new California law\u003c/a> ensures people whose homes have completely burned down in a wildfire can renew a homeowners policy for at least two years. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Global Indemnity, the parent company of American Reliable Insurance Company, didn’t respond to emails and phone calls asking to discuss the Conrys’ situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Sektnan, who represents the industry as president of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.acicnet.org/home/about-us/acic-staff/mark-sektnan\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Property Casualty Insurers Association of America\u003c/a>, says companies are always reassessing their risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You want to make sure you don’t have too many policies concentrated in a particular area because if there is a loss, it could have negative implications for the company,” Sektnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One insurer, Merced Property and Casualty, already went \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercedpcins.com/documents/FrequentlyAskedQuestionsAboutMercedProperty.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">belly-up\u003c/a> because of the Camp Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sektnan says there are about 50 homeowner insurers in California, and homeowners like the Conrys are sure to find another option. Policyholders in areas devastated by wildfires will likely pay more for their coverage, though. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s to ensure that … people in the high-risk areas should pay a higher amount for insurance than people who live in low-risk areas. Otherwise, people like where I live would end up subsidizing these people,” Sektnan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Conrys recently found a new homeowners policy,\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfpnet.com/index.php/general-info/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\"> a last resort plan\u003c/a> California law provides for people like them. They’re paying more than double what they did before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the devastation in Paradise, and the insurance headaches, have been too much for the Conrys. They’ve recently decided they’re not going back, and have put their house up for sale. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 Capital Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Their+Home+Survived+The+Camp+Fire+%E2%80%94+But+Their+Insurance+Did+Not&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Breakups are never pleasant. But having to \u003cem>live\u003c/em> with your ex after you break up? That’s something that a lot of people in the Bay Area have to face, thanks to increasingly high rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Oakland resident, Michelle, who didn’t want us to use her last name because she still cares about her ex and didn’t want to hurt his feelings. After all, they dated for 12 years. Even though they weren’t married, she says “it felt like a marriage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, they moved into a beautiful one-bedroom apartment in Oakland near Lake Merritt. It had hardwood floors, natural light and plenty of space for both of them — plus their dog and cat. Best of all, rent was relatively affordable to split.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eventually, things started to go south. Michelle says the elements that were at first different and exciting in their relationship just lost their shine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t some massive, horrible, knock down drag out breakup,” she says. “It was just a gradual waning of feelings for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her ex offered to move out. But when he looked for places to move \u003cem>into\u003c/em>, he couldn’t find anything affordable. Michelle had always made more money than he did, so in the meantime, they decided to go from boyfriend and girlfriend to housemates. In their one-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They started by converting the living room into his bedroom and hung up a curtain for privacy. But when that proved to be too loud, they moved a twin bed into the big walk-in closet. They lived this way — Michelle sleeping in the real bedroom, her ex in the converted closet-bedroom — for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People thought it was weird, for sure,” Michelle confesses. “It’s definitely not what people think of as ‘normal.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s actually more common that you might think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose family law attorney Jim Hoover says that in the last 15 years, he’s seen nearly a 20 percent increase in separated and divorced couples deciding to keep living together. And the most common reason is cost of living — it’s just too expensive to not split rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, there were awkward times for Michelle and her ex. Like when he brought his new girlfriend over. But there were also some perks. Michelle says she benefited from her ex’s cooking skills while they lived together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her ex did eventually move out, and was able to stay in the Bay Area (he and that new girlfriend are now sharing an apartment in San Francisco).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been two years since Michelle and her ex were housemates. And, she says, she doesn’t regret it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though the romance sort of fell apart, and that aspect of our relationship disintegrated … I’m grateful that somehow we built a really strong friendship underneath all that,” she reflects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a breakup that went spectacularly well, even with the curtain divider and the closet bed and a new girlfriend. And unless housing prices go down pretty soon, a lot of Californians might have to learn how to make room for the ex, the dog and the cat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Breakups are never pleasant. But having to \u003cem>live\u003c/em> with your ex after you break up? That’s something that a lot of people in the Bay Area have to face, thanks to increasingly high rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People like Oakland resident, Michelle, who didn’t want us to use her last name because she still cares about her ex and didn’t want to hurt his feelings. After all, they dated for 12 years. Even though they weren’t married, she says “it felt like a marriage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, they moved into a beautiful one-bedroom apartment in Oakland near Lake Merritt. It had hardwood floors, natural light and plenty of space for both of them — plus their dog and cat. Best of all, rent was relatively affordable to split.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But eventually, things started to go south. Michelle says the elements that were at first different and exciting in their relationship just lost their shine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t some massive, horrible, knock down drag out breakup,” she says. “It was just a gradual waning of feelings for each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her ex offered to move out. But when he looked for places to move \u003cem>into\u003c/em>, he couldn’t find anything affordable. Michelle had always made more money than he did, so in the meantime, they decided to go from boyfriend and girlfriend to housemates. In their one-bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They started by converting the living room into his bedroom and hung up a curtain for privacy. But when that proved to be too loud, they moved a twin bed into the big walk-in closet. They lived this way — Michelle sleeping in the real bedroom, her ex in the converted closet-bedroom — for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People thought it was weird, for sure,” Michelle confesses. “It’s definitely not what people think of as ‘normal.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s actually more common that you might think.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Jose family law attorney Jim Hoover says that in the last 15 years, he’s seen nearly a 20 percent increase in separated and divorced couples deciding to keep living together. And the most common reason is cost of living — it’s just too expensive to not split rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, there were awkward times for Michelle and her ex. Like when he brought his new girlfriend over. But there were also some perks. Michelle says she benefited from her ex’s cooking skills while they lived together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her ex did eventually move out, and was able to stay in the Bay Area (he and that new girlfriend are now sharing an apartment in San Francisco).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s been two years since Michelle and her ex were housemates. And, she says, she doesn’t regret it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though the romance sort of fell apart, and that aspect of our relationship disintegrated … I’m grateful that somehow we built a really strong friendship underneath all that,” she reflects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is a breakup that went spectacularly well, even with the curtain divider and the closet bed and a new girlfriend. And unless housing prices go down pretty soon, a lot of Californians might have to learn how to make room for the ex, the dog and the cat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "'It's a Cold Hell': S.F. Homeless Say City Not Doing Enough to Help Them During Storms",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area has been hit by several winter storms since the beginning of the year, and the San Francisco homeless population says the city and the police aren’t doing enough to help them during the extreme weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725582/a-double-barreled-storm-gets-ready-to-blast-bay-area-northern-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent storms\u003c/a> brought record rain, flooding, high winds, low temperatures and even some snow to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“It’s one thing to rain, but then it’s cold and it’s windy too. All three? It’s hell. It’s cold hell. It’s a cold hell.”\u003ccite>James Smith\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s one thing to rain, but then it’s cold and it’s windy too. All three? It’s hell. It’s cold hell. It’s a cold hell,” said James Smith, who has been living on the streets of the Tenderloin for over a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith — wearing four jackets, standing next to a wheelchair he uses when his sciatica acts up, and a pile of his belongings covered by half of a blue tarp with holes in it — said he hasn’t been offered any services or housing by the city, despite the storms. Although the police haven’t bothered him, he said they have been confiscating nearby tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocacy groups agree. They say police have been seizing tents and survival supplies from people living on the streets before the storms. People on the streets have told advocates that the sweeps appear to increase before bad weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Mayor London Breed’s office said crews only confiscate items if the person refuses to go to an open shelter bed. “If no shelter is available, officers will not issue a citation nor confiscate the tent,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Edwards, from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cohsf.org/\">Coalition on Homelessness\u003c/a>, said the worst homeless sweeps he has seen have been during storms. Edwards and his coworkers normally check on people living on the streets at least three times a week, but they increase that to nearly every day when the weather is bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says San Francisco has one of highest rates of homeless people per capita, and there aren’t options for the thousands living on the city’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s telling us that they’re being offered services,” Edwards said. “No one’s telling us that they’re being offered a place in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to San Francisco’s Department of Homeless and Supportive Housing (HSH), the city opens up an additional 75 shelter beds or more if one of the following conditions are met:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Temperatures forecast to drop to or below 40 degrees for two consecutive days or longer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rainfall forecast to be 1.5 inches or more each day for two consecutive days\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rainfall forecast to be 0.75 inches or more on each of three or more consecutive days or longer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Forecasts of temperatures to drop to or below 45 degrees AND rainfall to be 0.5 inches or more AND winds of more than 30 miles per hour all within the same 24 hour period for one or more days\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>HSH Director Jeff Kositsky said his department has voluntarily opened up those additional beds, including during the most recent storm, even though the required criteria were never met. If 70 of the 75 beds are used on any given night, the city expands its response by opening additional shelters as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“No one’s telling us that they’re being offered services. No one’s telling us that they’re being offered a place in a shelter.”\u003ccite>Brian Edwards\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was proud of our efforts last week. And I’m really proud of the staff that are out in the rain in the cold trying to help people,” Kositsky said. “Again, our protocols are good. But as long as anybody is out on the street, whether it’s raining or not, we still have more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said it will continue to offer 75 additional shelter spots through Monday morning. But Edwards, of the Coalition on Homelessness, says the city is overloaded. There are nearly 1,200 people waiting for temporary beds on the single adult shelter waitlist in the city, and that doesn’t include families with children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726830\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1920x1441.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SFPD officers conduct a homeless sweep in the rain. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Coalition on Homelessness)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The reality of it is, there are 5,000 people that can’t fit into the shelter system today,” Edwards said. “People think that oh, there’s some place for people to go. Where are they going to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards says there’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721460/why-do-these-4-myths-about-homelessness-persist\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">myth\u003c/a> that the homeless are offered resources and choose not to take them. But, he says, with 2,500 beds in the city already filled, the 5,000 people still on the streets have nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wind can blow someone’s tent away, and then all of a sudden you’re soaked. And so if you get a dry blanket, well then you need another dry blanket, then you need another dry blanket,” Edwards said. “I don’t know what there is to do besides build more housing and expand the shelter capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Breed’s office said the city is committed to opening 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area has been hit by several winter storms since the beginning of the year, and the San Francisco homeless population says the city and the police aren’t doing enough to help them during the extreme weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11725582/a-double-barreled-storm-gets-ready-to-blast-bay-area-northern-california\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent storms\u003c/a> brought record rain, flooding, high winds, low temperatures and even some snow to the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“It’s one thing to rain, but then it’s cold and it’s windy too. All three? It’s hell. It’s cold hell. It’s a cold hell.”\u003ccite>James Smith\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“It’s one thing to rain, but then it’s cold and it’s windy too. All three? It’s hell. It’s cold hell. It’s a cold hell,” said James Smith, who has been living on the streets of the Tenderloin for over a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith — wearing four jackets, standing next to a wheelchair he uses when his sciatica acts up, and a pile of his belongings covered by half of a blue tarp with holes in it — said he hasn’t been offered any services or housing by the city, despite the storms. Although the police haven’t bothered him, he said they have been confiscating nearby tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homeless advocacy groups agree. They say police have been seizing tents and survival supplies from people living on the streets before the storms. People on the streets have told advocates that the sweeps appear to increase before bad weather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Mayor London Breed’s office said crews only confiscate items if the person refuses to go to an open shelter bed. “If no shelter is available, officers will not issue a citation nor confiscate the tent,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brian Edwards, from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cohsf.org/\">Coalition on Homelessness\u003c/a>, said the worst homeless sweeps he has seen have been during storms. Edwards and his coworkers normally check on people living on the streets at least three times a week, but they increase that to nearly every day when the weather is bad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says San Francisco has one of highest rates of homeless people per capita, and there aren’t options for the thousands living on the city’s streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s telling us that they’re being offered services,” Edwards said. “No one’s telling us that they’re being offered a place in a shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to San Francisco’s Department of Homeless and Supportive Housing (HSH), the city opens up an additional 75 shelter beds or more if one of the following conditions are met:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Temperatures forecast to drop to or below 40 degrees for two consecutive days or longer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rainfall forecast to be 1.5 inches or more each day for two consecutive days\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Rainfall forecast to be 0.75 inches or more on each of three or more consecutive days or longer\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Forecasts of temperatures to drop to or below 45 degrees AND rainfall to be 0.5 inches or more AND winds of more than 30 miles per hour all within the same 24 hour period for one or more days\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>HSH Director Jeff Kositsky said his department has voluntarily opened up those additional beds, including during the most recent storm, even though the required criteria were never met. If 70 of the 75 beds are used on any given night, the city expands its response by opening additional shelters as needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">“No one’s telling us that they’re being offered services. No one’s telling us that they’re being offered a place in a shelter.”\u003ccite>Brian Edwards\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I was proud of our efforts last week. And I’m really proud of the staff that are out in the rain in the cold trying to help people,” Kositsky said. “Again, our protocols are good. But as long as anybody is out on the street, whether it’s raining or not, we still have more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said it will continue to offer 75 additional shelter spots through Monday morning. But Edwards, of the Coalition on Homelessness, says the city is overloaded. There are nearly 1,200 people waiting for temporary beds on the single adult shelter waitlist in the city, and that doesn’t include families with children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726830\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726830\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1020x766.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1200x901.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/FullSizeRender-1920x1441.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">SFPD officers conduct a homeless sweep in the rain. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Coalition on Homelessness)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The reality of it is, there are 5,000 people that can’t fit into the shelter system today,” Edwards said. “People think that oh, there’s some place for people to go. Where are they going to go?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edwards says there’s a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11721460/why-do-these-4-myths-about-homelessness-persist\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">myth\u003c/a> that the homeless are offered resources and choose not to take them. But, he says, with 2,500 beds in the city already filled, the 5,000 people still on the streets have nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The wind can blow someone’s tent away, and then all of a sudden you’re soaked. And so if you get a dry blanket, well then you need another dry blanket, then you need another dry blanket,” Edwards said. “I don’t know what there is to do besides build more housing and expand the shelter capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Breed’s office said the city is committed to opening 1,000 new shelter beds by 2020.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Silicon Valley is booming, and with it comes new real estate development, higher salaries and more traffic, according to a new survey released on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to this year’s economic survey from \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Joint Venture Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, commute times have increased by more than 20 percent over the past 10 years, adding an additional 43 hours of driving time per commuter annually. The report was released at the nonprofit’s annual State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rolling now to a crescendo,” said Russell Hancock, CEO and President of Joint Venture. “Cities are also realizing that when they have employers in their boundaries it creates externalities, and one of those is traffic jams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also finds the cost of housing plays into the traffic problem. Over the past two years, the median home price has increased by $300,000, bringing it to $1.2 million last year. Compare that to $221,000 — the median price in the U.S. overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of homes on the market has also decreased significantly. In 2018, there were half as many home sales as there were in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The inventory is at historic lows, people are actually holding on to their houses” instead of downsizing in retirement, Hancock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This adds up to more local employees — 95,000 in 2017 — who are forced to live so far away from their jobs that they end up commuting more than three hours a day. Caltrain ridership has reached an all-time high, but not everybody lives along the rail lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of transportation needs in Silicon Valley rose by 4 percent over the past four years, after adjusting for inflation. This compares to a decrease in the cost of transportation needs of 12 percent statewide over the same period, according to the index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if housing costs and traffic are driving tens of thousands of people to leave the region, the migration \u003ci>out\u003c/i> is almost exactly matched by the migration coming \u003ci>in\u003c/i>. Silicon Valley lost roughly 22,300 people last year but gained roughly 20,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, where congestion is \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2019/2/13/18222225/los-angeles-traffic-worst-nation-hours\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">old news\u003c/a>, Mayor Eric Garcetti is overseeing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.lamayor.org/statement-mayor-garcetti-introduction-twenty-eight-28-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major transit plan\u003c/a> to bring 100 miles of new rail line to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really looking at what we’re doing with a once, not just in a generation, but once in a century investment in transportation,” Gracetti said during his keynote at the State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report isn’t all doom and gloom. While Silicon Valley faces major challenges, there are still enormous opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median household income here is higher than it has ever been. In 2017, it grew by 5 percent, bringing it to $118,400 annually. Unemployment is also fairly low, at 2.3 percent compared to 3.9 percent in California overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our success is greater than other parts of the country and our failures are greater than other parts of the country,” Garcetti said of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment for black or African-American residents has also decreased. It’s currently at 5 percent, which, though higher than the overall rate, is 7 percent lower than it was in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Silicon Valley is booming, and with it comes new real estate development, higher salaries and more traffic, according to a new survey released on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to this year’s economic survey from \u003ca href=\"https://jointventure.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Joint Venture Silicon Valley\u003c/a>, commute times have increased by more than 20 percent over the past 10 years, adding an additional 43 hours of driving time per commuter annually. The report was released at the nonprofit’s annual State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s rolling now to a crescendo,” said Russell Hancock, CEO and President of Joint Venture. “Cities are also realizing that when they have employers in their boundaries it creates externalities, and one of those is traffic jams.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also finds the cost of housing plays into the traffic problem. Over the past two years, the median home price has increased by $300,000, bringing it to $1.2 million last year. Compare that to $221,000 — the median price in the U.S. overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of homes on the market has also decreased significantly. In 2018, there were half as many home sales as there were in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The inventory is at historic lows, people are actually holding on to their houses” instead of downsizing in retirement, Hancock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This adds up to more local employees — 95,000 in 2017 — who are forced to live so far away from their jobs that they end up commuting more than three hours a day. Caltrain ridership has reached an all-time high, but not everybody lives along the rail lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of transportation needs in Silicon Valley rose by 4 percent over the past four years, after adjusting for inflation. This compares to a decrease in the cost of transportation needs of 12 percent statewide over the same period, according to the index.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if housing costs and traffic are driving tens of thousands of people to leave the region, the migration \u003ci>out\u003c/i> is almost exactly matched by the migration coming \u003ci>in\u003c/i>. Silicon Valley lost roughly 22,300 people last year but gained roughly 20,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, where congestion is \u003ca href=\"https://la.curbed.com/2019/2/13/18222225/los-angeles-traffic-worst-nation-hours\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">old news\u003c/a>, Mayor Eric Garcetti is overseeing a \u003ca href=\"https://www.lamayor.org/statement-mayor-garcetti-introduction-twenty-eight-28-initiative\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major transit plan\u003c/a> to bring 100 miles of new rail line to the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re really looking at what we’re doing with a once, not just in a generation, but once in a century investment in transportation,” Gracetti said during his keynote at the State of the Valley event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the report isn’t all doom and gloom. While Silicon Valley faces major challenges, there are still enormous opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median household income here is higher than it has ever been. In 2017, it grew by 5 percent, bringing it to $118,400 annually. Unemployment is also fairly low, at 2.3 percent compared to 3.9 percent in California overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our success is greater than other parts of the country and our failures are greater than other parts of the country,” Garcetti said of Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unemployment for black or African-American residents has also decreased. It’s currently at 5 percent, which, though higher than the overall rate, is 7 percent lower than it was in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-amazon-drops-nyc-plans-san-jose-looks-smart-for-not-offering-incentives",
"title": "As Amazon Drops NYC Plans, San Jose Looks Smart for Not Offering Incentives",
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"content": "\u003cp>A mayor from a Bay Area city that tried to land big tech companies might be starting to look pretty smart after Amazon canceled its plans for a New York City headquarters. Activists and local politicians said New York had given up too much for too little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it doesn’t have to be that way, according to San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who refused to offer Amazon and another tech giant, Google, any incentives to locate in his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/14/694740118/amazon-drops-plans-for-new-york-headquarters\">back out\u003c/a> of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713070/google-commences-1b-expansion-in-new-york-city\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">New York City plan\u003c/a> followed opposition from activists and local politicians over the hefty tax breaks and incentives the company would’ve gotten when it moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘If you’re offering incentives, those are dollars you could use to be building out transit, to … supporting an ecosystem of talent development.’\u003ccite>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>As big tech companies expand nationwide, cities continue to grapple with how to make sure they are benefiting. San Jose is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, when Amazon was looking for a city \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/09/18/551773552/cities-try-convincing-amazon-they-re-ready-for-its-new-headquarters\">to house its second headquarters\u003c/a>, Liccardo threw San Jose’s hat in the ring. But unlike the various cities that promised generous tax incentives, San Jose offered Amazon no money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re offering incentives, those are dollars you could use to be building out transit, to … supporting an ecosystem of talent development,” Liccardo says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Amazon ultimately picked New York for one of its new campuses, many activists said it made no sense for one of the world’s wealthiest companies to get gig tax breaks and other incentives. It caused such a local outrage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/14/694740118/amazon-drops-plans-for-new-york-headquarters\">Amazon announced it was pulling out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lesson for cities really ought to be, don’t take the bait. And don’t even offer the bait,” Liccardo says.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710256/the-google-land-rush\">The Google Land Rush\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710256/the-google-land-rush\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/welcometo_120518_final-1020x649.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say he doesn’t want Big Tech headquartered in San Jose — Adobe, Cisco and eBay are based there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re the only major city in the United States that actually has a smaller daytime population than nighttime population,” Liccardo says. “And, as a result, our residents spend a lot of time commuting. We’re right up there with the worst cities in commutes and obviously it drives up the housing costs. And so we get the worst of both worlds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726713\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-800x1117.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1117\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726713\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-800x1117.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-160x223.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-1020x1424.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-860x1200.jpg 860w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400.jpg 1400w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo. \u003ccite>(Tony Avelar/Invision/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Liccardo says when he was approached by Google, which was interested in building a campus in San Jose, the company didn’t ask for incentives and his government didn’t offer any. Rather, the mayor says the city is requiring that 25 percent of the housing built around the campus be rent-restricted and affordable. Like most of the Bay Area, the cost of living in San Jose has skyrocketed, largely driven by the tech boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, which is headquartered nearby Mountain View, is projected to bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/11/28/google-village-could-bring-24000-jobs-to-downtown-san-jose-study/\">tens of thousands of jobs\u003c/a> to San Jose. And Liccardo says the company agreed to fees on development to help fund affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is planning to develop as much as 8 million square feet in downtown San Jose. The city lacks the allure of San Francisco or neighboring Palo Alto, so it’s not hard to see why some are so excited to develop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plenty of locals and activists are not happy with Google moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Buchanan, the policy director at Working Partnerships USA, a community labor coalition, says that even if San Jose isn’t offering big tax breaks, that doesn’t mean Google’s move will be good for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we’re not offering billions in tax rebates,” he says. “But we’re offering really valuable public land in an area where prices are going through the roof. Google is just on the beneficial side of things going their way, without having to give anything back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many activists in the various cities where tech is expanding, Buchanan has questions about the details: How exactly is housing going to be kept affordable? And, of all those jobs coming to town, how many will go to locals?\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723268/details-emerge-on-san-joses-100-million-pledge-to-build-more-affordable-housing\">Details Emerge on San Jose’s $100 Million Pledge to Build More Affordable Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723268/details-emerge-on-san-joses-100-million-pledge-to-build-more-affordable-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/67e331_eab4d73496c2473f9957aefb8a8fe1a9mv2_d_4000_2304_s_2.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“When you look at Google’s workforce,” Buchanan says, “only about \u003ca href=\"https://diversity.google/annual-report/\">7 percent\u003c/a> are either Latino or African-American. You look at the population of San Jose, and it just looks incredibly different than who it is that Google is actually hiring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expensive housing has been a problem for people like Joseph Chavez. A few years ago, it was so bad that his family — like so many others — had to leave San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prices are so outrageous, we’ve got to move to the Central Valley to actually have affordable homes,” he explains. “So with Google coming here, it might be a bad idea. Rent’s going to go sky high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chavez works in construction, and he’s hoping to work on the new San Jose Google site. “More jobs means more opportunities. More opportunity means everybody gets to eat. If it pays well, you might be able to make it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether he’ll be able to make it in San Jose after the Google campus gets built, that’s an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=This+City+Told+Amazon+And+Google%3A+No+Incentives+For+You&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Amazon canceled plans for a New York City HQ after meeting stiff opposition over big tax breaks and other incentives. San Jose's mayor refused to offer similar incentives but landed Google anyway.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A mayor from a Bay Area city that tried to land big tech companies might be starting to look pretty smart after Amazon canceled its plans for a New York City headquarters. Activists and local politicians said New York had given up too much for too little.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it doesn’t have to be that way, according to San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo, who refused to offer Amazon and another tech giant, Google, any incentives to locate in his city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amazon’s decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/14/694740118/amazon-drops-plans-for-new-york-headquarters\">back out\u003c/a> of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11713070/google-commences-1b-expansion-in-new-york-city\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">New York City plan\u003c/a> followed opposition from activists and local politicians over the hefty tax breaks and incentives the company would’ve gotten when it moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘If you’re offering incentives, those are dollars you could use to be building out transit, to … supporting an ecosystem of talent development.’\u003ccite>San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>As big tech companies expand nationwide, cities continue to grapple with how to make sure they are benefiting. San Jose is one example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, when Amazon was looking for a city \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/alltechconsidered/2017/09/18/551773552/cities-try-convincing-amazon-they-re-ready-for-its-new-headquarters\">to house its second headquarters\u003c/a>, Liccardo threw San Jose’s hat in the ring. But unlike the various cities that promised generous tax incentives, San Jose offered Amazon no money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re offering incentives, those are dollars you could use to be building out transit, to … supporting an ecosystem of talent development,” Liccardo says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Amazon ultimately picked New York for one of its new campuses, many activists said it made no sense for one of the world’s wealthiest companies to get gig tax breaks and other incentives. It caused such a local outrage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/02/14/694740118/amazon-drops-plans-for-new-york-headquarters\">Amazon announced it was pulling out\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lesson for cities really ought to be, don’t take the bait. And don’t even offer the bait,” Liccardo says.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710256/the-google-land-rush\">The Google Land Rush\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11710256/the-google-land-rush\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/welcometo_120518_final-1020x649.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Which is not to say he doesn’t want Big Tech headquartered in San Jose — Adobe, Cisco and eBay are based there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re the only major city in the United States that actually has a smaller daytime population than nighttime population,” Liccardo says. “And, as a result, our residents spend a lot of time commuting. We’re right up there with the worst cities in commutes and obviously it drives up the housing costs. And so we get the worst of both worlds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11726713\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-800x1117.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1117\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11726713\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-800x1117.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-160x223.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-1020x1424.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400-860x1200.jpg 860w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/ap_454227697688_enl-ab56b9778e011bcd7ad96d8c9cba597df4712bef-s1400.jpg 1400w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Mayor Sam Liccardo. \u003ccite>(Tony Avelar/Invision/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Liccardo says when he was approached by Google, which was interested in building a campus in San Jose, the company didn’t ask for incentives and his government didn’t offer any. Rather, the mayor says the city is requiring that 25 percent of the housing built around the campus be rent-restricted and affordable. Like most of the Bay Area, the cost of living in San Jose has skyrocketed, largely driven by the tech boom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google, which is headquartered nearby Mountain View, is projected to bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/11/28/google-village-could-bring-24000-jobs-to-downtown-san-jose-study/\">tens of thousands of jobs\u003c/a> to San Jose. And Liccardo says the company agreed to fees on development to help fund affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is planning to develop as much as 8 million square feet in downtown San Jose. The city lacks the allure of San Francisco or neighboring Palo Alto, so it’s not hard to see why some are so excited to develop it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plenty of locals and activists are not happy with Google moving in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeff Buchanan, the policy director at Working Partnerships USA, a community labor coalition, says that even if San Jose isn’t offering big tax breaks, that doesn’t mean Google’s move will be good for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe we’re not offering billions in tax rebates,” he says. “But we’re offering really valuable public land in an area where prices are going through the roof. Google is just on the beneficial side of things going their way, without having to give anything back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many activists in the various cities where tech is expanding, Buchanan has questions about the details: How exactly is housing going to be kept affordable? And, of all those jobs coming to town, how many will go to locals?\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723268/details-emerge-on-san-joses-100-million-pledge-to-build-more-affordable-housing\">Details Emerge on San Jose’s $100 Million Pledge to Build More Affordable Housing\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11723268/details-emerge-on-san-joses-100-million-pledge-to-build-more-affordable-housing\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/02/67e331_eab4d73496c2473f9957aefb8a8fe1a9mv2_d_4000_2304_s_2.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“When you look at Google’s workforce,” Buchanan says, “only about \u003ca href=\"https://diversity.google/annual-report/\">7 percent\u003c/a> are either Latino or African-American. You look at the population of San Jose, and it just looks incredibly different than who it is that Google is actually hiring.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expensive housing has been a problem for people like Joseph Chavez. A few years ago, it was so bad that his family — like so many others — had to leave San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The prices are so outrageous, we’ve got to move to the Central Valley to actually have affordable homes,” he explains. “So with Google coming here, it might be a bad idea. Rent’s going to go sky high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Chavez works in construction, and he’s hoping to work on the new San Jose Google site. “More jobs means more opportunities. More opportunity means everybody gets to eat. If it pays well, you might be able to make it,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether he’ll be able to make it in San Jose after the Google campus gets built, that’s an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2019 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org\">https://www.npr.org\u003c/a>.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=This+City+Told+Amazon+And+Google%3A+No+Incentives+For+You&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "State of the State: 5 Ways Gavin Newsom Made It Clear He’s Not Jerry Brown",
"title": "State of the State: 5 Ways Gavin Newsom Made It Clear He’s Not Jerry Brown",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Just a month after his inauguration, Gov. Gavin Newsom used his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\">State of the State speech\u003c/a> Tuesday to make his strongest showing yet that Jerry Brown is no longer in charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He proposed scaling back two of Brown’s legacy projects — a high-speed train and a pair of tunnels to move water north to south. He rescinded Brown’s deployment of California National Guard troops to the Mexican border. And he voiced support for education and housing policies that Brown generally stayed away from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s no shock that Newsom is carving his own path. California’s last several governors took office vowing to right the perceived wrongs of their predecessors. Brown himself, in his first term, was a change agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they were Democrats replacing Republicans, or vice versa. Newsom is the first Democrat to follow a Democrat into the California governor’s office in more than a century — and friendship between the Brown and Newsom families \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/gavin-newsoms-keeping-it-all-in-the-family/\">goes back generations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-transition-jerry-brown/\">creates a challenge\u003c/a> other recent governors have not faced: Newsom must pay homage to the legacy of his predecessor while also establishing his own vision. It’s not an easy needle to thread — as evidenced by Newsom’s response when asked if he is breaking away from the course Brown set in his two terms in office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re building on a lot of the work that’s been done,” he said in a brief interview after the speech. “We’re just being more sober about it, more deliberative about it, more focused, more transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this early stage in his governorship, here are five key ways Newsom has sought to differentiate himself:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border Patrol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Early last year, President Trump asked border-state governors to beef up their National Guard troops along the Mexican border. Brown responded by saying California troops wouldn’t enforce immigration laws or “build a new wall.” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/trump_california/gavin-newsom-says-hes-refuse-trump-on-sending-national-guard-to-the-border/\">But he agreed\u003c/a> to add 400 troops, saying they would focus on combating transnational crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/national-guard-newsom-state-of-state-kamala-harris-caltrans-homeless/\">rolled back Brown’s order\u003c/a> this week, reassigning most of the troops from the border to areas threatened by wildfire and illegal marijuana grows. Those remaining at the border “will focus on stopping criminals smuggling drugs and guns through existing border checkpoints,” Newsom said in his speech. “This is our answer to the White House: No more division, no more xenophobia and no more nativism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>High-speed rail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since his first stint as governor in the 1970s, Brown has advocated for a new high-speed train to connect Northern and Southern California. He took steps more recently to support the project by negotiating funding for it from California’s signature climate change program. “I make no bones about it,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/01/25/80125/gov-brown-to-lay-out-vision-in-last-state-of-state/\">Brown said last year\u003c/a>. “I like trains, and I like high-speed trains even better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Tuesday that he has “nothing but respect for Governor Brown’s and Governor Schwarzenegger’s ambitious vision.” But he derided the current plan for a train from San Francisco to Los Angeles, saying it “would cost too much and take too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom embraced a more limited rail line, from Merced to Bakersfield. He also announced a new chairman for the rail authority, Lenny Mendonca, and a plan to post rail spending publicly online, a step meant to hold the administration accountable for cost overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, long opposed to the new train, welcomed Newsom’s tack. State Sen. Shannon Grove of Bakersfield, who will soon take over as the Senate Republican leader, thanked Newsom for scaling back the project and making spending on it more transparent. “That was very responsible,” she said. “I’m pleasantly surprised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Water\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to scale back Brown’s controversial plan to carve two massive tunnels through the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta to move water to Southern California. Instead, as he said during the campaign, and reiterated in his speech, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-skelton-john-cox-gavin-newsom-california-governor-debate-20181011-story.html\">wants to build one tunnel.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was quickly embraced by Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, who said, “I’ve been skeptical of the two-tunnel approach for a while. Rethinking it and retooling it makes a lot of sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help carry out Newsom’s vision, the governor appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/about_us/board_members/\">Joaquin Esquivel\u003c/a> as the new chair of the state water board, replacing Brown’s pick, Felicia Marcus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Education\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Brown have very different views when it comes to keeping track of how students are performing in California’s public schools. Brown repeatedly rejected the idea of developing a database to track student performance over time, saying he disagreed with a focus on test scores and feared the data could be abused to support prejudice. Newsom\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/can-california-afford-newsom-education-plan/\"> is embracing\u003c/a> a long-term student database as a way to measure which programs advance student learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need clear and achievable standards of transparency, more information sharing, and accountability for all public schools,” he said in his speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom used the speech to announce his pick to lead the state Board of Education, naming \u003ca href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/person/linda-darling-hammond\">Linda Darling-Hammond\u003c/a> to the post. A former Stanford professor, she is an expert in teacher training and has chaired the state’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing for the last eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing & homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tackling California’s extraordinarily high cost of housing — and the related epidemic of homelessness — was never a top priority for Brown. Even as he left office, he said he didn’t think there was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/675647260/transcript-nprs-full-interview-with-california-gov-jerry-brown\">much the state could do\u003c/a> to make homes more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to change that by holding cities accountable for building affordable housing. He already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/will-dems-neutralize-huntington-beach-housing-suit/\">sued the city of Huntington Beach\u003c/a> for not building enough, and said in his speech that he wants to meet with 47 other cities that aren’t meeting their housing requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also announced that he is establishing a new commission on homelessness, to be led by Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In his first State of the State speech, governor reveals different approach to border patrol, high-speed rail, water, education and housing.\r\n",
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"description": "In his first State of the State speech, governor reveals different approach to border patrol, high-speed rail, water, education and housing.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just a month after his inauguration, Gov. Gavin Newsom used his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsom-state-of-the-state-annotated/\">State of the State speech\u003c/a> Tuesday to make his strongest showing yet that Jerry Brown is no longer in charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He proposed scaling back two of Brown’s legacy projects — a high-speed train and a pair of tunnels to move water north to south. He rescinded Brown’s deployment of California National Guard troops to the Mexican border. And he voiced support for education and housing policies that Brown generally stayed away from.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s no shock that Newsom is carving his own path. California’s last several governors took office vowing to right the perceived wrongs of their predecessors. Brown himself, in his first term, was a change agent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they were Democrats replacing Republicans, or vice versa. Newsom is the first Democrat to follow a Democrat into the California governor’s office in more than a century — and friendship between the Brown and Newsom families \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/gavin-newsoms-keeping-it-all-in-the-family/\">goes back generations\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-transition-jerry-brown/\">creates a challenge\u003c/a> other recent governors have not faced: Newsom must pay homage to the legacy of his predecessor while also establishing his own vision. It’s not an easy needle to thread — as evidenced by Newsom’s response when asked if he is breaking away from the course Brown set in his two terms in office:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re building on a lot of the work that’s been done,” he said in a brief interview after the speech. “We’re just being more sober about it, more deliberative about it, more focused, more transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At this early stage in his governorship, here are five key ways Newsom has sought to differentiate himself:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border Patrol\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Early last year, President Trump asked border-state governors to beef up their National Guard troops along the Mexican border. Brown responded by saying California troops wouldn’t enforce immigration laws or “build a new wall.” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/trump_california/gavin-newsom-says-hes-refuse-trump-on-sending-national-guard-to-the-border/\">But he agreed\u003c/a> to add 400 troops, saying they would focus on combating transnational crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/national-guard-newsom-state-of-state-kamala-harris-caltrans-homeless/\">rolled back Brown’s order\u003c/a> this week, reassigning most of the troops from the border to areas threatened by wildfire and illegal marijuana grows. Those remaining at the border “will focus on stopping criminals smuggling drugs and guns through existing border checkpoints,” Newsom said in his speech. “This is our answer to the White House: No more division, no more xenophobia and no more nativism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>High-speed rail\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Since his first stint as governor in the 1970s, Brown has advocated for a new high-speed train to connect Northern and Southern California. He took steps more recently to support the project by negotiating funding for it from California’s signature climate change program. “I make no bones about it,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/01/25/80125/gov-brown-to-lay-out-vision-in-last-state-of-state/\">Brown said last year\u003c/a>. “I like trains, and I like high-speed trains even better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Tuesday that he has “nothing but respect for Governor Brown’s and Governor Schwarzenegger’s ambitious vision.” But he derided the current plan for a train from San Francisco to Los Angeles, saying it “would cost too much and take too long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom embraced a more limited rail line, from Merced to Bakersfield. He also announced a new chairman for the rail authority, Lenny Mendonca, and a plan to post rail spending publicly online, a step meant to hold the administration accountable for cost overruns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, long opposed to the new train, welcomed Newsom’s tack. State Sen. Shannon Grove of Bakersfield, who will soon take over as the Senate Republican leader, thanked Newsom for scaling back the project and making spending on it more transparent. “That was very responsible,” she said. “I’m pleasantly surprised.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Water\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom also wants to scale back Brown’s controversial plan to carve two massive tunnels through the Sacramento-San Joaquin Delta to move water to Southern California. Instead, as he said during the campaign, and reiterated in his speech, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-skelton-john-cox-gavin-newsom-california-governor-debate-20181011-story.html\">wants to build one tunnel.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea was quickly embraced by Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, who said, “I’ve been skeptical of the two-tunnel approach for a while. Rethinking it and retooling it makes a lot of sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To help carry out Newsom’s vision, the governor appointed \u003ca href=\"https://www.waterboards.ca.gov/about_us/board_members/\">Joaquin Esquivel\u003c/a> as the new chair of the state water board, replacing Brown’s pick, Felicia Marcus.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Education\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Brown have very different views when it comes to keeping track of how students are performing in California’s public schools. Brown repeatedly rejected the idea of developing a database to track student performance over time, saying he disagreed with a focus on test scores and feared the data could be abused to support prejudice. Newsom\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/can-california-afford-newsom-education-plan/\"> is embracing\u003c/a> a long-term student database as a way to measure which programs advance student learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need clear and achievable standards of transparency, more information sharing, and accountability for all public schools,” he said in his speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom used the speech to announce his pick to lead the state Board of Education, naming \u003ca href=\"https://learningpolicyinstitute.org/person/linda-darling-hammond\">Linda Darling-Hammond\u003c/a> to the post. A former Stanford professor, she is an expert in teacher training and has chaired the state’s Commission on Teacher Credentialing for the last eight years.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing & homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tackling California’s extraordinarily high cost of housing — and the related epidemic of homelessness — was never a top priority for Brown. Even as he left office, he said he didn’t think there was \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/12/11/675647260/transcript-nprs-full-interview-with-california-gov-jerry-brown\">much the state could do\u003c/a> to make homes more affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants to change that by holding cities accountable for building affordable housing. He already \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/will-dems-neutralize-huntington-beach-housing-suit/\">sued the city of Huntington Beach\u003c/a> for not building enough, and said in his speech that he wants to meet with 47 other cities that aren’t meeting their housing requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also announced that he is establishing a new commission on homelessness, to be led by Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"perspectives": {
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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"key": "Restaurant Cuisine",
"filters": [
"Any Cuisine"
]
}
},
"restaurantDataById": {},
"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
"error": null
},
"userAgentReducer": {
"userAgent": "Mozilla/5.0 AppleWebKit/537.36 (KHTML, like Gecko; compatible; ClaudeBot/1.0; +claudebot@anthropic.com)",
"isBot": true
},
"requestOutcomesReducer": {
"notFound": []
}
}
