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"content": "\u003cp>A bill to bring back redevelopment agencies — a controversial tool used to fund affordable housing at the local level — has stalled in the California Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new version of the program\u003c/a> that was generating around $1 billion a year in so-called “tax increment financing” for affordable housing when it was eliminated in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prospects for the passage of “redevelopment 2.0” turned bleak when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against the idea, even after he embraced it during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, said that he was holding his redevelopment legislation, Assembly Bill 11, until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s bill would have allowed cities and counties to designate a redevelopment zone, and, with state approval, redirect any new property tax money created in the zone toward infrastructure and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11747161\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11747161\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu said his redevelopment bill will not move forward in 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu said his redevelopment bill will not move forward in 2019. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike the previous version of redevelopment, Chiu’s bill was not focused on economic development projects, which became political targets after examples of waste and abuse emerged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown moved to end the program upon taking office during the Great Recession. In late 2011, a state Supreme Court ruling led to the dissolution of redevelopment agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 11 would have made the state responsible for backfilling the property tax dollars that currently go to California schools and would have been redirected to brick-and-mortar projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of redevelopment as a new funding source for affordable housing was supported by Gavin Newsom during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were excited when then-candidate Gavin Newsom had committed to working with the Legislature to bring it back,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea of redirecting property tax dollars from schools faced opposition from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Affordable Housing\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when he unveiled his state budget proposal in January, Gov. Newsom decided there were better ways to address the state’s need for affordable housing funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bringing back redevelopment? I looked at it,” Newsom said. “We’re putting more money [toward affordable housing] now than when we killed redevelopment. And we’re doing it in a way that doesn’t take money from the education system that requires the backfill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the governor wanted to improve how local governments plan for new housing before committing to an ongoing source of new money. Newsom’s budget proposes $250 million to help with local housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the preference of the governor’s office that we move forward these ideas not this year, but focus this year on insuring that cities and counties are doing the planning that they need to get ready to build a lot more housing,” Chiu said. “And then focus on tax increment financing tools next year and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A bill to bring back redevelopment agencies — a controversial tool used to fund affordable housing at the local level — has stalled in the California Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation would have created a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11709680/state-lawmakers-eye-redevelopment-2-0-to-build-affordable-housing\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new version of the program\u003c/a> that was generating around $1 billion a year in so-called “tax increment financing” for affordable housing when it was eliminated in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But prospects for the passage of “redevelopment 2.0” turned bleak when Gov. Gavin Newsom came out against the idea, even after he embraced it during his 2018 gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Assemblyman David Chiu, D-San Francisco, said that he was holding his redevelopment legislation, Assembly Bill 11, until next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu’s bill would have allowed cities and counties to designate a redevelopment zone, and, with state approval, redirect any new property tax money created in the zone toward infrastructure and affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11747161\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11747161\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu said his redevelopment bill will not move forward in 2019.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS33306_101818_AW_Prop1and2_03-qut-1.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Assemblyman David Chiu said his redevelopment bill will not move forward in 2019. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike the previous version of redevelopment, Chiu’s bill was not focused on economic development projects, which became political targets after examples of waste and abuse emerged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown moved to end the program upon taking office during the Great Recession. In late 2011, a state Supreme Court ruling led to the dissolution of redevelopment agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 11 would have made the state responsible for backfilling the property tax dollars that currently go to California schools and would have been redirected to brick-and-mortar projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea of redevelopment as a new funding source for affordable housing was supported by Gavin Newsom during his campaign for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were excited when then-candidate Gavin Newsom had committed to working with the Legislature to bring it back,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the idea of redirecting property tax dollars from schools faced opposition from the California Teachers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when he unveiled his state budget proposal in January, Gov. Newsom decided there were better ways to address the state’s need for affordable housing funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bringing back redevelopment? I looked at it,” Newsom said. “We’re putting more money [toward affordable housing] now than when we killed redevelopment. And we’re doing it in a way that doesn’t take money from the education system that requires the backfill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu said the governor wanted to improve how local governments plan for new housing before committing to an ongoing source of new money. Newsom’s budget proposes $250 million to help with local housing plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is the preference of the governor’s office that we move forward these ideas not this year, but focus this year on insuring that cities and counties are doing the planning that they need to get ready to build a lot more housing,” Chiu said. “And then focus on tax increment financing tools next year and beyond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This text story contains an update and a correction.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Misty Attaway and her family were forced to flee from the Camp Fire on the morning of Nov. 8, she heard some shocking news: Her home in Paradise, unlike much of the rest of the town, had survived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought, ‘Oh my gosh, I’m the lucky one,’ ” Attaway said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many ways, she was. The Camp Fire was the deadliest and most destructive California wildfire in recorded state history. It spared few structures as it tore through the Sierra Nevada foothills in Butte County, wiping out nearly 14,000 residences. The fact that Attaway’s home was still standing was an anomaly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But six months later, Attaway — who grew up in Paradise and has lived there for decades — thinks differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish it would’ve burned,” she said. “And I hate to say that, but the nightmare and the stress and the agony that my insurance has caused me these last six months, I’m reliving the trauma every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home next to Attaway’s did burn, and the adjacent flames, she said, caused “terrible” damage to her home, outside and in, making it uninhabitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have smoke and ash all the way through my home, broken glass everywhere and my utilities burned,” she said. “My windows were blown out, and I was looted, so my doors are broken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the physical damage, there’s also the smell — a rotting refrigerator compounded with lingering smoke — that’s ruined the clothing Attaway and her family left behind when they fled from the fire.[pullquote align='right' citation='Misty Attaway']‘The nightmare and the stress and the agony that my insurance has caused me these last six months, I’m reliving the trauma every day.’[/pullquote]When she reached out to her insurance provider — Los Angeles-based Mercury Insurance — for help, Attaway said, she got almost nothing: “Without power, [without] water, my insurance company told me to live there with an outhouse and a generator with my children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance company responded after this story was initially published and disputed Attaway’s characterization of their responsiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercury, Attaway said, did give her a $10,000 check right after the fire as a portion of the Additional Living Expenses (ALE) coverage of her homeowners policy, but she said the company told her not to cash the check because her structure was still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not cash that check because I was told not to,” she said. Months later, Attaway said, the insurance company told her she could use it to cover other costs, and she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Mercury Insurance said the company often issues handwritten checks in the immediate aftermath of events like wildfires. “Because they are handwritten checks for large amounts, we suggest our policyholders cash them the next day so we can let the bank know that we’ve written the checks,” Mercury spokesperson Kyle Reuter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance company, Attaway said, did offer to clean her family’s clothing, but the process took months. When the company returned the items, she said, a nauseating chemical smell and lingering smoke made them unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in December, a major storm system dropped heavy rain on Paradise, and Attaway’s ceiling collapsed. She said she immediately contacted a roofer, who said the collapse was caused by significant damages from the heat of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attaway then contacted Mercury Insurance again, who sent out a field adjuster. But Mercury’s adjuster, Attaway said, found that the “roof was in no way caused by the fire, but was caused because I did not take care of my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercury said the adjuster found a leak in the roof caused by pine needle build up in the gutters that caused water to back up and seep into the house. That damage is not covered “because general upkeep of the property is the responsibility of the homeowner,” according to the insurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fighting with Mercury, Attaway said the insurer approved a six month lease on an apartment in nearby Chico beginning on December 22nd, as a part of her ALE coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to fight for that,” Attaway said, adding that that the ALE coverage will only run through June, when they estimate repairs on her home will be complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, Mercury says it gave approval for the lease earlier, on December 6th, but that Attaway asked for the lease to begin on the 22nd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mercury has responded quickly to all of Ms. Attaway’s inquiries and claims, despite extremely heavy claims volume,” Mercury spokesperson Kyle Reuter said. “We believe we have gone above and beyond what most people would consider reasonable, because we understand how traumatic this event has been for those impacted by it and we take our responsibility to our customers very seriously.”[pullquote size='large' align='right' citation='Amy Bach, United Policyholders']‘People invest in insurance so that when something bad happens, they won’t have to worry.’[/pullquote]According to consumer advocates, Attaway’s insurance “nightmare” is not unusual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people in her situation have sometimes an even harder challenge getting a fair payout from their insurance than someone whose home has been completely destroyed,” said Amy Bach, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.uphelp.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Policyholders\u003c/a>, which helps people navigate insurance claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With record damages from increasingly destructive wildfires, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746414/insurance-claims-from-deadly-california-wildfires-top-12b\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">insurance claims have reached record highs\u003c/a> in recent years, Bach said. For the Camp Fire alone, claims total more than $8 billion, making insured losses from the blaze the most of any wildfire in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those losses have put a strain on insurance companies. “We’ve got an industry that is very worried about what lies ahead for their profitability in the California home insurance market,” Bach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Bach said, experiences like Attaway’s should not be the norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shouldn’t be that way for anyone,” she said. “People invest in insurance so that when something bad happens, they won’t have to worry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Attaway, insurance has been the source of her worry. She wants to move back to her home, but it’s virtually uninhabitable. Her ALE coverage that pays for her apartment in Chico will be cut off next month. She’s currently working two jobs to cover expenses, but she doesn’t think it’s sustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t afford to pay for my home and an apartment,” she said. “Our lives have been completely turned into confetti, and we’re just trying to pick up the pieces and put them back together. I don’t even know where to begin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>May 17: An earlier version of this story said that Misty Attaway did not receive assistance from Mercury Insurance on her apartment in Chico “for months,” when, in fact, she began receiving assistance on the apartment in December. The story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story has been updated to include statements from a Mercury Insurance spokesperson provided after the story’s original publication. This story also contains additional information from Misty Attaway provided after the story’s publication.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish it would’ve burned,” she said. “And I hate to say that, but the nightmare and the stress and the agony that my insurance has caused me these last six months, I’m reliving the trauma every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The home next to Attaway’s did burn, and the adjacent flames, she said, caused “terrible” damage to her home, outside and in, making it uninhabitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have smoke and ash all the way through my home, broken glass everywhere and my utilities burned,” she said. “My windows were blown out, and I was looted, so my doors are broken.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of the physical damage, there’s also the smell — a rotting refrigerator compounded with lingering smoke — that’s ruined the clothing Attaway and her family left behind when they fled from the fire.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When she reached out to her insurance provider — Los Angeles-based Mercury Insurance — for help, Attaway said, she got almost nothing: “Without power, [without] water, my insurance company told me to live there with an outhouse and a generator with my children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance company responded after this story was initially published and disputed Attaway’s characterization of their responsiveness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercury, Attaway said, did give her a $10,000 check right after the fire as a portion of the Additional Living Expenses (ALE) coverage of her homeowners policy, but she said the company told her not to cash the check because her structure was still standing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not cash that check because I was told not to,” she said. Months later, Attaway said, the insurance company told her she could use it to cover other costs, and she did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Mercury Insurance said the company often issues handwritten checks in the immediate aftermath of events like wildfires. “Because they are handwritten checks for large amounts, we suggest our policyholders cash them the next day so we can let the bank know that we’ve written the checks,” Mercury spokesperson Kyle Reuter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance company, Attaway said, did offer to clean her family’s clothing, but the process took months. When the company returned the items, she said, a nauseating chemical smell and lingering smoke made them unusable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in December, a major storm system dropped heavy rain on Paradise, and Attaway’s ceiling collapsed. She said she immediately contacted a roofer, who said the collapse was caused by significant damages from the heat of the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attaway then contacted Mercury Insurance again, who sent out a field adjuster. But Mercury’s adjuster, Attaway said, found that the “roof was in no way caused by the fire, but was caused because I did not take care of my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mercury said the adjuster found a leak in the roof caused by pine needle build up in the gutters that caused water to back up and seep into the house. That damage is not covered “because general upkeep of the property is the responsibility of the homeowner,” according to the insurer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fighting with Mercury, Attaway said the insurer approved a six month lease on an apartment in nearby Chico beginning on December 22nd, as a part of her ALE coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to fight for that,” Attaway said, adding that that the ALE coverage will only run through June, when they estimate repairs on her home will be complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For its part, Mercury says it gave approval for the lease earlier, on December 6th, but that Attaway asked for the lease to begin on the 22nd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mercury has responded quickly to all of Ms. Attaway’s inquiries and claims, despite extremely heavy claims volume,” Mercury spokesperson Kyle Reuter said. “We believe we have gone above and beyond what most people would consider reasonable, because we understand how traumatic this event has been for those impacted by it and we take our responsibility to our customers very seriously.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>According to consumer advocates, Attaway’s insurance “nightmare” is not unusual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, people in her situation have sometimes an even harder challenge getting a fair payout from their insurance than someone whose home has been completely destroyed,” said Amy Bach, executive director of \u003ca href=\"https://www.uphelp.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">United Policyholders\u003c/a>, which helps people navigate insurance claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With record damages from increasingly destructive wildfires, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11746414/insurance-claims-from-deadly-california-wildfires-top-12b\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">insurance claims have reached record highs\u003c/a> in recent years, Bach said. For the Camp Fire alone, claims total more than $8 billion, making insured losses from the blaze the most of any wildfire in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of those losses have put a strain on insurance companies. “We’ve got an industry that is very worried about what lies ahead for their profitability in the California home insurance market,” Bach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Bach said, experiences like Attaway’s should not be the norm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shouldn’t be that way for anyone,” she said. “People invest in insurance so that when something bad happens, they won’t have to worry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for Attaway, insurance has been the source of her worry. She wants to move back to her home, but it’s virtually uninhabitable. Her ALE coverage that pays for her apartment in Chico will be cut off next month. She’s currently working two jobs to cover expenses, but she doesn’t think it’s sustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t afford to pay for my home and an apartment,” she said. “Our lives have been completely turned into confetti, and we’re just trying to pick up the pieces and put them back together. I don’t even know where to begin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>May 17: An earlier version of this story said that Misty Attaway did not receive assistance from Mercury Insurance on her apartment in Chico “for months,” when, in fact, she began receiving assistance on the apartment in December. The story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Marin County officials have announced a nearly 30% drop in the county’s chronic homeless population in the last two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"additional homelessness coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/20190508-HHS-PITcount.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">preliminary data\u003c/a> from January’s Point-in-Time countywide homeless count, officials said they had identified 257 chronically homeless people — those who have been homeless for at least a year and struggle with a disabling condition. That’s 102 fewer than had been counted in the 2017 tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is 28% fewer than just two years ago,” said Marin County Supervisor Katie Rice at a press conference in San Rafael on Wednesday. “This data shows we are on the right track and that it is indeed possible to end chronic homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the total number of homeless people throughout the county — including both chronic and short-term — decreased less dramatically, from 1,117 in 2017 to 1,034, a 7% dip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Point-in-Time homeless counts are mandated every two years by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to determine the amount of federal homelessness funding that communities receive. The final report, including location data, will likely be available later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the overall reduction in homelessness was modest, county officials pointed to multiple signs of progress, including a 40% decrease in homelessness among people with serious mental illness, a 28% decrease in family homelessness and a 10% decrease in youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county attributes these notable drops to the “housing first” strategy it adopted two years ago, an effort to find permanent housing and supportive services for its most vulnerable populations, an alternative to funneling them in and out of temporary emergency shelters. It also instituted a collaboration among multiple agencies and nonprofits, which now meet regularly to share data and determine where to direct resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new approach was largely motivated by a striking 36% rise in chronic homelessness the county reported between 2015 and 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have shifted our whole system of care to evidence-based practices, housing people who are most vulnerable first,” said Ashley Hart McIntyre, the county’s homeless policy analyst. “In the last few years, we started looking at the homeless population not as a homogenous population group, but person by person … and started seeing people who we never expected to see housed, gain and maintain housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McIntyre said she cried when she saw the most recent data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so encouraging to see what we’re doing is having a positive effect,” she said, noting that her team adopted the new strategy largely on faith. “When that pays off, it’s incredibly moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness extends throughout the county, it looks notably different from one place to another, said McIntyre, from encampments below overpasses in San Rafael to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739421/from-arks-to-anchor-outs-the-history-of-waterfront-living-on-richardson-bay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">floating shanties on Richardson Bay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s total homeless population, she added, is likely to remain stubbornly high until the county’s exorbitant housing prices start to fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that’s a problem,” she said, “we’re going to have some struggles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/20190508-HHS-PITcount.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">preliminary data\u003c/a> from January’s Point-in-Time countywide homeless count, officials said they had identified 257 chronically homeless people — those who have been homeless for at least a year and struggle with a disabling condition. That’s 102 fewer than had been counted in the 2017 tally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is 28% fewer than just two years ago,” said Marin County Supervisor Katie Rice at a press conference in San Rafael on Wednesday. “This data shows we are on the right track and that it is indeed possible to end chronic homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the total number of homeless people throughout the county — including both chronic and short-term — decreased less dramatically, from 1,117 in 2017 to 1,034, a 7% dip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Point-in-Time homeless counts are mandated every two years by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development to determine the amount of federal homelessness funding that communities receive. The final report, including location data, will likely be available later this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the overall reduction in homelessness was modest, county officials pointed to multiple signs of progress, including a 40% decrease in homelessness among people with serious mental illness, a 28% decrease in family homelessness and a 10% decrease in youth homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county attributes these notable drops to the “housing first” strategy it adopted two years ago, an effort to find permanent housing and supportive services for its most vulnerable populations, an alternative to funneling them in and out of temporary emergency shelters. It also instituted a collaboration among multiple agencies and nonprofits, which now meet regularly to share data and determine where to direct resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new approach was largely motivated by a striking 36% rise in chronic homelessness the county reported between 2015 and 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have shifted our whole system of care to evidence-based practices, housing people who are most vulnerable first,” said Ashley Hart McIntyre, the county’s homeless policy analyst. “In the last few years, we started looking at the homeless population not as a homogenous population group, but person by person … and started seeing people who we never expected to see housed, gain and maintain housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McIntyre said she cried when she saw the most recent data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so encouraging to see what we’re doing is having a positive effect,” she said, noting that her team adopted the new strategy largely on faith. “When that pays off, it’s incredibly moving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While homelessness extends throughout the county, it looks notably different from one place to another, said McIntyre, from encampments below overpasses in San Rafael to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11739421/from-arks-to-anchor-outs-the-history-of-waterfront-living-on-richardson-bay\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">floating shanties on Richardson Bay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marin’s total homeless population, she added, is likely to remain stubbornly high until the county’s exorbitant housing prices start to fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As long as that’s a problem,” she said, “we’re going to have some struggles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A senior fire official testified Wednesday in the Ghost Ship trial that whoever changes a building's use is responsible for compliance with safety codes intended to save lives in the event of a blaze. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cesar Avila, former assistant fire marshal with the City of Oakland, described the differing safety standards for buildings designated assembly, residential and storage, and explained how a change of use can trigger more stringent requirements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='ghost-ship-trial' label='More Ghost Ship Trial Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Sometimes we refer to the [fire] code as being written in blood and ashes,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The highly technical testimony led to a question from Alameda County prosecutor Casey Bates about who shoulders the responsibility for code compliance. Avila responded that whoever changes the use, whether tenant or landlord, is required to make improvements reflecting relevant safety standards. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avila appeared in court on the third day of witness testimony in the criminal trial stemming from the 2016 Ghost Ship warehouse fire that killed 36. Master tenant Derick Almena and Max Harris, who's been described as second in command or creative director, each face 36 counts of involuntary manslaughter. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bates has previously argued that Almena and Harris converted the Fruitvale district warehouse into an unpermitted residence and music venue with willful disregard for fire safety, while the defendants' attorneys have attempted to shift blame to city officials for ignoring dangerous conditions. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense attorneys have also said the fire broke out not because of code deficiencies, but because of a band of arsonists in dark clothing, alluding to a conflict between the warehouse and a neighbor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avila said buildings designated multi-unit residential require illuminated exit signs and two means of escape, and that an exit leading to a lot surrounded by a fence with a locked gate doesn't qualify. Assembly and residential buildings also require integrated fire suppression and alarm systems, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said it's \"absolutely not\" permissible to have indoor recreational-vehicles used residentially. \"A mobile home or RV is not a room,\" he said. \"You could have fuel, fumes [and] propane tanks attached to the RV. ... You could have oil in the car that could help fire spread.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During cross-examination, Harris' defense attorney Curtis Briggs stressed that his client moved in to Ghost Ship after the bulk of the interior construction. Briggs asked Avila if Harris had access to the city database indicating the permitted use of the building, and the witness said no. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unusual exchange, Briggs also called Avila's attention to the courtroom's lack of fire sprinklers and exit signs, asking how trial-goers would know how to escape in the event of a fire. Avila responded that because buildings such as the courthouse predate modern fire codes, different standards apply. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During cross-examination by Almena's attorney Tony Serra, Avila said he found no records of the Ghost Ship warehouse being inspected prior to the fire. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the afternoon, the prosecution called Jennifer Turner to the witness stand. Turner said she rented a space in Ghost Ship for fewer than two months in late 2014 after responding to a Craigslist advertisement for housing in a \"psychedelic pirate ship.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a tour of the space, Turner said Almena and another tenant \"explicitly\" told her to publicly describe Ghost Ship as a 24-hour artists' studio with public access, not a residence. Turner is expected to continue testifying that she moved out because of safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serra told reporters that he'll show the building owners, the Ng family, knew about the change of use, and emphasized that ultimately the jury must decide who had responsibility for safety at Ghost Ship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You watch, we're going to raise reasonable doubt that it was arson,\" Serra added. \"All the fire codes in the world aren't going to take into account what you have to do when there's an arson.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury also heard testimony Wednesday from Judy Melinek, a forensic pathologist who conducted autopsies on eight Ghost Ship fire victims and determined they died of smoke inhalation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Avila said buildings designated multi-unit residential require illuminated exit signs and two means of escape, and that an exit leading to a lot surrounded by a fence with a locked gate doesn't qualify. Assembly and residential buildings also require integrated fire suppression and alarm systems, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said it's \"absolutely not\" permissible to have indoor recreational-vehicles used residentially. \"A mobile home or RV is not a room,\" he said. \"You could have fuel, fumes [and] propane tanks attached to the RV. ... You could have oil in the car that could help fire spread.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During cross-examination, Harris' defense attorney Curtis Briggs stressed that his client moved in to Ghost Ship after the bulk of the interior construction. Briggs asked Avila if Harris had access to the city database indicating the permitted use of the building, and the witness said no. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unusual exchange, Briggs also called Avila's attention to the courtroom's lack of fire sprinklers and exit signs, asking how trial-goers would know how to escape in the event of a fire. Avila responded that because buildings such as the courthouse predate modern fire codes, different standards apply. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During cross-examination by Almena's attorney Tony Serra, Avila said he found no records of the Ghost Ship warehouse being inspected prior to the fire. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the afternoon, the prosecution called Jennifer Turner to the witness stand. Turner said she rented a space in Ghost Ship for fewer than two months in late 2014 after responding to a Craigslist advertisement for housing in a \"psychedelic pirate ship.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a tour of the space, Turner said Almena and another tenant \"explicitly\" told her to publicly describe Ghost Ship as a 24-hour artists' studio with public access, not a residence. Turner is expected to continue testifying that she moved out because of safety concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serra told reporters that he'll show the building owners, the Ng family, knew about the change of use, and emphasized that ultimately the jury must decide who had responsibility for safety at Ghost Ship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You watch, we're going to raise reasonable doubt that it was arson,\" Serra added. \"All the fire codes in the world aren't going to take into account what you have to do when there's an arson.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The jury also heard testimony Wednesday from Judy Melinek, a forensic pathologist who conducted autopsies on eight Ghost Ship fire victims and determined they died of smoke inhalation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco officials unveiled an ambitious spending plan for a proposed $500 million affordable housing bond they hope to put on the ballot in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related\" tag=\"affordable-housing\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to half of the funding — $210 million — would jump-start construction of new low-income housing, with much of the remaining amount geared toward building more affordable units for seniors and restoring the city’s stock of dilapidated public housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the bond could fund the construction of 2,000 units of affordable housing in the city over the next four years, according to Mayor London Breed and Norman Yee, president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, who formally introduced the proposal to the board on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Co-sponsored by Supervisors Vallie Brown, Ahsha Safaí, Catherine Stefani and Shamann Walton, the proposal still needs the support of at least three additional board members to qualify for the November 2019 ballot. It would then require a two-thirds majority of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're not doing business as usual in this city,” said Breed, who announced the proposal at the Willie B. Kennedy Apartments, an affordable senior housing development. “We're changing how we do affordable housing in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who grew up in public housing just blocks from City Hall, emphasized that the funds would be used to support a range of affordable housing options, benefiting both low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As someone who unfortunately had to live in some of the most terrible conditions for over 20 years of my life, I will always make sure that the residents of public housing are prioritized,” she said, adding, “We [also] can't forget our middle-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed and Yee co-chaired a working group of community leaders, housing activists and developers to determine how the bond would be spent. The board has until July to amend the proposal, and could opt to change the total amount at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how the funds would be allocated based on the current proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"list-style-type: none\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$210 million to “finish the construction, acquisition, and rehabilitation of low-income housing” serving residents earning 80% or below the Area Median Income (AMI) — which was $94,7000 in 2018, according to the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$150 million “to repair and rebuild distressed public housing and its underlying infrastructure\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$90 million to build new affordable rental units for seniors\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$30 million to acquire and rehabilitate existing rental housing that’s at risk of losing its affordable status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$20 million for “new affordable housing opportunities” for educators and middle-income residents earning 80% to 175% of AMI, through down-payment assistance loans and the purchase of building or land for new construction\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The $500 million bond is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-Mayor-Breed-wants-to-use-public-land-to-build-13790002.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest in Breed’s trifecta\u003c/a> of affordable housing proposals she want to put before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another initiative, which Breed announced last month and can place on the ballot with just her signature, would rezone hundreds of public parcels — with the exception of public parks — to dramatically expand the amount of land in the city available for construction of 100% affordable and teacher housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also introduced a new charter amendment to speed up construction of 100% affordable and teacher housing projects by exempting them from the often lengthy public appeals and discretionary review process, in which neighborhood groups can challenge previously approved proposals, sometimes stalling development for years. The amendment needs the support of at least three additional supervisors to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m out here because I’m trying to cut down on the time that it takes to get a project like that done,” Breed said last month. “Get them built, and get them built now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Close to half of the funding — $210 million — would jump-start construction of new low-income housing, with much of the remaining amount geared toward building more affordable units for seniors and restoring the city’s stock of dilapidated public housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the bond could fund the construction of 2,000 units of affordable housing in the city over the next four years, according to Mayor London Breed and Norman Yee, president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, who formally introduced the proposal to the board on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Co-sponsored by Supervisors Vallie Brown, Ahsha Safaí, Catherine Stefani and Shamann Walton, the proposal still needs the support of at least three additional board members to qualify for the November 2019 ballot. It would then require a two-thirds majority of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We're not doing business as usual in this city,” said Breed, who announced the proposal at the Willie B. Kennedy Apartments, an affordable senior housing development. “We're changing how we do affordable housing in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed, who grew up in public housing just blocks from City Hall, emphasized that the funds would be used to support a range of affordable housing options, benefiting both low- and middle-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As someone who unfortunately had to live in some of the most terrible conditions for over 20 years of my life, I will always make sure that the residents of public housing are prioritized,” she said, adding, “We [also] can't forget our middle-income residents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed and Yee co-chaired a working group of community leaders, housing activists and developers to determine how the bond would be spent. The board has until July to amend the proposal, and could opt to change the total amount at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s how the funds would be allocated based on the current proposal:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"list-style-type: none\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$210 million to “finish the construction, acquisition, and rehabilitation of low-income housing” serving residents earning 80% or below the Area Median Income (AMI) — which was $94,7000 in 2018, according to the Mayor’s Office of Housing and Community Development)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$150 million “to repair and rebuild distressed public housing and its underlying infrastructure\"\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$90 million to build new affordable rental units for seniors\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$30 million to acquire and rehabilitate existing rental housing that’s at risk of losing its affordable status\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$20 million for “new affordable housing opportunities” for educators and middle-income residents earning 80% to 175% of AMI, through down-payment assistance loans and the purchase of building or land for new construction\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The $500 million bond is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/SF-Mayor-Breed-wants-to-use-public-land-to-build-13790002.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">latest in Breed’s trifecta\u003c/a> of affordable housing proposals she want to put before voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another initiative, which Breed announced last month and can place on the ballot with just her signature, would rezone hundreds of public parcels — with the exception of public parks — to dramatically expand the amount of land in the city available for construction of 100% affordable and teacher housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also introduced a new charter amendment to speed up construction of 100% affordable and teacher housing projects by exempting them from the often lengthy public appeals and discretionary review process, in which neighborhood groups can challenge previously approved proposals, sometimes stalling development for years. The amendment needs the support of at least three additional supervisors to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m out here because I’m trying to cut down on the time that it takes to get a project like that done,” Breed said last month. “Get them built, and get them built now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Millionaires and billionaires, anyone?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/07/style/uber-ipo-san-francisco-rich.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">housing\u003c/a> and state tax revenues may be \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fioreipotaxes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">in for a wild ride\u003c/a> as at least six companies valued at over $1 billion are set to go public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number-crunchers estimate Uber will be valued at around $91 billion, making it one of the most gigantic initial public offerings in technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, state officials say they are about to rake in the largest haul of capital gains taxes the state has ever seen, even before any IPO windfalls are figured in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though what goes up can \u003cem>definitely\u003c/em> come down, it seems a little different from the days of \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/sock-puppet-kills-petscom\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sock puppet IPOs\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Eating leftovers from the Google cafeteria. Not having kids. Adult roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are just a few of the responses that came pouring in after we told you about how unaffordable the Bay Area has become since 2012. In an episode of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744054/where-can-you-live-in-the-bay-area-thats-affordable\">The Bay podcast\u003c/a> this week, we spoke with reporter Katy Murphy, from the Bay Area News Group team that\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://extras.mercurynews.com/pricewepay/\">analyzed rent and mortgage data\u003c/a> over time. The responses were sobering, but so compelling — and recognizable — that we couldn’t stop reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744908\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11744908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1440\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Traffic in San Francisco \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Here are some common themes in what you told us (we’ve left commenter names anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>You’re Putting Off Things You Want to Do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I don’t go out to lunch or dinner. I don’t pay to visit family elsewhere. I don’t take vacation that requires travel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t have kids. I can’t afford them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to live off my salary only, it would be a stretch. My husband and I are putting off retirement because living off retirement funds won’t cut it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working a job I wish I could quit but pays fairly well, so I am stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744907\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11744907 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043.jpg\" alt=\"The skyline of downtown Oakland\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-1200x900.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The skyline of downtown Oakland \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/ Climate Watch)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>You’re Feeling the Strain Like Crazy\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Teacher here, and about 60% of my coworkers have a wealthier partner that allows them to stay in SF. It makes for an interesting dynamic and a fair number of those relationships/marriages are absolutely toxic because of the financial reality.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I work full time with three part time jobs, I’ve decided I can’t afford the luxury of children, a car, or eating out, I mean, I barely eat. I don’t go to the dentist or the doctor when I should. I don’t own new shoes.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My boyfriend who works at Google basically brings home food and snacks so I can eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real sacrifice is feeling trapped…there are no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744905\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11744905 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246.jpg\" alt=\"Many respondents said they're resigned to long commutes in order to continue living in the Bay Area.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-1200x900.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many respondents said they’re resigned to long commutes in order to continue living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Many of You Don’t See Things Changing Soon\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I always say that in order to ever consider living in the bay again, I’d have to win the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s 49 other states and thousands of other cities that will undoubtedly have the same jobs that are here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I love the Bay and always will, but a small part of me hopes it collapses on itself. Maybe something better can be built from the remains, and this time we don’t let rich folks and real estate investors ruin it for the working class.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Subscribe to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">The Bay\u003c/a> on any of your favorite podcast apps to hear more local news stories like this on your smartphone. New episodes are released on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">Stitcher\u003c/a>, NPR One, or via \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">Alexa\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Eating leftovers from the Google cafeteria. Not having kids. Adult roommates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These are just a few of the responses that came pouring in after we told you about how unaffordable the Bay Area has become since 2012. In an episode of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11744054/where-can-you-live-in-the-bay-area-thats-affordable\">The Bay podcast\u003c/a> this week, we spoke with reporter Katy Murphy, from the Bay Area News Group team that\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://extras.mercurynews.com/pricewepay/\">analyzed rent and mortgage data\u003c/a> over time. The responses were sobering, but so compelling — and recognizable — that we couldn’t stop reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744908\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1440px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11744908\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1440\" height=\"960\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS13989_87856673-qut-2-1200x800.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1440px) 100vw, 1440px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Traffic in San Francisco \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Here are some common themes in what you told us (we’ve left commenter names anonymous.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>You’re Putting Off Things You Want to Do\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I don’t go out to lunch or dinner. I don’t pay to visit family elsewhere. I don’t take vacation that requires travel.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t have kids. I can’t afford them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I had to live off my salary only, it would be a stretch. My husband and I are putting off retirement because living off retirement funds won’t cut it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Working a job I wish I could quit but pays fairly well, so I am stuck.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744907\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11744907 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043.jpg\" alt=\"The skyline of downtown Oakland\" width=\"1600\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043.jpg 1600w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS2446_100929-043-1200x900.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1600px) 100vw, 1600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The skyline of downtown Oakland \u003ccite>(Craig Miller/ Climate Watch)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>You’re Feeling the Strain Like Crazy\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Teacher here, and about 60% of my coworkers have a wealthier partner that allows them to stay in SF. It makes for an interesting dynamic and a fair number of those relationships/marriages are absolutely toxic because of the financial reality.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I work full time with three part time jobs, I’ve decided I can’t afford the luxury of children, a car, or eating out, I mean, I barely eat. I don’t go to the dentist or the doctor when I should. I don’t own new shoes.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My boyfriend who works at Google basically brings home food and snacks so I can eat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real sacrifice is feeling trapped…there are no options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11744905\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11744905 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246.jpg\" alt=\"Many respondents said they're resigned to long commutes in order to continue living in the Bay Area.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/RS7013_alt_246-1200x900.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Many respondents said they’re resigned to long commutes in order to continue living in the Bay Area. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>\u003cstrong>Many of You Don’t See Things Changing Soon\u003c/strong>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“I always say that in order to ever consider living in the bay again, I’d have to win the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“There’s 49 other states and thousands of other cities that will undoubtedly have the same jobs that are here.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“I love the Bay and always will, but a small part of me hopes it collapses on itself. Maybe something better can be built from the remains, and this time we don’t let rich folks and real estate investors ruin it for the working class.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Subscribe to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/the-bay\">The Bay\u003c/a> on any of your favorite podcast apps to hear more local news stories like this on your smartphone. New episodes are released on Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 3 a.m. Find The Bay on \u003ca href=\"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-bay/id1350043452?mt=2\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://open.spotify.com/show/4BIKBKIujizLHlIlBNaAqQ\">Spotify\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/the-bay\">Stitcher\u003c/a>, NPR One, or via \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/KQED-The-Bay-Flash-Briefing/dp/B07H6YYV23\">Alexa\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Inches Toward 40 Million People, But Growth Rate Slows",
"headTitle": "California Inches Toward 40 Million People, But Growth Rate Slows | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>California had the slowest recorded growth rate in its history last year as the country’s most populous state was hit by a slowdown in immigration and a sharp decline in births.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related stories\" tag=\"demographics\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/e-1/documents/E-1_2019PressRelease.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Estimates released Wednesday\u003c/a> show California had 39.9 million people as of Jan. 1, adding nearly 187,000 people for a growth rate of less than half a percent — the lowest since 1900, when the state began keeping tabs. And while thousands lost their homes after last year’s deadly wildfire in the northern part of the state, initial estimates show most people shuffled to cities closest to the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population has been creeping toward 40 million people, viewed as a milestone for a state that began as a frontier outpost and now boasts the world’s fifth-largest economy. While the state will surely reach that peak, officials on Wednesday noted the latest estimates should temper expectations for robust growth as the number of births decline and the number of deaths rise due to an aging baby boomer population. Meanwhile, immigration from Mexico and Central America has also slowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that as a process of maturity,” said Ethan Sharygin, a demographer with the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population of Los Angeles, the country’s second-largest city, saw little change, with a population of just over 4 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chico, in Butte County, added more than 19,000 people, a whopping 20% increase. But that was prompted by tragedy, as the nearby town of Paradise lost 83% of its population after the most destructive wildfire in state history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a single word, it’s been overwhelming,” said Mark Orme, Chico’s city manager, of the overnight population growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The college town, home to California State University-Chico, has been affected broadly, including increases in toilet flushes and volume of trash. Orme also said traffic collisions are up 24%. Traffic is up about 25% on average and as high as 77% in some places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Chico, the quality of life, one aspect of that is you don’t have to wait in traffic,” Orme said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire destroyed more than 14,600 housing units. But Sharygin said most of those people stayed in California. Only about 400 left the state, according to initial estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just reacting immediately to the loss of a home and finding a short-term solution,” he said. “I don’t think we can make any claims right now about what happens in the first quarter of this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California lost nearly 24,000 units of housing in 2018, largely due to wildfires. At the same time, roughly 77,000 new housing units were built throughout the state, amounting to more than 4.2 million total units, a 0.6% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the slowdown, California remains by far the country’s most populous state. Texas at No. 2 is still shy of 30 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay Area is the state’s fastest-growing region. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/time-series/demo/popest/2010s-state-total.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">separate recent analysis by the U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a> shows that the population of the nine-county region grew by over 600,000 between 2010 and 2018— a nearly 8.5% increase, or about 1% growth per year — outpacing the growth rate in any other part of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.carto.com/builder/2212b0f1-c875-4fa7-afba-f523b0bd7fa6/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials said Wednesday they expected the state’s birthrate to decline, but they were surprised by how much: More than 18,000 fewer births than the previous year. Tina Daley, chief of California’s Demographic Research Unit, noted teen pregnancy rates are declining and, in general, people are waiting longer to have children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has most surprised researchers, Sharygin said, is that fewer people are coming to California from other countries, especially neighboring Mexico, where birthrates are higher. Now, he said, more people are coming from places like China, where birthrates are lower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new population estimates come as the state is preparing for the 2020 national census, an important headcount used to distribute federal tax dollars and determine congressional representation. State officials are concerned that many Hispanics won’t be counted if the Trump administration succeeds in placing a citizenship question on the census form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the largest Hispanic population in the country with more than 15 million people, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. State Attorney General Xavier Becerra has filed a lawsuit seeking to block the question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials expect California to continue to grow, predicting the state’s population could top 50 million by 2055, but they also predict it will join the ranks of Japan and other European countries, where deaths outnumber births.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California had the slowest recorded growth rate in its history last year as the country’s most populous state was hit by a slowdown in immigration and a sharp decline in births.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/e-1/documents/E-1_2019PressRelease.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Estimates released Wednesday\u003c/a> show California had 39.9 million people as of Jan. 1, adding nearly 187,000 people for a growth rate of less than half a percent — the lowest since 1900, when the state began keeping tabs. And while thousands lost their homes after last year’s deadly wildfire in the northern part of the state, initial estimates show most people shuffled to cities closest to the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s population has been creeping toward 40 million people, viewed as a milestone for a state that began as a frontier outpost and now boasts the world’s fifth-largest economy. While the state will surely reach that peak, officials on Wednesday noted the latest estimates should temper expectations for robust growth as the number of births decline and the number of deaths rise due to an aging baby boomer population. Meanwhile, immigration from Mexico and Central America has also slowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see that as a process of maturity,” said Ethan Sharygin, a demographer with the California Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The population of Los Angeles, the country’s second-largest city, saw little change, with a population of just over 4 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chico, in Butte County, added more than 19,000 people, a whopping 20% increase. But that was prompted by tragedy, as the nearby town of Paradise lost 83% of its population after the most destructive wildfire in state history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a single word, it’s been overwhelming,” said Mark Orme, Chico’s city manager, of the overnight population growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The college town, home to California State University-Chico, has been affected broadly, including increases in toilet flushes and volume of trash. Orme also said traffic collisions are up 24%. Traffic is up about 25% on average and as high as 77% in some places, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Chico, the quality of life, one aspect of that is you don’t have to wait in traffic,” Orme said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fire destroyed more than 14,600 housing units. But Sharygin said most of those people stayed in California. Only about 400 left the state, according to initial estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were just reacting immediately to the loss of a home and finding a short-term solution,” he said. “I don’t think we can make any claims right now about what happens in the first quarter of this year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, California lost nearly 24,000 units of housing in 2018, largely due to wildfires. At the same time, roughly 77,000 new housing units were built throughout the state, amounting to more than 4.2 million total units, a 0.6% increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the slowdown, California remains by far the country’s most populous state. Texas at No. 2 is still shy of 30 million people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay Area is the state’s fastest-growing region. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/time-series/demo/popest/2010s-state-total.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">separate recent analysis by the U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a> shows that the population of the nine-county region grew by over 600,000 between 2010 and 2018— a nearly 8.5% increase, or about 1% growth per year — outpacing the growth rate in any other part of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"700\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mgreen.carto.com/builder/2212b0f1-c875-4fa7-afba-f523b0bd7fa6/embed\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials said Wednesday they expected the state’s birthrate to decline, but they were surprised by how much: More than 18,000 fewer births than the previous year. Tina Daley, chief of California’s Demographic Research Unit, noted teen pregnancy rates are declining and, in general, people are waiting longer to have children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What has most surprised researchers, Sharygin said, is that fewer people are coming to California from other countries, especially neighboring Mexico, where birthrates are higher. Now, he said, more people are coming from places like China, where birthrates are lower.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new population estimates come as the state is preparing for the 2020 national census, an important headcount used to distribute federal tax dollars and determine congressional representation. State officials are concerned that many Hispanics won’t be counted if the Trump administration succeeds in placing a citizenship question on the census form.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the largest Hispanic population in the country with more than 15 million people, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. State Attorney General Xavier Becerra has filed a lawsuit seeking to block the question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials expect California to continue to grow, predicting the state’s population could top 50 million by 2055, but they also predict it will join the ranks of Japan and other European countries, where deaths outnumber births.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "How Powerful Lawmakers Are Killing California Bills — Without a Peep",
"title": "How Powerful Lawmakers Are Killing California Bills — Without a Peep",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Gun control, school spending, curbs on greenhouse gases: With Democrats holding more power at the Capitol than they’ve had since the 19th century, California’s legislative pipeline is full this year with big, blue-state ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, no Democrat’s bill should be left behind. But that’s not what’s happening, and the reason is roiling both sides of the aisle in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint? Democrats who lead legislative committees are using a powerful tool to kill bills before they even get a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool? Simply doing nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=”right” citation=\"GOP Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez\"]'When you don’t allow that bill to be heard then you don’t even have the discussion. The opportunity for a healthy debate is taken away.'[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a rule the California Assembly put in place at the start of the current session, committee chairs can decide whether to bring a bill assigned to their committee up for consideration. As key deadlines came and went this month for bills to move out of committee, chairs used the new power to quash bills by just not scheduling them for a public hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No hearing, no debate, no vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats — who hold all the chairmanships because of their party’s mega-majority in the Legislature — flexed their muscle not only to bury GOP legislation, but also to silently sideline bills by fellow Democrats that might be embarrassing to publicly vote down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the victims?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Democratic legislation to alter the formula for funding public schools to devote more money to low-achieving students (a complex plan that stresses racial inequities)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A bill to develop a strategy to phase out sales of gas-powered cars in favor of cleaner vehicles (guaranteed to create conflicts for Democrats whose constituents work in the oil industry)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A potentially divisive proposal requiring that gun owners lock up their weapons when they leave home\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I was very frustrated,” said Assemblywoman Laura Friedman, a Democrat from Glendale whose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/safe-gun-storage/\">bill on gun storage\u003c/a> was shelved without a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The committee is there to discuss areas of policy. If the chair has concerns about the policy, it’s my opinion that having it discussed in committee is the right approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest sign that Democrats’ growing majority in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/dem-domination-california-legislature-is-turning-many-shades-of-blue/\">doesn’t necessarily mean more unity\u003c/a>. Democrats now hold about three-quarters of the Legislature’s seats — a margin that gives the party the potential for great power, but also makes it vulnerable to fracture under the weight of its ideological, geographic and socio-economic diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refusing to set a hearing for a bill isn’t the only way Dems are quietly killing Democratic legislation. Several progressive bills stalled this month because their authors knew they would fail in committee and so opted not to bring them up for a vote. They included measures to expand \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/rent-gouging-bill-advances-california-not-tighter-rent-control/\">rent control\u003c/a>, broaden \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/flood-fire-california-pge-snowpack-data-privacy/\">data privacy\u003c/a> protections and ban super-sized servings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/No-Big-Gulp-ban-in-California-this-year-SF-13754080.php\">soda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers have long had the face-saving authority to pull their own bill if they could tell it wasn’t going to pass. The change this year is in the Assembly, where members are grappling with the committee chairs’ new authority to not hear a bill. (The state Senate did not enact a similar rule change this year. Its custom has been to let chairs decide whether to set hearings.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lower house adopted new rules when the legislative session began, explicitly giving committee chairs the power to choose whether to hear legislation. Previously, committees generally heard all bills if the author wanted them heard, and it was unusual for a chair not to extend that courtesy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s move to clarify that chairs can decide whether to set a hearing is in keeping with Speaker Anthony Rendon’s long-stated philosophy that committee chairs should have more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654449\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-960x647.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-520x350.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1.jpg 1164w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republicans quickly jumped on the change as something that could doom their bills, and voted against the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chairmen under these new rules would have the power to essentially kill a bill by denying it a hearing,” GOP Assemblyman Jay Obernolte said in December as the Assembly voted on the new rules. “And they would be able to do this… without a vote of the members of that committee and without any testimony from the public. That is a violation not only of the longstanding practice of this chamber, but also of the principles of democracy itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Reggie Jones-Sawyer, who chairs the public safety committee that held Friedman’s gun storage bill, said that by not hearing it he’s giving supporters more time to resolve problems and bring it back next year. He wouldn’t say why he objected to the gun storage policy, though his \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB276\">committee’s analysis\u003c/a> says it could conflict with local ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to see if we can come together and make the bill much better so it’s not a contentious bill and we can get it through,\" Jones-Sawyer said. \"I’m trying to make sure the committee as a whole doesn’t kill the bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11741220,news_11717433 label='More from CALmatters']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblywoman Shirley Weber said that in her more than six years in the Legislature — during which she’s carried plenty of controversial legislation — this month was the first time a committee chair has refused to hear one of her bills. Her legislation to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB575\">change the formula\u003c/a> for funding public schools so that more money would be devoted to student groups that post the lowest test scores was one of several measures related to the funding formula that were not heard in the education committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally even if the chair opposes a bill they will set the bill for a hearing, and then people can vote it up or down,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new way, she said, amounts to “a one-person decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s striking a nerve across the political spectrum, from a Sierra Club lobbyist who’s angry that a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/oil-influence/\">clean-cars bill\u003c/a> wasn’t heard, to a conservative Republican who’s fuming because her campus \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1358\">free-speech bill\u003c/a> — making it harder for colleges to restrict who can speak at campus events — wasn’t brought up for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you don’t allow that bill to be heard then you don’t even have the discussion,” said GOP Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez. “The opportunity for a healthy debate is taken away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Democrats hold more power in Sacramento than they’ve had since the 19th century. In theory, no Democrat’s bill should get left behind. But that’s not what’s happening, and the reason is roiling both sides of the aisle.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gun control, school spending, curbs on greenhouse gases: With Democrats holding more power at the Capitol than they’ve had since the 19th century, California’s legislative pipeline is full this year with big, blue-state ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In theory, no Democrat’s bill should be left behind. But that’s not what’s happening, and the reason is roiling both sides of the aisle in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The complaint? Democrats who lead legislative committees are using a powerful tool to kill bills before they even get a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tool? Simply doing nothing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a rule the California Assembly put in place at the start of the current session, committee chairs can decide whether to bring a bill assigned to their committee up for consideration. As key deadlines came and went this month for bills to move out of committee, chairs used the new power to quash bills by just not scheduling them for a public hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No hearing, no debate, no vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats — who hold all the chairmanships because of their party’s mega-majority in the Legislature — flexed their muscle not only to bury GOP legislation, but also to silently sideline bills by fellow Democrats that might be embarrassing to publicly vote down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the victims?\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Democratic legislation to alter the formula for funding public schools to devote more money to low-achieving students (a complex plan that stresses racial inequities)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A bill to develop a strategy to phase out sales of gas-powered cars in favor of cleaner vehicles (guaranteed to create conflicts for Democrats whose constituents work in the oil industry)\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A potentially divisive proposal requiring that gun owners lock up their weapons when they leave home\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“I was very frustrated,” said Assemblywoman Laura Friedman, a Democrat from Glendale whose \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/safe-gun-storage/\">bill on gun storage\u003c/a> was shelved without a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The committee is there to discuss areas of policy. If the chair has concerns about the policy, it’s my opinion that having it discussed in committee is the right approach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the latest sign that Democrats’ growing majority in Sacramento \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/dem-domination-california-legislature-is-turning-many-shades-of-blue/\">doesn’t necessarily mean more unity\u003c/a>. Democrats now hold about three-quarters of the Legislature’s seats — a margin that gives the party the potential for great power, but also makes it vulnerable to fracture under the weight of its ideological, geographic and socio-economic diversity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Refusing to set a hearing for a bill isn’t the only way Dems are quietly killing Democratic legislation. Several progressive bills stalled this month because their authors knew they would fail in committee and so opted not to bring them up for a vote. They included measures to expand \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/rent-gouging-bill-advances-california-not-tighter-rent-control/\">rent control\u003c/a>, broaden \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/flood-fire-california-pge-snowpack-data-privacy/\">data privacy\u003c/a> protections and ban super-sized servings of \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/No-Big-Gulp-ban-in-California-this-year-SF-13754080.php\">soda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lawmakers have long had the face-saving authority to pull their own bill if they could tell it wasn’t going to pass. The change this year is in the Assembly, where members are grappling with the committee chairs’ new authority to not hear a bill. (The state Senate did not enact a similar rule change this year. Its custom has been to let chairs decide whether to set hearings.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lower house adopted new rules when the legislative session began, explicitly giving committee chairs the power to choose whether to hear legislation. Previously, committees generally heard all bills if the author wanted them heard, and it was unusual for a chair not to extend that courtesy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Assembly’s move to clarify that chairs can decide whether to set a hearing is in keeping with Speaker Anthony Rendon’s long-stated philosophy that committee chairs should have more power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11654449\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg\" alt=\"Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"539\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11654449\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-800x539.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-1020x687.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-960x647.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-240x162.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-375x253.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1-520x350.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/Rendon-1.jpg 1164w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, right, calls the Assembly to order before the State of the State address at the State Capitol in Sacramento on Jan. 25, 2018. \u003ccite>(Max Whittaker/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Assembly Republicans quickly jumped on the change as something that could doom their bills, and voted against the rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Chairmen under these new rules would have the power to essentially kill a bill by denying it a hearing,” GOP Assemblyman Jay Obernolte said in December as the Assembly voted on the new rules. “And they would be able to do this… without a vote of the members of that committee and without any testimony from the public. That is a violation not only of the longstanding practice of this chamber, but also of the principles of democracy itself.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Reggie Jones-Sawyer, who chairs the public safety committee that held Friedman’s gun storage bill, said that by not hearing it he’s giving supporters more time to resolve problems and bring it back next year. He wouldn’t say why he objected to the gun storage policy, though his \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB276\">committee’s analysis\u003c/a> says it could conflict with local ordinances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I want to see if we can come together and make the bill much better so it’s not a contentious bill and we can get it through,\" Jones-Sawyer said. \"I’m trying to make sure the committee as a whole doesn’t kill the bill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblywoman Shirley Weber said that in her more than six years in the Legislature — during which she’s carried plenty of controversial legislation — this month was the first time a committee chair has refused to hear one of her bills. Her legislation to \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB575\">change the formula\u003c/a> for funding public schools so that more money would be devoted to student groups that post the lowest test scores was one of several measures related to the funding formula that were not heard in the education committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Generally even if the chair opposes a bill they will set the bill for a hearing, and then people can vote it up or down,” Weber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new way, she said, amounts to “a one-person decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s striking a nerve across the political spectrum, from a Sierra Club lobbyist who’s angry that a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/commentary/oil-influence/\">clean-cars bill\u003c/a> wasn’t heard, to a conservative Republican who’s fuming because her campus \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1358\">free-speech bill\u003c/a> — making it harder for colleges to restrict who can speak at campus events — wasn’t brought up for a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you don’t allow that bill to be heard then you don’t even have the discussion,” said GOP Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez. “The opportunity for a healthy debate is taken away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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"title": "Latino USA",
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"source": "WaitWhat"
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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