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"content": "\u003cp>The Trump administration is opening more than 1 million acres of desert lands in Southern California to possible new mining claims. The lands had formerly been set aside for conservation, and the move comes as the economy of the rural West is becoming less dependent on extracting natural resources and more on tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the federal lands affected are in San Bernardino and Riverside counties, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4405501-DRECP-Mine-Map.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">and some directly border Joshua Tree National Park\u003c/a>, an increasingly important economic driver for surrounding communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy the timing,” said Breanne Dusastre, director of marketing at the 29 Palms Inn, just outside the park. “We in these little rural communities have built up these powerful economies, and yet there seems to be proposals for actions to be taken that would harm that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-800x593.jpg\" alt=\"Breanne Dusastre of the 29 Palms Inn stands in front of a billboard she and other business leaders had installed along Highway 62 in Twentynine Palms, California, showing their support for national monuments and other protected lands.\" width=\"800\" height=\"593\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655015\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-800x593.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-1020x756.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-960x712.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-520x385.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breanne Dusastre of the 29 Palms Inn stands in front of a billboard she and other business leaders had installed along Highway 62 in Twentynine Palms, California, showing their support for national monuments and other protected lands. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like many national parks, Joshua Tree had its busiest year ever in 2017. More than 2.8 million people wandered the boulder strewn trails, taking selfies in front of Joshua Trees, cholla and other desert plants. Visitorship is more than double what it was five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when they weren’t hiking, the National Park Service says visitors \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/jotr/learn/news/tourism-to-joshua-tree-national-park-creates-millions-in-economic-benefit.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">spent more than $120 million annually\u003c/a> on lodging and food in nearby communities like Twentynine Palms and Yucca Valley. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, the number of tourism-related jobs in Riverside and San Bernardino Counties grew by 70 percent between 1998 and 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11655016\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, mining’s importance to the regional economy shrank. In that same time period, the number of mining jobs in the two counties decreased by 14 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not only in San Bernardino and Riverside Counties. Nationally, the Commerce Department reports the outdoor recreation industry was valued at \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/industry/orsa/orsanewsrelease.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$373 billion\u003c/a> in 2016. Mining was nearly four times smaller: \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=51&step=1#reqid=51&step=51&isuri=1&5114=a&5102=15\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$99 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These numbers make Ray Rasker, who heads the non-partisan, Montana-based research group \u003ca href=\"https://headwaterseconomics.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Headwaters Economics\u003c/a>, question the logic behind the Trump Administration’s decision to allow mining on once-protected public lands near a national park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Finding a community or a county in the West that is heavily reliant on natural resource development is a rare thing,” he said. “So why would you devise policy based on the exception to the rule and ignore where most of the economy is headed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-800x484.jpg\" alt=\"The Mitsubishi Cement Corporation mines limestone to make cement in the foothills of the San Bernardino Mountains. The mine employs 150 people, a quarter of which live in the town of Lucerne Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-800x484.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-1020x617.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-960x580.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-520x314.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Mitsubishi Cement Corporation mines limestone to make cement in the foothills of the San Bernardino Mountains. The mine employs 150 people, a quarter of which live in the town of Lucerne Valley. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bureau of Land Management staff say they are following the president’s executive orders to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-promoting-energy-independence-economic-growth/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unencumber energy production\u003c/a> on federal lands and ensure a domestic supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-federal-strategy-ensure-secure-reliable-supplies-critical-minerals/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">critical minerals\u003c/a>. They also aren’t expecting that many new mining claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the Obama Administration banned new mining claims on 1.3 million acres of National Conservation Lands in the California desert, considered the among most pristine of all BLM lands. But Jerry Perez, the BLM State Director for California, said after subsequent analysis, there wasn’t much interest in mining on the conservation lands. Just 19,500 acres are suitable for mining. So instead of banning it outright on all 1.3 million acres, BLM is going to take applications on a case-by-case basis, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Chuck Bell with the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association sits in a conference room above the town's only grocery store, where the owners still display a cardboard cutout of George W. Bush. Bell supports expanding mining in the California desert.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655018\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chuck Bell with the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association sits in a conference room above the town’s only grocery store, where the owners still display a cardboard cutout of George W. Bush. Bell supports expanding mining in the California desert. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chuck Bell, head of the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association, supports opening the land to mining claims. He said it’s a matter of national security. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a nation have to be able to produce our basic stuff here just in case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Lucerne Valley, the economy is still visibly connected to mining. Ten miles outside of town, the Mitsubishi Cement Corporation carves limestone out of a large open pit mine and heats it with aluminum and iron ore, creating fine cement powder. The mine employs 150 people, pays $1.2 million in property taxes to the county, and gives scholarships to local kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That mining is critical,” Bell said. “We would be nothing without them. Absolutely nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-800x602.jpg\" alt='A \"Make Mining Great Again\" bumper sticker is visible on a pick-up truck outside a public meeting in Joshua Tree, California, on March 1, 2018, regarding a proposal to allow more mining and solar development in the desert. ' width=\"800\" height=\"602\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655019\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-1020x767.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-960x722.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-375x282.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-520x391.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “Make Mining Great Again” bumper sticker is visible on a pick-up truck outside a public meeting in Joshua Tree, California, on March 1, 2018, regarding a proposal to allow more mining and solar development in the desert. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there just aren’t that many places like Lucerne Valley left in rural Southern California. The Trump Administration’s decision to allow new mining claims on conservation lands could be seen as a way to turn back the clock. This sentiment is visible on bumper stickers that say “Make Mining Great Again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can see them on pick-up trucks around the town of Joshua Tree, at a time when its coffee shops and yoga studios increasingly cater to tourists.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Tourism Is Booming in California's Desert. So Why Is Trump Opening it Up to Mining? | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/about/people/staff/emily-guerin\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Emily Guerin\u003c/a>\u003c/br> KPCC",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Trump administration is opening more than 1 million acres of desert lands in Southern California to possible new mining claims. The lands had formerly been set aside for conservation, and the move comes as the economy of the rural West is becoming less dependent on extracting natural resources and more on tourism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the federal lands affected are in San Bernardino and Riverside counties, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/4405501-DRECP-Mine-Map.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">and some directly border Joshua Tree National Park\u003c/a>, an increasingly important economic driver for surrounding communities. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s crazy the timing,” said Breanne Dusastre, director of marketing at the 29 Palms Inn, just outside the park. “We in these little rural communities have built up these powerful economies, and yet there seems to be proposals for actions to be taken that would harm that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-800x593.jpg\" alt=\"Breanne Dusastre of the 29 Palms Inn stands in front of a billboard she and other business leaders had installed along Highway 62 in Twentynine Palms, California, showing their support for national monuments and other protected lands.\" width=\"800\" height=\"593\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655015\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-800x593.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-160x119.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-1020x756.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-960x712.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-240x178.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-375x278.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full-520x385.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198311-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Breanne Dusastre of the 29 Palms Inn stands in front of a billboard she and other business leaders had installed along Highway 62 in Twentynine Palms, California, showing their support for national monuments and other protected lands. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Like many national parks, Joshua Tree had its busiest year ever in 2017. More than 2.8 million people wandered the boulder strewn trails, taking selfies in front of Joshua Trees, cholla and other desert plants. Visitorship is more than double what it was five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when they weren’t hiking, the National Park Service says visitors \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/jotr/learn/news/tourism-to-joshua-tree-national-park-creates-millions-in-economic-benefit.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">spent more than $120 million annually\u003c/a> on lodging and food in nearby communities like Twentynine Palms and Yucca Valley. According to the U.S. Department of Commerce, the number of tourism-related jobs in Riverside and San Bernardino Counties grew by 70 percent between 1998 and 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11655016\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-960x540.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198380-full-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, mining’s importance to the regional economy shrank. In that same time period, the number of mining jobs in the two counties decreased by 14 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s not only in San Bernardino and Riverside Counties. Nationally, the Commerce Department reports the outdoor recreation industry was valued at \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/newsreleases/industry/orsa/orsanewsrelease.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$373 billion\u003c/a> in 2016. Mining was nearly four times smaller: \u003ca href=\"https://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=51&step=1#reqid=51&step=51&isuri=1&5114=a&5102=15\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">$99 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These numbers make Ray Rasker, who heads the non-partisan, Montana-based research group \u003ca href=\"https://headwaterseconomics.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Headwaters Economics\u003c/a>, question the logic behind the Trump Administration’s decision to allow mining on once-protected public lands near a national park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Finding a community or a county in the West that is heavily reliant on natural resource development is a rare thing,” he said. “So why would you devise policy based on the exception to the rule and ignore where most of the economy is headed?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655017\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-800x484.jpg\" alt=\"The Mitsubishi Cement Corporation mines limestone to make cement in the foothills of the San Bernardino Mountains. The mine employs 150 people, a quarter of which live in the town of Lucerne Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"484\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655017\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-800x484.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-160x97.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-1020x617.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-960x580.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-240x145.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-375x227.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full-520x314.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198314-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Mitsubishi Cement Corporation mines limestone to make cement in the foothills of the San Bernardino Mountains. The mine employs 150 people, a quarter of which live in the town of Lucerne Valley. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bureau of Land Management staff say they are following the president’s executive orders to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-promoting-energy-independence-economic-growth/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">unencumber energy production\u003c/a> on federal lands and ensure a domestic supply of \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-executive-order-federal-strategy-ensure-secure-reliable-supplies-critical-minerals/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">critical minerals\u003c/a>. They also aren’t expecting that many new mining claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the Obama Administration banned new mining claims on 1.3 million acres of National Conservation Lands in the California desert, considered the among most pristine of all BLM lands. But Jerry Perez, the BLM State Director for California, said after subsequent analysis, there wasn’t much interest in mining on the conservation lands. Just 19,500 acres are suitable for mining. So instead of banning it outright on all 1.3 million acres, BLM is going to take applications on a case-by-case basis, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Chuck Bell with the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association sits in a conference room above the town's only grocery store, where the owners still display a cardboard cutout of George W. Bush. Bell supports expanding mining in the California desert.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655018\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198410-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chuck Bell with the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association sits in a conference room above the town’s only grocery store, where the owners still display a cardboard cutout of George W. Bush. Bell supports expanding mining in the California desert. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chuck Bell, head of the Lucerne Valley Economic Development Association, supports opening the land to mining claims. He said it’s a matter of national security. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We as a nation have to be able to produce our basic stuff here just in case,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Lucerne Valley, the economy is still visibly connected to mining. Ten miles outside of town, the Mitsubishi Cement Corporation carves limestone out of a large open pit mine and heats it with aluminum and iron ore, creating fine cement powder. The mine employs 150 people, pays $1.2 million in property taxes to the county, and gives scholarships to local kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That mining is critical,” Bell said. “We would be nothing without them. Absolutely nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11655019\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-800x602.jpg\" alt='A \"Make Mining Great Again\" bumper sticker is visible on a pick-up truck outside a public meeting in Joshua Tree, California, on March 1, 2018, regarding a proposal to allow more mining and solar development in the desert. ' width=\"800\" height=\"602\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11655019\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-800x602.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-1020x767.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-960x722.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-375x282.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full-520x391.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/198317-full.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A “Make Mining Great Again” bumper sticker is visible on a pick-up truck outside a public meeting in Joshua Tree, California, on March 1, 2018, regarding a proposal to allow more mining and solar development in the desert. \u003ccite>(EMILY GUERIN/KPCC)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But there just aren’t that many places like Lucerne Valley left in rural Southern California. The Trump Administration’s decision to allow new mining claims on conservation lands could be seen as a way to turn back the clock. This sentiment is visible on bumper stickers that say “Make Mining Great Again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can see them on pick-up trucks around the town of Joshua Tree, at a time when its coffee shops and yoga studios increasingly cater to tourists.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "New Housing Grows Fastest in Southern California's Most Fire-Prone Areas",
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"content": "\u003cp>New houses are being built fastest in the places where they are most likely to burn: the wild fringe of urban areas, where neighborhoods are surrounded by canyons, hills or other open land covered in flammable vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the finding of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2018/03/06/1718850115\">new study published Monday in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is particularly bad in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 1990 and 2010, new houses went up twice as fast on the edge of developed lands than in the region as a whole. Riverside County leads the area with over 190,000 more houses built in high-risk areas during that time period, an increase of about 75 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Southern California is ground zero for fires in the wildland-urban interface,” said lead author Volker Radeloff, a forest ecologist at University of Wisconsin-Madison, using the technical term for the area where homes meet nature on the city’s edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With these numbers of homes increasing, the problem is going to get worse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11655503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-800x328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"328\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-800x328.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-160x66.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-1020x418.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-960x394.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-240x98.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-375x154.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-520x213.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason it is so dangerous for people to live in the wildland-urban interface is the same reason people want to be there in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want to live close to nature,” said Ray Rasker, the head of Headwaters Economics, a nonpartisan research group in Montana that has studied wildfire and land use policy. “It’s also, no one is telling them not to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people living in homes buried deep within canyons, perched on hillsides or abutting national forests are more likely to start fires. Sparks thrown from roads, power lines, unattended barbecues or cigarettes have more fuel to burn in these areas. In California, it is people who are responsible for nearly every single wildfire: 95 percent, \u003ca href=\"http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0153589\">according to a recent study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after houses burn, people generally want to rebuild. Radeloff found that between 1990 and 2010, the number of new houses constructed in the footprint of old wildfires increased 62 percent, outpacing the average U.S. housing growth rate of 29 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a stunning growth rate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">'My World Was Burning': The North Bay Fires and What Went Wrong\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS29606_GettyImages-859290826-qut-1180x792.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Indeed, people are already beginning to rebuild in the footprint of last year’s destructive Thomas and Wine Country fires. Some are in areas designated “high fire hazard severity zone.\" Those are places the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection has determined most likely to burn. But new structures there have to be built according to modern building codes designed to make houses more resistant to embers and flames. If the homes that burned are outside those zones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2018-03-01/why-is-california-rebuilding-in-fire-country-because-you-re-paying-for-it\">as many houses in the footprint of the Wine County fires are\u003c/a>, they don’t have to comply with state codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if people are exacerbating wildfires by building in places prone to them, then people can fix the problem, said Jon Keeley, a scientist with the U.S. Geological Survey who researches wildfires and is not affiliated with the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Climate change is something the average person feels they can have no control over,” he said. “Population growth and planning issues, these are things people can have impact on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Southern California counties, like Ventura and San Diego, have \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/12/19/79035/defensible-space-couldn-t-keep-thomas-fire-from-bu/\">strict enforcement of vegetation clearing rules\u003c/a>, and will fine homeowners who do not comply. Rasker said more policies like these are needed to reduce the risk of living in the wildland-urban interface. Ultimately, he believes the crux of the problem is that decisions about where to build houses are made at the local level, while the consequences of those decisions are largely borne by state and federal agencies who foot the bill for firefighting costs.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>New houses are being built fastest in the places where they are most likely to burn: the wild fringe of urban areas, where neighborhoods are surrounded by canyons, hills or other open land covered in flammable vegetation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the finding of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/early/2018/03/06/1718850115\">new study published Monday in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem is particularly bad in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 1990 and 2010, new houses went up twice as fast on the edge of developed lands than in the region as a whole. Riverside County leads the area with over 190,000 more houses built in high-risk areas during that time period, an increase of about 75 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Southern California is ground zero for fires in the wildland-urban interface,” said lead author Volker Radeloff, a forest ecologist at University of Wisconsin-Madison, using the technical term for the area where homes meet nature on the city’s edge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"With these numbers of homes increasing, the problem is going to get worse.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11655503\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-800x328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"328\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-800x328.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-160x66.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-1020x418.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-960x394.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-240x98.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-375x154.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire-520x213.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/HighRiskFire.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason it is so dangerous for people to live in the wildland-urban interface is the same reason people want to be there in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People want to live close to nature,” said Ray Rasker, the head of Headwaters Economics, a nonpartisan research group in Montana that has studied wildfire and land use policy. “It’s also, no one is telling them not to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But people living in homes buried deep within canyons, perched on hillsides or abutting national forests are more likely to start fires. Sparks thrown from roads, power lines, unattended barbecues or cigarettes have more fuel to burn in these areas. In California, it is people who are responsible for nearly every single wildfire: 95 percent, \u003ca href=\"http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0153589\">according to a recent study\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after houses burn, people generally want to rebuild. Radeloff found that between 1990 and 2010, the number of new houses constructed in the footprint of old wildfires increased 62 percent, outpacing the average U.S. housing growth rate of 29 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a stunning growth rate,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">'My World Was Burning': The North Bay Fires and What Went Wrong\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS29606_GettyImages-859290826-qut-1180x792.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Indeed, people are already beginning to rebuild in the footprint of last year’s destructive Thomas and Wine Country fires. Some are in areas designated “high fire hazard severity zone.\" Those are places the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection has determined most likely to burn. But new structures there have to be built according to modern building codes designed to make houses more resistant to embers and flames. If the homes that burned are outside those zones, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2018-03-01/why-is-california-rebuilding-in-fire-country-because-you-re-paying-for-it\">as many houses in the footprint of the Wine County fires are\u003c/a>, they don’t have to comply with state codes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if people are exacerbating wildfires by building in places prone to them, then people can fix the problem, said Jon Keeley, a scientist with the U.S. Geological Survey who researches wildfires and is not affiliated with the paper.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Climate change is something the average person feels they can have no control over,” he said. “Population growth and planning issues, these are things people can have impact on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Southern California counties, like Ventura and San Diego, have \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2017/12/19/79035/defensible-space-couldn-t-keep-thomas-fire-from-bu/\">strict enforcement of vegetation clearing rules\u003c/a>, and will fine homeowners who do not comply. Rasker said more policies like these are needed to reduce the risk of living in the wildland-urban interface. Ultimately, he believes the crux of the problem is that decisions about where to build houses are made at the local level, while the consequences of those decisions are largely borne by state and federal agencies who foot the bill for firefighting costs.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cb>Trump Administration Sues California Over Immigration Laws\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On Wednesday, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced a lawsuit against California over the state’s sanctuary policies. At issue are three state laws that Sessions says are unconstitutional because they obstruct federal authorities’ efforts to detain and deport undocumented immigrants. Sessions made his announcement at an annual gathering of the California Peace Officers’ Association (CPOA). We get reaction from CPOA Deputy Director Shaun Rundle.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Political Analysis\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">We get further legal and political analysis of the lawsuit against California. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Joe Garofoli, San Francisco Chronicle reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Professor David Levine, UC Hastings College of the Law\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Lessons from the North Bay Fires\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">A five-month KQED investigation into missteps made during last fall’s North Bay wildfires found widespread failures in the state and local emergency response systems. In some cases, alerts telling residents to evacuate didn’t go out until it was too late, while electrical fires and downed power lines added to the challenges of fighting the fires.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Guests:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Marisa Lagos, KQED politics and government reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Sukey Lewis, KQED criminal justice reporter\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Jennifer Bravo’s Story\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Her father was deported in 2012, and her mother has been in immigration detention for a year. High school senior Jennifer Bravo has had to learn how to get along without her parents, reports Lorin Eleni Gill, a student at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The San Diego County city of Imperial Beach and the Port of San Diego are pushing forward with plans to sue the federal government over cross-border sewage flows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit comes after federal officials turned back a request by San Diego-area politicians and regulators to take steps to stop the cross-border sewage flows. 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So that’s really the problem that we face all the time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dedina expressed hope about a movement toward a solution after a December meeting with IBWC officials, but he was also cautious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/documents/2018/mar/01/letter-edward-drusina/\">letter to Edward Drusina, head of the IBWC\u003c/a>, Dedina pointed to the meeting as a positive one, but he lamented the lack of new ideas to correct the chronic problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qWi6KhxRqV4\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My constituents and I are at a loss. This problem is real, it is getting worse and we do not understand why the government’s tactic appears to be avoidance,” Dedina wrote to the IBWC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperial Beach was the first community to work toward the federal lawsuit. 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"content": "\u003cp>We are fewer than 60 days from the start of the 2018 fire season, and we have still not recovered from the fires that destroyed large parts of California in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More From KQED’s North Bay Fire Investigation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">‘My World Was Burning’: The North Bay Fires and What Went Wrong\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/fire-investigation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow All the Stories\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>We’re also still trying to learn from those fires. In Northern California, more than 40 people died. A team of KQED reporters have been investigating what happened the first night of those fires — Oct. 8, 2017 — in Sonoma, Napa and Mendocino counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marisa Lagos and Lisa Pickoff-White join The California Report’s John Sepulvado to talk about some of their findings, and what might change for California’s emergency response systems:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[audio src=\"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcr/2018/03/TCRAM20180309Podcast.mp3\" Image=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS27582_GettyImages-860729390-qut-1180x780.jpg\" Title=\"What Can California's Emergency Responders Learn From the North Bay Wildfires?\" program=\"The California Report\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The projected cost of California's bullet train has jumped to $77 billion and the opening date has been pushed back four years to 2033, according to a business plan released Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every two years, the California High-Speed Rail Authority releases a snapshot of building timelines, cost estimates and other critical details about the ambitious plan to transport people from Los Angeles to San Francisco in under three hours. This is the first under new chief executive Brian Kelly, who has promised more transparency about the project's challenges after years of cost increases and delays.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's going to be bumpy,\" said Kelly. \"What's important to me is you hear that from us.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11642373/price-tag-soars-for-central-valley-phase-of-california-bullet-train\">Price Tag Soars for Central Valley Phase of California Bullet Train\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>While the goal is to connect the two major cities, the new plan focuses primarily on opening track between San Francisco and the Central Valley. That portion of track is now set to be finished by 2029, also marking a four-year delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, significant challenges remain. One of them is how to cross through a section of mountains — a critical segment to link Silicon Valley to the Central Valley. Rail officials are still working on how best to do that, Kelly wrote in the plan's introduction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $77 billion cost, a 20 percent increase, is a baseline estimate, but Kelly also included high and low ranges in the plan based on potential risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the released plan, 119 miles of track in the Central Valley — the first construction segment — is scheduled to be completed by 2022. That's 14 years after voters approved a $10 billion bond for high-speed rail in November 2008.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11647028/california-lawmakers-seek-bullet-train-audit-as-cost-rises\">California Lawmakers OK Bullet Train Audit as Cost Rises\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A summary of the plan reviewed by The Associated Press offers limited details on the portion between the Central Valley and Los Angeles. The agency hopes to complete all necessary environmental reviews for the entire line by 2022. Initial timelines had planned for environmental clearance by 2017 for most parts of the track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How to pay for the entire project remains \"uncertain,\" said Kelly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has spent $2.5 billion in federal stimulus money and has an additional $930 million in federal money on the table. That's on top of the $10 billion bond from voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rest of the money is set to come from California's cap-and-trade auctions, a system meant to limit carbon emissions by selling credits to pollute, which can be a volatile source of revenue diverted by lawmakers in the future. Predicted private investment for the project has not come through either, although Kelly hopes businesses and other private investors will chip in once part of the train is up and running between Silicon Valley and the Central Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the challenges, Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown reaffirmed his commitment to building high-speed rail in his \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2018/01/25/gov-jerry-brown-celebrates-victories-in-final-state-of-the-state-address/\">January State of the State address\u003c/a>. The Legislature, though, recently approved \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11647028/california-lawmakers-seek-bullet-train-audit-as-cost-rises\">an audit of the project\u003c/a>. The Legislature serves in an oversight role and controls a portion of the money to build rail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm ready for Mr. Kelly to be honest and straightforward and tell us the good, bad and the ugly,\" said Republican Assemblyman Jim Patterson of Fresno, a chief critic of the project.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A five-month KQED investigation of what happened on Oct. 8, 2017, the first night of the Northern California fires, found a series of failures and missteps by both state and local officials that go well beyond previously documented evacuation delays. The fires would end up killing 44 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our review of thousands of 911 and dispatch calls, along with dozens of interviews, has revealed large systemic problems with the state’s emergency response procedures. \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">‘My World Was Burning’: The North Bay Fires and What Went Wrong\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS29606_GettyImages-859290826-qut-1920x1289.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The review shows that even with homes burning and lives on the line, first responders and decision-makers remained hamstrung by those problematic procedures and policies. They struggled to adapt as quickly as the fires were moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the major issues centered around timely evacuation orders. Sonoma County officials sent more than 20,000 reverse 911 calls on the first night of the fires to warn residents to evacuate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But our analysis of those calls and radio traffic between dispatchers and first responders — as seen in the map below — shows that evacuations were requested before the SoCo Alerts were actually sent. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map does not include opt-in text and email alerts sent by Sonoma County and Napa County officials. Napa County also has a system that can send reverse 911s called Nixle Dial. However, they did not utilize it until 1:38 p.m. on Oct. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cdiv class=\"chart-hed\" style=\"background-color: #000;color: #dcdcdc;padding: 20px 20px 10px 20px;margin-bottom: 16px;font-family: Lato, serif;font-size: 12pt\">\n\u003ch4>Where the Fires Burned and Who Was Called to Evacuate\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County officials sent more than 20,000 reverse 911 calls on the first night of the fires to warn residents to evacuate. But an analysis of thousands of 911 calls and radio traffic between dispatchers and first responders shows that evacuations were requested long before the SoCo Alerts were actually sent. The map does not include opt-in text and email alerts sent by Sonoma County and Napa County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://apps.revealnews.org/wine-country-fires/hourly.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5>*It is unknown at what time people died or were critically injured on that night.\u003c/h5>\n\u003ch6>Sources: Sonoma and Napa counties, Cal Fire, cities of Santa Rosa, Napa and American Canyon\u003c/h6>\n\u003ch6>Graphic by Alexandra Kanik and Lisa Pickoff-White. Research by Peter Arcuni, Ingrid Becker, Sonja Hutson, Marisa Lagos, Sukey Lewis, Lisa Pickoff-White and Vinnee Tong\u003c/h6>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The map does not include opt-in text and email alerts sent by Sonoma County and Napa County officials. Napa County also has a system that can send reverse 911s called Nixle Dial. However, they did not utilize it until 1:38 p.m. on Oct. 9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cdiv class=\"chart-hed\" style=\"background-color: #000;color: #dcdcdc;padding: 20px 20px 10px 20px;margin-bottom: 16px;font-family: Lato, serif;font-size: 12pt\">\n\u003ch4>Where the Fires Burned and Who Was Called to Evacuate\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County officials sent more than 20,000 reverse 911 calls on the first night of the fires to warn residents to evacuate. But an analysis of thousands of 911 calls and radio traffic between dispatchers and first responders shows that evacuations were requested long before the SoCo Alerts were actually sent. The map does not include opt-in text and email alerts sent by Sonoma County and Napa County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"https://apps.revealnews.org/wine-country-fires/hourly.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"800\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch5>*It is unknown at what time people died or were critically injured on that night.\u003c/h5>\n\u003ch6>Sources: Sonoma and Napa counties, Cal Fire, cities of Santa Rosa, Napa and American Canyon\u003c/h6>\n\u003ch6>Graphic by Alexandra Kanik and Lisa Pickoff-White. Research by Peter Arcuni, Ingrid Becker, Sonja Hutson, Marisa Lagos, Sukey Lewis, Lisa Pickoff-White and Vinnee Tong\u003c/h6>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Highway Patrol pilot Pete Gavitte and his flight officer, Whitney Lowe, were flying their helicopter over the North Bay on the night of Oct. 8, 2017, when they heard chatter on their radio about a fire growing on Atlas Peak.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Within minutes they were over the Napa County fire. “I had night vision goggles on and just said, ‘Holy cow.’ Looked like a nuke had gone off, you know, on the mountains up there,” Gavitte recalled. “Huge smoke plume, huge orange glow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They saw a long line of cars trapped on a road blocked by downed trees and power lines. The officers landed their helicopter in a field on the peak and began ferrying people to safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They returned again and again, even as powerful winds hammered their helicopter. By the end of the night, Gavitte and Lowe would fly 26 people off Atlas Peak, and 42 total would be rescued with help from another helicopter.\u003cbr>\n[vimeo 258335788 w=2000 h=600]\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter\">\n\u003ch3>Read More From KQED’s North Bay Fire Investigation\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654027/my-world-was-burning-the-north-bay-fires-and-what-went-wrong\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">‘My World Was Burning’: The North Bay Fires and What Went Wrong\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/north-bay-fires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Follow All the Stories\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Early in 2011, Bill Allayaud was so fed up with what he saw as dereliction of duty by California’s oil and gas regulator that he began to catalog grievances: unregulated fracking, allowing companies to inject oilfield wastewater into clean water aquifers, little or no oversight into critical practices affecting public health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were essentially lap dogs for the oil industry,” said Allayaud, a lobbyist with the Environmental Working Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He attached the ever-expanding list to his office wall. With the way things had been running at the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources, Allayaud had little confidence the list would ever grow smaller or come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a backwater agency in charge of multibillion-dollar corporations,” he said. “It was a wink and a nod, that’s the way it went for decade after decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil and gas regulator, known as DOGGR, has endured years of scolding from the Legislature for a lack of accountability, from environmentalists for allowing an industry to run roughshod over a state regulator and from the federal Environmental Protection Agency for failing to enforce clean water laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">How Much Drinking Water Has California Lost to Oil Industry Waste? No One Knows\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state’s oil watchdog is undertaking a comprehensive reform, officials say, that will radically change the agency’s culture and modernize a department with one foot in the last century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a dramatically different organization than we were three years ago,” said David Bunn, director of the state Department of Conservation, which oversees the oil and gas agency. “We’ve made dramatic changes. There’s still a lot to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials will make that case in coming weeks as they appear before a budget committee in the California Legislature, requesting more money and more people to complete the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their requests will likely face some skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a chicken and egg thing,” said Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democrat from Santa Barbara. “We don’t want to give them money unless they are going to produce; they say they can’t produce unless we give them more money. The truth lies in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few would dispute that the agency has been in crisis. Created more than 100 years ago, the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources regulates energy extraction on state lands and in state waters. It has a staff of about 275 and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed budget \u003c/a>of about $85 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, though, the agency served more to assist energy companies than regulate them. That emphasis has proven difficult to shake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A litany of embarrassing lapses and mistakes in recent years brought a harsh spotlight to the agency’s inner workings. Oil companies were dumping oilfield waste fluids into thousands of unlined pits in the Central Valley and injecting that same waste into federally-protected drinking water aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://psbweb.co.kern.ca.us/UtilityPages/Planning/EIRS/mckittrick_landfill/Vol5/CA%20DOC%20DOGGR%20Well%2020%20--Report%20re%20Chevron%20Fatality%206-21-11%20(5-4-2012).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">death of a worker\u003c/a> at a Chevron facility near Bakersfield in 2011 drew attention to a dangerous well stimulation technique known as underground injection. Steve Bohlen, a former state oil and gas supervisor, admitted the agency did not have up-to-date guidelines to adequately oversee \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-oil-steam-20151129-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underground injections\u003c/a>. He said his agency asked an oil industry group—the Conservation Committee of California Oil and Gas Producers—to write the outlines of the regulations. The group didn’t produce a document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big frustrations I’ve had with DOGGR is they have been more a shill for the industries they are supposed to be regulating than a real enforcer of the industries,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, DOGGR has seen its mission to accommodate oil development. They’ve finally started to pivot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bob Wieckowski, the Fremont Democrat who chairs the subcommittee that will hear the upcoming funding proposals, agreed that the oil agency went through “dark days,” but he said he’s hopeful that meaningful change has arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was an agency or department that needs to be more transparent, this is it,” he said. “I’d like to improve the trust that the community and the Legislature has with the department. We’ve got twin aims: transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11577734/as-state-clears-troubled-gas-field-to-reopen-governor-calls-for-it-to-close\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As State Clears Troubled Gas Field to Reopen, Governor Calls for It to Close\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The department has been a frequent supplicant before the budget committee, offering \u003cem>mea culpas \u003c/em>along with requests for more funding to implement reforms called for by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fitful attempts at reform, the agency is well into its \u003ca href=\"http://www.conservation.ca.gov/dog/Documents/renewal-plan2017-lrg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">renewal plan\u003c/a>—a comprehensive, and expensive, blueprint to overhaul the state’s oil and gas regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, the oil agency has received nearly $25 million in ongoing funding, above and beyond its enacted budget, and tens of millions more in one-time outlays to kick start projects, ranging from developing a statewide database of oil and gas operations to hiring a new generation of field inspectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, the Legislature has approved an additional 150 permanent positions in the last five years, according to information the non-partisan Legislative Analyst Office provided to legislators, effectively doubling the agency’s employee base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest lifts has been converting an agency that, until recently, operated almost entirely on paper. The IT bill for installing a modern data management system and converting handwritten well records that date back to the 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century: nearly $70 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said one of the budget requests will be to hire 21 additional inspectors. He said the current workload is untenable, with one inspector per 2,800 wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a critical point. The agency is lagging in performing inspections required by state law. An \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LAO analysis\u003c/a> found that in California’s three busiest oil-producing districts, state inspectors failed to oversee nearly a third of required operations last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn acknowledged oversight failings, saying the problems went beyond missing inspections: “We were sending people out to do inspections who were not qualified,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency has instituted an extensive training program and aggressively seeks employees with higher academic qualifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, he said, top-flight engineers and others with sophisticated training shunned the agency, which was viewed as not placing a high value on science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve dramatically reformed our practices in the field,” he said. Now, “good people attract good people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s former aversion to science has led to partnerships with the state’s national research labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project with Stanford University tackles one of the most fundamental and significant problems in oilfields: What causes so-called “surface expressions” when steam, oil or drilling fluids bubble up or erupt to the surface, creating anything from fissures to oil-filled caverns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never did that kind of thing before,” Bunn said. “We didn’t have the capacity, the time or the people to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the state relied on the oil industry to take the lead on crafting regulations, deferring to its technical expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve played a constructive, collaborative role in these many years,” said Bob Poole, a lobbyist with the Western States Petroleum Association. “We’ve helped them find the best ways to address the legal mandates to implement regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That collaboration sometimes veered into potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, too, has changed, officials say. The agency said the draft regulations for underground injections were formulated by agency staff, in consultation with independent scientists. And it noted that it hopes to beef up enforcement staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy industry has its own complaints, mostly to do with what it views as the state’s snail’s-pace in signing off on permits and other paperwork requiring decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The addition of the state water board into oil and gas oversight has added a layer of bureaucracy that the industry says is causing the system to creak to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DOGGR and the water board need to ensure that they review permit applications in a timely manner,” said Rock Zierman, chief executive officer of the California Independent Petroleum Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency is getting to all of the issues, ticking them off a long list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Allayaud’s list?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are so antiquated, they are still playing catch up,” he said. “But I keep putting checkmarks next to things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>—a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s oil and gas regulator has endured years of scolding, ranging from a lack of accountability to failing to enforce clean water laws.",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/julie-cart/\">Julie Cart\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-oil-regulator-asks-money-legislators-ask-working/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Early in 2011, Bill Allayaud was so fed up with what he saw as dereliction of duty by California’s oil and gas regulator that he began to catalog grievances: unregulated fracking, allowing companies to inject oilfield wastewater into clean water aquifers, little or no oversight into critical practices affecting public health and safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were essentially lap dogs for the oil industry,” said Allayaud, a lobbyist with the Environmental Working Group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He attached the ever-expanding list to his office wall. With the way things had been running at the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources, Allayaud had little confidence the list would ever grow smaller or come down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a backwater agency in charge of multibillion-dollar corporations,” he said. “It was a wink and a nod, that’s the way it went for decade after decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil and gas regulator, known as DOGGR, has endured years of scolding from the Legislature for a lack of accountability, from environmentalists for allowing an industry to run roughshod over a state regulator and from the federal Environmental Protection Agency for failing to enforce clean water laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1914130/how-much-drinking-water-has-california-lost-to-oil-industry-waste-no-one-knows\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">How Much Drinking Water Has California Lost to Oil Industry Waste? No One Knows\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>But the state’s oil watchdog is undertaking a comprehensive reform, officials say, that will radically change the agency’s culture and modernize a department with one foot in the last century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a dramatically different organization than we were three years ago,” said David Bunn, director of the state Department of Conservation, which oversees the oil and gas agency. “We’ve made dramatic changes. There’s still a lot to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency officials will make that case in coming weeks as they appear before a budget committee in the California Legislature, requesting more money and more people to complete the transformation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their requests will likely face some skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a chicken and egg thing,” said Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson, a Democrat from Santa Barbara. “We don’t want to give them money unless they are going to produce; they say they can’t produce unless we give them more money. The truth lies in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Few would dispute that the agency has been in crisis. Created more than 100 years ago, the Division of Oil, Gas and Geothermal Resources regulates energy extraction on state lands and in state waters. It has a staff of about 275 and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed budget \u003c/a>of about $85 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For decades, though, the agency served more to assist energy companies than regulate them. That emphasis has proven difficult to shake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A litany of embarrassing lapses and mistakes in recent years brought a harsh spotlight to the agency’s inner workings. Oil companies were dumping oilfield waste fluids into thousands of unlined pits in the Central Valley and injecting that same waste into federally-protected drinking water aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://psbweb.co.kern.ca.us/UtilityPages/Planning/EIRS/mckittrick_landfill/Vol5/CA%20DOC%20DOGGR%20Well%2020%20--Report%20re%20Chevron%20Fatality%206-21-11%20(5-4-2012).pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">death of a worker\u003c/a> at a Chevron facility near Bakersfield in 2011 drew attention to a dangerous well stimulation technique known as underground injection. Steve Bohlen, a former state oil and gas supervisor, admitted the agency did not have up-to-date guidelines to adequately oversee \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/california/la-me-oil-steam-20151129-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">underground injections\u003c/a>. He said his agency asked an oil industry group—the Conservation Committee of California Oil and Gas Producers—to write the outlines of the regulations. The group didn’t produce a document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One of the big frustrations I’ve had with DOGGR is they have been more a shill for the industries they are supposed to be regulating than a real enforcer of the industries,” Jackson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years, DOGGR has seen its mission to accommodate oil development. They’ve finally started to pivot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Bob Wieckowski, the Fremont Democrat who chairs the subcommittee that will hear the upcoming funding proposals, agreed that the oil agency went through “dark days,” but he said he’s hopeful that meaningful change has arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If ever there was an agency or department that needs to be more transparent, this is it,” he said. “I’d like to improve the trust that the community and the Legislature has with the department. We’ve got twin aims: transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About California's Oil Regulator\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11577734/as-state-clears-troubled-gas-field-to-reopen-governor-calls-for-it-to-close\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">As State Clears Troubled Gas Field to Reopen, Governor Calls for It to Close\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The department has been a frequent supplicant before the budget committee, offering \u003cem>mea culpas \u003c/em>along with requests for more funding to implement reforms called for by the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After fitful attempts at reform, the agency is well into its \u003ca href=\"http://www.conservation.ca.gov/dog/Documents/renewal-plan2017-lrg.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">renewal plan\u003c/a>—a comprehensive, and expensive, blueprint to overhaul the state’s oil and gas regulator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last five years, the oil agency has received nearly $25 million in ongoing funding, above and beyond its enacted budget, and tens of millions more in one-time outlays to kick start projects, ranging from developing a statewide database of oil and gas operations to hiring a new generation of field inspectors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On top of that, the Legislature has approved an additional 150 permanent positions in the last five years, according to information the non-partisan Legislative Analyst Office provided to legislators, effectively doubling the agency’s employee base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest lifts has been converting an agency that, until recently, operated almost entirely on paper. The IT bill for installing a modern data management system and converting handwritten well records that date back to the 19\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century: nearly $70 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said one of the budget requests will be to hire 21 additional inspectors. He said the current workload is untenable, with one inspector per 2,800 wells.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a critical point. The agency is lagging in performing inspections required by state law. An \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3747/2018-19-resources-analysis-021418.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">LAO analysis\u003c/a> found that in California’s three busiest oil-producing districts, state inspectors failed to oversee nearly a third of required operations last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn acknowledged oversight failings, saying the problems went beyond missing inspections: “We were sending people out to do inspections who were not qualified,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency has instituted an extensive training program and aggressively seeks employees with higher academic qualifications.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, he said, top-flight engineers and others with sophisticated training shunned the agency, which was viewed as not placing a high value on science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve dramatically reformed our practices in the field,” he said. Now, “good people attract good people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency’s former aversion to science has led to partnerships with the state’s national research labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One project with Stanford University tackles one of the most fundamental and significant problems in oilfields: What causes so-called “surface expressions” when steam, oil or drilling fluids bubble up or erupt to the surface, creating anything from fissures to oil-filled caverns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never did that kind of thing before,” Bunn said. “We didn’t have the capacity, the time or the people to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, the state relied on the oil industry to take the lead on crafting regulations, deferring to its technical expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve played a constructive, collaborative role in these many years,” said Bob Poole, a lobbyist with the Western States Petroleum Association. “We’ve helped them find the best ways to address the legal mandates to implement regulations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That collaboration sometimes veered into potential conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, too, has changed, officials say. The agency said the draft regulations for underground injections were formulated by agency staff, in consultation with independent scientists. And it noted that it hopes to beef up enforcement staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The energy industry has its own complaints, mostly to do with what it views as the state’s snail’s-pace in signing off on permits and other paperwork requiring decision-making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The addition of the state water board into oil and gas oversight has added a layer of bureaucracy that the industry says is causing the system to creak to a halt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“DOGGR and the water board need to ensure that they review permit applications in a timely manner,” said Rock Zierman, chief executive officer of the California Independent Petroleum Association, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bunn said the agency is getting to all of the issues, ticking them off a long list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Allayaud’s list?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are so antiquated, they are still playing catch up,” he said. “But I keep putting checkmarks next to things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"id": "baycurious",
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"order": 8
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"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"meta": {
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"source": "WNYC"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
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