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About 70% said they pieced together childcare by altering their work hours or relying on family, friends or neighbors, leaving them feeling stressed or guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have that stress and that guilt, how productive are you when you do show up [to work]?” said Jackie Thu-Huong Wong, executive director of the child advocacy organization, which is launching \u003ca href=\"https://www.raisecastrong.com/\">a campaign to raise awareness about the child care crisis\u003c/a> and its impact on the state’s economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump offer starkly different ideas on lowering the financial burden of caring for young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12004353\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12004353\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240911-CHILDCARE-REAX-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People walk around Lake Merritt in Oakland on Sept. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During Tuesday’s \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/harris-trump-presidential-debate-transcript/story?id=113560542\">presidential debate\u003c/a>, Harris highlighted her proposal to give families with newborns a $6,000 child tax credit and gave a shout-out to “working women who can barely afford child care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the money would help families afford a crib, car seat, clothes and other essential items “to help you in that most critical stage of your child’s development.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That kind of money could go a long way for Oakland resident Carolina Munoz, who became a first-time mom eight months ago. She said she’s putting off going back to work as a hairstylist because “it’s cheaper” for her to stay at home than to pay someone else to watch her daughter, Soleil.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things add up, right? Daycare or even having somebody watch her a couple days a week that is extremely expensive,” Munoz said Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11992142 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/image-1020x684.png']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $6,000 tax credit would help offset the cost of diapers, food and age-appropriate toys and activities that support her child’s development, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Munoz said Harris’ proposals to lower the cost of living and healthcare for families resonate with her as she grapples with the cost of raising a child.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think Kamala really cares about what we all go through as a community, as a society, which is a safe environment for our children,” including the ability for parents to provide for their children so they have a secure future, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked last week how he would bring down the high cost of child care, Trump gave a rambling answer that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/trump-economy-harris-corporate-taxes-15ba5ecfdf5e907bd9b2c349b07222b8\">suggested that increasing tariffs on foreign imports\u003c/a> could raise enough money to help fix the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">His running mate, JD Vance, has mentioned \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/transcript-jd-vance-on-face-the-nation-aug-11-2024/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">raising the child tax credit and giving grandparents or stay-at-home parents\u003c/a> a “credit” or a “check” for taking care of kids so that families have more options for childcare arrangements that work for them.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you open up kinship and other options for families, you will relieve some pressure on the daycare system in this country,” \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JDVance/status/1831701121758589425\">he wrote on social media site X l\u003c/a>ast week. He also criticized “a totally broken” educational pathway that’s keeping people from getting jobs in child care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> will launch an endowed program and chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies — one of the first in the nation — amid an ongoing war between Israel and Hamas that has fueled high student demand and interest in better understanding the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ussama Makdisi, a UC Berkeley history professor and leading scholar of modern Arab history, was named the program’s inaugural chair. Makdisi said the program, announced Monday, represents an opportunity to build more understanding about the Palestinian people, who are often seen through the lens of conflict but who have a rich history of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it would also allow students and faculty to connect Palestinian history more deeply with related fields such as Indigenous, Latinx and Black studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for us to contextualize and understand more deeply all the beauty, all the complexity of a pluralist people who have been very unfairly maligned and defamed. And at the same time, it can teach us a lot about ourselves,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beautiful history that needs to be brought out. Of course, there are also tragic aspects to the history that we’re seeing play out right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $3.25 million gift by anonymous donors led to the establishment of the program and the May Ziadeh Chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies, which holds a mandate of providing students with an opportunity to discuss and learn freely about Palestinian and Arab history, culture, politics and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May Ziadeh was a pioneering Palestinian-Lebanese feminist, poet and writer, who played a key role in the Arab cultural renaissance in the modern Middle East. Ziadeh “personified the deep interconnections between Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world,” the University said in a release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994014 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2020/01/RS36479_GettyImages-110129474_Justin-Sullivan-qut-1020x701.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University has also contributed $500,000 to student-facing activities, undergraduate scholarships and conferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi said there has been a high demand for courses about Palestinian history and culture since he first began teaching at the University in 2022, but it has increased since the war kicked off by Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a tremendous hunger to know more about Palestinian history, more about Palestinian society, more about Palestinian culture, more about their life, more about their context,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people in this country are just not exposed to any of this knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi joined UC Berkeley in 2022 from Rice University, where he was the first holder of the Arab-American Educational Foundation Chair of Arab Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s new program, which will be housed in the University’s Social Science Department, is believed to be one of a few to focus on Palestinians in the nation, according\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-10/uc-berkeley-launches-palestinian-studies-amid-high-demand\"> to the\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when understanding the complexities of the Middle East is more crucial than ever, this gift allows the Social Sciences to take a leading role in fostering critical scholarship and dialogue,” Berkeley Social Sciences Dean Raka Ray said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi also highlighted the urgency of grappling with this history in light of the obliteration of education institutions, teachers, and students in Gaza, which the UN has termed “scholasticide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge amount of work ahead of us,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program will host its inaugural conference on Nov. 12 and 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement of the program came just as students returned to Berkeley’s campuses after a turbulent spring that saw mass protests and encampments over University investments in weapons companies. After state legislators decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/state-withholds-25m-from-uc-until-systemwide-free-speech-rules-enforced/article_7d1339d4-44db-11ef-bc87-d33ae1af64bb.html\">withhold $25 million in funding\u003c/a> from the UC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">university leaders announced policy changes to campus free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historians understand that there’s a desperate need to provide our students a better sense of what’s going on now,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s also important to provide what Berkeley is all about — a first-class education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> will launch an endowed program and chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies — one of the first in the nation — amid an ongoing war between Israel and Hamas that has fueled high student demand and interest in better understanding the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ussama Makdisi, a UC Berkeley history professor and leading scholar of modern Arab history, was named the program’s inaugural chair. Makdisi said the program, announced Monday, represents an opportunity to build more understanding about the Palestinian people, who are often seen through the lens of conflict but who have a rich history of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said it would also allow students and faculty to connect Palestinian history more deeply with related fields such as Indigenous, Latinx and Black studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really important for us to contextualize and understand more deeply all the beauty, all the complexity of a pluralist people who have been very unfairly maligned and defamed. And at the same time, it can teach us a lot about ourselves,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a beautiful history that needs to be brought out. Of course, there are also tragic aspects to the history that we’re seeing play out right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A $3.25 million gift by anonymous donors led to the establishment of the program and the May Ziadeh Chair in Palestinian and Arab Studies, which holds a mandate of providing students with an opportunity to discuss and learn freely about Palestinian and Arab history, culture, politics and society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>May Ziadeh was a pioneering Palestinian-Lebanese feminist, poet and writer, who played a key role in the Arab cultural renaissance in the modern Middle East. Ziadeh “personified the deep interconnections between Palestinians and the rest of the Arab world,” the University said in a release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The University has also contributed $500,000 to student-facing activities, undergraduate scholarships and conferences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi said there has been a high demand for courses about Palestinian history and culture since he first began teaching at the University in 2022, but it has increased since the war kicked off by Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a tremendous hunger to know more about Palestinian history, more about Palestinian society, more about Palestinian culture, more about their life, more about their context,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people in this country are just not exposed to any of this knowledge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi joined UC Berkeley in 2022 from Rice University, where he was the first holder of the Arab-American Educational Foundation Chair of Arab Studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley’s new program, which will be housed in the University’s Social Science Department, is believed to be one of a few to focus on Palestinians in the nation, according\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-09-10/uc-berkeley-launches-palestinian-studies-amid-high-demand\"> to the\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when understanding the complexities of the Middle East is more crucial than ever, this gift allows the Social Sciences to take a leading role in fostering critical scholarship and dialogue,” Berkeley Social Sciences Dean Raka Ray said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Makdisi also highlighted the urgency of grappling with this history in light of the obliteration of education institutions, teachers, and students in Gaza, which the UN has termed “scholasticide.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge amount of work ahead of us,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program will host its inaugural conference on Nov. 12 and 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement of the program came just as students returned to Berkeley’s campuses after a turbulent spring that saw mass protests and encampments over University investments in weapons companies. After state legislators decided to \u003ca href=\"https://www.dailycal.org/news/uc/state-withholds-25m-from-uc-until-systemwide-free-speech-rules-enforced/article_7d1339d4-44db-11ef-bc87-d33ae1af64bb.html\">withhold $25 million in funding\u003c/a> from the UC, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001778/students-suspended-over-pro-palestinian-protests-tread-a-fine-line-as-fall-semester-begins-at-bay-area-universities\">university leaders announced policy changes to campus free speech\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historians understand that there’s a desperate need to provide our students a better sense of what’s going on now,” Makdisi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But it’s also important to provide what Berkeley is all about — a first-class education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Santa Cruz Students, Professor Sue Over Campus Bans After Pro-Palestinian Protest",
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"content": "\u003cp>As pro-Palestinian activism resumes on college campuses this fall, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> activists is suing the school for issuing what they believe were illegal campus bans to protesters last spring. Their goal is to prevent the school from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, lawyers filed a lawsuit on behalf of two students and a professor who were among more than 110 people arrested during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">protest in May\u003c/a>. They say that campus officials issued up to two-week bans to many of the people arrested, leaving some without housing, campus resources, or places to take their final exams for the spring quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They flunked classes and had difficulty obtaining enough food during this period of time,” Rachel Lederman, a member of the legal team, said. “One of my clients couldn’t access an important health care appointment at the campus health center because she was banned from campus. The effects were pretty devastating, even though the ban was short term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late on May 30, police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that when students and professors heard police were arriving, many joined to stand in solidarity with the protesters. Throughout the night, she said police surrounded and squeezed in on them and eventually arrested and detained 112 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were released, many were told they were temporarily banned from campus and could face a misdemeanor charge if they did not comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit filed by Lederman and the protesters’ legal team claims that UCSC officials illegally imposed a California penal code that allows the school to “withdraw permission for a person to be on campus.” The statute limits these temporary bans to 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the California Supreme Court has limited the scope of the legal code so that a ban without a hearing can only be imposed if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Lederman told KQED. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that some students were able to have hearings that resulted in an earlier end to their campus bans, but those didn’t take place until at least a week after they were issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11988397 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876789-1020x676.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz officials said that they had not been served the suit as of Tuesday morning but that they are committed to upholding community members’ rights of free expression and speech and “remain confident that decisions made in the spring were necessary and critical to preserve safety, access, and operations of the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad, one of the students named in the suit, was a resident adviser and was compensated for her work through free housing and meal points. The campus ban meant she wasn’t able to access it either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad said that she failed her classes when she couldn’t access her computer, complete assignments, or attend classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Irshad is considering taking time off of school due to the stress and concerns for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban prevented me from accessing my meal plan, my job, and my housing. It was incredibly destabilizing physically, emotionally, and financially,” she said in a statement published by the\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Civil Liberties Union NorCal branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bans occurred during the last two weeks of the spring quarter, and according to Professor Christine Hong, who is also joining the lawsuit over her ban, it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong said she arrived at the protest around 11 p.m. after hearing from a student that police were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who is the director of the campus Center for Racial Justice, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her banishment prevented her from accessing her personal library, which was on campus, and her office. She also wasn’t able to record the necessary asynchronous lectures in the campus’s recording studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong had a hearing after ten days, and her campus ban was overturned that evening. The lawsuit is asking for an injunction to prevent the school from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to make sure that both UC Santa Cruz and others don’t use this tactic again to just banish students and faculty from campus for speaking out for Palestine,” Lederman told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As pro-Palestinian activism resumes on college campuses this fall, a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> activists is suing the school for issuing what they believe were illegal campus bans to protesters last spring. Their goal is to prevent the school from doing so again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, lawyers filed a lawsuit on behalf of two students and a professor who were among more than 110 people arrested during a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">protest in May\u003c/a>. They say that campus officials issued up to two-week bans to many of the people arrested, leaving some without housing, campus resources, or places to take their final exams for the spring quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They flunked classes and had difficulty obtaining enough food during this period of time,” Rachel Lederman, a member of the legal team, said. “One of my clients couldn’t access an important health care appointment at the campus health center because she was banned from campus. The effects were pretty devastating, even though the ban was short term.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Late on May 30, police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that when students and professors heard police were arriving, many joined to stand in solidarity with the protesters. Throughout the night, she said police surrounded and squeezed in on them and eventually arrested and detained 112 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they were released, many were told they were temporarily banned from campus and could face a misdemeanor charge if they did not comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit filed by Lederman and the protesters’ legal team claims that UCSC officials illegally imposed a California penal code that allows the school to “withdraw permission for a person to be on campus.” The statute limits these temporary bans to 14 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that the California Supreme Court has limited the scope of the legal code so that a ban without a hearing can only be imposed if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Lederman told KQED. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lederman said that some students were able to have hearings that resulted in an earlier end to their campus bans, but those didn’t take place until at least a week after they were issued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Santa Cruz officials said that they had not been served the suit as of Tuesday morning but that they are committed to upholding community members’ rights of free expression and speech and “remain confident that decisions made in the spring were necessary and critical to preserve safety, access, and operations of the campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad, one of the students named in the suit, was a resident adviser and was compensated for her work through free housing and meal points. The campus ban meant she wasn’t able to access it either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad said that she failed her classes when she couldn’t access her computer, complete assignments, or attend classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Irshad is considering taking time off of school due to the stress and concerns for safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The ban prevented me from accessing my meal plan, my job, and my housing. It was incredibly destabilizing physically, emotionally, and financially,” she said in a statement published by the\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American Civil Liberties Union NorCal branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bans occurred during the last two weeks of the spring quarter, and according to Professor Christine Hong, who is also joining the lawsuit over her ban, it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exam.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong said she arrived at the protest around 11 p.m. after hearing from a student that police were present.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who is the director of the campus Center for Racial Justice, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her banishment prevented her from accessing her personal library, which was on campus, and her office. She also wasn’t able to record the necessary asynchronous lectures in the campus’s recording studio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hong had a hearing after ten days, and her campus ban was overturned that evening. The lawsuit is asking for an injunction to prevent the school from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trying to make sure that both UC Santa Cruz and others don’t use this tactic again to just banish students and faculty from campus for speaking out for Palestine,” Lederman told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kmizuguchi\">Keith Mizuguchi\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Attorneys representing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945533/sf-based-internet-archive-is-fighting-a-ruling-that-could-change-the-future-of-digital-libraries\">Internet Archive\u003c/a> are determining their next steps to try to save the website’s free e-book lending program after an appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003100/internet-archive-loses-appeal-in-major-copyright-case\">recently upheld an earlier ruling\u003c/a> that it violated copyright laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four major publishers sued the San Francisco-based Archive in 2020 when the website temporarily removed waitlists so more than one person at a time could borrow an e-book in its collection during the pandemic. The publishers — Hachette Book Group, HarperCollins Publishers, John Wiley & Sons and Penguin Random House — alleged that by doing so, the Archive illegally offered free e-books, including famous works by authors such as Sylvia Plath and Toni Morrison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Internet Archive later reinstated its waitlists and returned to its one-to-one book rental model, known as “controlled digital lending,” where a library owns a book, scans it digitally and loans the digital copy to one user at a time. The Archive owns physical copies of all of the books it lends digitally, stored in a warehouse in Richmond, California. Since the lawsuit started, however, it has had to remove more than 500,000 titles online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the court has sided with the publishers in the appeal case, the Internet Archive is determining what direction the fight might go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are reviewing the court’s opinion and will continue to defend the rights of libraries to own, lend, and preserve books,” Chris Freeland, director of library services at the Internet Archive, wrote online in response to the opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/let-readers-read-an-open-letter-to-the-publishers-in-hachette-v-internet-archive\">launched an online petition\u003c/a> to restore the hundreds of thousands of titles that were removed from its online collection. As of Monday, it had 110,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s growing by the minute,” Freeland told KQED. “The public has spoken, and they are really upset that those books are no longer available for them to borrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003843\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003843\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brewster Kahle, the founder of the Internet Archive, closes a storage container with books from a county public library at an Internet Archive storage facility in Richmond on March 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As for legal next steps, the Archive has two pathways it may choose to take, according to Cara Gagliano, senior staff attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which is representing the Archive in court. They can either petition for a rehearing, or petition the U.S. Supreme Court to hear the case, an even more intense process, since the court only takes a handful of cases per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the Internet Archive really was serving a transformative purpose and doing what libraries have always done: Loaning out books that they owned to one person at a time,” Gagliano said. “Our take is that it’s absurd that the Internet Archive is allowed to mail me a physical book it owns. The physical publishers can’t stop that. But [the Archive] can’t give me the same content in digital form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12003100,news_11945533 label='Related Coverage']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent ruling will not disrupt the Internet Archive’s other major service, \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/\">the Wayback Machine\u003c/a>, which saves webpages from across the internet over decades. However, groups representing librarians, authors and open-source advocates say that losing the e-book lending program is a blow to free educational access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this decision will result in a meaningful reduction in access to knowledge. This is sad news for many authors who have relied on Internet Archive’s Open Library for research and discovery, and for readers who have used Open Library to find authors’ works,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.authorsalliance.org/2024/09/05/hachette-v-internet-archive-update-second-circuit-court-of-appeals-rules-against-internet-archive/\">wrote the Authors Alliance in a blog post responding to the ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall Breeding, a consultant on library technology who has been following the Hachette v. Internet Archive case, has a different take. E-book lending is already a widespread practice at public libraries across the country “in a big way already, and that has nothing to do with the Internet Archive,” Breeding said. “This is not the end of libraries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publishers and authors agreeing with them meanwhile celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s appellate decision upholds the rights of authors and publishers to license and be compensated for their books and other creative works and reminds us in no uncertain terms that infringement is both costly and antithetical to the public interest,” said Maria A. Pallante, President and CEO, Association of American Publishers, in a statement following the decision.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Attorneys representing the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11945533/sf-based-internet-archive-is-fighting-a-ruling-that-could-change-the-future-of-digital-libraries\">Internet Archive\u003c/a> are determining their next steps to try to save the website’s free e-book lending program after an appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003100/internet-archive-loses-appeal-in-major-copyright-case\">recently upheld an earlier ruling\u003c/a> that it violated copyright laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four major publishers sued the San Francisco-based Archive in 2020 when the website temporarily removed waitlists so more than one person at a time could borrow an e-book in its collection during the pandemic. The publishers — Hachette Book Group, HarperCollins Publishers, John Wiley & Sons and Penguin Random House — alleged that by doing so, the Archive illegally offered free e-books, including famous works by authors such as Sylvia Plath and Toni Morrison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Internet Archive later reinstated its waitlists and returned to its one-to-one book rental model, known as “controlled digital lending,” where a library owns a book, scans it digitally and loans the digital copy to one user at a time. The Archive owns physical copies of all of the books it lends digitally, stored in a warehouse in Richmond, California. Since the lawsuit started, however, it has had to remove more than 500,000 titles online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the court has sided with the publishers in the appeal case, the Internet Archive is determining what direction the fight might go next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are reviewing the court’s opinion and will continue to defend the rights of libraries to own, lend, and preserve books,” Chris Freeland, director of library services at the Internet Archive, wrote online in response to the opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization in June \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/let-readers-read-an-open-letter-to-the-publishers-in-hachette-v-internet-archive\">launched an online petition\u003c/a> to restore the hundreds of thousands of titles that were removed from its online collection. As of Monday, it had 110,000 signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s growing by the minute,” Freeland told KQED. “The public has spoken, and they are really upset that those books are no longer available for them to borrow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003843\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003843\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/024_KQED_InternetArchiveWarehouse_03302023_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brewster Kahle, the founder of the Internet Archive, closes a storage container with books from a county public library at an Internet Archive storage facility in Richmond on March 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As for legal next steps, the Archive has two pathways it may choose to take, according to Cara Gagliano, senior staff attorney for the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which is representing the Archive in court. They can either petition for a rehearing, or petition the U.S. Supreme Court to hear the case, an even more intense process, since the court only takes a handful of cases per year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think the Internet Archive really was serving a transformative purpose and doing what libraries have always done: Loaning out books that they owned to one person at a time,” Gagliano said. “Our take is that it’s absurd that the Internet Archive is allowed to mail me a physical book it owns. The physical publishers can’t stop that. But [the Archive] can’t give me the same content in digital form.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recent ruling will not disrupt the Internet Archive’s other major service, \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/\">the Wayback Machine\u003c/a>, which saves webpages from across the internet over decades. However, groups representing librarians, authors and open-source advocates say that losing the e-book lending program is a blow to free educational access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think this decision will result in a meaningful reduction in access to knowledge. This is sad news for many authors who have relied on Internet Archive’s Open Library for research and discovery, and for readers who have used Open Library to find authors’ works,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.authorsalliance.org/2024/09/05/hachette-v-internet-archive-update-second-circuit-court-of-appeals-rules-against-internet-archive/\">wrote the Authors Alliance in a blog post responding to the ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marshall Breeding, a consultant on library technology who has been following the Hachette v. Internet Archive case, has a different take. E-book lending is already a widespread practice at public libraries across the country “in a big way already, and that has nothing to do with the Internet Archive,” Breeding said. “This is not the end of libraries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publishers and authors agreeing with them meanwhile celebrated the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s appellate decision upholds the rights of authors and publishers to license and be compensated for their books and other creative works and reminds us in no uncertain terms that infringement is both costly and antithetical to the public interest,” said Maria A. Pallante, President and CEO, Association of American Publishers, in a statement following the decision.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-ucsf-student-advocate-spoke-up-for-faculty-of-color-then-she-was-fired",
"title": "A UCSF Student Advocate Spoke Up for Faculty of Color. Then She Was Fired",
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"content": "\u003cp>Updated at 1:05 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly referred to the university that suspended 22 students for establishing an encampment to protest the Israel-Hamas war. It was the University of San Francisco, not UC San Francisco. The earlier version also erroneously reported that Denise Caramagno had reached out to former clients. This story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denise Caramagno has worked as a violence prevention advocate at UC San Francisco for almost a decade. Last month, she received an email notifying her of the university’s intent to fire her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UCSF hired me to support people who experienced different kinds of violence and harm. And part of my job was prevention of violence,” she said during a protest outside of the university’s campus on Friday. “I saw my colleagues being silenced as they spoke about genocide in Gaza. I spoke out. I felt a professional obligation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re firing me for doing the job they hired me to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area universities are back in session for the fall semester, and with the return of classes comes the return of student organizers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986812/some-bay-area-universities-reach-deal-to-end-encampments-but-students-say-their-fight-continues\">mass demonstrations and encampments rocked campuses\u003c/a> across the country in the spring, including at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rupa Marya, a UCSF professor of internal medicine, wrote a series of posts on X that claimed the “presence of Zionism” in U.S. medicine should be examined as a “structural impediment to health equity.” The posts sparked backlash, including from state Sen. Scott Weiner, who \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1742966467484868909?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1742966467484868909%7Ctwgr%5E4efe6d1fc94503206ec77c65018bd1c0e629682f%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2F48hills.org%2F2024%2F09%2Fucsf-fires-staffer-who-challenged-schools-stance-on-palestine%2F\">wrote\u003c/a> that the posts played into an antisemitic trope accusing Jewish doctors of harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, UCSF released a statement, without reference to Mayra or her posts, that said a “conspiracy theory” circulating on social media was “stating that ‘Zionist’ doctors are a threat to Arab, Palestinian, South Asian, Muslim and Black patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sweeping, baseless and racist generalization must be condemned,” the statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003443\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rupa Marya, whose posts on X prompted Caramagno to speak out, addressed attendees during Friday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Katie DeBenedetti/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caramagno responded on social media, writing that UCSF was “coordinating an attack on its own faculty of color who are asking legitimate questions about social determinants of health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her post led to complaints from staff, which were sent to her. Initially, she was told that she hadn’t violated any policies, but after forwarding one complaint to colleagues, she was notified that she wasn’t allowed to share the complaint against her. In August, she received an email that the university intended to terminate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m being fired for speaking out in support of my Black and brown colleagues who are experts in health disparities,” she said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11986194 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/9AC167B8-3D82-4AF2-9121-585F5E8B99EB-e1715732459324.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement responding to claims by Caramagno that she was being fired for doing her job, UCSF said,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Privacy laws prevent us from commenting on any specific individual or situation. However, what is being discussed on social media is factually inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university still employs Marya. She said that for more than 20 years, she has advocated for communities of color, including during the Black Lives Matter movement, as well as for immigrant patients, women and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never come up against the kind of repression and, specifically, racist repression that I’ve seen and experienced since I’ve said ‘stop bombing hospitals,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the protest, which was attended by about 100 doctors, nurses, students and staff, Caramagno stood on the sidewalk just off campus grounds. She has not been allowed to enter since the university initiated a formal investigation about a month ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her official termination date was Aug. 29, but the process has not officially ended, according to Caramagno, who said she has an upcoming hearing. She told KQED that she was not allowed to contact any of her roughly 30 active clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure how they’re being supported, and I feel genuine concern for the people who need support,” Caramagno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Denise Caramagno claims she was terminated for posting in support of colleagues she says were being silenced for speaking about genocide in Gaza. The university’s administration disagrees.",
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"title": "A UCSF Student Advocate Spoke Up for Faculty of Color. Then She Was Fired | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Updated at 1:05 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> Because of an editing error, an earlier version of this story incorrectly referred to the university that suspended 22 students for establishing an encampment to protest the Israel-Hamas war. It was the University of San Francisco, not UC San Francisco. The earlier version also erroneously reported that Denise Caramagno had reached out to former clients. This story has been corrected.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denise Caramagno has worked as a violence prevention advocate at UC San Francisco for almost a decade. Last month, she received an email notifying her of the university’s intent to fire her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UCSF hired me to support people who experienced different kinds of violence and harm. And part of my job was prevention of violence,” she said during a protest outside of the university’s campus on Friday. “I saw my colleagues being silenced as they spoke about genocide in Gaza. I spoke out. I felt a professional obligation to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think they’re firing me for doing the job they hired me to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Bay Area universities are back in session for the fall semester, and with the return of classes comes the return of student organizers whose \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986812/some-bay-area-universities-reach-deal-to-end-encampments-but-students-say-their-fight-continues\">mass demonstrations and encampments rocked campuses\u003c/a> across the country in the spring, including at UCSF.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Rupa Marya, a UCSF professor of internal medicine, wrote a series of posts on X that claimed the “presence of Zionism” in U.S. medicine should be examined as a “structural impediment to health equity.” The posts sparked backlash, including from state Sen. Scott Weiner, who \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Scott_Wiener/status/1742966467484868909?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1742966467484868909%7Ctwgr%5E4efe6d1fc94503206ec77c65018bd1c0e629682f%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2F48hills.org%2F2024%2F09%2Fucsf-fires-staffer-who-challenged-schools-stance-on-palestine%2F\">wrote\u003c/a> that the posts played into an antisemitic trope accusing Jewish doctors of harm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Days later, UCSF released a statement, without reference to Mayra or her posts, that said a “conspiracy theory” circulating on social media was “stating that ‘Zionist’ doctors are a threat to Arab, Palestinian, South Asian, Muslim and Black patients.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This sweeping, baseless and racist generalization must be condemned,” the statement continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003443\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/UCSFProPalestineProtest2-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rupa Marya, whose posts on X prompted Caramagno to speak out, addressed attendees during Friday’s press conference. \u003ccite>(Katie DeBenedetti/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Caramagno responded on social media, writing that UCSF was “coordinating an attack on its own faculty of color who are asking legitimate questions about social determinants of health.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her post led to complaints from staff, which were sent to her. Initially, she was told that she hadn’t violated any policies, but after forwarding one complaint to colleagues, she was notified that she wasn’t allowed to share the complaint against her. In August, she received an email that the university intended to terminate her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m being fired for speaking out in support of my Black and brown colleagues who are experts in health disparities,” she said Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement responding to claims by Caramagno that she was being fired for doing her job, UCSF said,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Privacy laws prevent us from commenting on any specific individual or situation. However, what is being discussed on social media is factually inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university still employs Marya. She said that for more than 20 years, she has advocated for communities of color, including during the Black Lives Matter movement, as well as for immigrant patients, women and LGBTQ communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve never come up against the kind of repression and, specifically, racist repression that I’ve seen and experienced since I’ve said ‘stop bombing hospitals,’” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the protest, which was attended by about 100 doctors, nurses, students and staff, Caramagno stood on the sidewalk just off campus grounds. She has not been allowed to enter since the university initiated a formal investigation about a month ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her official termination date was Aug. 29, but the process has not officially ended, according to Caramagno, who said she has an upcoming hearing. She told KQED that she was not allowed to contact any of her roughly 30 active clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not sure how they’re being supported, and I feel genuine concern for the people who need support,” Caramagno said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jlara\">\u003cem>Juan Carlos Lara\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "report-gives-california-schools-a-d-on-data-transparency",
"title": "Report Gives California Schools a ‘D’ on Data Transparency",
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"headTitle": "Report Gives California Schools a ‘D’ on Data Transparency | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has a wealth of data about K-12 public schools — test scores, attendance rates, who’s headed to college and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding it is another story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about the state’s 5.8 million students and their schools is spread across at least five websites, each outfitted with dozens of filters, drop-down menus and color-coded graphics. That scattered approach to data transparency prevents parents from truly understanding how their children’s schools are faring — and taking action to improve them, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a PhD in education policy and I can barely navigate these sites,” said Morgan Polikoff, a USC professor who worked on the report. “How do we expect a typical parent to access this information and make sense of it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, published by the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University, gave California a “D” for \u003ca href=\"https://crpe.org/transparent-state-report-card-grades-2024/\">school data transparency\u003c/a>, compared to other states. Researchers looked at how states present test scores in math, social studies, reading and science, as well as absenteeism and graduation rates and English learner progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://public-edsight.ct.gov/overview/next-generation-accountability-dashboard?language=en_US\">Connecticut\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mischooldata.org/dashboard/\">Michigan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tdepublicschools.ondemand.sas.com/\">Tennessee\u003c/a> were among the states that received A’s for their easy-to-navigate data portals. California ranked alongside Arkansas, West Virginia and Arizona, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissecting the school data dashboard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s primary data source for parents is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/\">California School Dashboard\u003c/a>. The Department of Education consults with data experts, including the \u003ca href=\"https://dataqualitycampaign.org/resources/flagship-resources/show-me-the-data-2023/\">Data Quality Campaign\u003c/a>’s “Show Me the Data” report, when it updates the information, said Elizabeth Sanders, spokesperson for the department. The state often makes adjustments based on advice from experts and parents, she said, and is continually seeking to improve its data portals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was unaware of the methods Polikoff and his colleagues used to critique California’s data transparency, but “Show Me the Data” also dinged California for not showing year-over-year growth data. In fact, California is one of only four states nationwide that doesn’t show any growth data at all (the others are Kansas, Kentucky and Washington, D.C.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always remain open to the feedback and needs of our families, and we look forward to understanding more,” Sanders said. [aside label=\"Education Stories\" tag=\"california-schools\"]The education department unveiled the California School Dashboard in 2016–17 on the heels of the state’s shift to a revised funding formula that was meant to steer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">more money to underprivileged students\u003c/a>. It was meant to paint a more nuanced picture of schools’ performance, beyond just test scores. The dashboard measures academic achievement alongside chronic absenteeism, graduation rates, suspension rates, college and career readiness and English learner progress, broken down by 13 student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools are assigned colors based on their performance, but sometimes those colors can be misleading. For example, one school might rank as orange, the second-lowest color, if it’s made progress even though its scores remain very low. Another school might rank as red, the lowest color, if it’s shown little progress but has higher scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590125161/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Castlemont High School\u003c/a> In Oakland earned an orange ranking in English even though its scores were 223 points below the state standard. Just a few miles away, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590137943/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Skyline High\u003c/a> rated a lower color — red — even though its scores were only 123 points below the standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said the dashboard is unnecessarily opaque and cumbersome. While Polikoff generally supports showing a school’s performance in relation to the state standard, he also believes parents should have easy access to the test scores in a way they can understand. In addition, the dashboard should present year-over-year trends. Currently, users must collect the numbers themselves and make their own graphs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other organizations have also criticized California’s dashboard. EdTrust-West, an Oakland-based education research nonprofit, has said the confusing data prevents parents at low-performing schools from advocating for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dashboard portrays performance data using colors that in many instances suggest that schools and districts are adequately supporting their students to succeed. This is not the case in far too many California schools, and it’s especially true for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/06/discrimination-lawsuit/\">students of color and multilingual learners\u003c/a>,” said Natalie Wheatfall-Lum, EdTrust-West’s director of TK–12 policy. “Families can’t be effective partners if we don’t give them a clear picture of what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Student data system ‘feels like a smokescreen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has other portals for student data, including \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/\">Data Quest\u003c/a>, an exhaustive database of the student population; the \u003ca href=\"https://sarconline.org/public/findASarc\">School Accountability Report Card\u003c/a>, which shows information about specific schools such as how many teachers are credentialed, whether textbooks are current or if the school needs repairs; and the \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/\">California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress\u003c/a>, a breakdown of Smarter Balanced standardized test scores. The \u003ca href=\"https://calschls.org/\">California Healthy Kids Survey\u003c/a> looks at topics like substance use, bullying and parent involvement at the state, county and district levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can be frustrating for parents trying to get a snapshot of their child’s school. Knowing where to find specific details — and putting them in context — can take hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like a smokescreen,” said Crystal Trull, a parent of three children in San Diego Unified. “Parents don’t understand what the data means, which makes it difficult to get a sense of a particular school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the confusion, Trull said, the state changes assessments every few years, making it almost impossible to gauge long-term trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1777px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1777\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg 1777w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1777px) 100vw, 1777px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy writes on his desk at a Morgan Hill schools. \u003ccite>(Francesca Segre/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Students are the ones ultimately harmed, she said. Parents might not have all the available information when evaluating a school, and their children risk falling behind. “By the time parents realize their children don’t actually have the skills they need, it could be too late,” she said. “And that’s the real tragedy here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rossier.usc.edu/news-insights/news/reality-covid-19-learning-loss\">Research\u003c/a> backs that up. In a previous study, Polikoff and his colleagues at USC found a disconnect between parent concerns and policy analysis of the state of schools, particularly post-pandemic. An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/02/learning-loss/\">avalanche of research\u003c/a> showed steep learning declines stemming from school closures, yet many parents seemed unfazed, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Experts raise all these alarm bells but parents don’t seem that concerned or even aware there’s a crisis,” Polikoff said. “So we decided to find out why. The lack of accessible data is likely one significant reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason is grade inflation, researchers found. If students are mostly getting A’s and B’s, parents are less inclined to pay attention to standardized test scores or alarming reports from policy experts, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents tend to think schools have their kids’ best interests in mind, and kids are resilient,” Polikoff said. “That can be true, but it can also mean that parents don’t always have a realistic idea of what’s actually happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better measures of student success?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Irvine Unified, parent Jim Leung said he’d like to see the dashboard show specific test scores, not whether students are “meeting standards,” a metric that he says is not well defined. He’d also like more information about college readiness, social-emotional growth and life skills — topics that provide a far more accurate picture of how well schools are preparing students for the future, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most students in Irvine already meet or exceed the standards, so the dashboard isn’t really helpful,” said Leung, father of a high school sophomore. “Parents want to go beyond the minimum. We want to know how well our schools are really preparing students for college and career and life in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that information — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/admissions-source-school\">University of California\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/Application_withsystemwide/AppAdmitEnroll?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=true&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link\">California State University\u003c/a> admission numbers by high school — is available elsewhere online, but can be hard to locate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know the information is out there,” Leung said. “But there’s so much data, and parents are busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Information about how the state’s K–12 students are performing is located on several sites and is difficult to understand, a new report finds.",
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"title": "Report Gives California Schools a ‘D’ on Data Transparency | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has a wealth of data about K-12 public schools — test scores, attendance rates, who’s headed to college and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding it is another story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about the state’s 5.8 million students and their schools is spread across at least five websites, each outfitted with dozens of filters, drop-down menus and color-coded graphics. That scattered approach to data transparency prevents parents from truly understanding how their children’s schools are faring — and taking action to improve them, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a PhD in education policy and I can barely navigate these sites,” said Morgan Polikoff, a USC professor who worked on the report. “How do we expect a typical parent to access this information and make sense of it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, published by the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University, gave California a “D” for \u003ca href=\"https://crpe.org/transparent-state-report-card-grades-2024/\">school data transparency\u003c/a>, compared to other states. Researchers looked at how states present test scores in math, social studies, reading and science, as well as absenteeism and graduation rates and English learner progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://public-edsight.ct.gov/overview/next-generation-accountability-dashboard?language=en_US\">Connecticut\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mischooldata.org/dashboard/\">Michigan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tdepublicschools.ondemand.sas.com/\">Tennessee\u003c/a> were among the states that received A’s for their easy-to-navigate data portals. California ranked alongside Arkansas, West Virginia and Arizona, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissecting the school data dashboard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s primary data source for parents is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/\">California School Dashboard\u003c/a>. The Department of Education consults with data experts, including the \u003ca href=\"https://dataqualitycampaign.org/resources/flagship-resources/show-me-the-data-2023/\">Data Quality Campaign\u003c/a>’s “Show Me the Data” report, when it updates the information, said Elizabeth Sanders, spokesperson for the department. The state often makes adjustments based on advice from experts and parents, she said, and is continually seeking to improve its data portals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was unaware of the methods Polikoff and his colleagues used to critique California’s data transparency, but “Show Me the Data” also dinged California for not showing year-over-year growth data. In fact, California is one of only four states nationwide that doesn’t show any growth data at all (the others are Kansas, Kentucky and Washington, D.C.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always remain open to the feedback and needs of our families, and we look forward to understanding more,” Sanders said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The education department unveiled the California School Dashboard in 2016–17 on the heels of the state’s shift to a revised funding formula that was meant to steer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">more money to underprivileged students\u003c/a>. It was meant to paint a more nuanced picture of schools’ performance, beyond just test scores. The dashboard measures academic achievement alongside chronic absenteeism, graduation rates, suspension rates, college and career readiness and English learner progress, broken down by 13 student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools are assigned colors based on their performance, but sometimes those colors can be misleading. For example, one school might rank as orange, the second-lowest color, if it’s made progress even though its scores remain very low. Another school might rank as red, the lowest color, if it’s shown little progress but has higher scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590125161/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Castlemont High School\u003c/a> In Oakland earned an orange ranking in English even though its scores were 223 points below the state standard. Just a few miles away, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590137943/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Skyline High\u003c/a> rated a lower color — red — even though its scores were only 123 points below the standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said the dashboard is unnecessarily opaque and cumbersome. While Polikoff generally supports showing a school’s performance in relation to the state standard, he also believes parents should have easy access to the test scores in a way they can understand. In addition, the dashboard should present year-over-year trends. Currently, users must collect the numbers themselves and make their own graphs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other organizations have also criticized California’s dashboard. EdTrust-West, an Oakland-based education research nonprofit, has said the confusing data prevents parents at low-performing schools from advocating for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dashboard portrays performance data using colors that in many instances suggest that schools and districts are adequately supporting their students to succeed. This is not the case in far too many California schools, and it’s especially true for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/06/discrimination-lawsuit/\">students of color and multilingual learners\u003c/a>,” said Natalie Wheatfall-Lum, EdTrust-West’s director of TK–12 policy. “Families can’t be effective partners if we don’t give them a clear picture of what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Student data system ‘feels like a smokescreen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has other portals for student data, including \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/\">Data Quest\u003c/a>, an exhaustive database of the student population; the \u003ca href=\"https://sarconline.org/public/findASarc\">School Accountability Report Card\u003c/a>, which shows information about specific schools such as how many teachers are credentialed, whether textbooks are current or if the school needs repairs; and the \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/\">California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress\u003c/a>, a breakdown of Smarter Balanced standardized test scores. The \u003ca href=\"https://calschls.org/\">California Healthy Kids Survey\u003c/a> looks at topics like substance use, bullying and parent involvement at the state, county and district levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can be frustrating for parents trying to get a snapshot of their child’s school. Knowing where to find specific details — and putting them in context — can take hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like a smokescreen,” said Crystal Trull, a parent of three children in San Diego Unified. “Parents don’t understand what the data means, which makes it difficult to get a sense of a particular school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the confusion, Trull said, the state changes assessments every few years, making it almost impossible to gauge long-term trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1777px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1777\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg 1777w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1777px) 100vw, 1777px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy writes on his desk at a Morgan Hill schools. \u003ccite>(Francesca Segre/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Students are the ones ultimately harmed, she said. Parents might not have all the available information when evaluating a school, and their children risk falling behind. “By the time parents realize their children don’t actually have the skills they need, it could be too late,” she said. “And that’s the real tragedy here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rossier.usc.edu/news-insights/news/reality-covid-19-learning-loss\">Research\u003c/a> backs that up. In a previous study, Polikoff and his colleagues at USC found a disconnect between parent concerns and policy analysis of the state of schools, particularly post-pandemic. An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/02/learning-loss/\">avalanche of research\u003c/a> showed steep learning declines stemming from school closures, yet many parents seemed unfazed, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Experts raise all these alarm bells but parents don’t seem that concerned or even aware there’s a crisis,” Polikoff said. “So we decided to find out why. The lack of accessible data is likely one significant reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason is grade inflation, researchers found. If students are mostly getting A’s and B’s, parents are less inclined to pay attention to standardized test scores or alarming reports from policy experts, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents tend to think schools have their kids’ best interests in mind, and kids are resilient,” Polikoff said. “That can be true, but it can also mean that parents don’t always have a realistic idea of what’s actually happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better measures of student success?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Irvine Unified, parent Jim Leung said he’d like to see the dashboard show specific test scores, not whether students are “meeting standards,” a metric that he says is not well defined. He’d also like more information about college readiness, social-emotional growth and life skills — topics that provide a far more accurate picture of how well schools are preparing students for the future, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most students in Irvine already meet or exceed the standards, so the dashboard isn’t really helpful,” said Leung, father of a high school sophomore. “Parents want to go beyond the minimum. We want to know how well our schools are really preparing students for college and career and life in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that information — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/admissions-source-school\">University of California\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/Application_withsystemwide/AppAdmitEnroll?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=true&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link\">California State University\u003c/a> admission numbers by high school — is available elsewhere online, but can be hard to locate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know the information is out there,” Leung said. “But there’s so much data, and parents are busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "lawmakers-push-to-fully-implement-english-learner-roadmap-in-california-schools",
"title": "Lawmakers Push to Fully Implement English Learner Roadmap in California Schools",
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"headTitle": "Lawmakers Push to Fully Implement English Learner Roadmap in California Schools | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California published a guide for how districts should serve English learners seven years ago. It’s called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/elroadmappolicy.asp\">the English Learner Roadmap Policy\u003c/a>, and it’s largely seen as groundbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many districts still haven’t used that road map to change their practices, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not systemic across the state,” said Shelly Spiegel-Coleman, strategic adviser to Californians Together, a coalition of organizations that advocates for English learners. “You can go to school districts and ask teachers, ‘Have you ever heard of the road map?’ And they look at you like you’re from Mars. They’ve never heard of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers are now pushing to fully implement the road map, by passing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2074\">Assembly Bill 2074\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymembers Al Muratsuchi (D-Torrance) and David Alvarez (D-Chula Vista). If signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, the bill will require the California Department of Education to create a state implementation plan for the English Learner Roadmap with goals and a system to monitor whether those goals are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will have to first convene an advisory committee, made up of district and county offices of education, teachers, parents of English learners and nonprofit organizations with experience implementing the English Learner Roadmap Policy. The department will have to submit the final implementation plan to the Legislature by Nov. 1, 2026, and begin reporting on which districts, county offices of education and charter schools are implementing the plan by Jan. 1, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of funding changed the scope of the bill. An earlier version would have also created three positions in the state Department of Education to develop, plan and then support districts to implement the English Learner Roadmap Policy. However, those positions were cut from the bill by the Senate Appropriations Committee due to costs. A separate bill that would have created a grant program to implement the road map, Assembly Bill 2071, failed to pass the Senate Appropriations Committee, because there was no money allocated in the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/elroadmappolicy.asp\">The California English Learner Roadmap Policy\u003c/a> was first approved by the California State Board of Education in 2017 as a guide for school districts, county offices of education and charter schools to better support English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many, the road map represented a pivotal change in the state’s approach to teaching English learners. It was adopted just months after voters passed Proposition 58 in 2016, which eliminated restrictions on bilingual education put in place by Proposition 227 in 1998. In stark contrast to the English-only policies in place under Proposition 227, the road map emphasizes the importance of bilingual education and bilingualism and of recognizing the assets of students who speak other languages, in addition to emphasizing teaching that “fosters high levels of English proficiency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"english-learners\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anya Hurwitz, executive director of SEAL, a nonprofit organization that trains teachers and district leaders and promotes bilingual education, called the English Learner Roadmap a “comprehensive, visionary, research-based policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s aspirational. It’s very much written for a future state, when California can center the student population that is so much at the core of who we are as a state and yet has this history of being treated as an afterthought or a box at the end of a curriculum,” said Hurwitz. “And nonetheless the state needs an implementation plan. Things don’t get done unless we have methodical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has twice created grant programs for districts to get help implementing the English Learner Roadmap Policy. In 2020, the California Department of Education (CDE) awarded $10 million to two grantees, Californians Together and the California Association for Bilingual Education, each of which worked with other organizations, county offices of education and school districts. In 2023, the department awarded another $10 million to four county offices of education, in Sacramento, Los Angeles, San Bernardino and Orange counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These programs, however, were optional, and not all districts participated in the training or assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it’s really necessary for CDE to be very vocal and in the center of stating how important the English Learner Roadmap is, and how important it is to implement,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together. “When CDE says the road map is a priority, it begins to filter down to the districts. But we’re not really hearing that it’s that important from CDE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graciela García-Torres, director of multilingual education for the Sacramento County Office of Education, said the English Learner Roadmap brings her hope, as a former English learner herself and as a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a parent, I also see that it supports me in my endeavor to have children that grow up bilingually, knowing their culture and language is just as beautiful and important as English,” García-Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Torres said the Sacramento County Office of Education has worked hard to help districts implement the road map, but a state implementation plan and more funding are needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m afraid that without another grant or an implementation plan, it may go back to being pretty words on the page,” García-Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debra Duardo, Los Angeles County superintendent of schools, said the English Learner Roadmap has made a big difference in some districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the things I’ve seen changing is the philosophy around English language learners and really moving from this deficit mentality, of ‘these are children who can’t speak English,’ to really celebrating the fact that they’re speaking multiple languages,” said Duardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said having clear goals and requiring districts to report how they’re implementing the plan will be crucial, so that the state can see where districts are struggling and how CDE can help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are always going to people who feel like this is one more thing that you’re placing on us and it doesn’t come with funding attached to it,” said Duardo. “Districts are struggling. They don’t have their extra pandemic dollars, they didn’t have a very big COLA, and just finding the resources to implement anything can be a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Hopkins, professor and chair of UC San Diego’s department of education studies, said many states struggle with implementation of guidance around English learners. She said a statewide plan for implementing the road map is needed, in part because many teachers and administrators don’t think English learner education applies to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“English learners are often sort of viewed as separate from, or an add-on, to core instructional programs. I think what happens is people are like, ‘Oh, that’s nice, but it’s not related to what I do over here in math education,’ when in fact it is,” said Hopkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aleyda Barrera-Cruz, executive director for multilingual learner services at the San Mateo-Foster City School District, south of San Francisco, said she has attended professional development sessions on the English Learner Roadmap Policy with EL RISE!, the coalition led by Californians Together, and read through every guidance document they’ve written about the road map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More Education Coverage\" tag=\"education\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it gets tricky is sometimes things are written in a way that are not very implementation-friendly. They’re written in a very theoretical way like, ‘These are the recommendations,’ so we as districts have to decide what that would look like in our district. There’s a lot of room for interpretation,” Barrera-Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said principals and teachers sometimes interpret the guidelines in different ways at different schools. She would like to see CDE make it very clear how to do things like teaching English language development (teaching English to children who do not know the language), including examples of lesson plans and videos of best practices in the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m working with a very diverse group of educators. Some have learned this in their teaching credential program; some have not,” Barrera-Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elodia Ortega-Lampkin, superintendent of Woodland Joint Unified School District, near Sacramento, said superintendents and school board members need training to understand why the English Learner Roadmap is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People watch what you value and the message you send,” Ortega-Lampkin said. “It’s very hard for a principal to do this on their own without the district support. It’s got to come down from the top, including the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Woodland Joint Unified required all administrators and teachers to attend training about the English Learner Roadmap. They also have to use the road map when writing their mandatory annual school plans for student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not an option. It was an expectation. If we have English learners in Woodland and we’re serious about helping them succeed, we need to use a framework that is research-based and provides support for districts. Instead of piecemealing, it’s all in one to help guide those conversations in our schools,” Ortega-Lampkin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before training with the English Learner Roadmap, Ortega-Lampkin said not everyone understood how to teach English language development, often referred to as ELD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was hard to get everyone to buy in and teach ELD. We don’t have that anymore. It’s not a discussion. People just know that ELD needs to happen. I think it’s helped change the mindset and build a better understanding,” Ortega-Lampkin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/what-will-it-take-to-implement-the-english-learner-roadmap-in-all-california-schools/718243\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A bill would require the California Department of Education to create a plan and set goals for rolling out the English Learner Roadmap and establish a way to monitor how those goals are being met.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California published a guide for how districts should serve English learners seven years ago. It’s called \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/elroadmappolicy.asp\">the English Learner Roadmap Policy\u003c/a>, and it’s largely seen as groundbreaking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many districts still haven’t used that road map to change their practices, advocates say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not systemic across the state,” said Shelly Spiegel-Coleman, strategic adviser to Californians Together, a coalition of organizations that advocates for English learners. “You can go to school districts and ask teachers, ‘Have you ever heard of the road map?’ And they look at you like you’re from Mars. They’ve never heard of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers are now pushing to fully implement the road map, by passing \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2074\">Assembly Bill 2074\u003c/a>, introduced by Assemblymembers Al Muratsuchi (D-Torrance) and David Alvarez (D-Chula Vista). If signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom, the bill will require the California Department of Education to create a state implementation plan for the English Learner Roadmap with goals and a system to monitor whether those goals are met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will have to first convene an advisory committee, made up of district and county offices of education, teachers, parents of English learners and nonprofit organizations with experience implementing the English Learner Roadmap Policy. The department will have to submit the final implementation plan to the Legislature by Nov. 1, 2026, and begin reporting on which districts, county offices of education and charter schools are implementing the plan by Jan. 1, 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lack of funding changed the scope of the bill. An earlier version would have also created three positions in the state Department of Education to develop, plan and then support districts to implement the English Learner Roadmap Policy. However, those positions were cut from the bill by the Senate Appropriations Committee due to costs. A separate bill that would have created a grant program to implement the road map, Assembly Bill 2071, failed to pass the Senate Appropriations Committee, because there was no money allocated in the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/sp/ml/elroadmappolicy.asp\">The California English Learner Roadmap Policy\u003c/a> was first approved by the California State Board of Education in 2017 as a guide for school districts, county offices of education and charter schools to better support English learners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For many, the road map represented a pivotal change in the state’s approach to teaching English learners. It was adopted just months after voters passed Proposition 58 in 2016, which eliminated restrictions on bilingual education put in place by Proposition 227 in 1998. In stark contrast to the English-only policies in place under Proposition 227, the road map emphasizes the importance of bilingual education and bilingualism and of recognizing the assets of students who speak other languages, in addition to emphasizing teaching that “fosters high levels of English proficiency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anya Hurwitz, executive director of SEAL, a nonprofit organization that trains teachers and district leaders and promotes bilingual education, called the English Learner Roadmap a “comprehensive, visionary, research-based policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s aspirational. It’s very much written for a future state, when California can center the student population that is so much at the core of who we are as a state and yet has this history of being treated as an afterthought or a box at the end of a curriculum,” said Hurwitz. “And nonetheless the state needs an implementation plan. Things don’t get done unless we have methodical plans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has twice created grant programs for districts to get help implementing the English Learner Roadmap Policy. In 2020, the California Department of Education (CDE) awarded $10 million to two grantees, Californians Together and the California Association for Bilingual Education, each of which worked with other organizations, county offices of education and school districts. In 2023, the department awarded another $10 million to four county offices of education, in Sacramento, Los Angeles, San Bernardino and Orange counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These programs, however, were optional, and not all districts participated in the training or assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it’s really necessary for CDE to be very vocal and in the center of stating how important the English Learner Roadmap is, and how important it is to implement,” said Martha Hernandez, executive director of Californians Together. “When CDE says the road map is a priority, it begins to filter down to the districts. But we’re not really hearing that it’s that important from CDE.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graciela García-Torres, director of multilingual education for the Sacramento County Office of Education, said the English Learner Roadmap brings her hope, as a former English learner herself and as a parent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a parent, I also see that it supports me in my endeavor to have children that grow up bilingually, knowing their culture and language is just as beautiful and important as English,” García-Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Torres said the Sacramento County Office of Education has worked hard to help districts implement the road map, but a state implementation plan and more funding are needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m afraid that without another grant or an implementation plan, it may go back to being pretty words on the page,” García-Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Debra Duardo, Los Angeles County superintendent of schools, said the English Learner Roadmap has made a big difference in some districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the things I’ve seen changing is the philosophy around English language learners and really moving from this deficit mentality, of ‘these are children who can’t speak English,’ to really celebrating the fact that they’re speaking multiple languages,” said Duardo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said having clear goals and requiring districts to report how they’re implementing the plan will be crucial, so that the state can see where districts are struggling and how CDE can help them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are always going to people who feel like this is one more thing that you’re placing on us and it doesn’t come with funding attached to it,” said Duardo. “Districts are struggling. They don’t have their extra pandemic dollars, they didn’t have a very big COLA, and just finding the resources to implement anything can be a challenge.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Megan Hopkins, professor and chair of UC San Diego’s department of education studies, said many states struggle with implementation of guidance around English learners. She said a statewide plan for implementing the road map is needed, in part because many teachers and administrators don’t think English learner education applies to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“English learners are often sort of viewed as separate from, or an add-on, to core instructional programs. I think what happens is people are like, ‘Oh, that’s nice, but it’s not related to what I do over here in math education,’ when in fact it is,” said Hopkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aleyda Barrera-Cruz, executive director for multilingual learner services at the San Mateo-Foster City School District, south of San Francisco, said she has attended professional development sessions on the English Learner Roadmap Policy with EL RISE!, the coalition led by Californians Together, and read through every guidance document they’ve written about the road map.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where it gets tricky is sometimes things are written in a way that are not very implementation-friendly. They’re written in a very theoretical way like, ‘These are the recommendations,’ so we as districts have to decide what that would look like in our district. There’s a lot of room for interpretation,” Barrera-Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said principals and teachers sometimes interpret the guidelines in different ways at different schools. She would like to see CDE make it very clear how to do things like teaching English language development (teaching English to children who do not know the language), including examples of lesson plans and videos of best practices in the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m working with a very diverse group of educators. Some have learned this in their teaching credential program; some have not,” Barrera-Cruz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elodia Ortega-Lampkin, superintendent of Woodland Joint Unified School District, near Sacramento, said superintendents and school board members need training to understand why the English Learner Roadmap is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People watch what you value and the message you send,” Ortega-Lampkin said. “It’s very hard for a principal to do this on their own without the district support. It’s got to come down from the top, including the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Woodland Joint Unified required all administrators and teachers to attend training about the English Learner Roadmap. They also have to use the road map when writing their mandatory annual school plans for student achievement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was not an option. It was an expectation. If we have English learners in Woodland and we’re serious about helping them succeed, we need to use a framework that is research-based and provides support for districts. Instead of piecemealing, it’s all in one to help guide those conversations in our schools,” Ortega-Lampkin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before training with the English Learner Roadmap, Ortega-Lampkin said not everyone understood how to teach English language development, often referred to as ELD.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was hard to get everyone to buy in and teach ELD. We don’t have that anymore. It’s not a discussion. People just know that ELD needs to happen. I think it’s helped change the mindset and build a better understanding,” Ortega-Lampkin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sarah Frisch starts each of her creative writing courses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> University by letting her students know the classroom is a working community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford can be a difficult, high-pressure space, and Frisch said creative writing courses can be a respite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students read this incredible literature, and they meet people they ordinarily just read about,” Frisch said. “But I think the part that’s really powerful is to see that writers are ordinary people. Writers write within friendships, and they get plugged into that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Frisch and other lecturers worry that the job security and lecturer longevity that make those relationships possible will disappear. During a video meeting last week, Frisch and her colleagues learned the Stanford Creative Writing Program’s nearly two dozen lecturers would lose their current positions over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a faculty working group recommended the program’s lectureships consist of one-year appointments with the possibility of renewal for a limited period of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current lecturers have taught at the university for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like our students were betrayed,” said Frisch, who has been a Stanford lecturer since 2009. “The whole program is going to be based on temporary labor, and that is a sea change from the program that we have. And that means that the program we have no longer exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transitioning to short-term futures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://creativewriting.stanford.edu/news/stanford-creative-writing-program\">statement\u003c/a> posted on the university’s website on Wednesday, the School of Humanities and Sciences and Creative Writing Program leadership defended the changes, arguing that the lectureship program, known as Jones lectureships, was originally intended for limited-term appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11951849 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/RS65953_003_KQED_StanfordGradUnion_05302023-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan for there to be as many lecturers in the Program in five years as there are today, and we expect to offer more classes then than now,” the statement reads. “The university, school, and numerous generous donors are committed to not only the excellence of the program but also its growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleagues credit the Creative Writing Program’s success and popularity to support for lecturers from the late Eavan Boland, a distinguished poet and former director of the program. Boland, who died in 2020, encouraged lecturers to develop their own ambitious classes and foster deep mentoring relationships with undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She empowered lecturers not only to have job longevity but to use that time to innovate in the classroom,” said Nina Schloesser Tárano, who has been teaching in the Creative Writing Program since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is being treated as a luxury — my ability to be there for the entirety of somebody’s career as an undergraduate. But it’s my job, and it should be,” Schloesser Tárano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students, alums and writers sound off\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The changes to Stanford’s Creative Writing Program quickly generated widespread outrage online. In a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@tom.kealey/more-details-in-the-stanford-creative-writing-scandal-5a91193a4ab6\">Medium post\u003c/a>, lecturer Tom Kealey noted that the changes come a year after lecturers, who made around $52,000, asked for a pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JoyceCarolOates/status/1828529858923606156\">Writer Joyce Carol Oates wrote on X\u003c/a>, “I am puzzled most by the lack of simple collegiality & generosity at one of the most wealthy universities in the world. Stanford’s endowment could support an entire nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11989520 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/240605-STANFORD-JG-14-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Wang, who graduated from Stanford in 2023 with a master’s in the modern thought and literature program, started a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/10PoTTX9UtWr9-fCm6Rk-JyBl2tmwpInAyaFEyTSp_B8/mobilebasic\">petition\u003c/a> calling on the university to change course and reinstate the lecturers whose contracts will be phased out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said the lecturers in the Creative Writing Program changed his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wang first came to Stanford, he was unsure what to study. He had grown up in Silicon Valley, “where everyone and their mother” worked in tech or tech-adjacent fields. He took computer science class after computer science class. Then, in January 2019, he took his first creative writing class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A couple of weeks later, I think I knew deep down that I was going to be studying English,” Wang said. “Every single class that I’ve taken with a Jones lecturer has, in some new way, shape, or form, not only pushed me as a writer and thinker — it showed me a different way of imagining that a life in writing and a life in the arts could be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries for future generations of students who may not be able to build those same life-changing relationships with lecturers and about the institutional knowledge that could be lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Frisch is not sure what’s next when her lectureship ends. Classes start again next month, and she said in the meantime, she will focus on her students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want them to know those of us who are in this crappy position see and hear them,” Frisch said. “We’re willing to fight for their experience and their futures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sarah Frisch starts each of her creative writing courses at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/stanford\">Stanford\u003c/a> University by letting her students know the classroom is a working community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford can be a difficult, high-pressure space, and Frisch said creative writing courses can be a respite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students read this incredible literature, and they meet people they ordinarily just read about,” Frisch said. “But I think the part that’s really powerful is to see that writers are ordinary people. Writers write within friendships, and they get plugged into that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Frisch and other lecturers worry that the job security and lecturer longevity that make those relationships possible will disappear. During a video meeting last week, Frisch and her colleagues learned the Stanford Creative Writing Program’s nearly two dozen lecturers would lose their current positions over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, a faculty working group recommended the program’s lectureships consist of one-year appointments with the possibility of renewal for a limited period of up to five years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current lecturers have taught at the university for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel like our students were betrayed,” said Frisch, who has been a Stanford lecturer since 2009. “The whole program is going to be based on temporary labor, and that is a sea change from the program that we have. And that means that the program we have no longer exists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Transitioning to short-term futures\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://creativewriting.stanford.edu/news/stanford-creative-writing-program\">statement\u003c/a> posted on the university’s website on Wednesday, the School of Humanities and Sciences and Creative Writing Program leadership defended the changes, arguing that the lectureship program, known as Jones lectureships, was originally intended for limited-term appointments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We plan for there to be as many lecturers in the Program in five years as there are today, and we expect to offer more classes then than now,” the statement reads. “The university, school, and numerous generous donors are committed to not only the excellence of the program but also its growth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleagues credit the Creative Writing Program’s success and popularity to support for lecturers from the late Eavan Boland, a distinguished poet and former director of the program. Boland, who died in 2020, encouraged lecturers to develop their own ambitious classes and foster deep mentoring relationships with undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She empowered lecturers not only to have job longevity but to use that time to innovate in the classroom,” said Nina Schloesser Tárano, who has been teaching in the Creative Writing Program since 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is being treated as a luxury — my ability to be there for the entirety of somebody’s career as an undergraduate. But it’s my job, and it should be,” Schloesser Tárano said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Students, alums and writers sound off\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The changes to Stanford’s Creative Writing Program quickly generated widespread outrage online. In a \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@tom.kealey/more-details-in-the-stanford-creative-writing-scandal-5a91193a4ab6\">Medium post\u003c/a>, lecturer Tom Kealey noted that the changes come a year after lecturers, who made around $52,000, asked for a pay increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://x.com/JoyceCarolOates/status/1828529858923606156\">Writer Joyce Carol Oates wrote on X\u003c/a>, “I am puzzled most by the lack of simple collegiality & generosity at one of the most wealthy universities in the world. Stanford’s endowment could support an entire nation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Wang, who graduated from Stanford in 2023 with a master’s in the modern thought and literature program, started a \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/10PoTTX9UtWr9-fCm6Rk-JyBl2tmwpInAyaFEyTSp_B8/mobilebasic\">petition\u003c/a> calling on the university to change course and reinstate the lecturers whose contracts will be phased out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wang said the lecturers in the Creative Writing Program changed his life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Wang first came to Stanford, he was unsure what to study. He had grown up in Silicon Valley, “where everyone and their mother” worked in tech or tech-adjacent fields. He took computer science class after computer science class. Then, in January 2019, he took his first creative writing class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A couple of weeks later, I think I knew deep down that I was going to be studying English,” Wang said. “Every single class that I’ve taken with a Jones lecturer has, in some new way, shape, or form, not only pushed me as a writer and thinker — it showed me a different way of imagining that a life in writing and a life in the arts could be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries for future generations of students who may not be able to build those same life-changing relationships with lecturers and about the institutional knowledge that could be lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Frisch is not sure what’s next when her lectureship ends. Classes start again next month, and she said in the meantime, she will focus on her students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want them to know those of us who are in this crappy position see and hear them,” Frisch said. “We’re willing to fight for their experience and their futures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California May Ban Legacy Admissions at Colleges. The End of Affirmative Action is a Reason Why",
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"content": "\u003cp>Call it a ban on affirmative action for the well-connected: California’s Legislature on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1780\">passed a bill\u003c/a> barring the state’s private nonprofit colleges from making admissions decisions based on whether family members of students donated money to the school or had attended the school themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Gov. Gavin Newsom signs it, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/NCSL_LegacyAdmissions_August2024-1.pdf\">would join four others\u003c/a> that also made legacy preferences in admissions illegal for either public or private institutions. With California’s outsized national role — it’s the most populous state and enrolls the most college students — bill backers say this legislation will serve as a necessary corrective to last year’s U.S. Supreme Court ruling that banned \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/the-supreme-court-affirmative-action-decision-left-a-head-scratching-exemption-for-military-academies-heres-why-it-matters/\">all but military colleges\u003c/a> from using race as a factor in admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/philip-ting-30\">Philip Ting\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco, wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1780\">Assembly Bill 1780\u003c/a> to ban legacy admissions in part as a response to that Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that everyone’s getting in because of their own merit, because of their grades, their test scores, what they provide to that institution, not because of their pocketbooks, of their parents or their family members,” Ting said during\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257989?t=1647&f=0eb6d2ced3118ec8ffd612d100d008dd\"> a legislative voting session in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court undid nearly 50 years of precedent that permitted college admissions offices to consider a student’s racial or ethnic background in their \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10893\">effort to promote campus diversity\u003c/a>. In California, the ruling \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\">affected just a handful of private colleges that used affirmative action\u003c/a>; voters in 1996 changed the state constitution to forbid public schools from using race as a factor in admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like that court decision, Ting’s bill would affect few colleges. About a half-dozen private institutions consider legacy in admissions; none of California’s public universities do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, like the Supreme Court case, bill backers say the legislation could be a powerful force in influencing the decision of high school students who are low-income and students of color to apply for college, especially highly selective schools that are springboards for corporate and political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Supreme Court case created doubt for students that they’re welcomed, this bill combats that in California and nationally, supporters say, especially as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/college-access-in-california/#:~:text=About%20three%20in%20five%20Californians,67%25%20in%202017%E2%80%9318.\">more high school graduates\u003c/a> avoid enrolling in college altogether, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2024/61-4-percent-of-recent-high-school-graduates-enrolled-in-college-in-october-2023.htm#:~:text=Of%20the%203.1%20million%20people,in%20October%20of%20that%20year.\">particularly men\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is fair to say that there are a smaller number of colleges that will be impacted by enrollment slots that will change as a result of this legislative action,” said Jessie Ryan, president of The Campaign for College Opportunity, a California-based advocacy and research organization that co-sponsored Ting’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although relatively few enrollment slots are affected by this bill, that misses the bigger picture, Ryan said. With any effort that shows students wealth doesn’t offer a leg up in admissions, “you’re doing something bigger related to culture and (social) fabric as students are questioning the value of college altogether and whether or not they want to pursue a higher education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as affirmative action was but one tool in increasing college access to marginalized students, so is this bill, her reasoning went.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Few colleges consider legacy in admissions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 2022, only seven private universities out of about 90 in California admitted students whose family members either donated money to the school or attended it themselves. \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240228-ting-brings-back-legislation-end-legacy-admissions-practices-make-college\">A little over 3,300 undergraduates\u003c/a> — out of an admissions class of 31,633 — were legacy admissions. \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ymaws.com/aiccu.edu/resource/resmgr/publications/2024/factsheets_and_reports/ab_697_admission_report__202.pdf#page=4\">Last fall\u003c/a>, it was \u003ca href=\"https://irds.stanford.edu/sites/g/files/sbiybj23826/files/media/file/2024_ab_697_report_1.pdf\">six colleges\u003c/a> and about 2,100 students admitted with legacy or donor ties as a factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one school, Northeastern University Oakland, fewer than 10 students were admitted who didn’t meet the school’s admissions criteria last fall. The other campuses — Claremont McKenna College, Harvey Mudd College, Santa Clara University, Stanford University, University of Southern California — admitted students with legacy or donor ties who all met admissions standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data exists because of an earlier effort by Ting to end legacy admissions. \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240228-ting-brings-back-legislation-end-legacy-admissions-practices-make-college\">That 2019 legislation\u003c/a> was significantly altered to instead require colleges to report their legacy admissions numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a lot of students, not in the whole landscape of all the students we serve,” said Kristen Soares, president of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities. The organization opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A senior association staffer told lawmakers the group has “\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258087?t=726&f=c5ae3263aacd5d3e31f91250501ddf56\">strong reservations\u003c/a>” about legislative scrutiny of private colleges, oversight that’s typical for public colleges and universities that receive billions of dollars in direct state support to fund their education missions. Private colleges generally only receive tuition aid for low-income students in California. And while the vast majority of students at California public universities are Californians, private nonprofit colleges in the state pull many of their students from outside the state, \u003ca href=\"https://nces.ed.gov/collegenavigator/?q=university+of+the+pacific&s=all&fv=243744+122931+122436+117946+123961+120883&cp=1&sl=122931+243744+123961+120883\">though it varies by campus\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges will comply with the law if Newsom signs the bill, Soares said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other college leaders, Soares continues to worry about the “chilling impact” the ban on affirmative action may have on students. “We want to do more, and we’ll continue to do more to serve all students,” she said,\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\"> such as increased student outreach\u003c/a>, which the group and its colleges said they’d double down on after last year’s Supreme Court ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hasn’t written an appeal to Newsom to veto the measure, she said. The governor’s Department of Finance is neutral on the bill, though it expressed concern that the bill will create the need for the state’s Department of Justice to hire two new employees to monitor the colleges at a time when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://leganalysis.dof.ca.gov/getPdf/8348\">forecasting large budget deficits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t have the punitive teeth Ting initially sought. Gone are provisions that would have forced colleges to pay a civil penalty equal to the amount they got in Cal Grant dollars — the state’s main tuition subsidy for low-income students — if they continued to use legacy as a factor in admissions. That would have meant several million dollars for some colleges that enroll relatively high numbers of low-income students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the bill’s only punishment for colleges would be to appear on a list compiled by the state’s Department of Justice. However, Ryan said her organization is part of a coalition of groups that includes legal defense funds “that stand ready to take legal action if, in fact, campuses do not comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact of legacy admissions ban unclear\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But others say it’s still too early to declare that this bill, or the Supreme Court ban on affirmative action, will have an effect on students’ decisions to attend college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, Ting’s bill is the Legislature’s reminder to colleges “that they do have a role in providing oversight and accountability for ensuring that higher education is accessible to those who are not just from wealthy backgrounds,” said Steve Desir, an assistant professor at the University of Southern California who studies racial equity issues in college access and admissions.[aside postID=\"news_11966391,news_11988452,news_11998761\" label=\"Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true given that private colleges receive \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/04/cal-grant-3/\">Cal Grant funding,\u003c/a> he said. Last year, more than 25,000 California students received around $230 million in partial tuition waivers to attend the private colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t think the research is clear on whether ending legacy admissions changes student behavior “because that’s kind of a new area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To him, other decisions, like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/\">more financial aid\u003c/a> or eliminating the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/03/csu-entrance-requirement/\">SAT in admissions\u003c/a>, are stronger signals to students that college is accessible because students are more directly engaged in filling out forms for grants or studying for standardized tests. The admissions process itself is “opaque” to many, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s similarly hesitant to guess how students have interpreted the affirmative action ban. “It’s just so new, and I think everyone’s still trying to make sense of what this actually means in practice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the onus is on colleges to continue the outreach to students to tell them they’re welcome, something campuses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\">vowed to do even more last year\u003c/a>. Hiring more high school counselors would help students tackle the stress of picking and applying to colleges, too, Desir said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, if signed, would take effect next year. After Sept. 1, 2025, schools won’t be able to use an applicant’s legacy or donor connections as a factor in admissions, a spokesperson for Ting wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Call it a ban on affirmative action for the well-connected: California’s Legislature on Wednesday \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1780\">passed a bill\u003c/a> barring the state’s private nonprofit colleges from making admissions decisions based on whether family members of students donated money to the school or had attended the school themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Gov. Gavin Newsom signs it, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/NCSL_LegacyAdmissions_August2024-1.pdf\">would join four others\u003c/a> that also made legacy preferences in admissions illegal for either public or private institutions. With California’s outsized national role — it’s the most populous state and enrolls the most college students — bill backers say this legislation will serve as a necessary corrective to last year’s U.S. Supreme Court ruling that banned \u003ca href=\"https://hechingerreport.org/the-supreme-court-affirmative-action-decision-left-a-head-scratching-exemption-for-military-academies-heres-why-it-matters/\">all but military colleges\u003c/a> from using race as a factor in admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/philip-ting-30\">Philip Ting\u003c/a>, a Democrat from San Francisco, wrote \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1780\">Assembly Bill 1780\u003c/a> to ban legacy admissions in part as a response to that Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that everyone’s getting in because of their own merit, because of their grades, their test scores, what they provide to that institution, not because of their pocketbooks, of their parents or their family members,” Ting said during\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257989?t=1647&f=0eb6d2ced3118ec8ffd612d100d008dd\"> a legislative voting session in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court undid nearly 50 years of precedent that permitted college admissions offices to consider a student’s racial or ethnic background in their \u003ca href=\"https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/LSB/LSB10893\">effort to promote campus diversity\u003c/a>. In California, the ruling \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\">affected just a handful of private colleges that used affirmative action\u003c/a>; voters in 1996 changed the state constitution to forbid public schools from using race as a factor in admissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like that court decision, Ting’s bill would affect few colleges. About a half-dozen private institutions consider legacy in admissions; none of California’s public universities do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, like the Supreme Court case, bill backers say the legislation could be a powerful force in influencing the decision of high school students who are low-income and students of color to apply for college, especially highly selective schools that are springboards for corporate and political influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the Supreme Court case created doubt for students that they’re welcomed, this bill combats that in California and nationally, supporters say, especially as \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/college-access-in-california/#:~:text=About%20three%20in%20five%20Californians,67%25%20in%202017%E2%80%9318.\">more high school graduates\u003c/a> avoid enrolling in college altogether, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2024/61-4-percent-of-recent-high-school-graduates-enrolled-in-college-in-october-2023.htm#:~:text=Of%20the%203.1%20million%20people,in%20October%20of%20that%20year.\">particularly men\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it is fair to say that there are a smaller number of colleges that will be impacted by enrollment slots that will change as a result of this legislative action,” said Jessie Ryan, president of The Campaign for College Opportunity, a California-based advocacy and research organization that co-sponsored Ting’s bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although relatively few enrollment slots are affected by this bill, that misses the bigger picture, Ryan said. With any effort that shows students wealth doesn’t offer a leg up in admissions, “you’re doing something bigger related to culture and (social) fabric as students are questioning the value of college altogether and whether or not they want to pursue a higher education,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just as affirmative action was but one tool in increasing college access to marginalized students, so is this bill, her reasoning went.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Few colleges consider legacy in admissions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In fall 2022, only seven private universities out of about 90 in California admitted students whose family members either donated money to the school or attended it themselves. \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240228-ting-brings-back-legislation-end-legacy-admissions-practices-make-college\">A little over 3,300 undergraduates\u003c/a> — out of an admissions class of 31,633 — were legacy admissions. \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ymaws.com/aiccu.edu/resource/resmgr/publications/2024/factsheets_and_reports/ab_697_admission_report__202.pdf#page=4\">Last fall\u003c/a>, it was \u003ca href=\"https://irds.stanford.edu/sites/g/files/sbiybj23826/files/media/file/2024_ab_697_report_1.pdf\">six colleges\u003c/a> and about 2,100 students admitted with legacy or donor ties as a factor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one school, Northeastern University Oakland, fewer than 10 students were admitted who didn’t meet the school’s admissions criteria last fall. The other campuses — Claremont McKenna College, Harvey Mudd College, Santa Clara University, Stanford University, University of Southern California — admitted students with legacy or donor ties who all met admissions standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The data exists because of an earlier effort by Ting to end legacy admissions. \u003ca href=\"https://a19.asmdc.org/press-releases/20240228-ting-brings-back-legislation-end-legacy-admissions-practices-make-college\">That 2019 legislation\u003c/a> was significantly altered to instead require colleges to report their legacy admissions numbers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not a lot of students, not in the whole landscape of all the students we serve,” said Kristen Soares, president of the Association of Independent California Colleges and Universities. The organization opposed the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A senior association staffer told lawmakers the group has “\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/258087?t=726&f=c5ae3263aacd5d3e31f91250501ddf56\">strong reservations\u003c/a>” about legislative scrutiny of private colleges, oversight that’s typical for public colleges and universities that receive billions of dollars in direct state support to fund their education missions. Private colleges generally only receive tuition aid for low-income students in California. And while the vast majority of students at California public universities are Californians, private nonprofit colleges in the state pull many of their students from outside the state, \u003ca href=\"https://nces.ed.gov/collegenavigator/?q=university+of+the+pacific&s=all&fv=243744+122931+122436+117946+123961+120883&cp=1&sl=122931+243744+123961+120883\">though it varies by campus\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colleges will comply with the law if Newsom signs the bill, Soares said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like other college leaders, Soares continues to worry about the “chilling impact” the ban on affirmative action may have on students. “We want to do more, and we’ll continue to do more to serve all students,” she said,\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\"> such as increased student outreach\u003c/a>, which the group and its colleges said they’d double down on after last year’s Supreme Court ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She hasn’t written an appeal to Newsom to veto the measure, she said. The governor’s Department of Finance is neutral on the bill, though it expressed concern that the bill will create the need for the state’s Department of Justice to hire two new employees to monitor the colleges at a time when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://leganalysis.dof.ca.gov/getPdf/8348\">forecasting large budget deficits\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill doesn’t have the punitive teeth Ting initially sought. Gone are provisions that would have forced colleges to pay a civil penalty equal to the amount they got in Cal Grant dollars — the state’s main tuition subsidy for low-income students — if they continued to use legacy as a factor in admissions. That would have meant several million dollars for some colleges that enroll relatively high numbers of low-income students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it stands, the bill’s only punishment for colleges would be to appear on a list compiled by the state’s Department of Justice. However, Ryan said her organization is part of a coalition of groups that includes legal defense funds “that stand ready to take legal action if, in fact, campuses do not comply with the law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact of legacy admissions ban unclear\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But others say it’s still too early to declare that this bill, or the Supreme Court ban on affirmative action, will have an effect on students’ decisions to attend college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the one hand, Ting’s bill is the Legislature’s reminder to colleges “that they do have a role in providing oversight and accountability for ensuring that higher education is accessible to those who are not just from wealthy backgrounds,” said Steve Desir, an assistant professor at the University of Southern California who studies racial equity issues in college access and admissions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s particularly true given that private colleges receive \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2024/04/cal-grant-3/\">Cal Grant funding,\u003c/a> he said. Last year, more than 25,000 California students received around $230 million in partial tuition waivers to attend the private colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t think the research is clear on whether ending legacy admissions changes student behavior “because that’s kind of a new area,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To him, other decisions, like \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/cost-of-college-california/\">more financial aid\u003c/a> or eliminating the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2022/03/csu-entrance-requirement/\">SAT in admissions\u003c/a>, are stronger signals to students that college is accessible because students are more directly engaged in filling out forms for grants or studying for standardized tests. The admissions process itself is “opaque” to many, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s similarly hesitant to guess how students have interpreted the affirmative action ban. “It’s just so new, and I think everyone’s still trying to make sense of what this actually means in practice,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the onus is on colleges to continue the outreach to students to tell them they’re welcome, something campuses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/11/college-admissions/\">vowed to do even more last year\u003c/a>. Hiring more high school counselors would help students tackle the stress of picking and applying to colleges, too, Desir said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, if signed, would take effect next year. After Sept. 1, 2025, schools won’t be able to use an applicant’s legacy or donor connections as a factor in admissions, a spokesperson for Ting wrote.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-bays-august-news-roundup",
"title": "The Bay’s August News Roundup",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this edition of The Bay’s monthly news roundup, California politics and government senior editor Molly Solomon joins us to talk about how Kamala Harris tells her life story to a national audience — and why she might be reluctant to mention Berkeley. Also, we discuss a lead water crisis at Oakland schools, and why some journalists are dismayed with a deal Google just reached with state lawmakers to pay millions of dollars to support local news.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC3489421666&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/25/us/politics/kamala-harris-berkeley-hometown.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As Kamala Harris Claims Oakland, Berkeley Forgives\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/29/ousd-has-failed-at-its-most-basic-job-families-teachers-demand-answers-on-lead/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘OUSD has failed at its most basic job’: Families, teachers demand answers on lead\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-journalism-deal-legislature-google/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California tried to make Google pay news outlets. The company cut a deal that includes funding AI\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted and welcome to our August news roundup where me and the rest of the Bay team sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we have been following this month. I am joined by our senior editor, Alan Montecillo. What’s up, Alan?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hey. Hey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And we’re also joined by a very special guest today, senior editor of KQED’s California politics and government desk, Molly Solomon. What’s up, Molly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Hey, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>My thank you so much for taking the time. You guys have been super busy over there at the Politics desk, and I know your time is very precious. Can you talk about what you all have been up to this last month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Busy is like the understatement of the year. It has been a busy, busy week slash man slash. This election has probably aged me like a decade, but this I think more recently, the excitement on our team was being able to go to Chicago to cover in person the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think clearly the big story for us has also been this really quick, sudden ascension of Kamala Harris to the top of the Democratic ticket, replacing Biden. So obviously with her connections and her roots to San Francisco politics, to the Bay Area, that’s been a big story for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>There are times when I go throughout my day and I realize, again, that that happened, that Biden dropped out and that Harris is the nominee. And I still kind of can’t believe that happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And that was a month ago. Allen What is time? Yeah, it’s wild. The last two months have been have been a roller coaster ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, while we are on the topic, why don’t you kick us off with the first story of our news roundup, Molly, that you’ve been watching very closely this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>The story that caught my eye. This last month is really this issue of how Kamala Harris is telling her story. And I think more specifically how she seems to be, as some people say, downplaying or even just saying the name of her hometown where she’s from, Berkeley. I just think it’s been fascinating because all of us, you know, reporters here, especially some of the local reporters on our team, have been covering her for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I just find it very fascinating the way she decides to tell her story, especially now that she’s on this national stage, including, you know, more recently, I was kind of watching for that when she was giving her speech at the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamala Harris: \u003c/strong>Before she could finally afford to buy a home. She rented a small apartment in the east bay. In the bay, in the bay, you either live in the hills or the flatlands. We lived in the flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>A beautiful I think I had actually sent out a tweet when we got the transcript of her speech and I was like, Hey, like, shout out to Berkeley Flatlands. And people immediately, even just in that tweet that I sent out were like, actually, she did not specifically say Berkeley in her speech. So they were already really, like keen to, like, highlight what she was and was not saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>She was actually born in a hospital in Oakland. You know, when she was younger, they did spend some time actually, and then moved to the Midwest. She did end up moving back to Berkeley when her parents divorced and she lived with her mom in this now iconic yellow duplex house on Bancroft in kind of a southwest corner of Berkeley. After that, you know, she spent some of her adolescence actually in Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Her mom had gotten a teaching research job at one of the universities there before. You know, the stage that she’s on now, like Harris has talked about growing up in Berkeley, like she wrote about it in her autobiography. She’s talked about, you know, going to protests with her parents in a stroller. Obviously, she moved back and was an adult and lived in Oakland as she was a prosecutor in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And she was also, I think, as a young child, she was part of this integrated bussing program in Berkeley. And she was actually bussed from, you know, her home in southwest Berkeley up to the wealthier North Berkeley Hills to go to school. So it has played a part in, you know, how she’s talked about her childhood in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I just think it’s more interesting because it seems like there has been this deliberate omission of it. I mean, even in just how she referred to where she’s from in her speech, she said the bay and other times, you know, she’s called herself a daughter of Oakland. So for whatever reason and we can talk about it, it seems like she’s downplaying naming the city that she spent most of her time growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why is that? Like, why not? Claim Berkeley as much now, or even Oakland explicitly for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think it’s pretty strategic. You know, there is a political strategy here of emphasizing, you know, Oakland over Berkeley or maybe neither and just saying East Bay, there’s this idea that it’s just a bunch of like hippies and radical leftist that are in Berkeley. It’s got the nickname, bizarrely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think if she is trying to, you know, as a candidate, make herself palatable to people that don’t live in the Bay Area, especially like one of the more progressive parts of California, she might want to distance herself from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think from a political strategy standpoint, I could see her either wanting to paint herself with a broader brush or just maybe not even naming that city as a way to connect herself to to this bigger audience that she’s now speaking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But, you know, it’s not like Harris is the first candidate to overplay or downplay certain parts of her background as someone from Berkeley. Molly, how does this make you feel?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think there’s like an immense amount of pride for this place for people that have grown up in Berkeley. I mean, for people that have grown up in the Bay, I’m sure you feel this, too, from where you grew up. But, you know, to me, it’s like that is always been this thing that you claim, you know, and that you tell everybody about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I’m from Berkeley, I’m from the bay, you know, almost to the point of like annoyance from my husband or anyone else that is not grown up here. So so I think about it with with this, you know, I think this is something that’s interesting to me and sort of stood out to me because, you know, it tells me a little bit also about how Kamala Harris is choosing to show different parts of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, not just with the hometown thing and being from Berkeley. And I’m sure that, like they were quoted in this article that I read to a lot of people in Berkeley were like, we get it. It’s fine. Our feelings are not hurt. We understand you got an election to win, whatever. But I think it’s just interesting to see the way that like what she chooses to claim and reveal about herself. You know, she’s really leaned into this law and order prosecutor role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think that has a lot to do with the current climate around crime being a mixed race woman, South Asian, black woman. I think these are parts of her identity, what she is publicly claiming and telling us who she is as a national candidate says something. So that’s why it stood out to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, Molly, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And after the break, we’ll talk about a lead crisis at Oakland schools and a deal that Google just cut with the state to help California’s struggling local news industry. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And welcome back to the Bay’s Monthly News roundup, where we sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we’ve been following this month. Alan Kids are back to school and it’s been a pretty chaotic return for students in Oakland. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there is lead in the drinking water at dozens of Oakland public schools. You know, it has obviously kids, parents, teachers, very frustrated with the district, afraid for their kids safety. I mean, not a great start to the school year in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And how many schools are we talking about here? How bad and widespread is this problem?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, as of now, we know of at least 30. There’s been a lot of reporting on this from the Oakland side. KQED has done some reporting as well. Now, the district has a policy that if the lead in drinking water is five parts per billion, just the concentration of lead or higher that the district needs to basically get rid of the fountains and replace them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>We know of more than 30 schools in Oakland that are above that five parts per billion number. Some of the schools have much, much higher concentrations of lead. One school, a Lincoln Elementary, tested for 930 parts per billion. And there are at least a dozen that have about 50 parts per million, which is, you know, ten times the district’s sort of minimum level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So how were parents and students finding out about these high levels of lead in the school’s drinking water?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So in mid-August, when almost was starting the new school year, families were getting notified that that there was lead or unsafe levels of lead in the drinking water in some of their schools. In many cases, the testing had actually been done much, much earlier. One example of this is at the Frick United Academy of Language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So on August 12th, which is, you know, the first day of school, teachers say they found out that six water fixtures at their schools tested over the safe limit of lead. But the testing was done in April. So teachers find this out on day one and they’re furious because, A, we have to now tell all of the kids on the first day of school, hey, do not drink the water from the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And B, kids were probably drinking it during the end of the school year during summer school. So the firestorm of anger in the district is not just about the fact that there is lead in the water. I mean, it should get fixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You know, this happens when pipes are old, but that the notification didn’t happen in an efficient way. They found out months later. And that’s something that the district has even copped to, that they did not communicate the test results fast enough to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think, like if I’m a parent and I have a kid in an Oakland school that has like, you know, maybe one of these schools that has a high amount, like you mentioned, should I be worried? I mean, is this dangerous? Is my child affected by this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there are no safe levels of lead in drinking water. I mean, the county health department even recommended that parents who have kids at one of these schools have them tested for lead exposure and that they actually bring along the communication from the district to their primary care doctor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>The fountains that are known to have this lead in it have been shut down. But, you know, in in many cases, it’s possible that the kids have already drink the water that has led in it, because the way the district communicated this was so late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, what has the district said about why it took them so long to notify parents, students and sounds like even teachers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As of now, we don’t totally know what went wrong here with the notification process. I should say we’re taping this before. Superintendent Kyla Johnson Tremmel is set to give a presentation to the public. The district has promised now that they will notify families within three days of testing and they will publish all of the results on a public dashboard. They say they’ll get this set up by January, but right now we don’t really know why this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Okay. So it sounds like there’s some plans in the works a little farther off. But what’s being done now about all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, I think for the district, just in the immediate term, there’s just the basic like explaining to families what happened here and trying to reassure them. In the meantime, there’s still more testing going on as of this taping. Not all of that. Schools have been fully tested yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And in terms of just being at school, the district is also providing filtered water dispensers at schools that have been affected. I think for teachers and kids, it’s just trying to get through the first month of school with this, you know, huge inconvenience that in many cases a lot of your drinking fountains are unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, we’ll definitely continue to follow that story as it develops. Thank you so much, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And last but not least, will cap off our news roundup with a story about an effort to try and force big tech to help the state’s struggling local news industry. This is a story that I have been following this month in a deal with state lawmakers. Google has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to a fund that would be distributed to local newsrooms and also fund AA technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This deal comes after this effort by two Bay Area lawmakers to try and force the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley to really pay up essentially for the impact that some of these tech companies have had on our really I mean, faltering local news industry here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>What role have they played specifically that led to some state lawmakers in California saying, hey, you guys got to pay up or at least help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So some of the context here, I mean, the state of California has lost like about a third of its local newspapers since 2005. And as we know very well, I mean, news organizations are really trying to keep up with the changing media ecosystem. I mean, advertising has always been a huge source of revenue for newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>But now publishers argue that search engines and social media platforms have really harmed the journalism business by hogging up all that advertising revenue while also benefiting from news content that they don’t pay for. And so to local lawmakers in the Bay Area tried to put forward these two laws that were really set up to try and secure a cut of tech money, really to kind of help prop up California’s struggling local news industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So one of them would have forced Google and Medha to negotiate a so-called usage fee with news outlets directly. Basically, Google pays a local news outlet for how many clicks it gets on Google when a user searches for a story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Another lawmaker from the Bay Area proposed a separate law that would have enforced a fee on major platforms like Google and Meta to basically provide a news outlet tax credit to help employ local journalists. And that ad actually would have raised $500 million a year, according to some estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, it sounds like the original idea is not exactly what they ended up agreeing on in the end. Could you kind of walk us through what those changes were? Was there pushback and how they ended up landing on this new deal? That has, you know, I as a part of it as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Basically, Google is going to be paying much less than this. The original two bills that these lawmakers proposed. What’s happening instead is that the tech giant has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to support local media outlets. This money is going to be administered by UC Berkeley and kind of distributed to local news outlets from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And it’s also going to help start an artificial intelligence program. The idea is to basically give some of these outlets some financial support to see how I can help them in their work. And there are kind of two big reasons I’d say why the original plan kind of failed. One being that Google has spent a lot of money lobbying against these bills. They spent about $2.1 million in response to Buffy Wicks bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And once Buffy Wicks is, Bill actually passed it in the state Assembly. Google actually retaliated and temporarily removed some links to California news websites from its search results. So there was just a lot of concern about how willing Google would be to kind of go along with this idea. And there was concern about whether Governor Newsom would have been willing to support this idea to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Calmatters actually reported that proponents said that it was actually really unlikely that Newsom would support any one of these bills because he pledged no tax increases this year. So those are two kind of big reasons why their original idea didn’t kind of come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Where were journalists in these negotiations? I mean, you know, this is a little bit of a meta conversation. I didn’t get a call about going to talk about this bill. I assume neither of you did either. What groups, if any, were weighing in on behalf of journalists who would be affected by this? Well, this now new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Some groups representing journalists across California are really not happy about this deal. One really outspoken opponent is the Media Guild of the West, which represents reporters down in Southern California. The guild said that it was particularly concerned about this part of the deal involving artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they sort of have concerns about what promoting A.I. could further do to the local news industry. They saw it as sort of a concession to the tech industry in that way that could actually lead to even more devastation to the local news industry and maybe even a further loss of of jobs among, like, reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, yeah, I mean, basically, like there are a bunch of unions and and other groups sort of representing journalists across the the state who are accusing California lawmakers of kind of settling and others who say that, you know, local media is not really in a position to say no to more money either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So there’s a lot more work to be done to kind of help local news organizations across the state to to be as healthy as we need them to be, especially in an election year. And that is it for our August news roundup. Thank you so much, Alan and Molly, for joining me, it was fun guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong> Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks so much for having me. This was fun, you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>The Bay is made by me and Alan Montecillo. We get support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad and Holly Kernan Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra…peace.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In this edition of The Bay’s monthly news roundup, California politics and government senior editor Molly Solomon joins us to talk about how Kamala Harris tells her life story to a national audience — and why she might be reluctant to mention Berkeley. Also, we discuss a lead water crisis at Oakland schools, and why some journalists are dismayed with a deal Google just reached with state lawmakers to pay millions of dollars to support local news.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC3489421666&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/25/us/politics/kamala-harris-berkeley-hometown.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">As Kamala Harris Claims Oakland, Berkeley Forgives\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/2024/08/29/ousd-has-failed-at-its-most-basic-job-families-teachers-demand-answers-on-lead/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">‘OUSD has failed at its most basic job’: Families, teachers demand answers on lead\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/08/california-journalism-deal-legislature-google/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California tried to make Google pay news outlets. The company cut a deal that includes funding AI\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted and welcome to our August news roundup where me and the rest of the Bay team sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we have been following this month. I am joined by our senior editor, Alan Montecillo. What’s up, Alan?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Hey. Hey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And we’re also joined by a very special guest today, senior editor of KQED’s California politics and government desk, Molly Solomon. What’s up, Molly?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Hey, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>My thank you so much for taking the time. You guys have been super busy over there at the Politics desk, and I know your time is very precious. Can you talk about what you all have been up to this last month?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Busy is like the understatement of the year. It has been a busy, busy week slash man slash. This election has probably aged me like a decade, but this I think more recently, the excitement on our team was being able to go to Chicago to cover in person the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think clearly the big story for us has also been this really quick, sudden ascension of Kamala Harris to the top of the Democratic ticket, replacing Biden. So obviously with her connections and her roots to San Francisco politics, to the Bay Area, that’s been a big story for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>There are times when I go throughout my day and I realize, again, that that happened, that Biden dropped out and that Harris is the nominee. And I still kind of can’t believe that happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And that was a month ago. Allen What is time? Yeah, it’s wild. The last two months have been have been a roller coaster ride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, while we are on the topic, why don’t you kick us off with the first story of our news roundup, Molly, that you’ve been watching very closely this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>The story that caught my eye. This last month is really this issue of how Kamala Harris is telling her story. And I think more specifically how she seems to be, as some people say, downplaying or even just saying the name of her hometown where she’s from, Berkeley. I just think it’s been fascinating because all of us, you know, reporters here, especially some of the local reporters on our team, have been covering her for decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I just find it very fascinating the way she decides to tell her story, especially now that she’s on this national stage, including, you know, more recently, I was kind of watching for that when she was giving her speech at the Democratic National Convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Kamala Harris: \u003c/strong>Before she could finally afford to buy a home. She rented a small apartment in the east bay. In the bay, in the bay, you either live in the hills or the flatlands. We lived in the flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>A beautiful I think I had actually sent out a tweet when we got the transcript of her speech and I was like, Hey, like, shout out to Berkeley Flatlands. And people immediately, even just in that tweet that I sent out were like, actually, she did not specifically say Berkeley in her speech. So they were already really, like keen to, like, highlight what she was and was not saying.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>She was actually born in a hospital in Oakland. You know, when she was younger, they did spend some time actually, and then moved to the Midwest. She did end up moving back to Berkeley when her parents divorced and she lived with her mom in this now iconic yellow duplex house on Bancroft in kind of a southwest corner of Berkeley. After that, you know, she spent some of her adolescence actually in Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Her mom had gotten a teaching research job at one of the universities there before. You know, the stage that she’s on now, like Harris has talked about growing up in Berkeley, like she wrote about it in her autobiography. She’s talked about, you know, going to protests with her parents in a stroller. Obviously, she moved back and was an adult and lived in Oakland as she was a prosecutor in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>And she was also, I think, as a young child, she was part of this integrated bussing program in Berkeley. And she was actually bussed from, you know, her home in southwest Berkeley up to the wealthier North Berkeley Hills to go to school. So it has played a part in, you know, how she’s talked about her childhood in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I just think it’s more interesting because it seems like there has been this deliberate omission of it. I mean, even in just how she referred to where she’s from in her speech, she said the bay and other times, you know, she’s called herself a daughter of Oakland. So for whatever reason and we can talk about it, it seems like she’s downplaying naming the city that she spent most of her time growing up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Why is that? Like, why not? Claim Berkeley as much now, or even Oakland explicitly for that matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think it’s pretty strategic. You know, there is a political strategy here of emphasizing, you know, Oakland over Berkeley or maybe neither and just saying East Bay, there’s this idea that it’s just a bunch of like hippies and radical leftist that are in Berkeley. It’s got the nickname, bizarrely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think if she is trying to, you know, as a candidate, make herself palatable to people that don’t live in the Bay Area, especially like one of the more progressive parts of California, she might want to distance herself from that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>So I think from a political strategy standpoint, I could see her either wanting to paint herself with a broader brush or just maybe not even naming that city as a way to connect herself to to this bigger audience that she’s now speaking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>But, you know, it’s not like Harris is the first candidate to overplay or downplay certain parts of her background as someone from Berkeley. Molly, how does this make you feel?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think there’s like an immense amount of pride for this place for people that have grown up in Berkeley. I mean, for people that have grown up in the Bay, I’m sure you feel this, too, from where you grew up. But, you know, to me, it’s like that is always been this thing that you claim, you know, and that you tell everybody about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I’m from Berkeley, I’m from the bay, you know, almost to the point of like annoyance from my husband or anyone else that is not grown up here. So so I think about it with with this, you know, I think this is something that’s interesting to me and sort of stood out to me because, you know, it tells me a little bit also about how Kamala Harris is choosing to show different parts of her identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, not just with the hometown thing and being from Berkeley. And I’m sure that, like they were quoted in this article that I read to a lot of people in Berkeley were like, we get it. It’s fine. Our feelings are not hurt. We understand you got an election to win, whatever. But I think it’s just interesting to see the way that like what she chooses to claim and reveal about herself. You know, she’s really leaned into this law and order prosecutor role.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think that has a lot to do with the current climate around crime being a mixed race woman, South Asian, black woman. I think these are parts of her identity, what she is publicly claiming and telling us who she is as a national candidate says something. So that’s why it stood out to me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, Molly, thank you so much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And after the break, we’ll talk about a lead crisis at Oakland schools and a deal that Google just cut with the state to help California’s struggling local news industry. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And welcome back to the Bay’s Monthly News roundup, where we sit down to talk about some of the other stories that we’ve been following this month. Alan Kids are back to school and it’s been a pretty chaotic return for students in Oakland. What’s going on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there is lead in the drinking water at dozens of Oakland public schools. You know, it has obviously kids, parents, teachers, very frustrated with the district, afraid for their kids safety. I mean, not a great start to the school year in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And how many schools are we talking about here? How bad and widespread is this problem?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, as of now, we know of at least 30. There’s been a lot of reporting on this from the Oakland side. KQED has done some reporting as well. Now, the district has a policy that if the lead in drinking water is five parts per billion, just the concentration of lead or higher that the district needs to basically get rid of the fountains and replace them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>We know of more than 30 schools in Oakland that are above that five parts per billion number. Some of the schools have much, much higher concentrations of lead. One school, a Lincoln Elementary, tested for 930 parts per billion. And there are at least a dozen that have about 50 parts per million, which is, you know, ten times the district’s sort of minimum level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So how were parents and students finding out about these high levels of lead in the school’s drinking water?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So in mid-August, when almost was starting the new school year, families were getting notified that that there was lead or unsafe levels of lead in the drinking water in some of their schools. In many cases, the testing had actually been done much, much earlier. One example of this is at the Frick United Academy of Language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>So on August 12th, which is, you know, the first day of school, teachers say they found out that six water fixtures at their schools tested over the safe limit of lead. But the testing was done in April. So teachers find this out on day one and they’re furious because, A, we have to now tell all of the kids on the first day of school, hey, do not drink the water from the fountain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And B, kids were probably drinking it during the end of the school year during summer school. So the firestorm of anger in the district is not just about the fact that there is lead in the water. I mean, it should get fixed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>You know, this happens when pipes are old, but that the notification didn’t happen in an efficient way. They found out months later. And that’s something that the district has even copped to, that they did not communicate the test results fast enough to families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I think, like if I’m a parent and I have a kid in an Oakland school that has like, you know, maybe one of these schools that has a high amount, like you mentioned, should I be worried? I mean, is this dangerous? Is my child affected by this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, there are no safe levels of lead in drinking water. I mean, the county health department even recommended that parents who have kids at one of these schools have them tested for lead exposure and that they actually bring along the communication from the district to their primary care doctor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>The fountains that are known to have this lead in it have been shut down. But, you know, in in many cases, it’s possible that the kids have already drink the water that has led in it, because the way the district communicated this was so late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, what has the district said about why it took them so long to notify parents, students and sounds like even teachers?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>As of now, we don’t totally know what went wrong here with the notification process. I should say we’re taping this before. Superintendent Kyla Johnson Tremmel is set to give a presentation to the public. The district has promised now that they will notify families within three days of testing and they will publish all of the results on a public dashboard. They say they’ll get this set up by January, but right now we don’t really know why this happened.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Okay. So it sounds like there’s some plans in the works a little farther off. But what’s being done now about all of this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Well, I think for the district, just in the immediate term, there’s just the basic like explaining to families what happened here and trying to reassure them. In the meantime, there’s still more testing going on as of this taping. Not all of that. Schools have been fully tested yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>And in terms of just being at school, the district is also providing filtered water dispensers at schools that have been affected. I think for teachers and kids, it’s just trying to get through the first month of school with this, you know, huge inconvenience that in many cases a lot of your drinking fountains are unsafe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>All right. Well, we’ll definitely continue to follow that story as it develops. Thank you so much, Alan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And last but not least, will cap off our news roundup with a story about an effort to try and force big tech to help the state’s struggling local news industry. This is a story that I have been following this month in a deal with state lawmakers. Google has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to a fund that would be distributed to local newsrooms and also fund AA technology.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>This deal comes after this effort by two Bay Area lawmakers to try and force the biggest tech companies in Silicon Valley to really pay up essentially for the impact that some of these tech companies have had on our really I mean, faltering local news industry here in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>What role have they played specifically that led to some state lawmakers in California saying, hey, you guys got to pay up or at least help?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So some of the context here, I mean, the state of California has lost like about a third of its local newspapers since 2005. And as we know very well, I mean, news organizations are really trying to keep up with the changing media ecosystem. I mean, advertising has always been a huge source of revenue for newspapers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>But now publishers argue that search engines and social media platforms have really harmed the journalism business by hogging up all that advertising revenue while also benefiting from news content that they don’t pay for. And so to local lawmakers in the Bay Area tried to put forward these two laws that were really set up to try and secure a cut of tech money, really to kind of help prop up California’s struggling local news industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So one of them would have forced Google and Medha to negotiate a so-called usage fee with news outlets directly. Basically, Google pays a local news outlet for how many clicks it gets on Google when a user searches for a story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Another lawmaker from the Bay Area proposed a separate law that would have enforced a fee on major platforms like Google and Meta to basically provide a news outlet tax credit to help employ local journalists. And that ad actually would have raised $500 million a year, according to some estimates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>I mean, it sounds like the original idea is not exactly what they ended up agreeing on in the end. Could you kind of walk us through what those changes were? Was there pushback and how they ended up landing on this new deal? That has, you know, I as a part of it as well?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Basically, Google is going to be paying much less than this. The original two bills that these lawmakers proposed. What’s happening instead is that the tech giant has agreed to pay $55 million over five years to support local media outlets. This money is going to be administered by UC Berkeley and kind of distributed to local news outlets from there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And it’s also going to help start an artificial intelligence program. The idea is to basically give some of these outlets some financial support to see how I can help them in their work. And there are kind of two big reasons I’d say why the original plan kind of failed. One being that Google has spent a lot of money lobbying against these bills. They spent about $2.1 million in response to Buffy Wicks bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And once Buffy Wicks is, Bill actually passed it in the state Assembly. Google actually retaliated and temporarily removed some links to California news websites from its search results. So there was just a lot of concern about how willing Google would be to kind of go along with this idea. And there was concern about whether Governor Newsom would have been willing to support this idea to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Calmatters actually reported that proponents said that it was actually really unlikely that Newsom would support any one of these bills because he pledged no tax increases this year. So those are two kind of big reasons why their original idea didn’t kind of come to fruition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong>Where were journalists in these negotiations? I mean, you know, this is a little bit of a meta conversation. I didn’t get a call about going to talk about this bill. I assume neither of you did either. What groups, if any, were weighing in on behalf of journalists who would be affected by this? Well, this now new law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Some groups representing journalists across California are really not happy about this deal. One really outspoken opponent is the Media Guild of the West, which represents reporters down in Southern California. The guild said that it was particularly concerned about this part of the deal involving artificial intelligence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they sort of have concerns about what promoting A.I. could further do to the local news industry. They saw it as sort of a concession to the tech industry in that way that could actually lead to even more devastation to the local news industry and maybe even a further loss of of jobs among, like, reporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So, yeah, I mean, basically, like there are a bunch of unions and and other groups sort of representing journalists across the the state who are accusing California lawmakers of kind of settling and others who say that, you know, local media is not really in a position to say no to more money either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So there’s a lot more work to be done to kind of help local news organizations across the state to to be as healthy as we need them to be, especially in an election year. And that is it for our August news roundup. Thank you so much, Alan and Molly, for joining me, it was fun guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alan Montecillo: \u003c/strong> Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Molly Solomon: \u003c/strong>Thanks so much for having me. This was fun, you guys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>The Bay is made by me and Alan Montecillo. We get support from Jen Chien, Katie Sprenger, Maha Sanad and Holly Kernan Music courtesy of Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra…peace.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>At a contentious Oakland school board meeting where officials gave an update on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002005/oakland-schools-vow-to-step-up-lead-testing-but-teachers-arent-convinced\">elevated lead levels\u003c/a> found in water at nearly two dozen campuses, district leaders called for state and federal help to address aging infrastructure and criticized communication lapses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a legacy problem that we’re facing,” board Vice President Mike Hutchinson said, addressing district officials and community members in attendance Wednesday night. “It’s something that’s been known, and it’s something that, as a community and a district, we need to be able to figure out how to address.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testing that found water sources on 22 campuses had lead levels above the Oakland Unified School District’s acceptable standard of 5 parts per billion was completed as early as April in some cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails to the affected school communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000525/water-at-22-oakland-schools-tested-high-for-lead-its-no-surprise-parents-and-teachers-say\">were only sent this month\u003c/a>, during the first week of class, prompting anger and fears about the students and staff drinking water in the months between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday night’s meeting, Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell apologized for the lapse in communication, calling it “completely unacceptable.” She said a full personnel investigation was underway to determine the cause of the shortcomings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sincerely apologize for the stress and concern this has caused our school sites, students and families,” Johnson-Trammell said. “We understand the gravity of this situation, and we are fully committed to taking immediate, transparent and corrective action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, board members and parents pressed that more should be done to replace the aging water fixtures and ensure that lead contamination isn’t just tested more regularly but absent in the schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12000525 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/016_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple district directors said they would work to access local funds allocated for lead abatement after Oakland and Alameda County were allotted a combined $24 million in a 2019 settlement “to clean up lead paint that poisons tens of thousands of children across California each year,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandcityattorney.org/california-cities-and-counties-announce-groundbreaking-305-million-settlement-of-landmark-lead-paint-litigation/\">release from the city attorney’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson also said the district needed “help to improve our infrastructure from both the state and federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our local facilities bonds cannot build our way out of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston Thomas, the district’s chief systems and services officer, said the cost of fixing aging water systems, brought in front of the board in 2017, was estimated at $38 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the district is watching Proposition 2, which could allot California schools funding for the renovation of aging facilities if it passes in November, as well as a state bill that would establish a pilot program to require lead testing and remediation at participating school sites built before 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other funding sources that have been discussed come from the lead paint settlement as well as revenue from Oakland’s tax on sugary drinks, which Thomas believed helped fund some of the district’s current FloWater bottle-filling systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, Thomas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002005/oakland-schools-vow-to-step-up-lead-testing-but-teachers-arent-convinced\">outlined the district’s plan\u003c/a> to restore water fixtures where lead was detected and create a more structured and transparent testing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas also said that the district had already ordered additional FloWater stations to be installed at the most affected schools this week and that a second round of testing, focusing on schools with the oldest buildings that were not tested this spring and summer, was completed. Results, which showed six fixtures identified for repair, according to the presentation, were communicated to the campus communities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a contentious Oakland school board meeting where officials gave an update on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002005/oakland-schools-vow-to-step-up-lead-testing-but-teachers-arent-convinced\">elevated lead levels\u003c/a> found in water at nearly two dozen campuses, district leaders called for state and federal help to address aging infrastructure and criticized communication lapses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a legacy problem that we’re facing,” board Vice President Mike Hutchinson said, addressing district officials and community members in attendance Wednesday night. “It’s something that’s been known, and it’s something that, as a community and a district, we need to be able to figure out how to address.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testing that found water sources on 22 campuses had lead levels above the Oakland Unified School District’s acceptable standard of 5 parts per billion was completed as early as April in some cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails to the affected school communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000525/water-at-22-oakland-schools-tested-high-for-lead-its-no-surprise-parents-and-teachers-say\">were only sent this month\u003c/a>, during the first week of class, prompting anger and fears about the students and staff drinking water in the months between.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday night’s meeting, Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell apologized for the lapse in communication, calling it “completely unacceptable.” She said a full personnel investigation was underway to determine the cause of the shortcomings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sincerely apologize for the stress and concern this has caused our school sites, students and families,” Johnson-Trammell said. “We understand the gravity of this situation, and we are fully committed to taking immediate, transparent and corrective action.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, board members and parents pressed that more should be done to replace the aging water fixtures and ensure that lead contamination isn’t just tested more regularly but absent in the schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple district directors said they would work to access local funds allocated for lead abatement after Oakland and Alameda County were allotted a combined $24 million in a 2019 settlement “to clean up lead paint that poisons tens of thousands of children across California each year,” according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandcityattorney.org/california-cities-and-counties-announce-groundbreaking-305-million-settlement-of-landmark-lead-paint-litigation/\">release from the city attorney’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hutchinson also said the district needed “help to improve our infrastructure from both the state and federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our local facilities bonds cannot build our way out of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston Thomas, the district’s chief systems and services officer, said the cost of fixing aging water systems, brought in front of the board in 2017, was estimated at $38 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the district is watching Proposition 2, which could allot California schools funding for the renovation of aging facilities if it passes in November, as well as a state bill that would establish a pilot program to require lead testing and remediation at participating school sites built before 2010.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other funding sources that have been discussed come from the lead paint settlement as well as revenue from Oakland’s tax on sugary drinks, which Thomas believed helped fund some of the district’s current FloWater bottle-filling systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the meeting, Thomas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002005/oakland-schools-vow-to-step-up-lead-testing-but-teachers-arent-convinced\">outlined the district’s plan\u003c/a> to restore water fixtures where lead was detected and create a more structured and transparent testing policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas also said that the district had already ordered additional FloWater stations to be installed at the most affected schools this week and that a second round of testing, focusing on schools with the oldest buildings that were not tested this spring and summer, was completed. Results, which showed six fixtures identified for repair, according to the presentation, were communicated to the campus communities, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A survey of Campbell Union High School District staff this year showed cellphones are an ongoing challenge. District policy requires student’s cellphones to be off or silenced and put away during class unless a student has a doctor’s note on file.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students who violate the policy will receive a verbal warning the first time, a communication sent home the second time. On the third offense, the phone will be held in the office until after school and parents will be contacted. After a second confiscation, a student receives a disciplinary referral. A third results in a meeting with parents and a student behavioral contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our updated cellphone policy was informed by research and developed in response to staff concerns, and reflects our commitment to minimizing distractions and enhancing the quality of instruction,” CUHSD Superintendent Robert Bravo told \u003cem>San Jose Spotlight\u003c/em>. “By focusing on what’s within our control, we aim to create a more effective learning environment for all students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2023 Pew Research Center survey of 1,453 U.S. teens found nearly half are online almost constantly. About 72% said they often or sometimes feel peaceful when they don’t have their smartphone, but 44% said they feel anxious without it.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Glenn Vander Zee, superintendent of East Side Union High School District, said cellphones can be useful tools but are otherwise distracting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cellphones are only allowed to be used when specifically instructed to do so by a teacher,” Vander Zee told \u003cem>San Jose Spotlight\u003c/em>. “ESUHSD is also proactively engaging our elementary school district partners to develop policies that are consistent for students and families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Lick High School established cellphone guidelines in January, and every classroom has a central location where all cellphones can be kept.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all agreed… we’re going to have a clear, consistent policy,” Teacher Michael Gatenby told \u003cem>San Jose Spotlight\u003c/em>. “Every teacher on this campus is trying to get cellphone use under control. You can already see an increased focus. Managing cellphones has been a game changer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatenby said he still confiscates student cellphones and puts them in his “phone hotel” once or twice a period. Students receive their phones back after class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Lick High School teacher Mark Adams said not all teachers agree a cellphone policy is needed. Some want students to be able to manage their own phones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joshua, a student who asked to only be identified by first name, said the guidelines might help some students, but not everyone needs them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can control myself,” he told \u003cem>San Jose Spotlight\u003c/em>. “For others, it might be a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adams said some students argue for the need to have their phones to call their parents if they experience anxiety or want to track a health app. Others said not having it out helps them focus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No teacher wants to spend a good part of their class time monitoring cellphones,” Adams told \u003cem>San Jose Spotlight\u003c/em>. “It’s frustrating as a teacher. Students give me 60% when they’re on their phones. That extra 40% that can make a lot of difference.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Published via Bay City News.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"onourwatch": {
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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