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"content": "\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is in the midst of a housing crisis, with people paying more than ever before to keep a roof over their head. One big manifestation of that crisis is escalating rents. In many cities, it’s not uncommon for renters to now shell out $2000-$3000 a month for a modest apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many believe the best way to keep housing affordable is through strengthening and expanding rent control laws. But rent control doubters say that will only make our housing woes worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT IS RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rent control, also called rent stabilization, puts a cap on how much landlords can raise rents on apartment tenants from year to year. In most cities, increases are tied to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/cpi/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Consumer Price Index\u003c/a> and can range from one to five percent annually. Rent control laws also set rules for eviction, so landlords can’t force tenants out just to raise rents. In exchange for restrictions, property owners are supposed to be a guaranteed a fair market return on their investment in buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHERE IS RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are more than 450 municipalities in California, but only 15 of them have rent control laws on the books. They include most of the state’s costlier cities, like \u003ca href=\"http://hcidla.lacity.org/RSO-Overview\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles,\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://sfrb.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> Berkeley, West Hollywood and \u003ca href=\"https://www.smgov.net/rentcontrol/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santa Monica.\u003c/a> Rent increases are often supervised by elected rent control boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT DOESN’T RENT CONTROL COVER?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rent control usually doesn’t apply to single-family homes and condos. Depending on the city, the year an apartment building was constructed also determines whether it is rent controlled. In Los Angeles, for example, most apartments built after 1978 aren’t rent controlled. Because of a state law passed passed in the 1990s, called the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Costa%E2%80%93Hawkins_Rental_Housing_Act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins Housing Act\u003c/a>, apartment buildings built in California after February of 1995 also aren’t covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT ARE THE ARGUMENTS FOR RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights activists say that controlling rent increases is the best way to keep housing affordable and cities economically diverse. They also say without rent control, tenants in hot real estate markets would be exposed to enormous rent increases. Many activists also say that housing is so fundamental, it needs to be regulated like a public utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_54060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-54060\" src=\"http://curious.kcrw.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/DSC03053-1024x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Monica resident Robin Sherry has lived in a rent controlled apartment since 1983. She credits rent control with allowing her to live a decent life without worry about whether she’d be able to afford housing. Saul Gonzalez/KCRW\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>WHAT ARE THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords say it’s just wrong and smacks of socialism for local governments to tell property owners what price they can charge tenants. Many economists also argue that rent control actually increases housing costs by not giving developers a financial incentive to build more housing. That increased supply, they say, would reduce housing demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_54065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-54065\" src=\"http://curious.kcrw.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/unnamed-1-1-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Bannon is the CEO of the California Apartment Association, an industry trade group that represents over 11,000 landlords and property owners in California. Bannon says rent control imposes on property rights and is counter-productive to creating more affordable housing. Saul Gonzalez/KCRW\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>WHAT IS VACANCY DECONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s a wonky term, but it’s used all the time in the rental real estate market. Vacancy decontrol allows property owners in rent controlled cities to reset rents to current market values when a tenant moves out. That means an apartment’s rent could immediately double or triple in price, depending on when it was last rented. The new tenant is still covered by rent control, but has to pay way more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT’S HAPPENING NOW WITH RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many California cities passed their rent control laws in the 1970s and ’80s, but soaring housing costs have sparked a new rent control movement. In Los Angeles County alone, tenant activists are trying to put rent control measures on the ballot in Pasadena, Long Beach, Inglewood and Glendale. There are also efforts underway to get rid of vacancy decontrol, so landlords can’t reset rents to current market rates when tenants change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information about the pros and cons of rent control, visit the websites for \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenantstogether.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenants Together \u003c/a>and the\u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> California Apartment Association. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11666428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11666428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Hodgson, of the Pasadena Tenants Union, is fighting to place a rent control initiative on the city’s ballot. If passed, it would limit rent increases to 4.5 percent a year. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Rent control proponents say rent control laws are crucial for keeping housing affordable. But rent control doubters say that will only make our housing woes worse.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is in the midst of a housing crisis, with people paying more than ever before to keep a roof over their head. One big manifestation of that crisis is escalating rents. In many cities, it’s not uncommon for renters to now shell out $2000-$3000 a month for a modest apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many believe the best way to keep housing affordable is through strengthening and expanding rent control laws. But rent control doubters say that will only make our housing woes worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT IS RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rent control, also called rent stabilization, puts a cap on how much landlords can raise rents on apartment tenants from year to year. In most cities, increases are tied to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/cpi/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Consumer Price Index\u003c/a> and can range from one to five percent annually. Rent control laws also set rules for eviction, so landlords can’t force tenants out just to raise rents. In exchange for restrictions, property owners are supposed to be a guaranteed a fair market return on their investment in buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHERE IS RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are more than 450 municipalities in California, but only 15 of them have rent control laws on the books. They include most of the state’s costlier cities, like \u003ca href=\"http://hcidla.lacity.org/RSO-Overview\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles,\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://sfrb.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco,\u003c/a> Berkeley, West Hollywood and \u003ca href=\"https://www.smgov.net/rentcontrol/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santa Monica.\u003c/a> Rent increases are often supervised by elected rent control boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT DOESN’T RENT CONTROL COVER?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rent control usually doesn’t apply to single-family homes and condos. Depending on the city, the year an apartment building was constructed also determines whether it is rent controlled. In Los Angeles, for example, most apartments built after 1978 aren’t rent controlled. Because of a state law passed passed in the 1990s, called the \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Costa%E2%80%93Hawkins_Rental_Housing_Act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Costa-Hawkins Housing Act\u003c/a>, apartment buildings built in California after February of 1995 also aren’t covered.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT ARE THE ARGUMENTS FOR RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Tenant rights activists say that controlling rent increases is the best way to keep housing affordable and cities economically diverse. They also say without rent control, tenants in hot real estate markets would be exposed to enormous rent increases. Many activists also say that housing is so fundamental, it needs to be regulated like a public utility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_54060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-54060\" src=\"http://curious.kcrw.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/DSC03053-1024x576.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Santa Monica resident Robin Sherry has lived in a rent controlled apartment since 1983. She credits rent control with allowing her to live a decent life without worry about whether she’d be able to afford housing. Saul Gonzalez/KCRW\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>WHAT ARE THE ARGUMENTS AGAINST RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Landlords say it’s just wrong and smacks of socialism for local governments to tell property owners what price they can charge tenants. Many economists also argue that rent control actually increases housing costs by not giving developers a financial incentive to build more housing. That increased supply, they say, would reduce housing demand and lower prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_54065\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-54065\" src=\"http://curious.kcrw.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/03/unnamed-1-1-1024x768.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Bannon is the CEO of the California Apartment Association, an industry trade group that represents over 11,000 landlords and property owners in California. Bannon says rent control imposes on property rights and is counter-productive to creating more affordable housing. Saul Gonzalez/KCRW\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>WHAT IS VACANCY DECONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>It’s a wonky term, but it’s used all the time in the rental real estate market. Vacancy decontrol allows property owners in rent controlled cities to reset rents to current market values when a tenant moves out. That means an apartment’s rent could immediately double or triple in price, depending on when it was last rented. The new tenant is still covered by rent control, but has to pay way more.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>WHAT’S HAPPENING NOW WITH RENT CONTROL?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Many California cities passed their rent control laws in the 1970s and ’80s, but soaring housing costs have sparked a new rent control movement. In Los Angeles County alone, tenant activists are trying to put rent control measures on the ballot in Pasadena, Long Beach, Inglewood and Glendale. There are also efforts underway to get rid of vacancy decontrol, so landlords can’t reset rents to current market rates when tenants change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more information about the pros and cons of rent control, visit the websites for \u003ca href=\"http://www.tenantstogether.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenants Together \u003c/a>and the\u003ca href=\"https://caanet.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> California Apartment Association. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11666428\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11666428\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"768\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/rent-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Hodgson, of the Pasadena Tenants Union, is fighting to place a rent control initiative on the city’s ballot. If passed, it would limit rent increases to 4.5 percent a year. \u003ccite>(Saul Gonzalez/KCRW)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High",
"title": "5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Why are California housing costs so high? At its most basic level, it’s a story of \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/E-1/documents/E-1_2018PressRelease.pdf\">supply and demand\u003c/a> -- lots of people want to live here, and there aren’t enough homes to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are lots of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">uniquely California factors\u003c/a> -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a home is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">well over half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That number is about \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/sites/default/files/documents/ehs-03-2018-overview-2018-04-23.pdf\">$240,000 nationally\u003c/a>. More than \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\">20 percent of Californians\u003c/a> pay more than half their income for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five reasons the state’s housing market got so out of whack.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. We Haven't Built Enough Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts who study California’s housing crisis argue about lots of things. Is rent control good or bad? Will that new shiny high-rise going up in your neighborhood help or hurt housing costs? How much should we blame “not in my backyard” NIMBYs for our problems?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one principle the vast majority of housing experts agree on: Over the past few decades, California hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with the number of people who live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state housing department estimates that we need to build 180,000 new housing units a year to keep prices stable. Over the past 10 years, we’ve averaged less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/baa7174b-e8fb-4134-8936-82c7a2919bf7?src=embed\" title=\"Waning Construction\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when new construction was booming in the early and mid-2000s, new homes and apartment buildings weren’t being built in coastal cities where the vast majority of Californians work. While places like the Inland Empire and Central Valley saw a building craze, places like San Francisco and Los Angeles basically flatlined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also not keeping up with other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like New York and Massachusetts have built a lot more housing per capita than we have in recent years. That hasn’t made those places cheap, but it has helped to alleviate some cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6797e819-e522-422b-ba7e-8991ad5890e5?src=embed\" title=\"CA vs Other States Building\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Demand to Live and Work and Own in Urban California Has Reached a Breaking Point, and Part of That Demand Is Global\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Californians have increasingly tried to cram themselves into major urban centers that are already jammed with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is the poster child here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2000 and 2007, Bay Area cities accounted for only 4 percent of the state’s total population growth. Between 2010 and 2017, nearly 20 percent of all new Californians were either being born in or moving to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/43c04958-3981-41ca-a00b-143167573f05?src=embed\" title=\"California bands together\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the tech industry certainly bears much of the responsibility for that trend, the increased demand to live in California’s urban cores extends beyond Silicon Valley. The urban parts of L.A. and San Diego have all seen a major increase in people wanting to live and work there, which means increased competition for rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we’re not just talking about apartment rentals. Here’s a pretty amazing graph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bd074fac-c247-4ef4-a31a-ce390b31c06b?src=embed\" title=\"Single Family Home Rentals\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of single-family homes occupied by renters grew by more than 400,000 over the last 10 years, while the number of owner-occupied units dropped during the Great Recession and has yet to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So who owns these houses? The vast majority are “mom and pop” investors and wealthy individuals buying one or two additional properties. Foreign buyers, primarily from China, have also become increasingly enamored with California real estate. Last year, nearly one in four California single-family homes were sold in all-cash transactions, an indication of investor appetite for California real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, investors are a relatively small part of the housing market, especially when viewed from a statewide lens. But in certain local markets, investors compete directly with California families for homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Proposition 13 Dilutes a City's Incentive to Build New Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why hasn’t California built enough housing to keep up with its population?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most housing researchers agree that part of the reason is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, the landmark 1978 ballot initiative that capped how much local governments could collect from property taxes. While intended to protect California homeowners from unmanageable property tax bills, Proposition 13 has produced a host of unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’re a city, sitting on a huge plot of vacant land. You could zone that land for housing or for commercial use, like a hotel or a Target. Your city obviously needs more housing -- prices are sky high.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">After Tax Cuts Derailed the 'California Dream,' Can the State Get Back on Track?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/JarvisFist-1180x676.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Easy decision, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has made development decisions much more complicated. Because property taxes are capped, local governments have become increasingly reliant on other revenue sources. That vacant land is much more valuable to the city’s coffers if a big box retailer gets built on it, as opposed to a multifamily apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing nerds call this the “fiscalization of land use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\">There’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3497#Does_Proposition.A013_Alter_Local_Government_Land_Use_Decisions.3F\">debate\u003c/a> about just how much Proposition 13 is to blame for the state’s housing shortage. But talk to local elected officials, and you’ll see the issue isn’t just a hypothetical dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. In Most Parts of California, the Process to Get New Housing Approved Is Difficult, Time-Consuming and Expensive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to be sympathetic to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From time immemorial, it feels like they’ve complained about rules and regulations they say make it harder to build their projects. The builder who designed Stonehenge probably thought there was too much bureaucracy involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it may be tough to trust developers, that doesn’t necessarily mean that they're wrong. The process by which a piece of land is approved for new construction can be incredibly cumbersome, time-consuming and risky. While good data on exactly how much this adds to housing costs is hard to come by, \u003ca href=\"http://realestate.wharton.upenn.edu/working-papers/a-new-measure-of-the-local-regulatory-environment-for-housing-markets-the-wharton-residential-land-use-regulatory-index/\">typical approval time\u003c/a> for projects in San Francisco is over a year, while in L.A. it’s eight months. That doesn’t include when land needs to be “rezoned” for residential development, which can take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why the lag? Here’s the laundry list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Multiple Layers of Government Review: \u003c/strong>A housing project often must go through multiple government agencies, including the planning department, health department, fire department, building department and perhaps most importantly, a city council.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Lots of Avenues for “Not In My Backyard” Voices: \u003c/strong>The review process for new developments gives ample opportunity for local residents to express their opposition. Locals may fear that new housing projects will change the character of their neighborhoods, increase traffic and hurt their property values. If a city councilmember votes for new housing, he or she may have to face dissatisfied voters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>An Often Misused Environmental Law: \u003c/strong>The California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, requires that local agencies consider the environmental impact of a new housing development before approving it. That sounds like a worthy goal, but the law has often been abused to prevent new developments -- even environmentally friendly ones with high-density housing and bike lanes. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, CEQA appeals delay a project by an average of \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">two and a half years\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Local Growth Controls: \u003c/strong>Two-thirds of California coastal cities and counties have adopted policies that explicitly limit the number of new homes that can be built within their borders or policies that limit the density of new developments. Subtler growth controls include not zoning enough land for new development or requiring supermajorities to approve new housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>5. Land, Labor and Raw Material Costs Are Higher in California Than the Rest of the Country. And Those Costs Are Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, California’s coastline topography \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/125/3/1253/1903664\">makes it more expensive to build here\u003c/a> than most other places. Also, there’s the ocean. You can’t expand into the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited land plus tons of demand means high land prices. In many markets in California, the bulk of a single-family home or apartment building’s value is in the land it is built on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the land itself is what typically eats up most of a developer’s budget in California’s hottest markets, it’s not the only cost-driver. Construction labor and the cost of the raw materials have been rising over the last five years, and are higher in California than other parts of the country. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, construction labor is about 20 percent more expensive in major California cities than in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the labor side, a shortage of skilled construction workers bears much of the blame. When the housing market crashed in the late 2000s, construction workers left the industry in droves. And those same workers haven’t come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/ec3aad18-cd92-4e47-95fe-7ffb89dc63ef?src=embed\" title=\"California construction jobs still in short supply\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction today just doesn’t seem to have the same appeal to younger workers. Firms are struggling to recruit younger workers to supplement and eventually replace a graying workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building codes and environmentally friendly design requirements in many California cities require different types of raw building materials to be used, some of which can be pricier than elsewhere in the country. And nationwide, the cost of vital resources like lumber and concrete are on the \u003ca href=\"http://eyeonhousing.org/2018/04/ready-mix-concrete-osb-lead-price-increases-in-march/\">upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of reasons beyond the five we’ve mentioned here that help explain why California housings costs have gotten so out of control. The task of making California affordable again -- or at least relatively affordable again -- defies a simple silver-bullet solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Ben Christopher contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "There are lots of uniquely California factors -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Why are California housing costs so high? At its most basic level, it’s a story of \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/E-1/documents/E-1_2018PressRelease.pdf\">supply and demand\u003c/a> -- lots of people want to live here, and there aren’t enough homes to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are lots of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">uniquely California factors\u003c/a> -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a home is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">well over half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That number is about \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/sites/default/files/documents/ehs-03-2018-overview-2018-04-23.pdf\">$240,000 nationally\u003c/a>. More than \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\">20 percent of Californians\u003c/a> pay more than half their income for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five reasons the state’s housing market got so out of whack.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. We Haven't Built Enough Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts who study California’s housing crisis argue about lots of things. Is rent control good or bad? Will that new shiny high-rise going up in your neighborhood help or hurt housing costs? How much should we blame “not in my backyard” NIMBYs for our problems?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one principle the vast majority of housing experts agree on: Over the past few decades, California hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with the number of people who live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state housing department estimates that we need to build 180,000 new housing units a year to keep prices stable. Over the past 10 years, we’ve averaged less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/baa7174b-e8fb-4134-8936-82c7a2919bf7?src=embed\" title=\"Waning Construction\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when new construction was booming in the early and mid-2000s, new homes and apartment buildings weren’t being built in coastal cities where the vast majority of Californians work. While places like the Inland Empire and Central Valley saw a building craze, places like San Francisco and Los Angeles basically flatlined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also not keeping up with other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like New York and Massachusetts have built a lot more housing per capita than we have in recent years. That hasn’t made those places cheap, but it has helped to alleviate some cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6797e819-e522-422b-ba7e-8991ad5890e5?src=embed\" title=\"CA vs Other States Building\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Demand to Live and Work and Own in Urban California Has Reached a Breaking Point, and Part of That Demand Is Global\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Californians have increasingly tried to cram themselves into major urban centers that are already jammed with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is the poster child here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2000 and 2007, Bay Area cities accounted for only 4 percent of the state’s total population growth. Between 2010 and 2017, nearly 20 percent of all new Californians were either being born in or moving to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/43c04958-3981-41ca-a00b-143167573f05?src=embed\" title=\"California bands together\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the tech industry certainly bears much of the responsibility for that trend, the increased demand to live in California’s urban cores extends beyond Silicon Valley. The urban parts of L.A. and San Diego have all seen a major increase in people wanting to live and work there, which means increased competition for rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we’re not just talking about apartment rentals. Here’s a pretty amazing graph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bd074fac-c247-4ef4-a31a-ce390b31c06b?src=embed\" title=\"Single Family Home Rentals\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of single-family homes occupied by renters grew by more than 400,000 over the last 10 years, while the number of owner-occupied units dropped during the Great Recession and has yet to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So who owns these houses? The vast majority are “mom and pop” investors and wealthy individuals buying one or two additional properties. Foreign buyers, primarily from China, have also become increasingly enamored with California real estate. Last year, nearly one in four California single-family homes were sold in all-cash transactions, an indication of investor appetite for California real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, investors are a relatively small part of the housing market, especially when viewed from a statewide lens. But in certain local markets, investors compete directly with California families for homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Proposition 13 Dilutes a City's Incentive to Build New Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why hasn’t California built enough housing to keep up with its population?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most housing researchers agree that part of the reason is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, the landmark 1978 ballot initiative that capped how much local governments could collect from property taxes. While intended to protect California homeowners from unmanageable property tax bills, Proposition 13 has produced a host of unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’re a city, sitting on a huge plot of vacant land. You could zone that land for housing or for commercial use, like a hotel or a Target. Your city obviously needs more housing -- prices are sky high.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">After Tax Cuts Derailed the 'California Dream,' Can the State Get Back on Track?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/JarvisFist-1180x676.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Easy decision, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has made development decisions much more complicated. Because property taxes are capped, local governments have become increasingly reliant on other revenue sources. That vacant land is much more valuable to the city’s coffers if a big box retailer gets built on it, as opposed to a multifamily apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing nerds call this the “fiscalization of land use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\">There’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3497#Does_Proposition.A013_Alter_Local_Government_Land_Use_Decisions.3F\">debate\u003c/a> about just how much Proposition 13 is to blame for the state’s housing shortage. But talk to local elected officials, and you’ll see the issue isn’t just a hypothetical dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. In Most Parts of California, the Process to Get New Housing Approved Is Difficult, Time-Consuming and Expensive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to be sympathetic to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From time immemorial, it feels like they’ve complained about rules and regulations they say make it harder to build their projects. The builder who designed Stonehenge probably thought there was too much bureaucracy involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it may be tough to trust developers, that doesn’t necessarily mean that they're wrong. The process by which a piece of land is approved for new construction can be incredibly cumbersome, time-consuming and risky. While good data on exactly how much this adds to housing costs is hard to come by, \u003ca href=\"http://realestate.wharton.upenn.edu/working-papers/a-new-measure-of-the-local-regulatory-environment-for-housing-markets-the-wharton-residential-land-use-regulatory-index/\">typical approval time\u003c/a> for projects in San Francisco is over a year, while in L.A. it’s eight months. That doesn’t include when land needs to be “rezoned” for residential development, which can take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why the lag? Here’s the laundry list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Multiple Layers of Government Review: \u003c/strong>A housing project often must go through multiple government agencies, including the planning department, health department, fire department, building department and perhaps most importantly, a city council.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Lots of Avenues for “Not In My Backyard” Voices: \u003c/strong>The review process for new developments gives ample opportunity for local residents to express their opposition. Locals may fear that new housing projects will change the character of their neighborhoods, increase traffic and hurt their property values. If a city councilmember votes for new housing, he or she may have to face dissatisfied voters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>An Often Misused Environmental Law: \u003c/strong>The California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, requires that local agencies consider the environmental impact of a new housing development before approving it. That sounds like a worthy goal, but the law has often been abused to prevent new developments -- even environmentally friendly ones with high-density housing and bike lanes. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, CEQA appeals delay a project by an average of \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">two and a half years\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Local Growth Controls: \u003c/strong>Two-thirds of California coastal cities and counties have adopted policies that explicitly limit the number of new homes that can be built within their borders or policies that limit the density of new developments. Subtler growth controls include not zoning enough land for new development or requiring supermajorities to approve new housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>5. Land, Labor and Raw Material Costs Are Higher in California Than the Rest of the Country. And Those Costs Are Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, California’s coastline topography \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/125/3/1253/1903664\">makes it more expensive to build here\u003c/a> than most other places. Also, there’s the ocean. You can’t expand into the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited land plus tons of demand means high land prices. In many markets in California, the bulk of a single-family home or apartment building’s value is in the land it is built on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the land itself is what typically eats up most of a developer’s budget in California’s hottest markets, it’s not the only cost-driver. Construction labor and the cost of the raw materials have been rising over the last five years, and are higher in California than other parts of the country. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, construction labor is about 20 percent more expensive in major California cities than in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the labor side, a shortage of skilled construction workers bears much of the blame. When the housing market crashed in the late 2000s, construction workers left the industry in droves. And those same workers haven’t come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/ec3aad18-cd92-4e47-95fe-7ffb89dc63ef?src=embed\" title=\"California construction jobs still in short supply\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction today just doesn’t seem to have the same appeal to younger workers. Firms are struggling to recruit younger workers to supplement and eventually replace a graying workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building codes and environmentally friendly design requirements in many California cities require different types of raw building materials to be used, some of which can be pricier than elsewhere in the country. And nationwide, the cost of vital resources like lumber and concrete are on the \u003ca href=\"http://eyeonhousing.org/2018/04/ready-mix-concrete-osb-lead-price-increases-in-march/\">upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of reasons beyond the five we’ve mentioned here that help explain why California housings costs have gotten so out of control. The task of making California affordable again -- or at least relatively affordable again -- defies a simple silver-bullet solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Ben Christopher contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "In Wake of Privacy Scandal, Facebook Doubles Down on Language of ‘Community’",
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"content": "\u003cp>Last June, Facebook changed its mission statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of “making the world more open and connected,” it became “give people the power to build community and bring the world closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Building Community. Connecting people. Bringing the world together.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook is using this language heavily as it becomes increasingly scrutinized for how it handles and monetizes the personal data of its users. The messaging was in full force at F8, Facebook’s annual developers conference which took place this week in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference is normally where Facebook unveils new products and features. This year, it falls directly after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cambridge-analytica\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cambridge Analytica data privacy scandal\u003c/a> first erupted several months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg and the rest of the keynote speakers who kicked off the conference stuck closely to their talking points and mission statement. Within an hour and 45 minutes, the keynote speakers collectively said \u003cem>“together,” “connect”\u003c/em> and \u003cem>“community”\u003c/em> 74 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The speakers told the crowd that updates to each of Facebook’s services would bring people and businesses closer together. They covered every product: Messenger, WhatsApp, Instagram, virtual reality (which Facebook is getting into) and even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665769/its-a-date-facebook-enters-online-matchmaking\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new dating service\u003c/a> unveiled at the conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There can be a touch of Orwellian doublespeak when you think about large corporations using these very human words like ‘community,'” said Jan English-Lueck, an anthropologist at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This language is nothing new for a corporation built online. It has deep roots in the origins of the internet. \u003ca href=\"https://www.well.com/\">Take Well for instance\u003c/a>. It is a seminal online forum created back in 1985. Its tagline? “More community than you can shake a stick at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11666329\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11666329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Facebook vice president of VR Hugo Barra demonstrates the Oculus Go during the annual F8 summit on May 1, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1200x777.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-240x155.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Facebook vice president of VR Hugo Barra demonstrates the Oculus Go during the annual F8 summit on May 1, 2018. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of those who first started talking about the internet in this way, \u003ca href=\"http://nymag.com/selectall/2018/04/jaron-lanier-interview-on-what-went-wrong-with-the-internet.html\">like Jaron Lanier\u003c/a>, who was involved with creating the first VR headsets, have criticized Facebook and other big tech corporations for co-opting of these terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VR headsets, by the way, drew the biggest applause at the conference — Zuckerberg announced that everyone there would get a free one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the keynote speeches, I went to the press area to upload audio from the event. I had to log onto Facebook’s conference wireless network. Even the password was in line with the conference messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was all lowercase and just one word: “community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/reassessing-our-relationship-with-technology\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Read more from the Reassessing Our Relationship With Technology series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last June, Facebook changed its mission statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of “making the world more open and connected,” it became “give people the power to build community and bring the world closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Building Community. Connecting people. Bringing the world together.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Facebook is using this language heavily as it becomes increasingly scrutinized for how it handles and monetizes the personal data of its users. The messaging was in full force at F8, Facebook’s annual developers conference which took place this week in San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conference is normally where Facebook unveils new products and features. This year, it falls directly after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/cambridge-analytica\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Cambridge Analytica data privacy scandal\u003c/a> first erupted several months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO Mark Zuckerberg and the rest of the keynote speakers who kicked off the conference stuck closely to their talking points and mission statement. Within an hour and 45 minutes, the keynote speakers collectively said \u003cem>“together,” “connect”\u003c/em> and \u003cem>“community”\u003c/em> 74 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The speakers told the crowd that updates to each of Facebook’s services would bring people and businesses closer together. They covered every product: Messenger, WhatsApp, Instagram, virtual reality (which Facebook is getting into) and even a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665769/its-a-date-facebook-enters-online-matchmaking\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">new dating service\u003c/a> unveiled at the conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There can be a touch of Orwellian doublespeak when you think about large corporations using these very human words like ‘community,'” said Jan English-Lueck, an anthropologist at San Jose State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This language is nothing new for a corporation built online. It has deep roots in the origins of the internet. \u003ca href=\"https://www.well.com/\">Take Well for instance\u003c/a>. It is a seminal online forum created back in 1985. Its tagline? “More community than you can shake a stick at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11666329\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11666329\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"Facebook vice president of VR Hugo Barra demonstrates the Oculus Go during the annual F8 summit on May 1, 2018.\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-800x518.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1020x660.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1200x777.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-1180x764.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-960x622.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-240x155.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-375x243.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/OculusGo-520x337.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Facebook vice president of VR Hugo Barra demonstrates the Oculus Go during the annual F8 summit on May 1, 2018. \u003ccite>(JOSH EDELSON/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of those who first started talking about the internet in this way, \u003ca href=\"http://nymag.com/selectall/2018/04/jaron-lanier-interview-on-what-went-wrong-with-the-internet.html\">like Jaron Lanier\u003c/a>, who was involved with creating the first VR headsets, have criticized Facebook and other big tech corporations for co-opting of these terms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VR headsets, by the way, drew the biggest applause at the conference — Zuckerberg announced that everyone there would get a free one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the keynote speeches, I went to the press area to upload audio from the event. I had to log onto Facebook’s conference wireless network. Even the password was in line with the conference messaging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was all lowercase and just one word: “community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/reassessing-our-relationship-with-technology\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Read more from the Reassessing Our Relationship With Technology series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Why Hasn't the Tenderloin Gentrified Like the Rest of San Francisco?",
"headTitle": "Why Hasn’t the Tenderloin Gentrified Like the Rest of San Francisco? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is located downtown, bordered by some of the wealthiest neighborhoods in the city. Yet, it has a bad reputation. Tourists are told to avoid the area. You can often see drug dealing out in the open, and garbage on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up we always knew the Tenderloin’s kind of a more seedy place,” said this week’s question asker, Vy Nguyen. She’s lived in the Bay Area since she was a kid, but three years ago she moved to an apartment on the edge of the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, she’s gotten to know her new neighborhood. She loves the Vietnamese food, and she volunteers, serving the poor and homeless at St. Anthony’s. But she’s noticed one big thing: While the rest of San Francisco is getting fancier and more expensive, that isn’t really the case in the Tenderloin. There are a few new hip coffee shops and young people moving into the area, she said, but for the most part it hasn’t developed like the rest of the city. Nguyen wants to know why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Why is the Tenderloin so resistant to gentrification when the rest of San Francisco isn’t?’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2014px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11665590 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2014\" height=\"1054\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png 2014w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-160x84.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-800x419.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1020x534.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1200x628.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1920x1005.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1180x618.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-960x502.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-240x126.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-375x196.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-520x272.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2014px) 100vw, 2014px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Tenderloin borders as defined by Coates.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To answer the question, Nguyen and I took a tour of the Tenderloin with Pam Coates — a long-time resident who now leads \u003ca href=\"http://www.tlwalkingtours.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenderloin Walking Tours\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the borders of the Tenderloin are generally agreed upon, not everyone defines the neighborhood the same way. “It’s nebulous,” Coates said. “I mean the Hilton up there is in the Tenderloin, but it calls itself the Union Square Hilton.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand the Tenderloin now, we first have to understand what it was like before.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the Tenderloin of the past became the Tenderloin of today\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When prospectors and immigrants came to San Francisco in the 1800s, they started to develop the Tenderloin and nearby Chinatown, because they were flat. “The rich guys went up the hill, like they do, you know,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood quickly became known as an entertainment district — of both the legal and illegal kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, the Tenderloin was the spot to spend your money on a night out: at brothels, theaters, restaurants and hotels. After the earthquake in 1906, many of the modern hotels were rebuilt closer to Union Square, but for decades visitors still flocked to the Tenderloin’s speakeasies, jazz clubs, billiard halls and especially the gambling parlors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665957\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/sfplsanfranciscohistoricalphotographcollection/8000928739/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665957\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"841\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-160x131.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-800x657.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-1020x838.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-960x788.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-240x197.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-375x308.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-520x427.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Black Hawk on the corner of Turk and Hyde, the day after a raid for violation of liquor law in 1961. Front entrance has sign posted “Young Adults Under 21 Please Use 216 Hyde Entrance.” \u003ccite>(SAN FRANCISCO HISTORY CENTER, SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC LIBRARY)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The Tenderloin from 1907 into the ’50s, was one of the most prosperous San Francisco neighborhoods,” said Randy Shaw, who has worked in the neighborhood since founding the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thclinic.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenderloin Housing Clinic\u003c/a> in 1980. He also wrote \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Tenderloin.html?id=r5bTrQEACAAJ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“The Tenderloin: Sex, Crime, and Resistance in the Heart of San Francisco.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People came to the movie theaters in mid-Market, and then they ate dinner or went to the bars in the Tenderloin,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, in the middle of the 20th century, the movie industry collapsed in San Francisco, gutting the mid-Market area. Famous recording studios closed. And in the late 1950s, the city started cracking down on the Tenderloin’s \u003cem>quasi-legal\u003c/em> businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City Hall intentionally wrecked the Tenderloin. They eliminated our gambling operation, which they had to do. They changed our street configuration. They took away our cable cars,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without foot traffic or businesses, crime and drug dealing filled the void, and the Tenderloin became a pass-through neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything was geared to ‘how do we get people to Union Square, and we don’t care what happens between Union Square and the Civic Center,'” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NE6PpolDjvQ\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A New Beginning\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But many of the residents found a community in this ignored neighborhood. In the 1960s and ’70s, the Tenderloin was a haven for gay and lesbian San Franciscans. They supported each other and started to speak out to gain political recognition. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G-WASW9dRBU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The riot at Compton’s Cafeteria in 1966\u003c/a> started when a police officer attempted to arrest a drag queen — predating the Stonewall riots in Manhattan in 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who couldn’t find a home elsewhere found affordable housing in the Tenderloin’s old hotels that had long ago been repurposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People started renting them out to low-income people, or people who needed a week’s rent, so they became sort of low-income housing,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nine years, Coates lived in an SRO — a single-room occupancy residential hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a room, usually with a shared bathroom, and little washbasin in it, and that’s it. No cooking facilities. You have to sort of make your own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, these SROs define the neighborhood. They might not be the nicest places and can sometimes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdph.org/dph/files/opp/SFDPH-SROHIA-FinalDraftv3.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">health and safety risks\u003c/a>, but they often offer a second chance for recovering addicts, domestic abuse survivors and people getting off the streets — people like Coates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on the street for 10 months. I’m a domestic violence survivor, but I had a good worker at the general assistance office, and I was a good worker. I got into the Tenderloin SRO, the Tenderloin Housing Clinic,” she said. “So that’s how I found peace. This neighborhood offers that. It’s new beginnings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “new beginning” was what residents found themselves wanting to save — even if it had its problems. Tenderloin residents saw how redevelopment changed the Western Addition and Yerba Buena neighborhoods in the 1960s and ’70s and worried they would be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the 1980s, they started to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Tenderloin is really a model for how communities across the country can stop gentrification,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 5760px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"5760\" height=\"3840\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO.jpg 5760w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 5760px) 100vw, 5760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A resident in his SRO at the Boyd Hotel. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>What We Talk About When We Talk About Gentrification\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>What do we mean by “gentrification?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the word means a lot of things to a lot of people, for our purposes here, we’re focusing on the cost of housing and the residents’ ability to stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in terms of housing, the Tenderloin is \u003cem>relatively\u003c/em> affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://www.zumper.com/blog/2017/12/san-francisco-neighborhood-prices-mapped-this-winter-2017/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">According to the rental website Zumper\u003c/a>, the median one-bedroom in the Tenderloin cost $2,345 to rent this past winter. The median price for the city overall was significantly more: $3,390.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rent-controlled SRO can cost as little as $200 to 300 per month. (Though that would be a \u003cem>find\u003c/em>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-bedroom apartments, studios and SROs make up a large portion of the housing stock in the neighborhood. According to Shaw, there simply aren’t many single-family homes and fancier townhouses that would attract “the gentry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665533\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665533\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-160x241.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-800x1207.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-1020x1539.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-795x1200.jpg 795w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-960x1448.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-240x362.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-375x566.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-520x785.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jefferson Hotel at 440 Eddy St., is a residential hotel managed by nonprofit Tenderloin Housing Clinic. The hotel has 108 units of affordable permanent housing for single occupants. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The Policies That Got Us Here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are actually specific policy reasons the Tenderloin has remained relatively affordable and hasn’t gentrified to the same degree as the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nonprofit land acquisition\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was an aggressive nonprofit acquisition of land when land was still cheap,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, nonprofits have held onto much of that property, and many of them run affordable housing programs — preserving that land at below-market rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Zoning policies to prevent high-rise building\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back when the Tenderloin residents organized in the early 1980s, one of the things they focused on was preventing luxury condos from coming in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 1985, we rezoned the neighborhood to prevent any building over 13 stories, so someone could not pick up a piece of land and build a 35-story luxury condominium in the Tenderloin because the zoning prohibits it,” Shaw said. Non-residential uses above the second floor are also specifically regulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These limits make it unappealing for developers who have to weigh the costs of building with the potential for profit. While higher density could also lead to more affordable housing, residents considered the risk of luxury development to be more likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Protections for those SROs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city also made it very hard to get rid of SROs and their tenants. The Tenderloin and nearby Chinatown have the most SROs of all the neighborhoods in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we now have all of this housing stock, which again is protected for low income,” Shaw said. “The gentry don’t want to move into a room without a kitchen or private bath, so SROs are pretty immune to gentrification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Historic protections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the neighborhood is a historic district, and many of the buildings are protected. Many also predate the passage of the city’s rent-control ordinance, which comes with a number of its own protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their goal was to protect the neighborhood from the speculative real estate market,” said Jeff Buckley, the mayor’s senior adviser on housing policy. All of those policies add up and have made 25 to 29 percent of the housing units in the Tenderloin permanently affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1545px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665536\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1545\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg 1545w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1200x795.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-960x636.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1545px) 100vw, 1545px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kid plays at the renovated Boeddeker Park. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Did It Work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For the most part, there haven’t been as many people forced out of their homes compared to other parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen, whether it’s the Ellis Act or the owner move-in or the no-fault evictions that have occurred at fairly high rates throughout San Francisco in the last 20 years, they have not happened in Tenderloin,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the Tenderloin has some long-standing problems. Last year, the Tenderloin had more violent crime than almost any other neighborhood in San Francisco — though it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> dropping. And drug dealing is still common, especially on certain street corners. We certainly saw some while out in the neighborhood. In fact, when I was walking to meet Shaw, someone tried to sell me morphine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents are understandably unhappy about these issues and have been working to fix up their neighborhood, with a community benefit district and community programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing the business owners in the neighborhood wanted was clean streets, so they established a program called Clean City,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coates’ historical walking tours are also part of the effort to show people what they’re missing in the Tenderloin. She’s seen signs of change: new murals, parks, clubs, and bars — where, if you’re lucky, you might see her sing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me that’s great, because I perform at PianoFight. I perform at the museum and the jazz club and various other places around here,” she said. And she argues that once people come in, they come back again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665541\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/20171217_122920-e1525151195732.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/20171217_122920-e1525151195732.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nguyen admires one of the new murals in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Kelly O'Mara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city is working on improvement projects, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve attracted over 40 new businesses to the neighborhood, 15 arts organizations, 10 existing arts organizations being stabilized,” said Joaquin Torres, deputy director at the city’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s installing a bunch of new street lights, and Boeddeker Park, the neighborhood’s main park, was remodeled. There’s a new history museum and after-school programs. Three major housing projects are coming in on Market Street in the next few years. Fancier restaurants are opening too, like the Black Cat Jazz Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that all starts to sound like gentrification. Can the neighborhood get nicer parks, new businesses and more housing, without pricing out existing residents?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely. I mean that’s the vision that we’re implementing right now. It’s an opportunity to have a truly mixed and diverse neighborhood,” Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaw hears people say it’s not possible to get rid of crime and keep the neighborhood affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had people say to me, ‘Well, the drug dealing keeps gentrification away.’ That should be the price of it,” he said. But Shaw disagrees. He doesn’t think the 31,000 residents who live there should have to pay that price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we end this Bay Curious answer with another question: \u003cstrong>Can the TL get nicer parks and safer streets without forcing out current residents? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood is located downtown, bordered by some of the wealthiest neighborhoods in the city. Yet, it has a bad reputation. Tourists are told to avoid the area. You can often see drug dealing out in the open, and garbage on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Growing up we always knew the Tenderloin’s kind of a more seedy place,” said this week’s question asker, Vy Nguyen. She’s lived in the Bay Area since she was a kid, but three years ago she moved to an apartment on the edge of the Tenderloin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, she’s gotten to know her new neighborhood. She loves the Vietnamese food, and she volunteers, serving the poor and homeless at St. Anthony’s. But she’s noticed one big thing: While the rest of San Francisco is getting fancier and more expensive, that isn’t really the case in the Tenderloin. There are a few new hip coffee shops and young people moving into the area, she said, but for the most part it hasn’t developed like the rest of the city. Nguyen wants to know why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>‘Why is the Tenderloin so resistant to gentrification when the rest of San Francisco isn’t?’\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665590\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2014px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"wp-image-11665590 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2014\" height=\"1054\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM.png 2014w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-160x84.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-800x419.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1020x534.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1200x628.png 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1920x1005.png 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-1180x618.png 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-960x502.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-240x126.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-375x196.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Screen-Shot-2018-04-30-at-3.28.30-PM-520x272.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2014px) 100vw, 2014px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Tenderloin borders as defined by Coates.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To answer the question, Nguyen and I took a tour of the Tenderloin with Pam Coates — a long-time resident who now leads \u003ca href=\"http://www.tlwalkingtours.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenderloin Walking Tours\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the borders of the Tenderloin are generally agreed upon, not everyone defines the neighborhood the same way. “It’s nebulous,” Coates said. “I mean the Hilton up there is in the Tenderloin, but it calls itself the Union Square Hilton.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand the Tenderloin now, we first have to understand what it was like before.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>How the Tenderloin of the past became the Tenderloin of today\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>When prospectors and immigrants came to San Francisco in the 1800s, they started to develop the Tenderloin and nearby Chinatown, because they were flat. “The rich guys went up the hill, like they do, you know,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The neighborhood quickly became known as an entertainment district — of both the legal and illegal kind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, the Tenderloin was the spot to spend your money on a night out: at brothels, theaters, restaurants and hotels. After the earthquake in 1906, many of the modern hotels were rebuilt closer to Union Square, but for decades visitors still flocked to the Tenderloin’s speakeasies, jazz clubs, billiard halls and especially the gambling parlors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665957\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.flickr.com/photos/sfplsanfranciscohistoricalphotographcollection/8000928739/\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665957\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"841\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-160x131.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-800x657.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-1020x838.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-960x788.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-240x197.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-375x308.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/8000928739_c9955a67ab_b-520x427.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Black Hawk on the corner of Turk and Hyde, the day after a raid for violation of liquor law in 1961. Front entrance has sign posted “Young Adults Under 21 Please Use 216 Hyde Entrance.” \u003ccite>(SAN FRANCISCO HISTORY CENTER, SAN FRANCISCO PUBLIC LIBRARY)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The Tenderloin from 1907 into the ’50s, was one of the most prosperous San Francisco neighborhoods,” said Randy Shaw, who has worked in the neighborhood since founding the \u003ca href=\"https://www.thclinic.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tenderloin Housing Clinic\u003c/a> in 1980. He also wrote \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Tenderloin.html?id=r5bTrQEACAAJ\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">“The Tenderloin: Sex, Crime, and Resistance in the Heart of San Francisco.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People came to the movie theaters in mid-Market, and then they ate dinner or went to the bars in the Tenderloin,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But then, in the middle of the 20th century, the movie industry collapsed in San Francisco, gutting the mid-Market area. Famous recording studios closed. And in the late 1950s, the city started cracking down on the Tenderloin’s \u003cem>quasi-legal\u003c/em> businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“City Hall intentionally wrecked the Tenderloin. They eliminated our gambling operation, which they had to do. They changed our street configuration. They took away our cable cars,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without foot traffic or businesses, crime and drug dealing filled the void, and the Tenderloin became a pass-through neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everything was geared to ‘how do we get people to Union Square, and we don’t care what happens between Union Square and the Civic Center,'” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/NE6PpolDjvQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/NE6PpolDjvQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch3>A New Beginning\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But many of the residents found a community in this ignored neighborhood. In the 1960s and ’70s, the Tenderloin was a haven for gay and lesbian San Franciscans. They supported each other and started to speak out to gain political recognition. \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G-WASW9dRBU\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The riot at Compton’s Cafeteria in 1966\u003c/a> started when a police officer attempted to arrest a drag queen — predating the Stonewall riots in Manhattan in 1969.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who couldn’t find a home elsewhere found affordable housing in the Tenderloin’s old hotels that had long ago been repurposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People started renting them out to low-income people, or people who needed a week’s rent, so they became sort of low-income housing,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nine years, Coates lived in an SRO — a single-room occupancy residential hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a room, usually with a shared bathroom, and little washbasin in it, and that’s it. No cooking facilities. You have to sort of make your own,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, these SROs define the neighborhood. They might not be the nicest places and can sometimes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfdph.org/dph/files/opp/SFDPH-SROHIA-FinalDraftv3.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">health and safety risks\u003c/a>, but they often offer a second chance for recovering addicts, domestic abuse survivors and people getting off the streets — people like Coates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was on the street for 10 months. I’m a domestic violence survivor, but I had a good worker at the general assistance office, and I was a good worker. I got into the Tenderloin SRO, the Tenderloin Housing Clinic,” she said. “So that’s how I found peace. This neighborhood offers that. It’s new beginnings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “new beginning” was what residents found themselves wanting to save — even if it had its problems. Tenderloin residents saw how redevelopment changed the Western Addition and Yerba Buena neighborhoods in the 1960s and ’70s and worried they would be next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the 1980s, they started to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Tenderloin is really a model for how communities across the country can stop gentrification,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665534\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 5760px\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665534\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"5760\" height=\"3840\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO.jpg 5760w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30610_jeff-in-SRO-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 5760px) 100vw, 5760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A resident in his SRO at the Boyd Hotel. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>What We Talk About When We Talk About Gentrification\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>What do we mean by “gentrification?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the word means a lot of things to a lot of people, for our purposes here, we’re focusing on the cost of housing and the residents’ ability to stay in their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in terms of housing, the Tenderloin is \u003cem>relatively\u003c/em> affordable. \u003ca href=\"https://www.zumper.com/blog/2017/12/san-francisco-neighborhood-prices-mapped-this-winter-2017/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">According to the rental website Zumper\u003c/a>, the median one-bedroom in the Tenderloin cost $2,345 to rent this past winter. The median price for the city overall was significantly more: $3,390.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A rent-controlled SRO can cost as little as $200 to 300 per month. (Though that would be a \u003cem>find\u003c/em>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-bedroom apartments, studios and SROs make up a large portion of the housing stock in the neighborhood. According to Shaw, there simply aren’t many single-family homes and fancier townhouses that would attract “the gentry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665533\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665533\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"1545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel.jpg 1024w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-160x241.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-800x1207.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-1020x1539.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-795x1200.jpg 795w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-960x1448.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-240x362.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-375x566.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30608_JeffersonHotel-520x785.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Jefferson Hotel at 440 Eddy St., is a residential hotel managed by nonprofit Tenderloin Housing Clinic. The hotel has 108 units of affordable permanent housing for single occupants. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>The Policies That Got Us Here\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are actually specific policy reasons the Tenderloin has remained relatively affordable and hasn’t gentrified to the same degree as the rest of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Nonprofit land acquisition\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was an aggressive nonprofit acquisition of land when land was still cheap,” Shaw said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, nonprofits have held onto much of that property, and many of them run affordable housing programs — preserving that land at below-market rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Zoning policies to prevent high-rise building\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back when the Tenderloin residents organized in the early 1980s, one of the things they focused on was preventing luxury condos from coming in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In 1985, we rezoned the neighborhood to prevent any building over 13 stories, so someone could not pick up a piece of land and build a 35-story luxury condominium in the Tenderloin because the zoning prohibits it,” Shaw said. Non-residential uses above the second floor are also specifically regulated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These limits make it unappealing for developers who have to weigh the costs of building with the potential for profit. While higher density could also lead to more affordable housing, residents considered the risk of luxury development to be more likely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Protections for those SROs\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city also made it very hard to get rid of SROs and their tenants. The Tenderloin and nearby Chinatown have the most SROs of all the neighborhoods in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we now have all of this housing stock, which again is protected for low income,” Shaw said. “The gentry don’t want to move into a room without a kitchen or private bath, so SROs are pretty immune to gentrification.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Historic protections\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the neighborhood is a historic district, and many of the buildings are protected. Many also predate the passage of the city’s rent-control ordinance, which comes with a number of its own protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their goal was to protect the neighborhood from the speculative real estate market,” said Jeff Buckley, the mayor’s senior adviser on housing policy. All of those policies add up and have made 25 to 29 percent of the housing units in the Tenderloin permanently affordable, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665536\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1545px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665536\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1545\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark.jpg 1545w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-800x530.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1020x676.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1200x795.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-1180x782.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-960x636.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-240x159.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/RS30603_BoedekkerPark-520x345.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1545px) 100vw, 1545px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A kid plays at the renovated Boeddeker Park. \u003ccite>(Samantha Shanahan/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch3>Did It Work?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For the most part, there haven’t been as many people forced out of their homes compared to other parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have seen, whether it’s the Ellis Act or the owner move-in or the no-fault evictions that have occurred at fairly high rates throughout San Francisco in the last 20 years, they have not happened in Tenderloin,” Buckley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the Tenderloin has some long-standing problems. Last year, the Tenderloin had more violent crime than almost any other neighborhood in San Francisco — though it \u003cem>is\u003c/em> dropping. And drug dealing is still common, especially on certain street corners. We certainly saw some while out in the neighborhood. In fact, when I was walking to meet Shaw, someone tried to sell me morphine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the residents are understandably unhappy about these issues and have been working to fix up their neighborhood, with a community benefit district and community programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first thing the business owners in the neighborhood wanted was clean streets, so they established a program called Clean City,” Coates said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coates’ historical walking tours are also part of the effort to show people what they’re missing in the Tenderloin. She’s seen signs of change: new murals, parks, clubs, and bars — where, if you’re lucky, you might see her sing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For me that’s great, because I perform at PianoFight. I perform at the museum and the jazz club and various other places around here,” she said. And she argues that once people come in, they come back again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665541\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/20171217_122920-e1525151195732.jpg\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11665541\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/20171217_122920-e1525151195732.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nguyen admires one of the new murals in the neighborhood. \u003ccite>(Kelly O'Mara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city is working on improvement projects, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve attracted over 40 new businesses to the neighborhood, 15 arts organizations, 10 existing arts organizations being stabilized,” said Joaquin Torres, deputy director at the city’s Office of Economic and Workforce Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s installing a bunch of new street lights, and Boeddeker Park, the neighborhood’s main park, was remodeled. There’s a new history museum and after-school programs. Three major housing projects are coming in on Market Street in the next few years. Fancier restaurants are opening too, like the Black Cat Jazz Club.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that all starts to sound like gentrification. Can the neighborhood get nicer parks, new businesses and more housing, without pricing out existing residents?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely. I mean that’s the vision that we’re implementing right now. It’s an opportunity to have a truly mixed and diverse neighborhood,” Torres said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaw hears people say it’s not possible to get rid of crime and keep the neighborhood affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had people say to me, ‘Well, the drug dealing keeps gentrification away.’ That should be the price of it,” he said. But Shaw disagrees. He doesn’t think the 31,000 residents who live there should have to pay that price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So we end this Bay Curious answer with another question: \u003cstrong>Can the TL get nicer parks and safer streets without forcing out current residents? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "the-internet-really-did-lead-to-an-explosion-of-creative-content-good-bad-and-ugly",
"title": "The Internet Really Did Lead to an Explosion of Creative Content: Good, Bad and Ugly",
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"headTitle": "The Internet Really Did Lead to an Explosion of Creative Content: Good, Bad and Ugly | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This is the second story in a three-part series reassessing predictions made about the internet in 1993 on KQED’s air. For the first story, head \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665625/virtual-worlds-reassessing-our-tech-predictions-25-years-later\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. For the third story, head \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665681/innovation-in-east-oakland-the-realities-of-keeping-up-outside-of-silicon-valleys-bubble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go to 1993 — years before Facebook, Instagram or YouTube became a thing. KQED sent out its Silicon Valley reporter Peter Jon Shuler to look into the early promise of the internet, to explore a new idea — that this new complex network would enable and encourage us to make our own creative stuff: photos, movies, music and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that, armed with the latest digital gadgets, individuals and communities will shake off the mindless passivity of couch potato consumerism and actually talk back,” former KQED host Harry Lin intoned, leading into Shuler’s piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, what was a projection is now a reality. In a matter of minutes, I can upload a video of my cat Bear onto YouTube. Apple’s photo program makes it easy to build a slideshow after its filters and trimming tools helps me touch up the not-so-good snaps. Adobe’s Audition allows me to merge a recording of Bear purring with a rendition of “Sunday Kind of Love” — a rendition my sister Shira Myrow recorded and sent to me from her home studio. To top it all off, #tags help a larger public find my upload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w1tZ84j5Kos]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology has in many ways democratized the means of creative production. And some say it may also soon surpass humans in producing creative content through artificial intelligence, but that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13819186/are-computers-becoming-better-at-composing-music-than-humans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another story\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OK, so back again to 1993, when Shuler talked about a word coined by the futurist \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/30/books/alvin-toffler-author-of-future-shock-dies-at-87.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alvin Toffler\u003c/a>: prosumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had a slightly different meaning in mind when he fused the word producer and consumer, but “prosuming” seems an apt label for the kind of free-flowing give-and-take now practiced by users of the net,” Shuler explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Free-flowing give-and-take was the intent behind the Internet Underground Music Archive. Now defunct, it was an \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/details/iuma-archive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">archived\u003c/a> website dedicated to helping music lovers find the kind of obscure music that labels weren’t signing or promoting. IUMA was started by two computer science majors at UC Santa Cruz, Jeff Patterson and Robert Lord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665509\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-800x532.jpeg\" alt=\"What A Halo Called Fred looked like in 1994. From left to right: Jim Bob Rubbernecker, Brushwood Thicket Farmer and Geverend Dee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1200x799.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1180x785.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-960x639.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-520x346.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994.jpeg 1695w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What A Halo Called Fred looked like in 1994. From left to right: Jim Bob Rubbernecker, Brushwood Thicket Farmer and Geverend Dee. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Ken Collins)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lord told Shuler, “The music Jeff and I both appreciate the most tends to be hard to find, mostly imports or on labels that aren’t widely distributed types of music.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, Shuler kicked off his story with music from an obscure band called \u003ca href=\"http://ahalocalledfred.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A Halo Called Fred\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This music, as they say, is not available in stores,” Shuler said in his piece. “And this may be the only time you’ll hear it on the radio. But thanks to the Internet Underground Music Archive you can hear it online 24 hours a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it happens, A Halo Called Fred is still making music, and it’s still uploading it to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L44pX9GsCVs]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, I don’t know if I would call these guys prosumers. After all, musicians have been working day jobs since the beginning of time. Some hustle until they make it big. Others never make it big and simply hustle till they drop. There have always been more people who want to be superstars than can be, for a wide variety of reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What can be said is that the internet did make it possible for musicians of all kinds to post music where it can be heard 24 hours a day. Thanks to the Internet Underground Music Archive and other start-ups like it, music distribution become substantially cheaper, too, and the universe of music did expand as more people uploaded more creative work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because you put a song out there in the world, doesn’t mean anyone is going to listen to it without a heck of a lot of promotion of the right kind. And big media companies are fighting as hard as ever to stay in the mix — to keep your ears and eyeballs glued to their content. Ariana Grande is not tops on the iTunes charts just because she’s talented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ffxKSjUwKdU]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republic Records, backed by Universal Music Group, puts a lot of creative and marketing muscle behind her, and that propels her onto our laptops and phones in a way that’s typically more compelling to more people than anything you or I could create as “prosumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can also be said that the expanded universe of amateur “content creators” has helped to change tastes in such a way that many of us prefer, or at least enjoy, communication that looks as if it hasn’t been heavily produced. Even if it’s not really amateur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new breed of “social media influencers” has risen to the top of the popularity charts, including people like Jake Joseph Paul, who rose to significant fame on the now-defunct video application Vine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0gn4RAuahHw]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With 14 million subscribers to his YouTube channel, Paul’s not a civilian entertainer. But he’s not what people in 1993 pictured when they pictured an actor, or a filmmaker. He’s famous for being Paul, and repeatedly saying the word “peace” in a slightly obnoxious way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one person Shuler talked to back in ’93 predicted this would happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 50 channels with nothing on, we’re going to have 500 channels with nothing on,” said Jerry Berman, then executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665518\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11665518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-160x237.jpeg\" alt=\"KQED's Peter Jon Shuler, circa 1993, quite possibly working on this very story.\" width=\"160\" height=\"237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-160x237.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-800x1183.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-1020x1508.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-812x1200.jpeg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-1180x1745.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-960x1420.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-240x355.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-375x555.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-520x769.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview.jpeg 1385w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler, circa 1993, quite possibly working on this very story. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Peter Jon Shuler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of these companies have a much narrower vision of the information highway, and they think of really building a lot of capacity to deliver information downstream. In other words, from a station or a cable company to the consumer, but not a lot of bandwidth or the capability of the consumer to reach back or to reach out to other consumers,” Berman said 25 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 25 years later, Shuler thinks Berman nailed it on the head. “I don’t think he was guessing. I think he knew what was coming. A very big signal focused at you, at the consumer, and tiny little signal reaching out pushing the other way,” Shuler says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I dunno. Nobody forces you to watch crapola. But if you don’t pay attention, your attention will be directed and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11626859/how-russian-trolls-used-silicon-valleys-influence-to-create-divisions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">manipulated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11665511 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"Still at it today, KQED's Peter Jon Shuler interviews Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1200x800.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1180x787.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-960x640.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-520x347.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview.jpeg 1368w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Still at it today, KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler interviews Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Peter Jon Shuler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I dug up Internet Underground Music Archive co-founder Jeff Patterson, and he told me he’s a little horrified about what’s happened to music since he and another UC Santa Cruz student started IUMA back in the day. Patterson calls what we have now a kind of “idiocracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s surfacing to the top isn’t necessarily what’s good. You know, you have all this access to all the information you want to discover. You find yourself in front of YouTube watching cat videos, and the promise of the internet — it’s been fulfilled, but it’s also frightening,” Patterson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that there’s necessarily anything wrong with cat videos.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This is the second story in a three-part series reassessing predictions made about the internet in 1993 on KQED’s air. For the first story, head \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665625/virtual-worlds-reassessing-our-tech-predictions-25-years-later\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>. For the third story, head \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665681/innovation-in-east-oakland-the-realities-of-keeping-up-outside-of-silicon-valleys-bubble\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s go to 1993 — years before Facebook, Instagram or YouTube became a thing. KQED sent out its Silicon Valley reporter Peter Jon Shuler to look into the early promise of the internet, to explore a new idea — that this new complex network would enable and encourage us to make our own creative stuff: photos, movies, music and so on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea that, armed with the latest digital gadgets, individuals and communities will shake off the mindless passivity of couch potato consumerism and actually talk back,” former KQED host Harry Lin intoned, leading into Shuler’s piece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so, what was a projection is now a reality. In a matter of minutes, I can upload a video of my cat Bear onto YouTube. Apple’s photo program makes it easy to build a slideshow after its filters and trimming tools helps me touch up the not-so-good snaps. Adobe’s Audition allows me to merge a recording of Bear purring with a rendition of “Sunday Kind of Love” — a rendition my sister Shira Myrow recorded and sent to me from her home studio. To top it all off, #tags help a larger public find my upload.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/w1tZ84j5Kos'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/w1tZ84j5Kos'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology has in many ways democratized the means of creative production. And some say it may also soon surpass humans in producing creative content through artificial intelligence, but that’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13819186/are-computers-becoming-better-at-composing-music-than-humans\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">another story\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OK, so back again to 1993, when Shuler talked about a word coined by the futurist \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/06/30/books/alvin-toffler-author-of-future-shock-dies-at-87.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Alvin Toffler\u003c/a>: prosumer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had a slightly different meaning in mind when he fused the word producer and consumer, but “prosuming” seems an apt label for the kind of free-flowing give-and-take now practiced by users of the net,” Shuler explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Free-flowing give-and-take was the intent behind the Internet Underground Music Archive. Now defunct, it was an \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/details/iuma-archive\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">archived\u003c/a> website dedicated to helping music lovers find the kind of obscure music that labels weren’t signing or promoting. IUMA was started by two computer science majors at UC Santa Cruz, Jeff Patterson and Robert Lord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665509\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665509\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-800x532.jpeg\" alt=\"What A Halo Called Fred looked like in 1994. From left to right: Jim Bob Rubbernecker, Brushwood Thicket Farmer and Geverend Dee.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-160x106.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1020x679.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1200x799.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-1180x785.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-960x639.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994-520x346.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/AHCF_1994.jpeg 1695w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">What A Halo Called Fred looked like in 1994. From left to right: Jim Bob Rubbernecker, Brushwood Thicket Farmer and Geverend Dee. \u003ccite>(Photo: Courtesy of Ken Collins)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lord told Shuler, “The music Jeff and I both appreciate the most tends to be hard to find, mostly imports or on labels that aren’t widely distributed types of music.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, Shuler kicked off his story with music from an obscure band called \u003ca href=\"http://ahalocalledfred.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">A Halo Called Fred\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This music, as they say, is not available in stores,” Shuler said in his piece. “And this may be the only time you’ll hear it on the radio. But thanks to the Internet Underground Music Archive you can hear it online 24 hours a day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As it happens, A Halo Called Fred is still making music, and it’s still uploading it to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/L44pX9GsCVs'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/L44pX9GsCVs'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, I don’t know if I would call these guys prosumers. After all, musicians have been working day jobs since the beginning of time. Some hustle until they make it big. Others never make it big and simply hustle till they drop. There have always been more people who want to be superstars than can be, for a wide variety of reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What can be said is that the internet did make it possible for musicians of all kinds to post music where it can be heard 24 hours a day. Thanks to the Internet Underground Music Archive and other start-ups like it, music distribution become substantially cheaper, too, and the universe of music did expand as more people uploaded more creative work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But just because you put a song out there in the world, doesn’t mean anyone is going to listen to it without a heck of a lot of promotion of the right kind. And big media companies are fighting as hard as ever to stay in the mix — to keep your ears and eyeballs glued to their content. Ariana Grande is not tops on the iTunes charts just because she’s talented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/ffxKSjUwKdU'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/ffxKSjUwKdU'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republic Records, backed by Universal Music Group, puts a lot of creative and marketing muscle behind her, and that propels her onto our laptops and phones in a way that’s typically more compelling to more people than anything you or I could create as “prosumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It can also be said that the expanded universe of amateur “content creators” has helped to change tastes in such a way that many of us prefer, or at least enjoy, communication that looks as if it hasn’t been heavily produced. Even if it’s not really amateur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new breed of “social media influencers” has risen to the top of the popularity charts, including people like Jake Joseph Paul, who rose to significant fame on the now-defunct video application Vine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/0gn4RAuahHw'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/0gn4RAuahHw'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With 14 million subscribers to his YouTube channel, Paul’s not a civilian entertainer. But he’s not what people in 1993 pictured when they pictured an actor, or a filmmaker. He’s famous for being Paul, and repeatedly saying the word “peace” in a slightly obnoxious way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one person Shuler talked to back in ’93 predicted this would happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of 50 channels with nothing on, we’re going to have 500 channels with nothing on,” said Jerry Berman, then executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.eff.org\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Electronic Frontier Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665518\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 160px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-11665518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-160x237.jpeg\" alt=\"KQED's Peter Jon Shuler, circa 1993, quite possibly working on this very story.\" width=\"160\" height=\"237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-160x237.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-800x1183.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-1020x1508.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-812x1200.jpeg 812w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-1180x1745.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-960x1420.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-240x355.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-375x555.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview-520x769.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/KQED-HQ_preview.jpeg 1385w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 160px) 100vw, 160px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler, circa 1993, quite possibly working on this very story. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Peter Jon Shuler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Many of these companies have a much narrower vision of the information highway, and they think of really building a lot of capacity to deliver information downstream. In other words, from a station or a cable company to the consumer, but not a lot of bandwidth or the capability of the consumer to reach back or to reach out to other consumers,” Berman said 25 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And 25 years later, Shuler thinks Berman nailed it on the head. “I don’t think he was guessing. I think he knew what was coming. A very big signal focused at you, at the consumer, and tiny little signal reaching out pushing the other way,” Shuler says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I dunno. Nobody forces you to watch crapola. But if you don’t pay attention, your attention will be directed and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11626859/how-russian-trolls-used-silicon-valleys-influence-to-create-divisions\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">manipulated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11665511 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-800x533.jpeg\" alt=\"Still at it today, KQED's Peter Jon Shuler interviews Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-800x533.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-160x107.jpeg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1200x800.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-1180x787.jpeg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-960x640.jpeg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-240x160.jpeg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-375x250.jpeg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview-520x347.jpeg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Shuler-Cortese_preview.jpeg 1368w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Still at it today, KQED’s Peter Jon Shuler interviews Santa Clara County Supervisor Dave Cortese. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Peter Jon Shuler)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>I dug up Internet Underground Music Archive co-founder Jeff Patterson, and he told me he’s a little horrified about what’s happened to music since he and another UC Santa Cruz student started IUMA back in the day. Patterson calls what we have now a kind of “idiocracy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s surfacing to the top isn’t necessarily what’s good. You know, you have all this access to all the information you want to discover. You find yourself in front of YouTube watching cat videos, and the promise of the internet — it’s been fulfilled, but it’s also frightening,” Patterson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Rural Counties See Fastest Population Growth According to State Report\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Golden State's population is just a hair short of 40 million people -- that's according to new demographic data released by the California Department of Finance Tuesday, and the numbers reveal some interesting trends.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Scott Shafer\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anaheim Labor Unions Seek Minimum Wage Increase\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A coalition of Anaheim employee labor unions, including those that represent workers at the Disneyland Resort, turned in what they say are enough signatures to put a living wage ordinance on the ballot. \u003cem>Reporter: Michelle Wiley\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Republican Challenger for Maxine Waters' District Courts White Nationalist, Gang Voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, one of the leading Republican challengers to Congresswoman Maxine Waters is trying to assemble a broad coalition to defeat her. Perhaps the broadest in all of the state. Edwin Deturte is trying to court working class Filipinos. That makes sense, as he comes from that community. He's also actively and openly courting white nationalists in the Inglewood area, as well as active gang members, as gang members know how to organize in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Rural Counties See Fastest Population Growth According to State Report\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Golden State's population is just a hair short of 40 million people -- that's according to new demographic data released by the California Department of Finance Tuesday, and the numbers reveal some interesting trends.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Scott Shafer\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Anaheim Labor Unions Seek Minimum Wage Increase\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A coalition of Anaheim employee labor unions, including those that represent workers at the Disneyland Resort, turned in what they say are enough signatures to put a living wage ordinance on the ballot. \u003cem>Reporter: Michelle Wiley\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Republican Challenger for Maxine Waters' District Courts White Nationalist, Gang Voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Southern California, one of the leading Republican challengers to Congresswoman Maxine Waters is trying to assemble a broad coalition to defeat her. Perhaps the broadest in all of the state. Edwin Deturte is trying to court working class Filipinos. That makes sense, as he comes from that community. He's also actively and openly courting white nationalists in the Inglewood area, as well as active gang members, as gang members know how to organize in the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Why Millions of Californians Eligible for Food Stamps Don't Get Them",
"title": "Why Millions of Californians Eligible for Food Stamps Don't Get Them",
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"content": "\u003cp>Millions of low-income Californians eligible for food stamps are not receiving the benefit, earning the state one of the lowest rankings in the nation for its participation in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just three states — Utah, North Dakota and Wyoming — have lower rates of participation, according to the latest available \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/reaching-those-need-estimates-state-supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-participation-2\">federal data\u003c/a> released this year. Meanwhile, California is among the leaders on enrollment in Medi-Cal, the state's version of Medicaid, which also serves people living in low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for California's low food stamp participation rate remain a \"persistent puzzle,\" says Kim McCoy Wade, chief of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/CalFresh\">CalFresh\u003c/a> branch of the state's Department of Social Services. But she and others suggest historically poor customer service and a bulky bureaucracy have something to do with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-pym-loader data-child-src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/snap-participation-20180427/child.html\" id=\"responsive-embed-snap-participation-20180427\">Loading...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://pym.nprapps.org/npr-pym-loader.v2.min.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 4.1 million Californians, or 70 percent of those eligible, are enrolled in the food assistance program known as CalFresh. That leaves about 2 million people out, according to 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/ops/Reaching2015.pdf\">federal data cited in a January report\u003c/a>. The national average is 83 percent enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet only about 322,000 people who qualify for Medi-Cal aren't signed up, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2016/Preliminary-CalSIM-20-Regional-Remaining-Uninsured-2017.pdf\">2016 report\u003c/a> by University of California-Berkeley researchers. The researchers estimate that more than \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/taking-stock-californians-insurance-take-up-under-the-affordable-care-act/\">90 percent\u003c/a> of those eligible for Medi-Cal who don't have another source of insurance are enrolled. Medi-Cal now serves more than 13.5 million people, a number boosted significantly by Medicaid's recent expansion under the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this gap between food assistance and medical assistance, California has begun leveraging its vast pool of new Medi-Cal beneficiaries to boost enrollment in CalFresh. Officials are building upon relationships between county welfare departments and new Medi-Cal enrollees, using electronic records on Medicaid recipients to identify food stamp candidates and then are guiding them through the enrollment process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are taking the successes from the Affordable Care Act and are turning to our next-biggest program and trying to apply those lessons,\" says McCoy Wade. \"The Medi-Cal/CalFresh connection is something where we think there is a lot of room to grow.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push comes as both Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, are under threat from Washington, D.C. Just this month, Republicans in Congress unveiled a farm bill that would mandate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/04/12/601900588/republican-farm-bill-calls-on-some-snap-recipients-to-work-or-go-to-school\">stricter work requirements\u003c/a> for SNAP beneficiaries. Several times over the past few years, President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans have proposed overhauling the Medicaid program to rein in costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of California's challenges with the food stamp program is that it is administered at the county level — and there are 58 counties. Only 10 states run their programs that way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because we are decentralized ... it takes us longer to move the whole ship,\" McCoy Wade says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Medicaid, too, is run by counties, and has been more successful in signing people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Doing things to help integrate the programs can be mutually beneficial, both for saving on administrative costs and being able to enroll more families,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/author/michael-katz\">Michael Katz\u003c/a>, a research associate at the Urban Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, SNAP and Medicaid have different eligibility rules. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not a perfect overlap, but it is a pretty close Venn diagram,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://cfpa.net/our-staff/\">Jared Call\u003c/a>, managing nutrition policy advocate at California Food Policy Advocates, which works to help low-income families access healthy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several California counties have tried to be proactive in enrolling food stamp candidates from among Medi-Cal beneficiaries. San Francisco County placed a CalFresh eligibility worker at a public hospital and a community clinic. Los Angeles County mailed over 1 million flyers to Medi-Cal recipients who potentially qualified for food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bernardino County has self-service kiosks and staff members at the entrances of county offices who help people enroll in CalFresh if they are interested. \"It's a one-stop shop,\" said Nancy Hillsdale, who manages a county government office in Colton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego County, officials printed CalFresh materials for health fairs and sent texts to everyone who applied for Medi-Cal with a link to apply for the food benefits, says Rick Wanne, director of eligibility operations for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other challenges. There's a perceived stigma around food stamps. Residents can be reluctant to apply. Some immigrants living in the country legally fear that signing up for food stamps may affect their chances of becoming citizens later. (Undocumented immigrants don't \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/snap-policy-non-citizen-eligibility\">qualify\u003c/a>, but family members who are citizens do.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wanne points out that enrolling people in CalFresh is a lot tougher than enrolling them in Medicaid. \"There is a laundry list of long-standing ... rules and regulations that make it difficult to get on the program,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, applicants for CalFresh must be re-interviewed every year and update their information every six months. Medicaid, by contrast, does annual renewals without requiring interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCoy Wade says CalFresh eliminated some of the most burdensome requirements, including providing fingerprints, and it's starting to make a difference. The state increased its participation rate from 67 percent in 2014 to 70 percent in 2015, according to the January report. That occurred as the economy improved and fewer needed the help. \"We are closing the gap,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, participation can be hampered by other challenges. Lack of transportation, long lines at county offices and lack of flexibility in setting appointment times may also contribute to low participation, county officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And paperwork often gets mailed to residences, making it harder for homeless people or those who move frequently to stay enrolled. That's what happened to 25-year-old Crystle Conant, who lives only part time at her father's house in San Bernardino County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When I swipe my card at the store and it gets declined, then I know,\" she said. \"I haven't renewed in time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> (KHN) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 Kaiser Health News. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+Millions+Of+Californians+Eligible+For+Food+Stamps+Don%27t+Get+Them&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Millions of low-income Californians eligible for food stamps are not receiving the benefit, earning the state one of the lowest rankings in the nation for its participation in the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just three states — Utah, North Dakota and Wyoming — have lower rates of participation, according to the latest available \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/reaching-those-need-estimates-state-supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program-participation-2\">federal data\u003c/a> released this year. Meanwhile, California is among the leaders on enrollment in Medi-Cal, the state's version of Medicaid, which also serves people living in low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reasons for California's low food stamp participation rate remain a \"persistent puzzle,\" says Kim McCoy Wade, chief of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/CalFresh\">CalFresh\u003c/a> branch of the state's Department of Social Services. But she and others suggest historically poor customer service and a bulky bureaucracy have something to do with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp data-pym-loader data-child-src=\"https://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/snap-participation-20180427/child.html\" id=\"responsive-embed-snap-participation-20180427\">Loading...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://pym.nprapps.org/npr-pym-loader.v2.min.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 4.1 million Californians, or 70 percent of those eligible, are enrolled in the food assistance program known as CalFresh. That leaves about 2 million people out, according to 2015 \u003ca href=\"https://fns-prod.azureedge.net/sites/default/files/ops/Reaching2015.pdf\">federal data cited in a January report\u003c/a>. The national average is 83 percent enrolled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet only about 322,000 people who qualify for Medi-Cal aren't signed up, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/pdf/2016/Preliminary-CalSIM-20-Regional-Remaining-Uninsured-2017.pdf\">2016 report\u003c/a> by University of California-Berkeley researchers. The researchers estimate that more than \u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/taking-stock-californians-insurance-take-up-under-the-affordable-care-act/\">90 percent\u003c/a> of those eligible for Medi-Cal who don't have another source of insurance are enrolled. Medi-Cal now serves more than 13.5 million people, a number boosted significantly by Medicaid's recent expansion under the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address this gap between food assistance and medical assistance, California has begun leveraging its vast pool of new Medi-Cal beneficiaries to boost enrollment in CalFresh. Officials are building upon relationships between county welfare departments and new Medi-Cal enrollees, using electronic records on Medicaid recipients to identify food stamp candidates and then are guiding them through the enrollment process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We are taking the successes from the Affordable Care Act and are turning to our next-biggest program and trying to apply those lessons,\" says McCoy Wade. \"The Medi-Cal/CalFresh connection is something where we think there is a lot of room to grow.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push comes as both Medicaid and the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP, are under threat from Washington, D.C. Just this month, Republicans in Congress unveiled a farm bill that would mandate \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2018/04/12/601900588/republican-farm-bill-calls-on-some-snap-recipients-to-work-or-go-to-school\">stricter work requirements\u003c/a> for SNAP beneficiaries. Several times over the past few years, President Donald Trump and congressional Republicans have proposed overhauling the Medicaid program to rein in costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of California's challenges with the food stamp program is that it is administered at the county level — and there are 58 counties. Only 10 states run their programs that way. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Because we are decentralized ... it takes us longer to move the whole ship,\" McCoy Wade says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Medicaid, too, is run by counties, and has been more successful in signing people up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Doing things to help integrate the programs can be mutually beneficial, both for saving on administrative costs and being able to enroll more families,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://www.urban.org/author/michael-katz\">Michael Katz\u003c/a>, a research associate at the Urban Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, SNAP and Medicaid have different eligibility rules. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's not a perfect overlap, but it is a pretty close Venn diagram,\" says \u003ca href=\"https://cfpa.net/our-staff/\">Jared Call\u003c/a>, managing nutrition policy advocate at California Food Policy Advocates, which works to help low-income families access healthy food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several California counties have tried to be proactive in enrolling food stamp candidates from among Medi-Cal beneficiaries. San Francisco County placed a CalFresh eligibility worker at a public hospital and a community clinic. Los Angeles County mailed over 1 million flyers to Medi-Cal recipients who potentially qualified for food stamps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bernardino County has self-service kiosks and staff members at the entrances of county offices who help people enroll in CalFresh if they are interested. \"It's a one-stop shop,\" said Nancy Hillsdale, who manages a county government office in Colton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Diego County, officials printed CalFresh materials for health fairs and sent texts to everyone who applied for Medi-Cal with a link to apply for the food benefits, says Rick Wanne, director of eligibility operations for the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are other challenges. There's a perceived stigma around food stamps. Residents can be reluctant to apply. Some immigrants living in the country legally fear that signing up for food stamps may affect their chances of becoming citizens later. (Undocumented immigrants don't \u003ca href=\"https://www.fns.usda.gov/snap/snap-policy-non-citizen-eligibility\">qualify\u003c/a>, but family members who are citizens do.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wanne points out that enrolling people in CalFresh is a lot tougher than enrolling them in Medicaid. \"There is a laundry list of long-standing ... rules and regulations that make it difficult to get on the program,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, applicants for CalFresh must be re-interviewed every year and update their information every six months. Medicaid, by contrast, does annual renewals without requiring interviews.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McCoy Wade says CalFresh eliminated some of the most burdensome requirements, including providing fingerprints, and it's starting to make a difference. The state increased its participation rate from 67 percent in 2014 to 70 percent in 2015, according to the January report. That occurred as the economy improved and fewer needed the help. \"We are closing the gap,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, participation can be hampered by other challenges. Lack of transportation, long lines at county offices and lack of flexibility in setting appointment times may also contribute to low participation, county officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And paperwork often gets mailed to residences, making it harder for homeless people or those who move frequently to stay enrolled. That's what happened to 25-year-old Crystle Conant, who lives only part time at her father's house in San Bernardino County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"When I swipe my card at the store and it gets declined, then I know,\" she said. \"I haven't renewed in time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\">\u003cem>Kaiser Health News\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> (KHN) is a nonprofit news service covering health issues. It is an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation that is not affiliated with Kaiser Permanente.\u003c/em> \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 Kaiser Health News. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Why+Millions+Of+Californians+Eligible+For+Food+Stamps+Don%27t+Get+Them&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "For Many Mexican Immigrants, Farm Work Is Still the Only Way to the California Dream",
"title": "For Many Mexican Immigrants, Farm Work Is Still the Only Way to the California Dream",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Patricia Carabez stands by a row of black plastic crates piled high with cauliflower, apples and pears in the parking lot of a mobile home park in rural Dunnigan, 40 miles north of Sacramento. As children wander past the parking lot on their way home from school, Carabez calls out to them by name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking Spanish, she tells them to remind their parents to come pick up fresh produce. Carabez knows everybody here because she lived in one of these mobile homes until last year. Carabez says many of her former neighbors are farmworkers, like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like generations of immigrants before her, Patricia Carabez saw farm work as a steppingstone to a better life for her children. “My husband and I came here because we had a vision for a better life,” she says. “We originally planned to be in California for two years,” she says with a rueful smile. That was 21 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez works as a vegetable packer, 10-12 hours a day, six days a week. In her off-time, she volunteers at this mobile produce stand run by Yolo Food Bank twice a month. While Carabez instructs parents and children to fill a bag with fruits, veggies and bags of rice, she uses her cellphone to call other folks who haven’t shown up yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez, 39, emigrated to California with her husband from the Mexican state of Michoacan when she was 18. She started pruning and harvesting in the vineyards. She describes long days, full of physically demanding labor, with more to do on the family front, raising her two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez gave up a job as a hospital lab tech when she left Michoacan. And, even after two decades in California, she admits her heart still feels “split in two.” Despite the demands of farm labor, Carabez has few regrets about leaving Mexico. And it’s not about her own advancement — it’s for the sake of her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be very difficult for them in Mexico, because there you can only go to school if you have money,” says Carabez. “Here, my children have a great education and more opportunities than they would back home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11655838/how-california-went-from-anti-illegal-immigration-to-sanctuary-state\">How California Went From Anti-Illegal Immigration to ‘Sanctuary State’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11655838/how-california-went-from-anti-illegal-immigration-to-sanctuary-state\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/94Marchers-1180x744.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always seen the ‘California Dream’ as coming to the state and finding more opportunity than you had where you came from,” says professor Philip Martin, who studies farm labor at UC Davis. He argues that California still offers lots of opportunities to move up the socioeconomic ladder. “But in the case of farmworkers it may be the upward mobility is going to be more through the children of farmworkers rather than through the farmworkers themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/more.php?id=2060\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">90 percent\u003c/a> of California’s farmworkers hail from Mexico and \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2ubQ3YC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half that population\u003c/a> lacks documents for legal residence, according to the U.S. Department of Labor’s National Agricultural Workers Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin explains that the flow of migrants across the border has \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2IP5wB0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">slowed dramatically in recent years\u003c/a> due to changes in U.S. immigration policy, border security and an improving economy in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2000, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewhispanic.org/2015/11/19/more-mexicans-leaving-than-coming-to-the-u-s/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">one-in-four farm laborers\u003c/a> in the U.S. were recent arrivals from Mexico, meaning they had been in the U.S. less than one year, according to a Pew Research Center report. By 2013-14, the number of recently arrived crop workers had \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2IP5wB0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fallen to 1-2 percent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are still migrants coming from Mexico, says Martin, but those who come can afford to pay between $5,000 and $7,000 to a \"coyote\" (or guide) to evade U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These migrants tend to be more educated, more skilled and they’re not going to work in agriculture,” says Martin. The average crop worker in California earns $15,000 a year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2ubQ3YC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> collected in 2013-14 by the National Agricultural Workers Survey. Martin says recently arrived immigrants are in search of higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11658756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11658756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-800x525.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Alma in the kitchen of the Fresno mobile home she shares with her husband and four children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"525\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-1020x670.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-1180x775.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-960x631.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-240x158.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-375x246.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-520x342.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Alma in the kitchen of the Fresno mobile home she shares with her husband and four children. \u003ccite>(Andrew Nixon / Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a mobile home park in Fresno, Alma, a seasonal crop worker, explains her simple pursuit of the California Dream. Speaking Spanish through an interpreter, Alma says she does not feel safe being identified by her full name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma was raised by her grandparents in a rural town in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. Her grandparents grew corn, beans and squash as subsistence farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma’s mother left Oaxaca for Mexico City when Alma was a baby so she could find a job to support the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Alma was 19, she followed her mother’s example. She and her husband came to Fresno to find seasonal crop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work in the Central Valley was harder than she imagined. Other immigrants told her, “You’ll make money. But they didn’t tell us about getting up at 4 o’clock in the morning to go to the fields,” Alma says. “They didn’t tell us about the heat or the cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-four years after Alma and her husband arrived in Fresno, they are still crop workers, finding jobs season by season. Alma has harvested tree fruit and picked berries and harvested garlic. She often works by piece rate, getting paid for each box of produce she fills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma says she and her husband work together in the fields so they can keep an eye out for one another. One of her biggest challenges is working for growers who don’t pay wages on time. She says they’ve never asked for help because they don’t know who to turn to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma, her husband and four children, ages 16 to 23, cram into a run-down mobile home off Highway 99.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s safe to say the options for getting ahead in rural California may be low,\" says Martin. “But they’re higher than they would’ve been if they had stayed in rural Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11658761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11658761\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Alma demonstrates how she trims grape vines in a Fresno vineyard where she recently worked.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma demonstrates how she trims grapevines in a Fresno vineyard where she recently worked. \u003ccite>(Andrew Nixon/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alma’s children see the rough conditions of farm work. She says they know how early their parents have to leave in the morning, and how exhausted they are at day’s end. “But field labor is simply a necessity,” explains Alma. “We can’t say we don’t feel like getting up in the morning for work.” And, Alma adds, it’s the only job she knows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma’s eldest son graduated from high school in Fresno. Despite having more access to education than his parents did back in Oaxaca, he still works in the fields alongside them. He tells her he’s fine with it. But she says it’s not the life she wants for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people arriving have relatively low levels of education, then the \"California Dream\" is more typically achieved by the children of the immigrant generation that entered the farm workforce, explains Martin, the UC Davis professor. “And that would’ve been true of the Chinese, the Japanese and many other groups that passed through the revolving door of California agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650094/digging-into-the-data-how-attainable-is-the-california-dream-today\">Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650094/digging-into-the-data-how-attainable-is-the-california-dream-today\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/CADreamBear-672x372.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Back in Yolo County, you can see the potential for gradual upward mobility in Carabez’s life. She and her husband have managed to move out of the fields into work that’s less grueling. She works in a vegetable packing house. Instead of picking crops, her husband drives a tractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez says they are mainly able to make ends meet, although things get tight when her shifts drop off in the winter. She’s hopeful that her 17-year-old son’s good grades will earn him a spot at a state university to study engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma and Patricia are part of a generation of settled, aging Mexican immigrant farmworkers in California who are no longer migrating around the state to fill farm jobs. They stay in farm work because their language skills and lack of education are a barrier to landing non-farm jobs with higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with earlier waves of immigrants who toiled in California’s fields because it was the only option open to them, these women want their American-born children to have a shot at education and a better livelihood then they would have had back in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the path toward upward mobility can be slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you live in Mexico, you live in poverty,” Alma says. “Here, the work is hard. But you have a little bit more money for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California still offers opportunities to move up the socioeconomic ladder. But for migrant farmworkers, that upward mobility tends to come through their children.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Patricia Carabez stands by a row of black plastic crates piled high with cauliflower, apples and pears in the parking lot of a mobile home park in rural Dunnigan, 40 miles north of Sacramento. As children wander past the parking lot on their way home from school, Carabez calls out to them by name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking Spanish, she tells them to remind their parents to come pick up fresh produce. Carabez knows everybody here because she lived in one of these mobile homes until last year. Carabez says many of her former neighbors are farmworkers, like her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like generations of immigrants before her, Patricia Carabez saw farm work as a steppingstone to a better life for her children. “My husband and I came here because we had a vision for a better life,” she says. “We originally planned to be in California for two years,” she says with a rueful smile. That was 21 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez works as a vegetable packer, 10-12 hours a day, six days a week. In her off-time, she volunteers at this mobile produce stand run by Yolo Food Bank twice a month. While Carabez instructs parents and children to fill a bag with fruits, veggies and bags of rice, she uses her cellphone to call other folks who haven’t shown up yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez, 39, emigrated to California with her husband from the Mexican state of Michoacan when she was 18. She started pruning and harvesting in the vineyards. She describes long days, full of physically demanding labor, with more to do on the family front, raising her two children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez gave up a job as a hospital lab tech when she left Michoacan. And, even after two decades in California, she admits her heart still feels “split in two.” Despite the demands of farm labor, Carabez has few regrets about leaving Mexico. And it’s not about her own advancement — it’s for the sake of her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be very difficult for them in Mexico, because there you can only go to school if you have money,” says Carabez. “Here, my children have a great education and more opportunities than they would back home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11655838/how-california-went-from-anti-illegal-immigration-to-sanctuary-state\">How California Went From Anti-Illegal Immigration to ‘Sanctuary State’\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11655838/how-california-went-from-anti-illegal-immigration-to-sanctuary-state\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/94Marchers-1180x744.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“I’ve always seen the ‘California Dream’ as coming to the state and finding more opportunity than you had where you came from,” says professor Philip Martin, who studies farm labor at UC Davis. He argues that California still offers lots of opportunities to move up the socioeconomic ladder. “But in the case of farmworkers it may be the upward mobility is going to be more through the children of farmworkers rather than through the farmworkers themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/more.php?id=2060\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">90 percent\u003c/a> of California’s farmworkers hail from Mexico and \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2ubQ3YC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">half that population\u003c/a> lacks documents for legal residence, according to the U.S. Department of Labor’s National Agricultural Workers Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin explains that the flow of migrants across the border has \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2IP5wB0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">slowed dramatically in recent years\u003c/a> due to changes in U.S. immigration policy, border security and an improving economy in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2000, \u003ca href=\"http://www.pewhispanic.org/2015/11/19/more-mexicans-leaving-than-coming-to-the-u-s/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">one-in-four farm laborers\u003c/a> in the U.S. were recent arrivals from Mexico, meaning they had been in the U.S. less than one year, according to a Pew Research Center report. By 2013-14, the number of recently arrived crop workers had \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2IP5wB0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fallen to 1-2 percent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are still migrants coming from Mexico, says Martin, but those who come can afford to pay between $5,000 and $7,000 to a \"coyote\" (or guide) to evade U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These migrants tend to be more educated, more skilled and they’re not going to work in agriculture,” says Martin. The average crop worker in California earns $15,000 a year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://bit.ly/2ubQ3YC\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> collected in 2013-14 by the National Agricultural Workers Survey. Martin says recently arrived immigrants are in search of higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11658756\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11658756\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-800x525.jpg\" alt=\"Farmworker Alma in the kitchen of the Fresno mobile home she shares with her husband and four children.\" width=\"800\" height=\"525\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-800x525.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-1020x670.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-1180x775.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-960x631.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-240x158.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-375x246.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaCooking-520x342.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Alma in the kitchen of the Fresno mobile home she shares with her husband and four children. \u003ccite>(Andrew Nixon / Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At a mobile home park in Fresno, Alma, a seasonal crop worker, explains her simple pursuit of the California Dream. Speaking Spanish through an interpreter, Alma says she does not feel safe being identified by her full name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma was raised by her grandparents in a rural town in the Mexican state of Oaxaca. Her grandparents grew corn, beans and squash as subsistence farmers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma’s mother left Oaxaca for Mexico City when Alma was a baby so she could find a job to support the family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Alma was 19, she followed her mother’s example. She and her husband came to Fresno to find seasonal crop work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The work in the Central Valley was harder than she imagined. Other immigrants told her, “You’ll make money. But they didn’t tell us about getting up at 4 o’clock in the morning to go to the fields,” Alma says. “They didn’t tell us about the heat or the cold.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twenty-four years after Alma and her husband arrived in Fresno, they are still crop workers, finding jobs season by season. Alma has harvested tree fruit and picked berries and harvested garlic. She often works by piece rate, getting paid for each box of produce she fills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma says she and her husband work together in the fields so they can keep an eye out for one another. One of her biggest challenges is working for growers who don’t pay wages on time. She says they’ve never asked for help because they don’t know who to turn to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma, her husband and four children, ages 16 to 23, cram into a run-down mobile home off Highway 99.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s safe to say the options for getting ahead in rural California may be low,\" says Martin. “But they’re higher than they would’ve been if they had stayed in rural Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11658761\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11658761\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Alma demonstrates how she trims grape vines in a Fresno vineyard where she recently worked.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-960x640.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/AlmaTrimming-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alma demonstrates how she trims grapevines in a Fresno vineyard where she recently worked. \u003ccite>(Andrew Nixon/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alma’s children see the rough conditions of farm work. She says they know how early their parents have to leave in the morning, and how exhausted they are at day’s end. “But field labor is simply a necessity,” explains Alma. “We can’t say we don’t feel like getting up in the morning for work.” And, Alma adds, it’s the only job she knows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma’s eldest son graduated from high school in Fresno. Despite having more access to education than his parents did back in Oaxaca, he still works in the fields alongside them. He tells her he’s fine with it. But she says it’s not the life she wants for her children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When people arriving have relatively low levels of education, then the \"California Dream\" is more typically achieved by the children of the immigrant generation that entered the farm workforce, explains Martin, the UC Davis professor. “And that would’ve been true of the Chinese, the Japanese and many other groups that passed through the revolving door of California agriculture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650094/digging-into-the-data-how-attainable-is-the-california-dream-today\">Digging Into the Data: How Attainable Is the California Dream Today?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11650094/digging-into-the-data-how-attainable-is-the-california-dream-today\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/CADreamBear-672x372.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Back in Yolo County, you can see the potential for gradual upward mobility in Carabez’s life. She and her husband have managed to move out of the fields into work that’s less grueling. She works in a vegetable packing house. Instead of picking crops, her husband drives a tractor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carabez says they are mainly able to make ends meet, although things get tight when her shifts drop off in the winter. She’s hopeful that her 17-year-old son’s good grades will earn him a spot at a state university to study engineering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alma and Patricia are part of a generation of settled, aging Mexican immigrant farmworkers in California who are no longer migrating around the state to fill farm jobs. They stay in farm work because their language skills and lack of education are a barrier to landing non-farm jobs with higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As with earlier waves of immigrants who toiled in California’s fields because it was the only option open to them, these women want their American-born children to have a shot at education and a better livelihood then they would have had back in Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the path toward upward mobility can be slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you live in Mexico, you live in poverty,” Alma says. “Here, the work is hard. But you have a little bit more money for food.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Protesters Are a No-Show for Right-Wing Provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos at Cal Poly\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Cal Poly San Luis Obispo administrators have spent weeks preparing for a Thursday night appearance by Milo Yiannopoulos at a panel hosted by College Republicans and the right-wing organization Turning Point USA. The university brought in police from all 23 California State University system campuses in advance of the event. KCBX’s Tyler Pratt tells Penny Nelson what happened.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Tyler Pratt\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Los Angeles Police Commission Asks Residents What They Want in a Police Chief\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The L.A. Police Department is getting ready to pick a new leader. Chief Charlie Beck is retiring this summer and city officials have asked the community what they’re looking for. The next chief will follow in the footsteps of two leaders who were seen as reformers.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Jenny Hamel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>For a Young Immigrant, Growing Up in California Meant Leaving Her Parents\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>All this week, KQED -- which produces The California Report -- let high school students take over our airwaves to bring us stories you might not otherwise hear. Today, a young woman gets at the heart of what it's like to be a teenager many miles away from your parents. Lupita Garcia lives in Silicon Valley with her sister and grandmother, while her parents remain in the state of Michoacán, Mexico.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Penny Nelson\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>New Los Angeles Soccer Team Wants to Lift Up the Community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This Sunday a new soccer stadium debuts in South Los Angeles, along with its new team, the Los Angeles Football Club. The stadium arrived with a $350 million price tag and three years invested in developing support and fans from the ground up. KCRW’s Saul Gonzalez tells Penny Nelson the team says its relationship to the neighborhood will be different from many other sports facilities.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Saul Gonzalez\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11658702/for-many-mexican-immigrants-farm-work-is-still-the-only-way-to-the-california-dream\">For Many Immigrants From Mexico, Farm Work is Still the Only Way to the California Dream\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A piece of the California Dream has always belonged to immigrants who saw field work as a stepping stone to improve their lives. That story is shifting with fewer migrants crossing the border from Mexico. But for many California farmworkers, the only path forward is still through the fields.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Julia Mitric\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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