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"content": "\u003cp>John Cox wants to slash the California income tax — abolish it, if possible. Maybe you disagree, but he thinks he can convince you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know why Texas and Florida have no income taxes and we do,” he said, during a recent conversation at CALmatters. “Texas, you know, is growing. Florida is growing. They’re getting tons of businesses and tons of people moving there that we could use here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the leading Republican candidate for governor, he’s got other big ideas for reform — bold and seemingly far-fetched in California’s current political climate. He wants to revamp the Legislature by dividing the state into 12,000 neighborhood-sized districts, which he insists will take the corrosive influence of monied special interests out of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also wants to give education vouchers to private school students and enable more home schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How should the state solve its housing shortage? Cut environmental regulations, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What about the plight of mentally ill homeless? Charities and nonprofits can and will lead the way, not the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What book should every Californian read? No surprise there: “Free to Choose” by the libertarian economist, Milton Friedman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox hails from a school of conservatism, marked by a bright-eyed confidence in the power of unregulated markets to lift all boats, that almost feels like a throwback in the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Cox didn’t support the president in 2016, voting instead for the Libertarian Party candidate, Gary Johnson. That’s a fact that Cox’s Republican competitor in the race, Assemblyman Travis Allen from Huntington Beach, is constantly reminding voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox says he regrets that decision now, but he clearly draws his cues from an older strain of Republican: President Ronald Reagan and the football player-turned-supply side loving congressman Jack Kemp. Cox sat on Kemp’s national steering committee when he ran for president in the late 1980s and often introduces himself on the campaign trail a “Jack Kemp conservative.” The resemblance is clear. Like Kemp, Cox seems earnest, cheerful and he’s unflinchingly optimistic that in the end, the right ideas — namely, his — will win the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d have to be optimistic to run for governor of California as a conservative Republican in 2018. But Cox — who has lost previous bids to be elected to Congress, the U.S. Senate and the White House — says he’s already planning his first term in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of mismanagement and a lot of improvements I could make,” he said. “I’m going to have fun turning around this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Republican hasn’t been elected to statewide office in California since 2006. Registered independents may soon outnumber registered Republicans. The president is historically unpopular and the Democratic base is riled up. But Cox has never been discouraged by long odds. In his native Illinois, he ran for Congress and came in fifth in the Republican primary. Then he ran for Senate in 2002 and 2004, losing twice. In 2008, when he ran for president on a promise to abolish the Internal Revenue Service, he wasn’t even invited to any of the presidential debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the deep-pocketed businessman is running again and has done surprisingly well up to now: The most recent polls show Cox in second place behind Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. But the guy in third place, Democrat Antonio Villaraigosa, just got a huge political lift — charter school backers intend to pour more than $8 million into his effort to bump off Cox and secure one of the top two slots that will put him on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, Californians split across six candidates — four Democrats and two Republicans — Cox was able to pull into the number two spot with only 15 percent of the likely vote. Maybe that modest success is due to Cox’s ability to spend more than many of his opponents. Maybe it’s because he’s the conservative in the race who isn’t Allen, a firebrand who has built his campaign around his support of President Trump and his opposition to illegal immigration. Cox has his own explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, Cox told a story of how he had struck up a conversation with an airport security guard that morning. After telling him about his plans to cut taxes and regulations, Cox said, he won the TSA agent’s support on the spot. “The woman in front of him in line heard this whole discussion and she said the same thing!” he said. “People just want something to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>John Cox wants to slash the California income tax — abolish it, if possible. Maybe you disagree, but he thinks he can convince you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know why Texas and Florida have no income taxes and we do,” he said, during a recent conversation at CALmatters. “Texas, you know, is growing. Florida is growing. They’re getting tons of businesses and tons of people moving there that we could use here in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the leading Republican candidate for governor, he’s got other big ideas for reform — bold and seemingly far-fetched in California’s current political climate. He wants to revamp the Legislature by dividing the state into 12,000 neighborhood-sized districts, which he insists will take the corrosive influence of monied special interests out of politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also wants to give education vouchers to private school students and enable more home schooling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How should the state solve its housing shortage? Cut environmental regulations, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What about the plight of mentally ill homeless? Charities and nonprofits can and will lead the way, not the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What book should every Californian read? No surprise there: “Free to Choose” by the libertarian economist, Milton Friedman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox hails from a school of conservatism, marked by a bright-eyed confidence in the power of unregulated markets to lift all boats, that almost feels like a throwback in the Trump era.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Cox didn’t support the president in 2016, voting instead for the Libertarian Party candidate, Gary Johnson. That’s a fact that Cox’s Republican competitor in the race, Assemblyman Travis Allen from Huntington Beach, is constantly reminding voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cox says he regrets that decision now, but he clearly draws his cues from an older strain of Republican: President Ronald Reagan and the football player-turned-supply side loving congressman Jack Kemp. Cox sat on Kemp’s national steering committee when he ran for president in the late 1980s and often introduces himself on the campaign trail a “Jack Kemp conservative.” The resemblance is clear. Like Kemp, Cox seems earnest, cheerful and he’s unflinchingly optimistic that in the end, the right ideas — namely, his — will win the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d have to be optimistic to run for governor of California as a conservative Republican in 2018. But Cox — who has lost previous bids to be elected to Congress, the U.S. Senate and the White House — says he’s already planning his first term in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of mismanagement and a lot of improvements I could make,” he said. “I’m going to have fun turning around this state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Republican hasn’t been elected to statewide office in California since 2006. Registered independents may soon outnumber registered Republicans. The president is historically unpopular and the Democratic base is riled up. But Cox has never been discouraged by long odds. In his native Illinois, he ran for Congress and came in fifth in the Republican primary. Then he ran for Senate in 2002 and 2004, losing twice. In 2008, when he ran for president on a promise to abolish the Internal Revenue Service, he wasn’t even invited to any of the presidential debates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the deep-pocketed businessman is running again and has done surprisingly well up to now: The most recent polls show Cox in second place behind Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom. But the guy in third place, Democrat Antonio Villaraigosa, just got a huge political lift — charter school backers intend to pour more than $8 million into his effort to bump off Cox and secure one of the top two slots that will put him on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Granted, Californians split across six candidates — four Democrats and two Republicans — Cox was able to pull into the number two spot with only 15 percent of the likely vote. Maybe that modest success is due to Cox’s ability to spend more than many of his opponents. Maybe it’s because he’s the conservative in the race who isn’t Allen, a firebrand who has built his campaign around his support of President Trump and his opposition to illegal immigration. Cox has his own explanation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the meeting, Cox told a story of how he had struck up a conversation with an airport security guard that morning. After telling him about his plans to cut taxes and regulations, Cox said, he won the TSA agent’s support on the spot. “The woman in front of him in line heard this whole discussion and she said the same thing!” he said. “People just want something to change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Having a Job (or Two, or Three) Doesn't Mean You Can Afford a Place to Live in California",
"title": "Having a Job (or Two, or Three) Doesn't Mean You Can Afford a Place to Live in California",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sandwiched between California’s iconic Highway 101 and the Pacific Ocean is a parking lot in Encinitas, where Chad Bordes’ car doubled as his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pounded and the wind blew; it was 3:30 a.m. in mid-March and still dark outside. Bordes emerged from the front seat of his gray Nissan Altima, wearing a T-shirt, jeans and flip-flops. He walked over to his trunk that also served as his closet. The newness of the day had him bleary eyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wake up and you’re like, 'Oh, I’m in my car,'” Bordes said. “It’s like a bad episode of ‘Groundhog Day,’ every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes lived out of his car for the month of March. It was light years from what he imagined for himself. Bordes is 46 years old. He has an MBA from the University of Phoenix. He drives Uber and Lyft and has a part-time job with an online car auction company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s not enough to pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a time, Bordes was among the estimated 134,000 Californians who are homeless, according to the California Department of Housing and Community Development. The state doesn’t keep track of how many of those people have jobs. But, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">as the cost of living in California continues to rise\u003c/a>, some residents find themselves with jobs that don’t pay enough to afford a stable place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the end of February, Bordes rented a room in a home in Encinitas for $750 a month. But the owner decided to sell, and Bordes’s take-home pay of between $2,000 and $2,400 a month wasn’t enough to get a one-bedroom apartment in San Diego, where the average rent for a one-bedroom runs about $1,700 a month, according to MarketPointe Realty Advisors in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, he lived in his car for a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, he found a room in a home in Vista for $450 on Craigslist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty small,\" Bordes said. “It’s an 8-by-8. It’s actually a laundry room. It’s got a closet. It’s got windows. It’s a place to rest my head.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s grateful for the room but “this situation is month-to-month. I don’t know how long the person I am living there with will stay there. I mean, it’s a likely possibility that I might end up in my car again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657217/thousands-of-college-hopefuls-could-leave-california-and-never-come-back\">Thousands of College Hopefuls Could Leave California, and Never Come Back\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657217/thousands-of-college-hopefuls-could-leave-california-and-never-come-back\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS30018_CADCOLLEGEACCESSPHOTO-qut-1180x767.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bordes owes nearly $100,000 in student loan debt on his MBA. His monthly payments to pay that down amount to $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has had financial problems in the past. Bordes filed for bankruptcy in 2003 after a divorce. But he said he has worked hard to rebuild his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3:45 a.m., Bordes' workday began. “All right, another day in paradise,” he said as he drove out to the gas station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A full tank cost him $55. Then he checked Uber and Lyft ride requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m looking for the longer rides, 45 minutes plus,” Bordes said. “I like to do two of those in the morning because it starts me off with $70 or $80 in the morning right off the bat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 4:30 a.m., his smartphone pinged. He picked up a couple in the northern tip of San Diego County to take them to the airport. He made $40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 7 a.m., Bordes went to a gym to shower and change into a fresh set of clothes. By 7:30 a.m., he was out the door to start his next job. Already, he was tired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His shift selling cars online ended at 3 p.m., and he went back to driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very exhausting,” Bordes said. “There are times during the day when I’ll just turn the apps off, if I am not working at my other job, and just try to catch a 15-minute nap because I’m exhausted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p-GW21x96VA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Bordes was living in his car, he made sure to leave room in his trunk for his passenger’s luggage. He hid his own belongings -- clothes, laptop, pillow and blanket -- tucked underneath a black towel. He didn’t often talk about his living circumstances but said the typical reaction when he did was one of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s shock,” Bordes said. “It’s like, ’Whoa, why are you living in your car?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes asked himself that same question. He thought his MBA would have enabled him to get a job that paid at least between $75,000 and $100,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought the degree would make me more marketable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it hasn’t paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes said he sneaks in time during the day to search for sales and marketing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, he has received only rejections. Bordes said he hasn’t even gotten a call back for entry-level jobs that start at $36,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654616/for-the-middle-class-the-california-dream-has-become-a-california-joke\">For the Middle Class, the California Dream Has Become a California Joke\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654616/for-the-middle-class-the-california-dream-has-become-a-california-joke\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MiddleClassDream-1020x747.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t know why exactly. He guesses that’s because he’s not using keywords in his resume that would prompt a company to respond, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/mar/15/californias-middle-class-decline-despite-states-im/\">or maybe there just aren’t enough middle-income jobs\u003c/a>, or perhaps his MBA makes him overqualified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wake up in the morning and I’m just sad and I think, God, I wish things were different,\" he said. \"I wish I would have gone down a different track or gotten a different degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wondering. The work. The living situation. It has drained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times I just get really emotional,” Bordes said. “I just start crying. I get really sad. One of the things I think about is, 'Oh, yeah my parents would be real proud of me, 46, living in my car.' My parents had bigger dreams. My dad never went to college. My mom didn’t go to college either. They held bigger dreams for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was fire in his eyes when asked what he would like to know from California’s politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How did we get here?” Bordes wanted to know. “How did we get to a point where we devalue human life to where it’s OK if we step over homeless people? Why isn’t there more housing being built for lower-income families? What are we doing to bring more jobs in?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another two-hour Uber/Lyft shift, at 8:30 p.m., Bordes finished his day. His fatigue left him cynical about how the state’s politicians might answer him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t care,” Bordes said. “Honestly, they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sandwiched between California’s iconic Highway 101 and the Pacific Ocean is a parking lot in Encinitas, where Chad Bordes’ car doubled as his home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pounded and the wind blew; it was 3:30 a.m. in mid-March and still dark outside. Bordes emerged from the front seat of his gray Nissan Altima, wearing a T-shirt, jeans and flip-flops. He walked over to his trunk that also served as his closet. The newness of the day had him bleary eyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You wake up and you’re like, 'Oh, I’m in my car,'” Bordes said. “It’s like a bad episode of ‘Groundhog Day,’ every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes lived out of his car for the month of March. It was light years from what he imagined for himself. Bordes is 46 years old. He has an MBA from the University of Phoenix. He drives Uber and Lyft and has a part-time job with an online car auction company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, it’s not enough to pay the bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a time, Bordes was among the estimated 134,000 Californians who are homeless, according to the California Department of Housing and Community Development. The state doesn’t keep track of how many of those people have jobs. But, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\">as the cost of living in California continues to rise\u003c/a>, some residents find themselves with jobs that don’t pay enough to afford a stable place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Until the end of February, Bordes rented a room in a home in Encinitas for $750 a month. But the owner decided to sell, and Bordes’s take-home pay of between $2,000 and $2,400 a month wasn’t enough to get a one-bedroom apartment in San Diego, where the average rent for a one-bedroom runs about $1,700 a month, according to MarketPointe Realty Advisors in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, he lived in his car for a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, he found a room in a home in Vista for $450 on Craigslist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s pretty small,\" Bordes said. “It’s an 8-by-8. It’s actually a laundry room. It’s got a closet. It’s got windows. It’s a place to rest my head.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said he’s grateful for the room but “this situation is month-to-month. I don’t know how long the person I am living there with will stay there. I mean, it’s a likely possibility that I might end up in my car again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657217/thousands-of-college-hopefuls-could-leave-california-and-never-come-back\">Thousands of College Hopefuls Could Leave California, and Never Come Back\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11657217/thousands-of-college-hopefuls-could-leave-california-and-never-come-back\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/RS30018_CADCOLLEGEACCESSPHOTO-qut-1180x767.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Bordes owes nearly $100,000 in student loan debt on his MBA. His monthly payments to pay that down amount to $1,300.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has had financial problems in the past. Bordes filed for bankruptcy in 2003 after a divorce. But he said he has worked hard to rebuild his credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 3:45 a.m., Bordes' workday began. “All right, another day in paradise,” he said as he drove out to the gas station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A full tank cost him $55. Then he checked Uber and Lyft ride requests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I’m looking for the longer rides, 45 minutes plus,” Bordes said. “I like to do two of those in the morning because it starts me off with $70 or $80 in the morning right off the bat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 4:30 a.m., his smartphone pinged. He picked up a couple in the northern tip of San Diego County to take them to the airport. He made $40.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 7 a.m., Bordes went to a gym to shower and change into a fresh set of clothes. By 7:30 a.m., he was out the door to start his next job. Already, he was tired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His shift selling cars online ended at 3 p.m., and he went back to driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very exhausting,” Bordes said. “There are times during the day when I’ll just turn the apps off, if I am not working at my other job, and just try to catch a 15-minute nap because I’m exhausted.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/p-GW21x96VA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/p-GW21x96VA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>When Bordes was living in his car, he made sure to leave room in his trunk for his passenger’s luggage. He hid his own belongings -- clothes, laptop, pillow and blanket -- tucked underneath a black towel. He didn’t often talk about his living circumstances but said the typical reaction when he did was one of disbelief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s shock,” Bordes said. “It’s like, ’Whoa, why are you living in your car?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes asked himself that same question. He thought his MBA would have enabled him to get a job that paid at least between $75,000 and $100,000 a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thought the degree would make me more marketable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it hasn’t paid off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordes said he sneaks in time during the day to search for sales and marketing jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, he has received only rejections. Bordes said he hasn’t even gotten a call back for entry-level jobs that start at $36,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654616/for-the-middle-class-the-california-dream-has-become-a-california-joke\">For the Middle Class, the California Dream Has Become a California Joke\u003cbr>\n\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11654616/for-the-middle-class-the-california-dream-has-become-a-california-joke\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/MiddleClassDream-1020x747.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t know why exactly. He guesses that’s because he’s not using keywords in his resume that would prompt a company to respond, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/mar/15/californias-middle-class-decline-despite-states-im/\">or maybe there just aren’t enough middle-income jobs\u003c/a>, or perhaps his MBA makes him overqualified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wake up in the morning and I’m just sad and I think, God, I wish things were different,\" he said. \"I wish I would have gone down a different track or gotten a different degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wondering. The work. The living situation. It has drained him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are times I just get really emotional,” Bordes said. “I just start crying. I get really sad. One of the things I think about is, 'Oh, yeah my parents would be real proud of me, 46, living in my car.' My parents had bigger dreams. My dad never went to college. My mom didn’t go to college either. They held bigger dreams for me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there was fire in his eyes when asked what he would like to know from California’s politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How did we get here?” Bordes wanted to know. “How did we get to a point where we devalue human life to where it’s OK if we step over homeless people? Why isn’t there more housing being built for lower-income families? What are we doing to bring more jobs in?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After another two-hour Uber/Lyft shift, at 8:30 p.m., Bordes finished his day. His fatigue left him cynical about how the state’s politicians might answer him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t care,” Bordes said. “Honestly, they don’t care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003ch2>Muslim Families Rally at State Capitol for Bullying Protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of California-based Muslim families lobbied lawmakers at the capitol Monday for more protections at the state level. One of the bills they are pushing for would require all schools to have bullying prevention guidelines.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Farida Jhabvala-Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660885/having-a-job-or-two-or-three-doesnt-mean-you-can-afford-a-place-to-live-in-california\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">An MBA, Three Part-Time Jobs And Still Struggling To Pay For Housing In California\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An estimated 134,000 Californians were homeless last year, a 14% jump from 2016. The state doesn’t keep track of how many of those people have jobs, but we know there are many Californians that work and still can’t afford a stable living situation. They piece together housing, always on the edge of homelessness.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Amita Sharma\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Leandro Students Share Stories of High School Life\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This week, the California Report is participating in \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/education/2018/04/18/youth-takeover-of-kqed-news-starts-april-23/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Youth Takeover\u003c/a>, a partnership between KQED and local high schools. Students at San Leandro high school are going to bring us stories they came up with, pitched, and produced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003ch2>Muslim Families Rally at State Capitol for Bullying Protections\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of California-based Muslim families lobbied lawmakers at the capitol Monday for more protections at the state level. One of the bills they are pushing for would require all schools to have bullying prevention guidelines.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Farida Jhabvala-Romero\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11660885/having-a-job-or-two-or-three-doesnt-mean-you-can-afford-a-place-to-live-in-california\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">An MBA, Three Part-Time Jobs And Still Struggling To Pay For Housing In California\u003c/a>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>An estimated 134,000 Californians were homeless last year, a 14% jump from 2016. The state doesn’t keep track of how many of those people have jobs, but we know there are many Californians that work and still can’t afford a stable living situation. They piece together housing, always on the edge of homelessness.\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>Reporter: Amita Sharma\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Leandro Students Share Stories of High School Life\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This week, the California Report is participating in \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/education/2018/04/18/youth-takeover-of-kqed-news-starts-april-23/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Youth Takeover\u003c/a>, a partnership between KQED and local high schools. Students at San Leandro high school are going to bring us stories they came up with, pitched, and produced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Inside the Fight for the 'Soul' of California's GOP",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the June primary approaching, there is a fight underway for the identity of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need bold ideas,” President Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, told cheering GOP activists at the state party convention last fall. “Ideas like Donald Trump ran on, like build the wall, right? Protect our southern border. Reduce legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months later, and 25 miles north, Republican Assemblyman Chad Mayes led a smaller gathering to offer an opposite message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be able to grow and expand, we have to move beyond this nationalist model,” said Mayes, elected in 2014 to represent parts of Riverside and San Bernardino counties. “We’ve got to start having conversations with folks of all different colors, creeds, sexual orientation. We have to go to folks who we don’t traditionally go to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon gave the convention’s keynote address in a plush hotel ballroom room in Anaheim. Mayes organized his event at a youth center in Boyle Heights, a low-income, largely Latino neighborhood just east of downtown Los Angeles. About 200 people sat on folding chairs laid out across the center’s basketball court, their backs to the tattered ropes of a boxing ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contrasting scenes featured contrasting solutions to the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind Bannon, the convention’s backdrop read, “Electing Republicans in a Blue State” — a testament to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">how much ground the GOP has lost\u003c/a> to Democrats in California over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state party officials and activists have aligned themselves with President Trump’s brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, Mayes wants to broaden the party’s appeal leftward, by taking stances that run counter to Trump’s and Bannon’s. Advocates for the two approaches are at odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664151\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-520x354.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Some Want to Change the Tune\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We are here because the soul of our great Republican Party that inspired each and every single one of us is worth fighting for,” said former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the keynote speaker in east L.A. at the first meeting of New Way California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Republican elected to California’s top office has long called for the party to moderate its tone and reach out to the state’s diverse pool of voters, who have increasingly turned away from the GOP over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we are the Titanic after it hit the iceberg, but before the last bit of the ship submerged,” Schwarzenegger said, drawing chuckles. “But unlike the Titanic, we might be able to save Leonardo DiCaprio before he goes under.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have not won a statewide election since 2010 and their share of registered voters has fallen to about 25 percent. Only 16 percent of Latinos, the state’s largest racial or ethnic demographic, are registered Republicans, according to a 2017 study by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">How the Home of Reagan Turned Into the Trump Resistance\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/JerryBrownRonaldReagan-1180x934.jpg\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mayes says appealing to those groups requires finding compromises with Democrats — rather than operating as an opposition party — and moving away from divisive social debates over illegal immigration, affirmative action and same-sex marriage, which have coincided with an erosion in support from Latino, Asian and LGBT voters over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried for so long the yelling and screaming and telling people that don’t agree with us 100 percent of the time that they’re taking this country down the road to hell,” Mayes said. “And it seemed as Republicans were doing that, that our numbers were getting worse and worse and worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he wants to focus on poverty and the state’s record income inequality, making the case that taxes and regulations are to blame for California’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pitch found traction with Ruben Guerra, CEO of the Latin Business Association in Los Angeles and a Democrat who voted for Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of these regulations and some of these laws, even I say c’mon guys, really? Wake up,” Guerra said. “I’ve been a Democrat all my life, but now I’m not loyal to that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democratic and Republican party officials downplay the ability of New Way to catch on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is kind of ridiculous,” said Eric Bauman, the chairman of the California Democratic Party. “Do I think it’s the right way to go if I was the chair of the Republican Party? Sure. But the people who are the activists in the Republican Party and the people who are the elected officials in the Republican Party, this is not where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ideologies Collide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayes and his party have already clashed heads over their competing approaches and platforms. Last year, when Mayes was the leader of Republicans in the state Assembly, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613044/gop-leader-facing-a-coup-for-supporting-climate-change-bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck a deal with Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a>. He and six other Assembly members provided key votes to pass an extension of the climate change program, cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayes describes it as a practical vote, which gave Republicans leverage to negotiate other tax cuts and credits in the deal and allows businesses, manufacturers and oil companies to cut emissions in their preferred manner. Those industries all supported the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I think the tone of all of our legislators is... frankly too tame. I would make their tone more strident ... on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.'\u003ccite>Harmeet Dhillon\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He joined Brown for a celebratory press conference after the vote. That infuriated party activists, who argue the vote raised costs on consumers, especially fuel prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the coup de grâce for Chad’s standing in the party was the open embrace of the governor at the press conference,” says Harmeet Dhillon, the Republican National Committeewoman from California. “And I think that really caused the rift in the party. He didn’t see it. He thought it was his own party to do with it what he wanted, even though his view was a minority view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon led the successful effort to oust Mayes as Assembly Republican leader — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11614857/ousted-leaders-advice-to-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he stepped down\u003c/a> a month after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This election, Mayes faces two Republican primary challengers from his right, both challenging him due to the cap-and-trade vote. A local activist group, the Redlands Tea Party Patriots, has endorsed one of them, Andrew Kotyuk, a San Jacinto councilman, while urging the other, retired Palm Springs police chief Gary Jeandron, to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Republican Party committees in his district and the state party also voted for Mayes’ resignation as party leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1200x806.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1180x793.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-960x645.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-240x161.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-375x252.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-520x349.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, Dhillon describes the New Way group as “Democrats-lite,” who are diverging from the values of the party. “We have to hold onto the seats that we have, but with a certain branding,” Dhillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the tone of all of our legislators in Sacramento is very measured and frankly too tame,” Dhillon said. “I would make their tone more strident, if anything, on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>GOP Seats Up for Grabs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The old and New Way approaches will face off in the June primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are targeting long-held Republican congressional seats in Orange County and northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One race, in particular, will be demonstrative. Longtime Republican congressman Darrell Issa, who funded the recall that led to Schwarzenegger’s election as governor and hounded President Obama as chairman of the House Oversight Committee, faces poor polling numbers and is retiring from a seat that was once solidly the GOP’s. The race to replace him includes several well-funded Democrats, including environmental attorney Mike Levin, former nonprofit CEO Sara Jacobs and retired Marine colonel Doug Applegate, who lost to Issa in the last general election by a mere 1,600 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey has endorsements from the area’s prominent conservatives, including Issa and the county Republican parties, while San Diego County Board of Supervisors chairwoman Kristin Gaspar is another prominent conservative Republican who entered the race late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straddling the middle is Republican Assemblyman Rocky Chavez, one of New Way’s founding members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could be an early test of which kind of Republican remains viable with California voters, if any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "While state GOP officials have aligned themselves with President Trump's brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, others want to broaden the party's appeal leftward.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the June primary approaching, there is a fight underway for the identity of the California Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need bold ideas,” President Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, told cheering GOP activists at the state party convention last fall. “Ideas like Donald Trump ran on, like build the wall, right? Protect our southern border. Reduce legal immigration.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Six months later, and 25 miles north, Republican Assemblyman Chad Mayes led a smaller gathering to offer an opposite message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For us to be able to grow and expand, we have to move beyond this nationalist model,” said Mayes, elected in 2014 to represent parts of Riverside and San Bernardino counties. “We’ve got to start having conversations with folks of all different colors, creeds, sexual orientation. We have to go to folks who we don’t traditionally go to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bannon gave the convention’s keynote address in a plush hotel ballroom room in Anaheim. Mayes organized his event at a youth center in Boyle Heights, a low-income, largely Latino neighborhood just east of downtown Los Angeles. About 200 people sat on folding chairs laid out across the center’s basketball court, their backs to the tattered ropes of a boxing ring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contrasting scenes featured contrasting solutions to the same problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind Bannon, the convention’s backdrop read, “Electing Republicans in a Blue State” — a testament to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">how much ground the GOP has lost\u003c/a> to Democrats in California over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While state party officials and activists have aligned themselves with President Trump’s brand of conservatism to tap the enthusiasm of their base, Mayes wants to broaden the party’s appeal leftward, by taking stances that run counter to Trump’s and Bannon’s. Advocates for the two approaches are at odds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664151\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664151\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg\" alt=\"Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017.\" width=\"800\" height=\"545\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-800x545.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-160x109.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-960x653.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-240x163.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-375x255.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP-520x354.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/BannonAtGOP.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve Bannon speaks at the California Republican Party convention in Anaheim on Oct. 20, 2017. \u003ccite>(Scott Shafer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Some Want to Change the Tune\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“We are here because the soul of our great Republican Party that inspired each and every single one of us is worth fighting for,” said former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, the keynote speaker in east L.A. at the first meeting of New Way California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last Republican elected to California’s top office has long called for the party to moderate its tone and reach out to the state’s diverse pool of voters, who have increasingly turned away from the GOP over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today we are the Titanic after it hit the iceberg, but before the last bit of the ship submerged,” Schwarzenegger said, drawing chuckles. “But unlike the Titanic, we might be able to save Leonardo DiCaprio before he goes under.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans have not won a statewide election since 2010 and their share of registered voters has fallen to about 25 percent. Only 16 percent of Latinos, the state’s largest racial or ethnic demographic, are registered Republicans, according to a 2017 study by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">How the Home of Reagan Turned Into the Trump Resistance\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11653105/how-the-home-of-reagan-turned-into-the-trump-resistance\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/03/JerryBrownRonaldReagan-1180x934.jpg\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Mayes says appealing to those groups requires finding compromises with Democrats — rather than operating as an opposition party — and moving away from divisive social debates over illegal immigration, affirmative action and same-sex marriage, which have coincided with an erosion in support from Latino, Asian and LGBT voters over the past two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried for so long the yelling and screaming and telling people that don’t agree with us 100 percent of the time that they’re taking this country down the road to hell,” Mayes said. “And it seemed as Republicans were doing that, that our numbers were getting worse and worse and worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, he wants to focus on poverty and the state’s record income inequality, making the case that taxes and regulations are to blame for California’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That pitch found traction with Ruben Guerra, CEO of the Latin Business Association in Los Angeles and a Democrat who voted for Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of these regulations and some of these laws, even I say c’mon guys, really? Wake up,” Guerra said. “I’ve been a Democrat all my life, but now I’m not loyal to that anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Democratic and Republican party officials downplay the ability of New Way to catch on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is kind of ridiculous,” said Eric Bauman, the chairman of the California Democratic Party. “Do I think it’s the right way to go if I was the chair of the Republican Party? Sure. But the people who are the activists in the Republican Party and the people who are the elected officials in the Republican Party, this is not where they are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ideologies Collide\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayes and his party have already clashed heads over their competing approaches and platforms. Last year, when Mayes was the leader of Republicans in the state Assembly, he \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11613044/gop-leader-facing-a-coup-for-supporting-climate-change-bill\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">struck a deal with Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/a>. He and six other Assembly members provided key votes to pass an extension of the climate change program, cap and trade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayes describes it as a practical vote, which gave Republicans leverage to negotiate other tax cuts and credits in the deal and allows businesses, manufacturers and oil companies to cut emissions in their preferred manner. Those industries all supported the deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I think the tone of all of our legislators is... frankly too tame. I would make their tone more strident ... on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.'\u003ccite>Harmeet Dhillon\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>He joined Brown for a celebratory press conference after the vote. That infuriated party activists, who argue the vote raised costs on consumers, especially fuel prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the coup de grâce for Chad’s standing in the party was the open embrace of the governor at the press conference,” says Harmeet Dhillon, the Republican National Committeewoman from California. “And I think that really caused the rift in the party. He didn’t see it. He thought it was his own party to do with it what he wanted, even though his view was a minority view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon led the successful effort to oust Mayes as Assembly Republican leader — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11614857/ousted-leaders-advice-to-fellow-republicans-stop-repelling-californians\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">he stepped down\u003c/a> a month after the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This election, Mayes faces two Republican primary challengers from his right, both challenging him due to the cap-and-trade vote. A local activist group, the Redlands Tea Party Patriots, has endorsed one of them, Andrew Kotyuk, a San Jacinto councilman, while urging the other, retired Palm Springs police chief Gary Jeandron, to drop out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local Republican Party committees in his district and the state party also voted for Mayes’ resignation as party leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11664162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11664162\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg\" alt=\"Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\" width=\"800\" height=\"538\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-800x538.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-160x108.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1020x685.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1200x806.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-1180x793.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-960x645.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-240x161.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-375x252.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/HarmeetDhillon-520x349.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harmeet Dhillon, trial lawyer and member of the Republican National Committee. Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says GOP state lawmakers should heighten their opposition. \u003ccite>(Bert Johnson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, Dhillon describes the New Way group as “Democrats-lite,” who are diverging from the values of the party. “We have to hold onto the seats that we have, but with a certain branding,” Dhillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than compromise with Democrats, she says state lawmakers should heighten their opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the tone of all of our legislators in Sacramento is very measured and frankly too tame,” Dhillon said. “I would make their tone more strident, if anything, on what the Democrats are doing to destroy the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>GOP Seats Up for Grabs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The old and New Way approaches will face off in the June primary elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are targeting long-held Republican congressional seats in Orange County and northern San Diego County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One race, in particular, will be demonstrative. Longtime Republican congressman Darrell Issa, who funded the recall that led to Schwarzenegger’s election as governor and hounded President Obama as chairman of the House Oversight Committee, faces poor polling numbers and is retiring from a seat that was once solidly the GOP’s. The race to replace him includes several well-funded Democrats, including environmental attorney Mike Levin, former nonprofit CEO Sara Jacobs and retired Marine colonel Doug Applegate, who lost to Issa in the last general election by a mere 1,600 votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the Republican side, Board of Equalization member Diane Harkey has endorsements from the area’s prominent conservatives, including Issa and the county Republican parties, while San Diego County Board of Supervisors chairwoman Kristin Gaspar is another prominent conservative Republican who entered the race late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Straddling the middle is Republican Assemblyman Rocky Chavez, one of New Way’s founding members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could be an early test of which kind of Republican remains viable with California voters, if any.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wells Fargo — reporting a net income of $4.7 billion in the first three months of 2018 — was \u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorewellscfpb\">hit with a $1 billion fine\u003c/a> for its home and auto loan abuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the largest fine ever issued by the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, currently led by deregulation proponent Mick Mulvaney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though he was already the director of the Office of Management and Budget, President Trump appointed Mulvaney to lead the CFPB as acting director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mulvaney said in 2015, “I don’t like the fact that CFPB exists, I will be perfectly honest with you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a 2018 funding request, Mulvaney asked for $0 for the watchdog agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau is levying a $1 billion fine against Wells Fargo — a record for the agency — as punishment for the banking giant’s actions in its mortgage and auto loan businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo’s “conduct caused and was likely to cause substantial injury to consumers,” the agency said in its filings about the bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo broke the law by charging some consumers too much over mortgage interest rate-lock extensions and by running a mandatory insurance program that added insurance costs and fees into some borrowers’ auto loans, \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/about-us/newsroom/bureau-consumer-financial-protection-announces-settlement-wells-fargo-auto-loan-administration-and-mortgage-practices/\">the CFPB said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said Friday that the penalty is part of a settlement with Wells Fargo, which has pledged to repair the financial harm to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the penalties, Wells Fargo says, it is adjusting its preliminary financial results for the first quarter of 2018, shifting $800 million in its balance sheet — and dropping its net income for the quarter to $4.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal action against the bank comes less than two years after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/09/08/493130449/wells-fargo-to-pay-around-190-million-over-fake-accounts-that-sparked-bonuses\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Wells Fargo was fined $185 million\u003c/a> over what the CFPB called “the widespread illegal practice of secretly opening unauthorized deposit and credit card accounts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those earlier penalties included a $100 million fine by the CFPB — a record at the time. The new punishment stems from the agency’s findings that Wells Fargo abused its relationship with home and auto loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo was also punished by the U.S. Office of the Comptroller of the Currency over its risk management practices, with the agency collecting a $500 million penalty as part of the fines announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with treating its customers unfairly, the OCC said, Wells Fargo had failed to maintain a compliance risk management program that was appropriate for a bank of its size and complexity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That failure, the OCC said, led Wells Fargo to “engage in reckless unsafe or unsound practices and violations of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Auto loans, insurance and fees\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Problems in the way the Wells Fargo auto loan unit handled consumers’ accounts exposed people to hundreds or thousands of dollars in premiums and fees. The issues were also found to have possibly contributed to thousands of cars being repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said problems with the auto loan unit persisted for more than 10 years, from October 2005 to September 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lenders can require borrowers to maintain insurance on their vehicles — and if a borrower doesn’t do that, there is a process that allows lenders to arrange for what is called force-placed insurance and add that cost to the loan. But Wells Fargo acknowledged that of the roughly 2 million car loans that it put into that program, it “forcibly placed duplicative or unnecessary insurance on hundreds of thousands of those borrowers’ vehicles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some borrowers, the bank also improperly maintained those force-placed policies on their accounts even after they secured adequate insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the CFPB, “if borrowers failed to pay the amounts [Wells Fargo] charged them for the Force-Placed Insurance, they faced additional fees and, in some instances, experienced delinquency, loan default, and even repossession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one five-year period from 2011 to 2016, Wells Fargo acknowledged in the settlement, the extra costs of force-placed insurance may have played a role in at least 27,000 customers having their vehicles repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Home loan rate locks\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo failed to follow its own policies in how it charged fees over locking in mortgage interest rates beyond the standard guaranteed window, the CFPB said, adding that the bank charged customers for the rate extension — even in cases in which the bank itself was the reason for delays in closing on a home loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems persisted for several years after the bank’s internal audit identified the risk of harming consumers, according to the government’s filing about the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo unfairly and inconsistently applied its policy on rate-extension fees from September 2013 through February 2017, the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Wells Fargo also faced a government reprimand in February, when the Federal Reserve took the rare step of “restricting Wells Fargo’s growth and demanding the replacement of four board members in response to ‘widespread consumer abuses and compliance breakdowns’ at the bank,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/02/03/583014020/fed-slaps-unusual-penalty-on-wells-fargo-following-widespread-consumer-abuses\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">as NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Fed faulted Wells Fargo for maintaining a business strategy that prioritizes its own growth at the expense of risk management. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Wells+Fargo+Hit+With+%241+Billion+In+Fines+Over+Home+And+Auto+Loan+Abuses&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau is levying a $1 billion fine against Wells Fargo — a record for the agency — as punishment for the banking giant’s actions in its mortgage and auto loan businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo’s “conduct caused and was likely to cause substantial injury to consumers,” the agency said in its filings about the bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo broke the law by charging some consumers too much over mortgage interest rate-lock extensions and by running a mandatory insurance program that added insurance costs and fees into some borrowers’ auto loans, \u003ca href=\"https://www.consumerfinance.gov/about-us/newsroom/bureau-consumer-financial-protection-announces-settlement-wells-fargo-auto-loan-administration-and-mortgage-practices/\">the CFPB said\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said Friday that the penalty is part of a settlement with Wells Fargo, which has pledged to repair the financial harm to consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of the penalties, Wells Fargo says, it is adjusting its preliminary financial results for the first quarter of 2018, shifting $800 million in its balance sheet — and dropping its net income for the quarter to $4.7 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new federal action against the bank comes less than two years after \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/09/08/493130449/wells-fargo-to-pay-around-190-million-over-fake-accounts-that-sparked-bonuses\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Wells Fargo was fined $185 million\u003c/a> over what the CFPB called “the widespread illegal practice of secretly opening unauthorized deposit and credit card accounts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those earlier penalties included a $100 million fine by the CFPB — a record at the time. The new punishment stems from the agency’s findings that Wells Fargo abused its relationship with home and auto loan borrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo was also punished by the U.S. Office of the Comptroller of the Currency over its risk management practices, with the agency collecting a $500 million penalty as part of the fines announced Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with treating its customers unfairly, the OCC said, Wells Fargo had failed to maintain a compliance risk management program that was appropriate for a bank of its size and complexity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That failure, the OCC said, led Wells Fargo to “engage in reckless unsafe or unsound practices and violations of law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Auto loans, insurance and fees\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Problems in the way the Wells Fargo auto loan unit handled consumers’ accounts exposed people to hundreds or thousands of dollars in premiums and fees. The issues were also found to have possibly contributed to thousands of cars being repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CFPB said problems with the auto loan unit persisted for more than 10 years, from October 2005 to September 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lenders can require borrowers to maintain insurance on their vehicles — and if a borrower doesn’t do that, there is a process that allows lenders to arrange for what is called force-placed insurance and add that cost to the loan. But Wells Fargo acknowledged that of the roughly 2 million car loans that it put into that program, it “forcibly placed duplicative or unnecessary insurance on hundreds of thousands of those borrowers’ vehicles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some borrowers, the bank also improperly maintained those force-placed policies on their accounts even after they secured adequate insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the CFPB, “if borrowers failed to pay the amounts [Wells Fargo] charged them for the Force-Placed Insurance, they faced additional fees and, in some instances, experienced delinquency, loan default, and even repossession.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In one five-year period from 2011 to 2016, Wells Fargo acknowledged in the settlement, the extra costs of force-placed insurance may have played a role in at least 27,000 customers having their vehicles repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Home loan rate locks\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo failed to follow its own policies in how it charged fees over locking in mortgage interest rates beyond the standard guaranteed window, the CFPB said, adding that the bank charged customers for the rate extension — even in cases in which the bank itself was the reason for delays in closing on a home loan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems persisted for several years after the bank’s internal audit identified the risk of harming consumers, according to the government’s filing about the settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wells Fargo unfairly and inconsistently applied its policy on rate-extension fees from September 2013 through February 2017, the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, Wells Fargo also faced a government reprimand in February, when the Federal Reserve took the rare step of “restricting Wells Fargo’s growth and demanding the replacement of four board members in response to ‘widespread consumer abuses and compliance breakdowns’ at the bank,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2018/02/03/583014020/fed-slaps-unusual-penalty-on-wells-fargo-following-widespread-consumer-abuses\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">as NPR reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time, the Fed faulted Wells Fargo for maintaining a business strategy that prioritizes its own growth at the expense of risk management. \u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=Wells+Fargo+Hit+With+%241+Billion+In+Fines+Over+Home+And+Auto+Loan+Abuses&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the struggling canned goods industry, Pacific Coast Producers is a survivor, taking some 700,000 tons of fruit grown by California farmers each year and canning it for sale in supermarkets and large institutions such as hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year the company, based in Lodi, is facing another challenge that promises to make turning a profit that much harder: President Trump's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/03/08/591744195/trump-expected-to-formally-order-tariffs-on-steel-aluminum-imports\">tariffs on steel imports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That one cost increase is more than half of what we make,\" says Dan Vincent, the company's president and chief executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Coast Producers' plight underscores some of the unintended consequences of the Trump administration's decision last month to impose 25 percent tariffs on steel and aluminum imported from other countries. The administration said the tariffs were needed to protect domestic sources of the metals, which are vital for national security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariffs will help steelmakers compete by allowing them to raise their prices, but companies that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/02/23/587898827/trump-trade-action-could-boost-steel-and-aluminum-makers-hurt-others-industries\">rely on imported steel products\u003c/a>, such as Pacific Coast Producers, will see their costs rise, says Edward Alden, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's why tariffs are a risky strategy in a truly global economy,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Coast Producers buys the cans it uses from domestic manufacturers. They are made with steel coated in something called tinplate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. steel manufacturers tend not to sell a lot of tinplate, because it's not very profitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's not a great deal of capacity that's dedicated to tinplate steel for food cans,\" says Robert Budway, president of the Can Manufacturers Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/603298380/604119838\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, U.S. can makers — who sell more than 20 billion cans a year for food products alone — have to import much of the tinplate they use from places such as Europe and Japan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has given temporary exemptions to many steel producing countries. Exemptions for Canada and Mexico are contingent on the outcome of ongoing trade negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now it's unclear how can manufacturers will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the tariffs do apply to tinplate, it will almost certainly drive up costs for can-makers, which will be passed on to companies such as Pacific Coast Producers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much will their costs rise? Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross says the extra expense \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/03/09/592229747/trump-commerce-secretary-says-warnings-about-tariffs-are-overhyped\">will be negligible\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent sees things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that the cost of steel makes up about 20 percent of his company's annual expenses of about $355 million. A 25 percent tariff on steel could thus end up costing the company about $17 million. Its annual profit is about $24 million, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's no guarantee the tariffs will end up costing that much, since the Trump administration could end up exempting some of the countries that now sell tinplate\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a low-margin business, beset by imports from places such as China and a growing consumer preference for fresh produce, even a small increase can hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Vincent points out another irony about the tariffs: Foreign companies that import products such as canned peaches into the United States won't face the same cost increase, because they aren't subject to the tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They won't hurt our Chinese competitors at all, because they import a finished good. That's classified as canned peaches. That's not classified as steel. So a steel tariff doesn't apply,\" Vincent says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=For+One+California+Company%2C+Trump%27s+Tariffs+Have+Unintended+Consequences&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the struggling canned goods industry, Pacific Coast Producers is a survivor, taking some 700,000 tons of fruit grown by California farmers each year and canning it for sale in supermarkets and large institutions such as hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year the company, based in Lodi, is facing another challenge that promises to make turning a profit that much harder: President Trump's \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/03/08/591744195/trump-expected-to-formally-order-tariffs-on-steel-aluminum-imports\">tariffs on steel imports\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That one cost increase is more than half of what we make,\" says Dan Vincent, the company's president and chief executive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Coast Producers' plight underscores some of the unintended consequences of the Trump administration's decision last month to impose 25 percent tariffs on steel and aluminum imported from other countries. The administration said the tariffs were needed to protect domestic sources of the metals, which are vital for national security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tariffs will help steelmakers compete by allowing them to raise their prices, but companies that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/02/23/587898827/trump-trade-action-could-boost-steel-and-aluminum-makers-hurt-others-industries\">rely on imported steel products\u003c/a>, such as Pacific Coast Producers, will see their costs rise, says Edward Alden, senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's why tariffs are a risky strategy in a truly global economy,\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Coast Producers buys the cans it uses from domestic manufacturers. They are made with steel coated in something called tinplate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. steel manufacturers tend not to sell a lot of tinplate, because it's not very profitable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There's not a great deal of capacity that's dedicated to tinplate steel for food cans,\" says Robert Budway, president of the Can Manufacturers Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/603298380/604119838\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, U.S. can makers — who sell more than 20 billion cans a year for food products alone — have to import much of the tinplate they use from places such as Europe and Japan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration has given temporary exemptions to many steel producing countries. Exemptions for Canada and Mexico are contingent on the outcome of ongoing trade negotiations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for now it's unclear how can manufacturers will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the tariffs do apply to tinplate, it will almost certainly drive up costs for can-makers, which will be passed on to companies such as Pacific Coast Producers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much will their costs rise? Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross says the extra expense \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/03/09/592229747/trump-commerce-secretary-says-warnings-about-tariffs-are-overhyped\">will be negligible\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vincent sees things differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He notes that the cost of steel makes up about 20 percent of his company's annual expenses of about $355 million. A 25 percent tariff on steel could thus end up costing the company about $17 million. Its annual profit is about $24 million, he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's no guarantee the tariffs will end up costing that much, since the Trump administration could end up exempting some of the countries that now sell tinplate\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in a low-margin business, beset by imports from places such as China and a growing consumer preference for fresh produce, even a small increase can hurt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Vincent points out another irony about the tariffs: Foreign companies that import products such as canned peaches into the United States won't face the same cost increase, because they aren't subject to the tariffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They won't hurt our Chinese competitors at all, because they import a finished good. That's classified as canned peaches. That's not classified as steel. So a steel tariff doesn't apply,\" Vincent says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2018 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"https://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=For+One+California+Company%2C+Trump%27s+Tariffs+Have+Unintended+Consequences&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Above the entrance to the \u003ca href=\"https://disneyland.disney.go.com/destinations/disneyland/\">Disneyland\u003c/a> Resort in Anaheim is a plaque that reads, “here you leave today and enter the world of yesterday, tomorrow and fantasy.” For many, Disneyland is synonymous with family vacations, road trips down I-5 to Anaheim and family photos in front of Sleeping Beauty’s castle. Truly, the happiest place on earth. \u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn the midst of this bliss, we infrequently see the labor and hardship experienced by the 30,000 cooks, custodians, performers and other cast members that make “the place where dreams come true” possible.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nLast February, Economic Roundtable and the Occidental College Urban & Environmental Policy Institute prepared a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ERt-Disneyland-final-2-20-2018.pdf\">Working for the Mouse\u003c/a>,” a study of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652884/some-disneyland-employees-struggle-to-pay-for-food-shelter-survey-finds\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">economic hardship\u003c/a> associated with working at Disneyland.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAccording to that report, “Disneyland employees report high instances of homelessness, food insecurity, ever-shifting work schedules, extra-long commutes, and low wages.\"\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn 2016, more than 27 million people visited Disneyland and generated more than $3 billion in revenue. Despite this fact, many workers make $15 per hour or less and often have to commute in from distant locations like Los Angeles.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA Disney employee says -- we’re not using his name because he could get fired -- after the report came out, Disney did offer a bonus to some employees. But with the cost of transportation to and from the park, the numbers just don’t add up.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n“They’re giving us a $500 bonus, and they’re doing it in two parts. So we got part one in March, we’re getting part two in September. So we’re getting $250 and $250. But the thing is... it’s taxed. So, we actually got $175.”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nChristopher Duarte, president and chief executive of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wulocal50.org\">Workers United Local 50\u003c/a> -- the largest union representing 6,700 workers -- says Disney has not come to the table to discuss strategies to address the problems brought up by the report.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA coalition of unions are gathering signatures for a November ballot initiative that would force large hospitality businesses benefiting from Anaheim city subsidies to pay at least $15 per hour to employees by 2019. But the unions know that if Disneyland opposes it, they can outspend them significantly.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nWe reached out to Disney for a comment, but they did not return our calls.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAs for the anonymous employee, with all these issues, does he ever ask himself, “Why am I still doing this?”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nHe says, “Yes. Every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Above the entrance to the \u003ca href=\"https://disneyland.disney.go.com/destinations/disneyland/\">Disneyland\u003c/a> Resort in Anaheim is a plaque that reads, “here you leave today and enter the world of yesterday, tomorrow and fantasy.” For many, Disneyland is synonymous with family vacations, road trips down I-5 to Anaheim and family photos in front of Sleeping Beauty’s castle. Truly, the happiest place on earth. \u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn the midst of this bliss, we infrequently see the labor and hardship experienced by the 30,000 cooks, custodians, performers and other cast members that make “the place where dreams come true” possible.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nLast February, Economic Roundtable and the Occidental College Urban & Environmental Policy Institute prepared a report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/ERt-Disneyland-final-2-20-2018.pdf\">Working for the Mouse\u003c/a>,” a study of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11652884/some-disneyland-employees-struggle-to-pay-for-food-shelter-survey-finds\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">economic hardship\u003c/a> associated with working at Disneyland.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAccording to that report, “Disneyland employees report high instances of homelessness, food insecurity, ever-shifting work schedules, extra-long commutes, and low wages.\"\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nIn 2016, more than 27 million people visited Disneyland and generated more than $3 billion in revenue. Despite this fact, many workers make $15 per hour or less and often have to commute in from distant locations like Los Angeles.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA Disney employee says -- we’re not using his name because he could get fired -- after the report came out, Disney did offer a bonus to some employees. But with the cost of transportation to and from the park, the numbers just don’t add up.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\n“They’re giving us a $500 bonus, and they’re doing it in two parts. So we got part one in March, we’re getting part two in September. So we’re getting $250 and $250. But the thing is... it’s taxed. So, we actually got $175.”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nChristopher Duarte, president and chief executive of \u003ca href=\"https://www.wulocal50.org\">Workers United Local 50\u003c/a> -- the largest union representing 6,700 workers -- says Disney has not come to the table to discuss strategies to address the problems brought up by the report.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nA coalition of unions are gathering signatures for a November ballot initiative that would force large hospitality businesses benefiting from Anaheim city subsidies to pay at least $15 per hour to employees by 2019. But the unions know that if Disneyland opposes it, they can outspend them significantly.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nWe reached out to Disney for a comment, but they did not return our calls.\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nAs for the anonymous employee, with all these issues, does he ever ask himself, “Why am I still doing this?”\u003cbr>\n \u003cbr>\nHe says, “Yes. Every day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal regulators plan to fine Wells Fargo as much as $1 billion as early as Friday for abuses tied to its auto-lending and mortgage businesses, the\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/19/business/wells-fargo-cfpb-penalty.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> New York Times\u003c/a> and other news outlets reported, citing unnamed sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential $1 billion fine would be largest ever imposed by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the bank's main national regulator, and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the federal watchdog bureau set up after the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fine against Wells Fargo had been expected. San Francisco-based Wells Fargo said last week that it was negotiating with federal regulators to pay as much as $1 billion in fines to settle various charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CFPB spokesman declined to comment, as well as a spokesman for the Comptroller's Office. A spokeswoman for Wells Fargo also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems with Wells Fargo this time are not tied directly to its well-known sales-practices scandal, where the bank admitted its employees opened as many as 3.5 million bank and credit card accounts without getting customers' authorization. But they do involve to significant parts of the bank's businesses: auto lending and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Wells Fargo admitted that hundreds of thousands of its auto-loan customers had been sold auto insurance that they did not want or need. In thousands of cases, customers who could not afford the combined auto loan and extra insurance payment fell behind on their payments and had their cars repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate case, Wells Fargo also admitted that thousands of customers were charged unnecessary fees in order to lock in their interest rates on their home mortgages. Wells Fargo is the nation's largest mortgage lender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would be the first fine against a bank by the Trump administration since Mick Mulvaney, acting director of the CFPB, took over the bureau in late November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While banks have benefited from looser regulations and lower taxes under President Trump, Wells Fargo has been called out specifically by Trump as a bank that needs to be punished for its bad behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fines and penalties against Wells Fargo Bank for their bad acts against their customers and others will not be dropped, as has incorrectly been reported, but will be pursued and, if anything, substantially increased. I will cut Regs but make penalties severe when caught cheating!\" Trump wrote on Twitter back in December.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal regulators plan to fine Wells Fargo as much as $1 billion as early as Friday for abuses tied to its auto-lending and mortgage businesses, the\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/19/business/wells-fargo-cfpb-penalty.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> New York Times\u003c/a> and other news outlets reported, citing unnamed sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential $1 billion fine would be largest ever imposed by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, the bank's main national regulator, and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, the federal watchdog bureau set up after the Great Recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fine against Wells Fargo had been expected. San Francisco-based Wells Fargo said last week that it was negotiating with federal regulators to pay as much as $1 billion in fines to settle various charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A CFPB spokesman declined to comment, as well as a spokesman for the Comptroller's Office. A spokeswoman for Wells Fargo also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problems with Wells Fargo this time are not tied directly to its well-known sales-practices scandal, where the bank admitted its employees opened as many as 3.5 million bank and credit card accounts without getting customers' authorization. But they do involve to significant parts of the bank's businesses: auto lending and mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last summer, Wells Fargo admitted that hundreds of thousands of its auto-loan customers had been sold auto insurance that they did not want or need. In thousands of cases, customers who could not afford the combined auto loan and extra insurance payment fell behind on their payments and had their cars repossessed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate case, Wells Fargo also admitted that thousands of customers were charged unnecessary fees in order to lock in their interest rates on their home mortgages. Wells Fargo is the nation's largest mortgage lender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This would be the first fine against a bank by the Trump administration since Mick Mulvaney, acting director of the CFPB, took over the bureau in late November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While banks have benefited from looser regulations and lower taxes under President Trump, Wells Fargo has been called out specifically by Trump as a bank that needs to be punished for its bad behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Fines and penalties against Wells Fargo Bank for their bad acts against their customers and others will not be dropped, as has incorrectly been reported, but will be pursued and, if anything, substantially increased. I will cut Regs but make penalties severe when caught cheating!\" Trump wrote on Twitter back in December.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-to-know-about-the-housing-bill-that-has-people-freaking-out-from-marin-to-compton/\">controversial\u003c/a> state housing bill in recent memory died with a pretty resounding thud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB827\">Senate Bill 827,\u003c/a> which would have forced cities to allow taller, denser development around public transit, got only four votes on the 13-member Senate Committee on Transportation and Housing. Both Democratic and Republican lawmakers voted against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, the bill would have allowed developers to build five-story apartment buildings near major public transit stops, including neighborhoods previously zoned for single-family homes. The bill received a ton of media attention, both in California and nationally, including a fairly flattering \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/16/business/energy-environment/climate-density.html\">write-up\u003c/a> on the front page of the New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Urbanist “Yes In My Backyard” (YIMBY) groups mourned the bill’s death as yet another roadblock to building the new housing the state so desperately needs. Cities and anti-gentrification groups cheered the demise of what they viewed as an unprecedented inroad on local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What to make of all the hubbub? Some key takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enemies, enemies, got a lot of enemies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s tough for anyone to take on cities and counties, which wield enormous power in Sacramento and to whom state legislators often give considerable deference. It’s tough for anyone to take on the construction trades union, a major source of campaign contributions for Democratic lawmakers. It’s tough for anyone to take on equity and social justice groups, who can bend the ear of progressive legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really tough to take on all three at the same time. That likely wasn’t Wiener’s strategy when he introduced SB 827, but that’s ultimately what helped doom the bill. The support of real estate agents, developers, YIMBYs and a handful of affordable housing advocates couldn’t muster the votes he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill arguably made a misstep in not courting social justice groups early enough. A flurry of \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@Scott_Wiener/sb-827-amendments-affordability-transit-lines-height-ellis-act-protections-more-fae09ee3f897\">amendments\u003c/a> to protect renters from being displaced and to force developers to include units reserved for lower-income tenants failed to calm their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Wiener was able to push through \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">a bill\u003c/a> that stripped local control over some housing developments by getting labor and affordability advocates on his side. That bill was also part of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-senate-passes-package-of-1496339298-htmlstory.html\">larger package\u003c/a> of housing legislation that had something for everyone, including a new revenue source. Gov. Jerry Brown was a driving force behind that package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that happened this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11663122\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-800x476.jpg\" alt=\"Opponents came from San Francisco and its environs to lobby against the bill—and the gentrification they feared it would bring.\" width=\"800\" height=\"476\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-240x143.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-375x223.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-520x309.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents came from San Francisco and its environs to lobby against the bill—and the gentrification they feared it would bring. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The bill did spark a statewide debate on whether to up density to help remedy our housing crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Wiener was attempting was truly revolutionary. You can debate how dramatically the character of a city would change by building a five-story apartment building next to a single-family home. But taking away the power of local governments to block those types of developments was a pretty radical step—a step that a growing number of Californians think is necessary to prevent cities from obstructing new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill garnered support from prominent urban planners, environmentalists and civil rights advocates. It’s both cliched and premature to say it shifted the needle on the housing debate. But it certainly framed the conversation squarely around the state’s role in compelling cities to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Expect something like this to come back soon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly every Democratic legislator who voted against SB 827 caveated their opposition by praising the bill’s vision and audacity. Sen. Jim Beall, a Democrat from San Jose and chair of the housing committee, said at the hearing that while he couldn’t support the bill in its current form, he was eager to work on something like it in the months ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could SB 827 ever rise from the dead? Well for his part, Wiener has vowed to reintroduce something like it in the future. Combining his push for density around transit stations with a broader mix of tenant protections and new funding for affordable housing could make it more palatable to the interest groups Wiener needs to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/what-to-know-about-the-housing-bill-that-has-people-freaking-out-from-marin-to-compton/\">controversial\u003c/a> state housing bill in recent memory died with a pretty resounding thud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB827\">Senate Bill 827,\u003c/a> which would have forced cities to allow taller, denser development around public transit, got only four votes on the 13-member Senate Committee on Transportation and Housing. Both Democratic and Republican lawmakers voted against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, the bill would have allowed developers to build five-story apartment buildings near major public transit stops, including neighborhoods previously zoned for single-family homes. The bill received a ton of media attention, both in California and nationally, including a fairly flattering \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/16/business/energy-environment/climate-density.html\">write-up\u003c/a> on the front page of the New York Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Urbanist “Yes In My Backyard” (YIMBY) groups mourned the bill’s death as yet another roadblock to building the new housing the state so desperately needs. Cities and anti-gentrification groups cheered the demise of what they viewed as an unprecedented inroad on local control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What to make of all the hubbub? Some key takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enemies, enemies, got a lot of enemies\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s tough for anyone to take on cities and counties, which wield enormous power in Sacramento and to whom state legislators often give considerable deference. It’s tough for anyone to take on the construction trades union, a major source of campaign contributions for Democratic lawmakers. It’s tough for anyone to take on equity and social justice groups, who can bend the ear of progressive legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s really tough to take on all three at the same time. That likely wasn’t Wiener’s strategy when he introduced SB 827, but that’s ultimately what helped doom the bill. The support of real estate agents, developers, YIMBYs and a handful of affordable housing advocates couldn’t muster the votes he needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the bill arguably made a misstep in not courting social justice groups early enough. A flurry of \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@Scott_Wiener/sb-827-amendments-affordability-transit-lines-height-ellis-act-protections-more-fae09ee3f897\">amendments\u003c/a> to protect renters from being displaced and to force developers to include units reserved for lower-income tenants failed to calm their concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Wiener was able to push through \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB35\">a bill\u003c/a> that stripped local control over some housing developments by getting labor and affordability advocates on his side. That bill was also part of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-updates-california-senate-passes-package-of-1496339298-htmlstory.html\">larger package\u003c/a> of housing legislation that had something for everyone, including a new revenue source. Gov. Jerry Brown was a driving force behind that package.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of that happened this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11663122\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11663122\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-800x476.jpg\" alt=\"Opponents came from San Francisco and its environs to lobby against the bill—and the gentrification they feared it would bring.\" width=\"800\" height=\"476\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-240x143.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-375x223.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/827Opponents-520x309.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Opponents came from San Francisco and its environs to lobby against the bill—and the gentrification they feared it would bring. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The bill did spark a statewide debate on whether to up density to help remedy our housing crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>What Wiener was attempting was truly revolutionary. You can debate how dramatically the character of a city would change by building a five-story apartment building next to a single-family home. But taking away the power of local governments to block those types of developments was a pretty radical step—a step that a growing number of Californians think is necessary to prevent cities from obstructing new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill garnered support from prominent urban planners, environmentalists and civil rights advocates. It’s both cliched and premature to say it shifted the needle on the housing debate. But it certainly framed the conversation squarely around the state’s role in compelling cities to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Expect something like this to come back soon\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly every Democratic legislator who voted against SB 827 caveated their opposition by praising the bill’s vision and audacity. Sen. Jim Beall, a Democrat from San Jose and chair of the housing committee, said at the hearing that while he couldn’t support the bill in its current form, he was eager to work on something like it in the months ahead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Could SB 827 ever rise from the dead? Well for his part, Wiener has vowed to reintroduce something like it in the future. Combining his push for density around transit stations with a broader mix of tenant protections and new funding for affordable housing could make it more palatable to the interest groups Wiener needs to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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