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"title": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"undocumented-workers\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. [pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Ana Alfaro, house cleaner in San Francisco\"]‘Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community. It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.’[/pullquote]The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s undocumented immigrants contribute billions of dollars in taxes annually but are excluded from government financial assistance when they lose their jobs through no fault of their own. As more natural disasters and economic downturns are expected to hit the state, labor advocates are pushing to include these workers in the economic safety net.",
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"title": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits | KQED",
"description": "California’s undocumented immigrants contribute billions of dollars in taxes annually but are excluded from government financial assistance when they lose their jobs through no fault of their own. As more natural disasters and economic downturns are expected to hit the state, labor advocates are pushing to include these workers in the economic safety net.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community. It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Stockton’s experiment in guaranteed income — which paid more than 100 residents $500 a month with no strings attached — likely improved the recipients’ financial stability and health, but those effects were much less pronounced during the pandemic, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study of the two-year experiment that began in 2019 shows the promise and limitations of a guaranteed income, said Amy Castro, a study author and founding director of the Center for Guaranteed Income Research at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton program is one of the few modern U.S. experiments in regular cash payments with complete, published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro and co-author Stacia West wrote that guaranteed income “under normative economic and health conditions, does calm income volatility and allay financial, emotional, and psychological distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the pandemic, those results were inconclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to say definitively that there are certain changes in terms of mental health and physical health and well-being that are directly attributed to the cash,” Castro told CalMatters on Tuesday. “Year 2 (2020) showed us some of those limits, where $500 a month is not a panacea for all social ills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton pilot program kicked off a flurry of advocacy for unconditional cash programs across the country. The pandemic — along with infusions of federal aid to local governments — pushed officials and private organizations to start their own experiments giving people direct cash to alleviate poverty and financial instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowhere did the pilot programs take off more than in California. Earlier this year, CalMatters counted more than 40 programs that have launched or are preparing to launch this year, giving cash to more than 12,000 residents total.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program complications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many of the programs target immigrants or families raising children. Seven programs the state is funding will focus on lower-income, expectant mothers or foster youth aging out of state care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where the cost of living drives a top-of-the-nation poverty rate, and a large share of workers who are disqualified from traditional social services due to their immigration statuses, California officials have already taken interest in direct cash programs. They’ve expanded tax credits for lower-income families and loosened stringent federal work requirements for cash welfare recipients.[aside label=\"More Stories\" tag=\"guaranteed-income\"]Unconditional cash proposals have detractors. Critics say the programs could discourage work and are too expensive. And some skeptical labor leaders say employers should be paying higher wages if their workers can’t afford basic needs. Some proponents disagree about whether guaranteed income should replace current safety-net programs or be an addition to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complicating the Stockton study was its relatively small sample size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were initially tracking more than 100 recipients, but many of those receiving the cash and those in the control group couldn’t be reached for surveys and interviews during the pandemic. As a result, the researchers saw “trends of a positive trajectory” on many measures for recipients — such as an increased ability to pay for a $400 emergency — but results were not strong enough to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, a recently concluded pilot program in Los Angeles included more than 3,200 recipients. The Center for Guaranteed Income Research is also studying that experiment, but there are no published results yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial report on the first year of the Stockton experiment showed that the group receiving payments had increased its rate of full-time employment, as some recipients used the money to complete internships or consolidate part-time shifts and gig work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final study did not find effects on recipients’ employment to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pandemic spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michael Tubbs, Stockton’s former mayor, has founded an organization that launched several other guaranteed income programs; he also advises Gov. Gavin Newsom on poverty. He said the Stockton study shows the program did not drive down employment among recipients, even during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People did not stop working,” he said. “And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.”[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs\"]‘People did not stop working. And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.’[/pullquote]Data the researchers collected from Stockton recipients’ debit cards shows that recipients on average spent more than a third of the funds on food. But during the first month of the pandemic, spending on food spiked to nearly half of the tracked funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers noted that recipients also transferred about 40% of the funds off the debit cards, with some people explaining they worried about scams and feared the money would be taken away, or they chose to pay for things in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro noted many program recipients reported using the money to buy food in bulk during the stay-at-home orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are activities that you can’t do when you’re experiencing poverty or when your income is going up and down each month,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946514 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a young Black man with a black moustache and goatee looking off-camera into light to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Less stress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gregory Gauthier, a 34-year-old recipient in Stockton, said the money helped keep his family afloat through two unexpected losses in income during the pandemic — once while he was waiting for unemployment checks when his job furloughed him for three months and again when he was recovering from surgery for several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been really hard” without guaranteed income payments, he said, which “make everything smoother and less stressful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier grew up in Stockton, in a working-class family that he said didn’t have much money and moved a lot.[aside postID=\"news_11820737,news_11863446,news_11882363\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]The pilot program randomly picked recipients from neighborhoods where the median household income was less than the city’s average — about $46,000 a year at the time. When Gauthier enrolled in the program in 2019, he was making $13 an hour at an auto-dismantling business. He had four kids at the time; two lived with him, his mother and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier had been saving to buy a car, he said, and the payments helped get him there sooner. He also spent it on food, car parts and his children’s clothing, school supplies and skateboards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the payments ended two years ago, he has felt the loss, he said, but his family has gotten by on the pay bumps he has earned at his auto-dismantling job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on the guaranteed income program, Gauthier said it allowed him to have enough to save for emergencies, and it prompted him to think about how to earn more in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With inflation I want to be above that, so I don’t have to worry,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A final study of Stockton’s famous experiment giving lower-income residents unconditional cash found that the money improved some recipients’ mental health and financial stability — but only during 'normative' economic conditions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Stockton’s experiment in guaranteed income — which paid more than 100 residents $500 a month with no strings attached — likely improved the recipients’ financial stability and health, but those effects were much less pronounced during the pandemic, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study of the two-year experiment that began in 2019 shows the promise and limitations of a guaranteed income, said Amy Castro, a study author and founding director of the Center for Guaranteed Income Research at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton program is one of the few modern U.S. experiments in regular cash payments with complete, published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro and co-author Stacia West wrote that guaranteed income “under normative economic and health conditions, does calm income volatility and allay financial, emotional, and psychological distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the pandemic, those results were inconclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to say definitively that there are certain changes in terms of mental health and physical health and well-being that are directly attributed to the cash,” Castro told CalMatters on Tuesday. “Year 2 (2020) showed us some of those limits, where $500 a month is not a panacea for all social ills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton pilot program kicked off a flurry of advocacy for unconditional cash programs across the country. The pandemic — along with infusions of federal aid to local governments — pushed officials and private organizations to start their own experiments giving people direct cash to alleviate poverty and financial instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowhere did the pilot programs take off more than in California. Earlier this year, CalMatters counted more than 40 programs that have launched or are preparing to launch this year, giving cash to more than 12,000 residents total.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program complications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many of the programs target immigrants or families raising children. Seven programs the state is funding will focus on lower-income, expectant mothers or foster youth aging out of state care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where the cost of living drives a top-of-the-nation poverty rate, and a large share of workers who are disqualified from traditional social services due to their immigration statuses, California officials have already taken interest in direct cash programs. They’ve expanded tax credits for lower-income families and loosened stringent federal work requirements for cash welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unconditional cash proposals have detractors. Critics say the programs could discourage work and are too expensive. And some skeptical labor leaders say employers should be paying higher wages if their workers can’t afford basic needs. Some proponents disagree about whether guaranteed income should replace current safety-net programs or be an addition to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complicating the Stockton study was its relatively small sample size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were initially tracking more than 100 recipients, but many of those receiving the cash and those in the control group couldn’t be reached for surveys and interviews during the pandemic. As a result, the researchers saw “trends of a positive trajectory” on many measures for recipients — such as an increased ability to pay for a $400 emergency — but results were not strong enough to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, a recently concluded pilot program in Los Angeles included more than 3,200 recipients. The Center for Guaranteed Income Research is also studying that experiment, but there are no published results yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial report on the first year of the Stockton experiment showed that the group receiving payments had increased its rate of full-time employment, as some recipients used the money to complete internships or consolidate part-time shifts and gig work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final study did not find effects on recipients’ employment to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pandemic spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michael Tubbs, Stockton’s former mayor, has founded an organization that launched several other guaranteed income programs; he also advises Gov. Gavin Newsom on poverty. He said the Stockton study shows the program did not drive down employment among recipients, even during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People did not stop working,” he said. “And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Data the researchers collected from Stockton recipients’ debit cards shows that recipients on average spent more than a third of the funds on food. But during the first month of the pandemic, spending on food spiked to nearly half of the tracked funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers noted that recipients also transferred about 40% of the funds off the debit cards, with some people explaining they worried about scams and feared the money would be taken away, or they chose to pay for things in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro noted many program recipients reported using the money to buy food in bulk during the stay-at-home orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are activities that you can’t do when you’re experiencing poverty or when your income is going up and down each month,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946514 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a young Black man with a black moustache and goatee looking off-camera into light to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Less stress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gregory Gauthier, a 34-year-old recipient in Stockton, said the money helped keep his family afloat through two unexpected losses in income during the pandemic — once while he was waiting for unemployment checks when his job furloughed him for three months and again when he was recovering from surgery for several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been really hard” without guaranteed income payments, he said, which “make everything smoother and less stressful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier grew up in Stockton, in a working-class family that he said didn’t have much money and moved a lot.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The pilot program randomly picked recipients from neighborhoods where the median household income was less than the city’s average — about $46,000 a year at the time. When Gauthier enrolled in the program in 2019, he was making $13 an hour at an auto-dismantling business. He had four kids at the time; two lived with him, his mother and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier had been saving to buy a car, he said, and the payments helped get him there sooner. He also spent it on food, car parts and his children’s clothing, school supplies and skateboards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the payments ended two years ago, he has felt the loss, he said, but his family has gotten by on the pay bumps he has earned at his auto-dismantling job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on the guaranteed income program, Gauthier said it allowed him to have enough to save for emergencies, and it prompted him to think about how to earn more in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With inflation I want to be above that, so I don’t have to worry,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "googles-ghost-workers-demand-to-be-seen-seeking-better-wages-and-benefits-from-tech-giant",
"title": "Google's 'Ghost Workers' Demand to Be Seen, Seeking Better Wages and Benefits From Tech Giant",
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"headTitle": "Google’s ‘Ghost Workers’ Demand to Be Seen, Seeking Better Wages and Benefits From Tech Giant | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Teresa Partain has a job few people know exists. She’s a content moderator for Google’s ads engine and many of her colleagues do the same work for Google Search. Their job is to make sure the results people see are accurate and not spam or scams. Google calls these workers “quality raters,” but Partain said they call themselves “ghost workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people — even at Google — have no idea that we exist,” Partain said. “They don’t know that there are human beings doing a lot of the work. They think that the software is magic and already perfect and doesn’t need maintenance. And that’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now they want to be seen. They’ve written letters to Google executives, held a rally outside the company’s Silicon Valley headquarters and created a petition to demand benefits and better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partain isn’t employed by Google directly, but by a subcontractor called Appen. And, she said, that employment setup is what has led to worker grievances — mainly low wages, no benefits and isolation from colleagues. Partain is one of at least 10,000 people worldwide doing this job, according to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They work from home and even though they’re employed by subcontractors, they’re given assignments directly by Google. Partain evaluates the quality and placement of Google ads, while her colleagues rate the quality of Google Search results. Their tasks can range from confirming a search for “carrot cake recipe” brings up relevant results to making sure an airfare ad doesn’t appear next to a news story about a plane crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without them, Google Search wouldn’t function smoothly. Google says it gets \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/rigorous-testing/\">billions of queries\u003c/a> every day and it’s constantly making improvements to ensure its algorithms keep up. Danny Sullivan, the company’s public liaison for Search, wrote in a\u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/search/raters-experiments-improve-google-search/\"> blog post\u003c/a> that getting feedback from raters is “a key part of our evaluation process.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Roberto Clack, executive director, Temp Worker Justice\"]‘A lot of people don’t really understand just how prevalent the subcontracting and staffing agency usage is. These models are really the driving force towards lower labor standards.’[/pullquote]Raters work on Google’s two most vital products — Search and ads. In 2022, Google made more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/20230203_alphabet_10K.pdf?cache=5ae4398\">$224 billion in revenue (PDF)\u003c/a> from Search and advertising, accounting for more than 79% of its total revenue. For comparison, that’s more than the entire gross domestic product of Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We support billions of dollars of revenue,” Google rater Ed Stackhouse told NPR. “And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google raters who work for Appen make between $14 and $14.50 an hour and under company policy can’t work more than 29 hours a week. Raters who spoke with NPR said they have health conditions or family needs that require them to work from home and they appreciate they can do that. But, since they can’t work more than 29 hours a week, they’re not eligible for benefits like health care and sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokesperson Courtenay Mencini told NPR in a statement that “Our suppliers manage all employment terms for the raters, including pay and benefits.” Appen, which is an Australian company that has other big tech clients such as Salesforce and LinkedIn, didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramping up the pressure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of about 50 Google workers gathered in an outdoor courtyard at the company’s sprawling California headquarters in February. Many of them wore red t-shirts that sported the Alphabet Workers Union logo, which is a labor group made up of people who work for Google and its parent company Alphabet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They unfurled a massive white cloth banner that read, “Google: End Rater Poverty” and chanted “Equal pay for equal work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters had come from around the country to hand deliver a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ratersunion.org/\">petition\u003c/a> to Prabhakar Raghavan, Google’s senior vice president in charge of Search, ads and other divisions. The petition, which has now been signed by more than 850 raters, asks Raghavan to meet with them to discuss better pay and benefits.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ed Stackhouse, Google rater\"]‘We support billions of dollars of revenue. And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.’[/pullquote]Partain flew in from Kansas for the rally and said she’d been a rater for more than seven years and that she and her colleagues “want to be able to do our job well, earn a dignified wage and have access to basic benefits.” The raters were joined by worker advocates, local politicians and union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people don’t really understand just how prevalent the subcontracting and staffing agency usage is,” said Roberto Clack, executive director of Temp Worker Justice, a nonprofit that advocates for contract workers. “These models are really the driving force towards lower labor standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini declined to provide numbers on the company’s subcontractor workforce. But, according to estimates from the Alphabet Workers Union, Alphabet has around 200,000 contract workers worldwide who do \u003ca href=\"https://everygoogleworker.alphabetworkersunion.org/\">all sorts of jobs\u003c/a>. That’s more than 50% of the company’s total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cp>The raters’ pressure campaign on Google began last year. With the help of Alphabet Workers Union, they began meeting each other and organizing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Alphabet Workers Union published an open letter to Raghavan demanding the company raise pay for raters. Then, in January of this year, raters who work for Appen \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/richardnieva/2023/01/11/google-search-quality-rater-raise/\">got their first-ever raise\u003c/a> to $14 or $14.50 an hour, based on seniority. Previously, workers made roughly $10 to $13 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the February rally, Appen raters were told they’d get another raise by the end of this year that would increase their pay to $15 an hour. Then, a couple weeks later, Appen sent them an email saying the hours they work could be extended from the previous maximum of 26 hours per week to what raters have now — 29 hours per week. Raters can work their own hours, but it can be no more than 29 per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, the magic 30 hours a week is what we can’t go past,” Partain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini told NPR that the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.com/v3/__https:/support.google.com/corporate-suppliers/answer/10208902/*zippy=__;Iw!!Iwwt!Ub5DUC5iYYOJz9Y7sePkrMr9s_4Id4QlDovj04rf7c2RxXO5jdmw1TQ2oA5dU4_x1Qyq8MnV7RFg%24\">Wages and Benefits standards\u003c/a> — which would provide health care and sick leave to contractors — only apply to people who are assigned to Google at least 30 hours per week and have access to the company’s corporate systems or campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters say that as long as they haven’t met that threshold, they’re going to keep up the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re asking for now is just to be allowed to get the same benefits as people who work 30 hours a week are supposed to get,” Partain said. “And if we have to work 30 hours a week in order to get them, people would be happy to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as a response from Raghavan to meet with them, raters say they’re still waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Teresa Partain has a job few people know exists. She’s a content moderator for Google’s ads engine and many of her colleagues do the same work for Google Search. Their job is to make sure the results people see are accurate and not spam or scams. Google calls these workers “quality raters,” but Partain said they call themselves “ghost workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people — even at Google — have no idea that we exist,” Partain said. “They don’t know that there are human beings doing a lot of the work. They think that the software is magic and already perfect and doesn’t need maintenance. And that’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now they want to be seen. They’ve written letters to Google executives, held a rally outside the company’s Silicon Valley headquarters and created a petition to demand benefits and better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partain isn’t employed by Google directly, but by a subcontractor called Appen. And, she said, that employment setup is what has led to worker grievances — mainly low wages, no benefits and isolation from colleagues. Partain is one of at least 10,000 people worldwide doing this job, according to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They work from home and even though they’re employed by subcontractors, they’re given assignments directly by Google. Partain evaluates the quality and placement of Google ads, while her colleagues rate the quality of Google Search results. Their tasks can range from confirming a search for “carrot cake recipe” brings up relevant results to making sure an airfare ad doesn’t appear next to a news story about a plane crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without them, Google Search wouldn’t function smoothly. Google says it gets \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/rigorous-testing/\">billions of queries\u003c/a> every day and it’s constantly making improvements to ensure its algorithms keep up. Danny Sullivan, the company’s public liaison for Search, wrote in a\u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/search/raters-experiments-improve-google-search/\"> blog post\u003c/a> that getting feedback from raters is “a key part of our evaluation process.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Raters work on Google’s two most vital products — Search and ads. In 2022, Google made more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/20230203_alphabet_10K.pdf?cache=5ae4398\">$224 billion in revenue (PDF)\u003c/a> from Search and advertising, accounting for more than 79% of its total revenue. For comparison, that’s more than the entire gross domestic product of Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We support billions of dollars of revenue,” Google rater Ed Stackhouse told NPR. “And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google raters who work for Appen make between $14 and $14.50 an hour and under company policy can’t work more than 29 hours a week. Raters who spoke with NPR said they have health conditions or family needs that require them to work from home and they appreciate they can do that. But, since they can’t work more than 29 hours a week, they’re not eligible for benefits like health care and sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokesperson Courtenay Mencini told NPR in a statement that “Our suppliers manage all employment terms for the raters, including pay and benefits.” Appen, which is an Australian company that has other big tech clients such as Salesforce and LinkedIn, didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramping up the pressure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of about 50 Google workers gathered in an outdoor courtyard at the company’s sprawling California headquarters in February. Many of them wore red t-shirts that sported the Alphabet Workers Union logo, which is a labor group made up of people who work for Google and its parent company Alphabet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They unfurled a massive white cloth banner that read, “Google: End Rater Poverty” and chanted “Equal pay for equal work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters had come from around the country to hand deliver a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ratersunion.org/\">petition\u003c/a> to Prabhakar Raghavan, Google’s senior vice president in charge of Search, ads and other divisions. The petition, which has now been signed by more than 850 raters, asks Raghavan to meet with them to discuss better pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A first-in-the-nation bill to punish oil companies for profiting from price spikes at the pump breezed through the California Senate on Thursday at the urging of Gov. Gavin Newsom, the first major vote in an effort to pass the law by month’s end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is in response to sales last summer, when the average price of a gallon of gasoline in California soared to a record high of $6.44. Drivers in some places paid as much as $8 per gallon, prompting widespread outrage in an election year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, seen as a possible presidential candidate beyond 2024, reacted by attacking the oil industry, specifically the five companies that provide 97% of gasoline in the state. He asked the Democrat-controlled Legislature to pass a new tax on oil company profits, arguing it would protect consumers by preventing price spikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11940489 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/GettyImages-1076622970-1-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea went nowhere in the Legislature, as lawmakers feared it would create chaos in the petroleum market and cause companies to make less gasoline, thus increasing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, lawmakers and Newsom settled on a bill that would let the California Energy Commission decide whether to impose civil penalties on oil companies for price gouging. The commission — a five-member panel appointed by the governor with the consent of the Senate — would rely on information from a new state agency that would have the power to monitor the market, including forcing companies to disclose financial information and having the power to subpoena oil executives to testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a committee hearing on Wednesday, Newsom adviser Lauren Sanchez said California needs to have subpoena power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that we have better data on inventories, on production levels, on imports and exports of fuel,” she said. “The state doesn’t have a real-time picture of what is driving those supply issues.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sen. Nancy Skinner (D-Berkeley)\"]‘It is our role to protect our residents from any practices of any business that may harm them.’[/pullquote]The bill requires the state auditor to investigate the program in 10 years to find out whether it is working to reduce gas prices. If it’s not, the auditor can order the program to shut down — but lawmakers will have six months to review that decision and reverse it if they choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our role to protect our residents from any practices of any business that may harm them,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Berkeley and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill highlights the challenges of balancing the competing pressures of protecting consumers at the pump while at the same time pushing policies to end the state’s reliance on fossil fuels. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-technology-pollution-carbon-neutrality-d89c04fe08f09863eba5342b123c787d\">California’s climate strategy\u003c/a> — which includes \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-california-air-resources-board-climate-and-environment-dc75c11280f85a8ab134cf392497be68\">banning the sale of most new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a> — would reduce demand for gasoline by 94% by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To sum it all up, it’s our energy policy — our energy policy and our efforts to replace fossil fuel with all electric in a very, very short amount of time,” said state Sen. Kelly Seyarto, a Republican from Murrieta who opposes the bill. “Why can’t we just tell our constituents that? That’s why your gas prices are so high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944575\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A digital gas station sign at Circle K reads with record high numbers for the price of a gallon of gasoline. Premium Gasoline is listed at 5.99 per gallon.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign shows prices at $5.69 a gallon for regular gasoline at a Circle K gas station on Potrero Avenue and 17th Street in San Francisco on March 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s gasoline prices are already higher than most other states because of taxes, fees and environmental regulations. California’s gas tax is the second-highest in the country, at $0.54 per gallon. And the state requires that oil companies make a special blend of gasoline to sell in California that is better for the environment but more expensive to produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans on Thursday tried to force a vote on a separate bill that would suspend the state’s gas tax and some gas-related regulations for one year. But Democrats voted not to bring the bill up for debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point last year, the average price of a gallon of gasoline in California was more than $2.60 higher than the national average — a difference regulators say is too large to be explained by taxes, fees and regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the oil industry’s complaints about the bill have focused on the new, independent state agency lawmakers would create to investigate the market. Oil companies would be required to disclose massive amounts of data to this agency, giving regulators a better sense of what could be driving price spikes. And, crucially, the agency would have subpoena power to compel oil company executives to testify.[aside label='More on California Gas Prices' tag='gas-prices']Kevin Slagle, spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Association, said oil companies would have to report data on 15,000 transactions per day, what he called “a ridiculous level of reporting” that would drive up costs. He said the real problem with California’s gas prices are state laws and regulations that hinder the supply of fuel. He criticized Newsom and lawmakers for rushing the bill through the Legislature with little input from the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does the governor want to jam this through? Clearly it’s because the details of this are not good for California consumers,” Slagle said. “They don’t address the problem, but it provides him a political win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dana Williamson, Newsom’s chief of staff, said she has repeatedly had meetings with representatives from the oil industry to discuss the bill, including meetings with specific companies and two meetings with the WSPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill would end “the era of oil’s outsized influence” and hold the industry accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Ted Goldberg.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The first-in-the-nation proposal to hold companies accountable for last summer's gas-price spikes sailed through the state Senate.",
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"title": "California Advances Bill to Punish Oil Companies for Price Gouging at the Pump | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A first-in-the-nation bill to punish oil companies for profiting from price spikes at the pump breezed through the California Senate on Thursday at the urging of Gov. Gavin Newsom, the first major vote in an effort to pass the law by month’s end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal is in response to sales last summer, when the average price of a gallon of gasoline in California soared to a record high of $6.44. Drivers in some places paid as much as $8 per gallon, prompting widespread outrage in an election year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, seen as a possible presidential candidate beyond 2024, reacted by attacking the oil industry, specifically the five companies that provide 97% of gasoline in the state. He asked the Democrat-controlled Legislature to pass a new tax on oil company profits, arguing it would protect consumers by preventing price spikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea went nowhere in the Legislature, as lawmakers feared it would create chaos in the petroleum market and cause companies to make less gasoline, thus increasing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, lawmakers and Newsom settled on a bill that would let the California Energy Commission decide whether to impose civil penalties on oil companies for price gouging. The commission — a five-member panel appointed by the governor with the consent of the Senate — would rely on information from a new state agency that would have the power to monitor the market, including forcing companies to disclose financial information and having the power to subpoena oil executives to testify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a committee hearing on Wednesday, Newsom adviser Lauren Sanchez said California needs to have subpoena power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that we have better data on inventories, on production levels, on imports and exports of fuel,” she said. “The state doesn’t have a real-time picture of what is driving those supply issues.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The bill requires the state auditor to investigate the program in 10 years to find out whether it is working to reduce gas prices. If it’s not, the auditor can order the program to shut down — but lawmakers will have six months to review that decision and reverse it if they choose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is our role to protect our residents from any practices of any business that may harm them,” said state Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Berkeley and author of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill highlights the challenges of balancing the competing pressures of protecting consumers at the pump while at the same time pushing policies to end the state’s reliance on fossil fuels. \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/climate-technology-pollution-carbon-neutrality-d89c04fe08f09863eba5342b123c787d\">California’s climate strategy\u003c/a> — which includes \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/technology-california-air-resources-board-climate-and-environment-dc75c11280f85a8ab134cf392497be68\">banning the sale of most new gas-powered cars by 2035\u003c/a> — would reduce demand for gasoline by 94% by 2045.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To sum it all up, it’s our energy policy — our energy policy and our efforts to replace fossil fuel with all electric in a very, very short amount of time,” said state Sen. Kelly Seyarto, a Republican from Murrieta who opposes the bill. “Why can’t we just tell our constituents that? That’s why your gas prices are so high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944575\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944575\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A digital gas station sign at Circle K reads with record high numbers for the price of a gallon of gasoline. Premium Gasoline is listed at 5.99 per gallon.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS54117_003_KQED_GasStationSF_03082022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign shows prices at $5.69 a gallon for regular gasoline at a Circle K gas station on Potrero Avenue and 17th Street in San Francisco on March 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California’s gasoline prices are already higher than most other states because of taxes, fees and environmental regulations. California’s gas tax is the second-highest in the country, at $0.54 per gallon. And the state requires that oil companies make a special blend of gasoline to sell in California that is better for the environment but more expensive to produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans on Thursday tried to force a vote on a separate bill that would suspend the state’s gas tax and some gas-related regulations for one year. But Democrats voted not to bring the bill up for debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point last year, the average price of a gallon of gasoline in California was more than $2.60 higher than the national average — a difference regulators say is too large to be explained by taxes, fees and regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the oil industry’s complaints about the bill have focused on the new, independent state agency lawmakers would create to investigate the market. Oil companies would be required to disclose massive amounts of data to this agency, giving regulators a better sense of what could be driving price spikes. And, crucially, the agency would have subpoena power to compel oil company executives to testify.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Kevin Slagle, spokesperson for the Western States Petroleum Association, said oil companies would have to report data on 15,000 transactions per day, what he called “a ridiculous level of reporting” that would drive up costs. He said the real problem with California’s gas prices are state laws and regulations that hinder the supply of fuel. He criticized Newsom and lawmakers for rushing the bill through the Legislature with little input from the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why does the governor want to jam this through? Clearly it’s because the details of this are not good for California consumers,” Slagle said. “They don’t address the problem, but it provides him a political win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dana Williamson, Newsom’s chief of staff, said she has repeatedly had meetings with representatives from the oil industry to discuss the bill, including meetings with specific companies and two meetings with the WSPA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill would end “the era of oil’s outsized influence” and hold the industry accountable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s Ted Goldberg.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "no-reward-for-loyalty-gig-companies-winning-fight-to-classify-drivers-as-independent",
"title": "'No Reward for Loyalty': Gig Companies Winning Fight to Classify Drivers as Independent",
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"content": "\u003cp>After a California appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/03/13/california-court-lets-gig-companies-keep-treating-workers-as-contractors-00086898\">upheld most of Proposition 22\u003c/a> last week, it’s widely expected the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) will appeal to the state Supreme Court. That’s even though the union says it’s still considering its options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More California Coverage\" tag=\"california\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, wrote in an email to KQED, “Drivers have always led this movement, and we will follow their lead as we consider all options — whether that’s seeking review from the California Supreme Court — to ensure that rideshare drivers and delivery workers have access to the same rights and protections afforded to other workers in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/topl-prop22.pdf\">Prop. 22 (PDF)\u003c/a> is widely perceived as a major carve-out of California labor law, allowing Uber, Lyft and similar businesses to classify their drivers as independent contractors, rather than employees. A lower court ruling \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/judge-shoots-down-landmark-law-that-kept-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-employees-11629513964\">found the law unconstitutional\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/A163655.PDF\">two-judge majority on the state appeals panel disagreed (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing state law has never provided generous labor protections to “all potentially eligible wage workers” in California. There are, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939848/a-legacy-of-slavery-for-domestic-workers-californias-new-safety-guidelines-are-long-overdue-say-advocates\">long-standing carve-outs for domestic and agricultural workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rideshare industry reaction exultant\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the release of the decision, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/blog/posts/lyft-statement-on-california-court-of-appeal-prop-22-decision\">Lyft officials wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>, “We are pleased that the court upheld the democratic will of the voters … We are excited to continue operating our service with no changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a black vehicle with a pink Lyft sticker and a black and white Uber sticker on the left side of its windshield. The vehicle sits idle waiting to pick up a customer.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposition 22 allows gig companies such as Uber and Lyft to classify their drivers as independent contractors, rather than employees. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uber’s chief legal officer, Tony West, wrote in an email to KQED, “Across the state, drivers and couriers have said they are happy with Prop 22, which affords them new benefits while preserving the unique flexibility of app-based work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1st District Court of Appeal in San Francisco did invalidate Prop. 22’s most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">controversial provision\u003c/a>, one that required a close-to-impossible seven-eighths’ vote of the Legislature to pass any bills that modify Prop. 22. But experts don’t expect Uber or Lyft to appeal, lest they risk the possibility the California Supreme Court agrees with the lower court ruling, and/or strike down all of Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford labor law professor William Gould, who served as chair of the National Labor Relations Board from 1994 to 1998, wrote in an email to KQED that he thinks it’s “more than likely that the California Supreme Court will reverse. Should it not do so, the Biden administration’s new wage and hour rule on who is an employee preempts state law and, if drawn inconsistently with Proposition 22, will trump it constitutionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate but related decision, a unanimous 9th Circuit panel \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/ubers-challenge-calif-contractor-law-revived-by-us-appeals-court-2023-03-17/\">reinstated Uber and Postmates’ constitutional claim\u003c/a> against California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a> on Friday. The San Francisco-based appeals panel said the state must face claims that the law is unconstitutional because it singles out app-based transportation businesses while exempting many other industries from the need to justify why they classify some workers as contractors rather than employees.[aside label=\"More on Assembly Bill 5\" tag=\"ab5\"]Already, the success of Prop. 22 with California voters at the ballot box in 2020 has inspired a similar measure on the 2024 ballot, one that would \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ccrov/2023/january/23012jh.pdf\">overturn a new law (PDF)\u003c/a> designed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/ca-divide-workplace/2022/08/fast-food-workers/\">improve wages and working conditions in fast food\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No question there are a lot of minimum labor law standards in California, and I understand why employers find them onerous to comply with, not to mention expensive,” said UC Berkeley law professor Catherine Fisk, who wrote a friend-of-the-court brief on behalf of a group of California labor and employment law professors opposed to Prop. 22. She added that she’s “disappointed” by the appeals court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s really in the public’s best interest to have such a large group of workers who are carved out of the minimum protections of state law. That exists not only to benefit the workers and their families, but the communities that are affected by abject poverty,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Happy to be independent, unhappy about the pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Scott from LA County,” who drives for Uber, says he didn’t even vote in 2020 when the measure was on the ballot. KQED is not sharing Scott’s last name because because he fears the company might retaliate against him for speaking to KQED; he is unaffiliated with either the SEIU or the industry-backed \u003ca href=\"https://protectdriversandservices.com/about/our-coalition/\">Protect App-Based Drivers and Services coalition\u003c/a> (PADS).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was a little nonchalant about Prop. 22 because I was just getting started, and things were surprisingly good back then,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott admitted his opinion changed after Prop. 22 took effect the following January, and he watched the measure’s promised 120% of minimum wage become a ceiling for him, rather than a floor. In other words, he makes about $18.60 an hour these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944396\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man stands with his back to the camera wearing a black T-shirt with yellow writing that reads \"Drivers Union Now.\" In the background, two people hold a large white sign that reads, \"Gig Workers Are Essential.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gig workers, including rideshare and delivery drivers, with We Drive Progress and Gig Workers Rising demonstrate outside DoorDash headquarters in San Francisco on Nov. 3, 2021, demanding fair pay and employee rights. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not what independent contractors got into Uber for, to make 120% of minimum wage,” he said. “In the past, I was making $30, $40, $50 an hour.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott, rideshare driver\"]‘There’s no reward for loyalty. You just kind of always feel like you’re replaceable.’[/pullquote]That said, Scott still loves choosing his own hours, 20 to 25 a week, and he’s not really bothered by the fact that independent contractors, as defined by Prop. 22, don’t have the same protections as employees under California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said what bothers him most, aside from making less money, is his sense that the company is driving out gig workers like him — who remember the days before Prop. 22 and can see the work is becoming less profitable — and relying on high turnover to pull in new people who can’t remember when drivers made more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reward for loyalty. You just kind of always feel like you’re replaceable,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Side hustle or livelihood?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The percentage of rideshare drivers who are full time versus part time has been a point of contention between union-friendly Democratic lawmakers in California and the rideshare companies. A report published last year by UC Riverside’s Center for Economic Forecasting and Development for the industry-backed drivers’ coalition found “\u003ca href=\"https://protectdriversandservices.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/UCR_CEFD_CA_AppDrivers_Analysis_2_17_2022-41.pdf\">only 23% of drivers report working with platforms on what would conventionally be considered a full-time basis\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944401\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944401\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1704\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-2048x1363.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator holds a sign that says ‘Prop 22 Is Unconstitutional’ during a protest outside DoorDash headquarters in San Francisco on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a recent talk before The Economic Club of Chicago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=2131&v=HFKrv9Ub9WI&feature=youtu.be\">Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said the weakening economy is bringing more drivers — he calls them “earners” — online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“About 70% of our earners are saying inflation is actually one of the reasons why they’re coming on to the platform, because they can earn flexibly. And they can, you know, earn another $500 a week for groceries or whatever else they need to live,” Khosrowshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If drivers are only making a little extra money with the platforms versus relying on the driving for their livelihoods, labor lawyers say, it’s easier for gig companies to argue they aren’t exploiting the drivers by refusing to provide them the benefits employees would receive — or exploiting taxpayers by socializing the costs drivers can’t afford to cover on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw this during the pandemic, right after Proposition 22 was enacted,” said Fisk, of UC Berkeley. “Every other employer had paid into the unemployment system. So when their workers became unemployed, they could file a claim for unemployment and be compensated. Uber and Lyft exempted themselves from the unemployment system. Their drivers were left penniless. So what did the companies say? ‘Congress has created a system for independent contractors. You should apply to that.’ Who was paying for that? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812496/uber-and-lyft-arent-paying-for-drivers-unemployment-you-are-confirms-newsom\">The taxpayers\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Labor advocates are mulling their options after a California appeals court reversed most of a ruling invalidating Prop. 22, the state's 2020 voter-approved gig economy law allowing ride-hailing and delivery companies to classify workers as independent contractors rather than employees.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After a California appeals court \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2023/03/13/california-court-lets-gig-companies-keep-treating-workers-as-contractors-00086898\">upheld most of Proposition 22\u003c/a> last week, it’s widely expected the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) will appeal to the state Supreme Court. That’s even though the union says it’s still considering its options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tia Orr, executive director of SEIU California, wrote in an email to KQED, “Drivers have always led this movement, and we will follow their lead as we consider all options — whether that’s seeking review from the California Supreme Court — to ensure that rideshare drivers and delivery workers have access to the same rights and protections afforded to other workers in California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://vig.cdn.sos.ca.gov/2020/general/pdf/topl-prop22.pdf\">Prop. 22 (PDF)\u003c/a> is widely perceived as a major carve-out of California labor law, allowing Uber, Lyft and similar businesses to classify their drivers as independent contractors, rather than employees. A lower court ruling \u003ca href=\"https://www.marketwatch.com/story/judge-shoots-down-landmark-law-that-kept-uber-and-lyft-drivers-from-being-employees-11629513964\">found the law unconstitutional\u003c/a>. But the \u003ca href=\"https://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/A163655.PDF\">two-judge majority on the state appeals panel disagreed (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing state law has never provided generous labor protections to “all potentially eligible wage workers” in California. There are, for instance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939848/a-legacy-of-slavery-for-domestic-workers-californias-new-safety-guidelines-are-long-overdue-say-advocates\">long-standing carve-outs for domestic and agricultural workers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rideshare industry reaction exultant\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In a statement following the release of the decision, \u003ca href=\"https://www.lyft.com/blog/posts/lyft-statement-on-california-court-of-appeal-prop-22-decision\">Lyft officials wrote in a blog post\u003c/a>, “We are pleased that the court upheld the democratic will of the voters … We are excited to continue operating our service with no changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944379\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944379\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A closeup shot of a black vehicle with a pink Lyft sticker and a black and white Uber sticker on the left side of its windshield. The vehicle sits idle waiting to pick up a customer.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS16535_IMG_0443.JPG-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Proposition 22 allows gig companies such as Uber and Lyft to classify their drivers as independent contractors, rather than employees. \u003ccite>(Ericka Cruz Guevarra/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Uber’s chief legal officer, Tony West, wrote in an email to KQED, “Across the state, drivers and couriers have said they are happy with Prop 22, which affords them new benefits while preserving the unique flexibility of app-based work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 1st District Court of Appeal in San Francisco did invalidate Prop. 22’s most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/post-it/2020/10/california-amendment-threshold-proposition-22/\">controversial provision\u003c/a>, one that required a close-to-impossible seven-eighths’ vote of the Legislature to pass any bills that modify Prop. 22. But experts don’t expect Uber or Lyft to appeal, lest they risk the possibility the California Supreme Court agrees with the lower court ruling, and/or strike down all of Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford labor law professor William Gould, who served as chair of the National Labor Relations Board from 1994 to 1998, wrote in an email to KQED that he thinks it’s “more than likely that the California Supreme Court will reverse. Should it not do so, the Biden administration’s new wage and hour rule on who is an employee preempts state law and, if drawn inconsistently with Proposition 22, will trump it constitutionally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate but related decision, a unanimous 9th Circuit panel \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/ubers-challenge-calif-contractor-law-revived-by-us-appeals-court-2023-03-17/\">reinstated Uber and Postmates’ constitutional claim\u003c/a> against California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/ab5\">Assembly Bill 5\u003c/a> on Friday. The San Francisco-based appeals panel said the state must face claims that the law is unconstitutional because it singles out app-based transportation businesses while exempting many other industries from the need to justify why they classify some workers as contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Already, the success of Prop. 22 with California voters at the ballot box in 2020 has inspired a similar measure on the 2024 ballot, one that would \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/ccrov/2023/january/23012jh.pdf\">overturn a new law (PDF)\u003c/a> designed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/ca-divide-workplace/2022/08/fast-food-workers/\">improve wages and working conditions in fast food\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No question there are a lot of minimum labor law standards in California, and I understand why employers find them onerous to comply with, not to mention expensive,” said UC Berkeley law professor Catherine Fisk, who wrote a friend-of-the-court brief on behalf of a group of California labor and employment law professors opposed to Prop. 22. She added that she’s “disappointed” by the appeals court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s really in the public’s best interest to have such a large group of workers who are carved out of the minimum protections of state law. That exists not only to benefit the workers and their families, but the communities that are affected by abject poverty,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Happy to be independent, unhappy about the pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“Scott from LA County,” who drives for Uber, says he didn’t even vote in 2020 when the measure was on the ballot. KQED is not sharing Scott’s last name because because he fears the company might retaliate against him for speaking to KQED; he is unaffiliated with either the SEIU or the industry-backed \u003ca href=\"https://protectdriversandservices.com/about/our-coalition/\">Protect App-Based Drivers and Services coalition\u003c/a> (PADS).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was a little nonchalant about Prop. 22 because I was just getting started, and things were surprisingly good back then,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott admitted his opinion changed after Prop. 22 took effect the following January, and he watched the measure’s promised 120% of minimum wage become a ceiling for him, rather than a floor. In other words, he makes about $18.60 an hour these days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944396\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944396\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg\" alt='A man stands with his back to the camera wearing a black T-shirt with yellow writing that reads \"Drivers Union Now.\" In the background, two people hold a large white sign that reads, \"Gig Workers Are Essential.\"' width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52363_004_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gig workers, including rideshare and delivery drivers, with We Drive Progress and Gig Workers Rising demonstrate outside DoorDash headquarters in San Francisco on Nov. 3, 2021, demanding fair pay and employee rights. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“But that’s not what independent contractors got into Uber for, to make 120% of minimum wage,” he said. “In the past, I was making $30, $40, $50 an hour.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That said, Scott still loves choosing his own hours, 20 to 25 a week, and he’s not really bothered by the fact that independent contractors, as defined by Prop. 22, don’t have the same protections as employees under California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said what bothers him most, aside from making less money, is his sense that the company is driving out gig workers like him — who remember the days before Prop. 22 and can see the work is becoming less profitable — and relying on high turnover to pull in new people who can’t remember when drivers made more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no reward for loyalty. You just kind of always feel like you’re replaceable,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Side hustle or livelihood?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The percentage of rideshare drivers who are full time versus part time has been a point of contention between union-friendly Democratic lawmakers in California and the rideshare companies. A report published last year by UC Riverside’s Center for Economic Forecasting and Development for the industry-backed drivers’ coalition found “\u003ca href=\"https://protectdriversandservices.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/UCR_CEFD_CA_AppDrivers_Analysis_2_17_2022-41.pdf\">only 23% of drivers report working with platforms on what would conventionally be considered a full-time basis\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944401\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944401\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1704\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-2048x1363.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS52369_011_SanFrancisco_GigWorkerProtest_11032021-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator holds a sign that says ‘Prop 22 Is Unconstitutional’ during a protest outside DoorDash headquarters in San Francisco on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a recent talk before The Economic Club of Chicago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=2131&v=HFKrv9Ub9WI&feature=youtu.be\">Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi said the weakening economy is bringing more drivers — he calls them “earners” — online\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“About 70% of our earners are saying inflation is actually one of the reasons why they’re coming on to the platform, because they can earn flexibly. And they can, you know, earn another $500 a week for groceries or whatever else they need to live,” Khosrowshahi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If drivers are only making a little extra money with the platforms versus relying on the driving for their livelihoods, labor lawyers say, it’s easier for gig companies to argue they aren’t exploiting the drivers by refusing to provide them the benefits employees would receive — or exploiting taxpayers by socializing the costs drivers can’t afford to cover on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We saw this during the pandemic, right after Proposition 22 was enacted,” said Fisk, of UC Berkeley. “Every other employer had paid into the unemployment system. So when their workers became unemployed, they could file a claim for unemployment and be compensated. Uber and Lyft exempted themselves from the unemployment system. Their drivers were left penniless. So what did the companies say? ‘Congress has created a system for independent contractors. You should apply to that.’ Who was paying for that? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11812496/uber-and-lyft-arent-paying-for-drivers-unemployment-you-are-confirms-newsom\">The taxpayers\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the hours after some of Silicon Valley Bank’s biggest customers started pulling out their money, a WhatsApp group of start-up founders who are immigrants of color ballooned to more than 1,000 members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions flowed as the bank’s financial status worsened. Some desperately sought advice: Could they open an account at a larger bank without a Social Security number? Others questioned whether they had to physically be at a bank to open an account, because they were visiting parents overseas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11943901 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS60216_004_KQED_Biotechnology_11172022-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One clear theme emerged: a deep concern about the broader impact on start-ups led by people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wall Street struggles to contain the banking crisis after the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-fed-bonds-rates-banks-inflation-a24b28b3caeede91c76cd120aa9b7966\">swift demise of SVB\u003c/a> — the nation’s 16th-largest bank and the biggest to fail since the 2008 financial meltdown — industry experts predict it could become even harder for people of color to secure funding or a financial home supporting their start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley Bank committed to spending \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/news/company-news/svb-financial-group-announces-%24112.2-billion-community-benefits-plan\">$11 billion on things like affordable housing and small-business loans\u003c/a> in the Bay Area and Los Angeles, as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/news/company-news/svb-financial-group-completes-acquisition-of-boston-private2\">merger two years ago\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a fair assessment to say that the bank was doing a good job, and maybe a better job, than other banks in providing support to affordable housing, to communities of color, to low-income communities, both small-business support as well as housing support,” said Paulina Gonzalez-Brito, CEO of the California Reinvestment Coalition. “And I think that’s primarily because of this community benefits agreement that we negotiated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SVB had opened its doors to such entrepreneurs, offering opportunities to form crucial relationships in the technology and financial communities that had been out of reach within larger financial institutions. But smaller players have fewer means of surviving a collapse, reflecting the perilous journey minority entrepreneurs face while attempting to navigate industries historically rife with racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these folks that have very special circumstances based on their identity, it’s not something that they can just change about themselves, and that makes them unbankable by the top four [large banks],” said Asya Bradley, board member of numerous start-ups who has watched the WhatsApp group grapple with SVB’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradley said some investors have implored start-ups to switch to larger financial institutions to stymie future financial risks, but that’s not an easy transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why we’re going to regional and community banks is because these [large] banks don’t want our business,” Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banking expert Aaron Klein, senior fellow in economic studies at the Brookings Institution, said SVB’s collapse could exacerbate racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be more challenging for people who don’t fit the traditional credit box, including minorities,” Klein said. “A financial system that prefers the existing holders of wealth will perpetuate the legacy of past discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Asya Bradley, board member of numerous start-ups\"]‘The reason why we’re going to regional and community banks is because these [large] banks don’t want our business.’[/pullquote]Tiffany Dufu was gutted when she couldn’t access her SVB account and, in turn, could not pay her employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dufu raised $5 million as CEO of The Cru, a New York-based career coaching platform and community for women. It was a rare feat for businesses founded by Black women, which get less than 1% of the billions of dollars in venture capital funding doled out yearly to start-ups. She banked with SVB because it was known for its close ties to the tech community and investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to have raised that money, I pitched nearly 200 investors over the past few years,” said Dufu, who has since regained access to her funds and moved to Bank of America. “It’s very hard to put yourself out there and time after time — you get told this isn’t a good fit. So, the money in the bank account was very precious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A February Crunchbase News analysis determined \u003ca href=\"https://news.crunchbase.com/diversity/venture-funding-black-startups-2022/\">funding for Black-founded start-ups slowed by more than 50% last year after they received a record $5.1 billion in venture capital in 2021\u003c/a>. Overall venture funding dropped from about $337 billion to roughly $214 billion, while Black founders were hit disproportionately hard, dropping to just $2.3 billion, or 1.1% of the total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entrepreneur Amy Hilliard, professor at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, knows how difficult it is to secure financing. It took three years to secure a loan for her cake-manufacturing company, and she had to sell her home to get it started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banking is based on relationships, and when a bank like SVB goes under, “those relationships go away, too,” said Hilliard, who is African American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some conservative critics asserted SVB’s commitment to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/silicon-valley-bank-fdic-svb-california-d84764deb458371667ac7f850f430f22\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> were to blame, but banking experts say those claims were false. The bank slid into insolvency because its larger customers pulled deposits rather than borrow at higher interest rates and the bank’s balance sheets were overexposed, forcing it to sell bonds at a loss to cover the withdrawals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re focused on climate or communities of color or racial equity, that has nothing to do with what happened with Silicon Valley Bank,” said Valerie Red-Horse Mohl, co-founder of Known Holdings, a Black, Indigenous, Asian American-founded investment banking platform focused on the sustainable growth of minority-managed funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red-Horse Mohl — who has raised, structured and managed over $3 billion in capital for tribal nations — said most larger banks are led by white men and majority-white boards, and “even when they do DEI programs, it’s not a really deep sort of shifting of capital.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller financial institutions, however, have worked to build relationships with people of color. “We cannot lose our regional and community banks,” she said. “It would be a travesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, smaller and minority-owned banks have addressed funding gaps that larger banks ignored or even created, following exclusionary laws and policies as they turned away customers because of the color of their skin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ripple effects from SVB’s collapse are being felt among these banks as well, said Nicole Elam, president and CEO of the National Bankers Association, a 96-year-old trade association representing more than 175 minority-owned banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some have seen customers withdraw funds and move to larger banks out of fear, even though most minority-owned banks have a more traditional customer base, with secured loans and minimal risky investments, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nicole Elam, president and CEO, National Bankers Association\"]‘In response to this national conversation around racial equity, people are really seeing minority banks are key to wealth creation and key to helping to close the wealth gap.’[/pullquote]“You’re seeing customer flight of folks that we’ve been serving for a long time,” Elam said. “How many people may not come to us for a mortgage or small-business loan or to do their banking business because they now have in their mind that they need to bank with a bank that is too big to fail? That’s the first impact of eroding public trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black-owned banks have been hit the hardest as the industry consolidates. Most don’t have as much capital to withstand economic downturns. At its peak, there were 134. Today, there are only 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But change is on the way. Within the last three years, the federal government, private sector and philanthropic community have invested heavily in minority-run depository institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to this national conversation around racial equity, people are really seeing minority banks are key to wealth creation and key to helping to close the wealth gap,” Elam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradley, the board member of many start-ups, also is an angel investor, providing seed money for multiple entrepreneurs, and is seeing new opportunities as people network in the WhatsApp group to help each other remain afloat and grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really so hopeful,” Bradley said. “Even in the downfall of SVB, it has managed to form this incredible community of folks that are trying to help each other to succeed. They’re saying, ‘SVB was here for us. Now we’re going to be here for each other.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s Rachael Myrow contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One clear theme emerged: a deep concern about the broader impact on start-ups led by people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Wall Street struggles to contain the banking crisis after the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/svb-fed-bonds-rates-banks-inflation-a24b28b3caeede91c76cd120aa9b7966\">swift demise of SVB\u003c/a> — the nation’s 16th-largest bank and the biggest to fail since the 2008 financial meltdown — industry experts predict it could become even harder for people of color to secure funding or a financial home supporting their start-ups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Silicon Valley Bank committed to spending \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/news/company-news/svb-financial-group-announces-%24112.2-billion-community-benefits-plan\">$11 billion on things like affordable housing and small-business loans\u003c/a> in the Bay Area and Los Angeles, as part of a \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/news/company-news/svb-financial-group-completes-acquisition-of-boston-private2\">merger two years ago\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a fair assessment to say that the bank was doing a good job, and maybe a better job, than other banks in providing support to affordable housing, to communities of color, to low-income communities, both small-business support as well as housing support,” said Paulina Gonzalez-Brito, CEO of the California Reinvestment Coalition. “And I think that’s primarily because of this community benefits agreement that we negotiated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SVB had opened its doors to such entrepreneurs, offering opportunities to form crucial relationships in the technology and financial communities that had been out of reach within larger financial institutions. But smaller players have fewer means of surviving a collapse, reflecting the perilous journey minority entrepreneurs face while attempting to navigate industries historically rife with racism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these folks that have very special circumstances based on their identity, it’s not something that they can just change about themselves, and that makes them unbankable by the top four [large banks],” said Asya Bradley, board member of numerous start-ups who has watched the WhatsApp group grapple with SVB’s demise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradley said some investors have implored start-ups to switch to larger financial institutions to stymie future financial risks, but that’s not an easy transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason why we’re going to regional and community banks is because these [large] banks don’t want our business,” Bradley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banking expert Aaron Klein, senior fellow in economic studies at the Brookings Institution, said SVB’s collapse could exacerbate racial disparities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s going to be more challenging for people who don’t fit the traditional credit box, including minorities,” Klein said. “A financial system that prefers the existing holders of wealth will perpetuate the legacy of past discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Tiffany Dufu was gutted when she couldn’t access her SVB account and, in turn, could not pay her employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dufu raised $5 million as CEO of The Cru, a New York-based career coaching platform and community for women. It was a rare feat for businesses founded by Black women, which get less than 1% of the billions of dollars in venture capital funding doled out yearly to start-ups. She banked with SVB because it was known for its close ties to the tech community and investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In order to have raised that money, I pitched nearly 200 investors over the past few years,” said Dufu, who has since regained access to her funds and moved to Bank of America. “It’s very hard to put yourself out there and time after time — you get told this isn’t a good fit. So, the money in the bank account was very precious.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A February Crunchbase News analysis determined \u003ca href=\"https://news.crunchbase.com/diversity/venture-funding-black-startups-2022/\">funding for Black-founded start-ups slowed by more than 50% last year after they received a record $5.1 billion in venture capital in 2021\u003c/a>. Overall venture funding dropped from about $337 billion to roughly $214 billion, while Black founders were hit disproportionately hard, dropping to just $2.3 billion, or 1.1% of the total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Entrepreneur Amy Hilliard, professor at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, knows how difficult it is to secure financing. It took three years to secure a loan for her cake-manufacturing company, and she had to sell her home to get it started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Banking is based on relationships, and when a bank like SVB goes under, “those relationships go away, too,” said Hilliard, who is African American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some conservative critics asserted SVB’s commitment to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/silicon-valley-bank-fdic-svb-california-d84764deb458371667ac7f850f430f22\">diversity, equity and inclusion\u003c/a> were to blame, but banking experts say those claims were false. The bank slid into insolvency because its larger customers pulled deposits rather than borrow at higher interest rates and the bank’s balance sheets were overexposed, forcing it to sell bonds at a loss to cover the withdrawals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we’re focused on climate or communities of color or racial equity, that has nothing to do with what happened with Silicon Valley Bank,” said Valerie Red-Horse Mohl, co-founder of Known Holdings, a Black, Indigenous, Asian American-founded investment banking platform focused on the sustainable growth of minority-managed funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Red-Horse Mohl — who has raised, structured and managed over $3 billion in capital for tribal nations — said most larger banks are led by white men and majority-white boards, and “even when they do DEI programs, it’s not a really deep sort of shifting of capital.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smaller financial institutions, however, have worked to build relationships with people of color. “We cannot lose our regional and community banks,” she said. “It would be a travesty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Historically, smaller and minority-owned banks have addressed funding gaps that larger banks ignored or even created, following exclusionary laws and policies as they turned away customers because of the color of their skin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ripple effects from SVB’s collapse are being felt among these banks as well, said Nicole Elam, president and CEO of the National Bankers Association, a 96-year-old trade association representing more than 175 minority-owned banks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some have seen customers withdraw funds and move to larger banks out of fear, even though most minority-owned banks have a more traditional customer base, with secured loans and minimal risky investments, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“You’re seeing customer flight of folks that we’ve been serving for a long time,” Elam said. “How many people may not come to us for a mortgage or small-business loan or to do their banking business because they now have in their mind that they need to bank with a bank that is too big to fail? That’s the first impact of eroding public trust.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Black-owned banks have been hit the hardest as the industry consolidates. Most don’t have as much capital to withstand economic downturns. At its peak, there were 134. Today, there are only 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But change is on the way. Within the last three years, the federal government, private sector and philanthropic community have invested heavily in minority-run depository institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In response to this national conversation around racial equity, people are really seeing minority banks are key to wealth creation and key to helping to close the wealth gap,” Elam said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bradley, the board member of many start-ups, also is an angel investor, providing seed money for multiple entrepreneurs, and is seeing new opportunities as people network in the WhatsApp group to help each other remain afloat and grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m really so hopeful,” Bradley said. “Even in the downfall of SVB, it has managed to form this incredible community of folks that are trying to help each other to succeed. They’re saying, ‘SVB was here for us. Now we’re going to be here for each other.'”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci data-stringify-type=\"italic\">KQED’s Rachael Myrow contributed reporting to this story.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/weather/article/next-storm-atmospheric-river-california-impacts-17843272.php\">another atmospheric river storm approaches California\u003c/a>, thousands of farmworkers could be left with no income for months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943316/pajaro-river-levee-breached-where-to-find-evacuation-shelters\">a disastrous flood\u003c/a> submerged an “alarming” acreage of agricultural land in California’s Central Coast, according to Monterey County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community of Pajaro, where many farmworkers live, became \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-of-emergency-services/incidents/2023-pineapple-express\">the emergency\u003c/a>’s ground zero after a nearby river levee broke last week and residents were forced to evacuate their homes. Emergency crews have since patched up the Pajaro River levee breach, allowing floodwaters to recede from streets, homes and businesses. But all \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/16000US0655044-pajaro-ca/\">3,000 residents\u003c/a> continue to be displaced and are under evacuation orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have nothing. No money. No home,” said Juana Juarez, a longtime farmworker and single mother of three, in Spanish, as tears streamed down her face. “I feel like I’ve reached rock bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez, 41, worried about how to pay for rent and food for her kids. She planned to start working this month, the usual start to harvesting season for strawberries — the county’s top crop. But now an overwhelming economic and housing uncertainty keeps her up at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944019\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women packing clothes in a park.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Juana Juarez (left) packs donated clothes for her family in Watsonville, on March 15, 2023. Juarez, a single mother of three, said she worries about the prospect of no work due to flooding damage. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The devastation in the mostly lower-income Latino community was clear earlier this week. Trucks sat partly inundated in parking lots, while tires, metal pots and other debris littered the deserted roads. A blue beauty salon on Main Street was missing part of its front wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez returned to her nonprofit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.casadelaculturacenter.org/\">Casa de la Cultura Center\u003c/a>, to find that water had left a mark on the brick walls more than 2 feet up from the ground. She carefully opened the building’s front door to find a thick, shiny layer of mud covering the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m OK. I’m OK,” she slowly assured herself. And then, “That’s going to require a lot of help to clean out the mud,” she said, as she began considering the impacts. The piano and some electronics would be damaged, she said. Mold might be growing in the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just outside the town, expansive farmlands looked like shimmering lakes. County officials have started the long process of assessing losses to the local agricultural industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/home/showpublisheddocument/113214/637970560105830000\">production gross value of $4.1 billion\u003c/a> in 2021.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11943316,news_11943845,news_11943590\"]Monterey County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo said the current flood damage will be more extensive than the havoc wreaked during a series of storms last January, when roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ksbw.com/article/monterey-county-agriculture-storm-losses/43068481\">15,000 acres of farmland were affected\u003c/a>, at an estimated cost of $336 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the damages that we are seeing are quite alarming,” particularly for strawberry and raspberry fields that had already been planted, Hidalgo told reporters earlier this week. “From experience in previous flooding, we’re looking at anywhere from 30% to 50% yield losses” for those crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of food safety requirements, submerged farmlands will likely stay fallow for at least 60 days, he said. Regrowing harvests could take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the region’s agricultural workforce, the economic impact could be devastating, particularly for Pajaro residents who are also facing additional losses due to flooded homes, said Luis Alejo, who chairs the Monterey County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have so little but have lost so much,” said Alejo. “We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Luis Alejo, chair, Monterey County Board of Supervisors\"]‘They have so little but have lost so much. We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.’[/pullquote]About \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half of the farmworkers in California are undocumented\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That means they are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansFinal.pdf\">households with U.S. citizens or legal residents may apply (PDF)\u003c/a> for Federal Emergency Management Agency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After touring the disaster area earlier this week, Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters that he recognized the vulnerability of Pajaro and other disaster-stricken communities in the region. During his tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=The%20next%20step%20in%20California's,%2C%20effective%20January%201%2C%202024.\">Newsom has expanded the public health insurance program Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to cover hundreds of thousands of undocumented Californians. But the governor also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Gov-Newsom-vetoed-a-program-to-offer-17478927.php\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill last year that would have set up temporary unemployment benefits for undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, that does more for farmworkers than the state of California. And we don’t do enough,” said Newsom, standing by flooded farmlands outside Pajaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor touted a $42 million grant by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to the nonprofit United Way to provide financial assistance for farmworkers hit with flood losses, regardless of immigration status. People could readily start applying for the aid, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, United Ways of California representatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943845/gov-newsom-touts-42-million-in-aid-for-flooded-farmworkers-turns-out-its-months-old-covid-funding\">clarified\u003c/a> that only $300,000 of those funds — which were actually awarded months ago to the organization for \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/press-releases/610-usda-farmerworker-grant\">COVID relief\u003c/a> — will be distributed in Monterey County, including to storm victims. Applications for the $600 one-time cash cards are not open yet, said Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944020\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman with white hair stands outside a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez surveys the damage at her nonprofit, Casa de la Cultura, in Pajaro on March 15, 2023. The floodwaters left a mark on the walls more than 2 feet from the ground. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For farmworker Juana Juarez, that cash amount won’t be nearly enough to cover the cost of replacing belongings she lost in the flooding, which she believes include her car, furniture, electronics and clothes. She didn’t know the total amount of her losses, as most Pajaro residents have not been allowed into town yet to survey their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too little … the governor should try to help us with more money,” said Juarez, who has been staying with her children at a relatives’ crowded home in the adjacent town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom’s office said the administration is pursuing “additional support” for storm-affected residents who are ineligible for FEMA assistance due to immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional $300,000 in flood relief has been raised by local foundations and nonprofits for affected residents in the Pajaro Valley, said MaríaElena De La Garza, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board\u003c/a> of Santa Cruz County, one of the organizations tasked with distributing those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical situation,” De La Garza said. “We are working in collaboration to get out economic relief to families not only at the shelters, but anybody who’s been displaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before residents can return to their homes, Monterey County Sheriff Tina Nieto said several agencies must first check the safety of buildings, running water and other infrastructure — a process that could take weeks. \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-o%5B%E2%80%A6%5Dnts/2023-pineapple-express/2023-pineapple-express-recovery\">Cal Fire damage assessment teams have already started working\u003c/a> in Pajaro and other affected areas, according to a county spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11944021 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A white semi facing the camera drives along a partially flooded road with completely submerged fields to both sides, alongside electric lines. In the background is a ranch-style house and thick tree cover.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck drives on a flooded road between agricultural fields near Pajaro on March 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers from Watsonville whose homes were not flooded also are responding to the crisis. A group of volunteers raised donations through social media and dropped off bags of clothes and food to displaced residents near one of the blocked street entrances to Pajaro this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Ortiz, a strawberry picker who fears she won’t have work either, said she paid out of her own pocket for chicken and rice, pizza boxes and cookies that she offered to families with young children on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to try to help people in whatever way we can,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>To give money:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfmco.org/impact/montereycountystormrelieffund/\">Community Foundation for Monterey County: Storm Relief Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfscc.org/funds/disaster-fund\">Community Foundation Santa Cruz County: Santa Cruz County Disaster Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/allinmonterey\">ALL IN in Monterey County: Donation distribution center at Monterey Fairgrounds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>To volunteer:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://allinmonterey.org/2023-pineapple-express-storm-relief\">Monterey County is seeking volunteers to sort donated items.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/local/california/northern-california-coastal/volunteer.html\">The Red Cross is accepting volunteer applications.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Additional organizations:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysc.org/\">United Way of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaymcca.org/\">United Way of Monterey County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Displaced residents of Pajaro face severe economic losses after their homes were flooded, along with nearby agricultural farmlands where they work. Many are undocumented farmworkers who don't qualify for unemployment and other benefits because of their immigration status.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/weather/article/next-storm-atmospheric-river-california-impacts-17843272.php\">another atmospheric river storm approaches California\u003c/a>, thousands of farmworkers could be left with no income for months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943316/pajaro-river-levee-breached-where-to-find-evacuation-shelters\">a disastrous flood\u003c/a> submerged an “alarming” acreage of agricultural land in California’s Central Coast, according to Monterey County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community of Pajaro, where many farmworkers live, became \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-of-emergency-services/incidents/2023-pineapple-express\">the emergency\u003c/a>’s ground zero after a nearby river levee broke last week and residents were forced to evacuate their homes. Emergency crews have since patched up the Pajaro River levee breach, allowing floodwaters to recede from streets, homes and businesses. But all \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/16000US0655044-pajaro-ca/\">3,000 residents\u003c/a> continue to be displaced and are under evacuation orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have nothing. No money. No home,” said Juana Juarez, a longtime farmworker and single mother of three, in Spanish, as tears streamed down her face. “I feel like I’ve reached rock bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez, 41, worried about how to pay for rent and food for her kids. She planned to start working this month, the usual start to harvesting season for strawberries — the county’s top crop. But now an overwhelming economic and housing uncertainty keeps her up at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944019\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women packing clothes in a park.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Juana Juarez (left) packs donated clothes for her family in Watsonville, on March 15, 2023. Juarez, a single mother of three, said she worries about the prospect of no work due to flooding damage. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The devastation in the mostly lower-income Latino community was clear earlier this week. Trucks sat partly inundated in parking lots, while tires, metal pots and other debris littered the deserted roads. A blue beauty salon on Main Street was missing part of its front wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez returned to her nonprofit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.casadelaculturacenter.org/\">Casa de la Cultura Center\u003c/a>, to find that water had left a mark on the brick walls more than 2 feet up from the ground. She carefully opened the building’s front door to find a thick, shiny layer of mud covering the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m OK. I’m OK,” she slowly assured herself. And then, “That’s going to require a lot of help to clean out the mud,” she said, as she began considering the impacts. The piano and some electronics would be damaged, she said. Mold might be growing in the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just outside the town, expansive farmlands looked like shimmering lakes. County officials have started the long process of assessing losses to the local agricultural industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/home/showpublisheddocument/113214/637970560105830000\">production gross value of $4.1 billion\u003c/a> in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Monterey County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo said the current flood damage will be more extensive than the havoc wreaked during a series of storms last January, when roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ksbw.com/article/monterey-county-agriculture-storm-losses/43068481\">15,000 acres of farmland were affected\u003c/a>, at an estimated cost of $336 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the damages that we are seeing are quite alarming,” particularly for strawberry and raspberry fields that had already been planted, Hidalgo told reporters earlier this week. “From experience in previous flooding, we’re looking at anywhere from 30% to 50% yield losses” for those crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of food safety requirements, submerged farmlands will likely stay fallow for at least 60 days, he said. Regrowing harvests could take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the region’s agricultural workforce, the economic impact could be devastating, particularly for Pajaro residents who are also facing additional losses due to flooded homes, said Luis Alejo, who chairs the Monterey County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have so little but have lost so much,” said Alejo. “We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half of the farmworkers in California are undocumented\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That means they are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansFinal.pdf\">households with U.S. citizens or legal residents may apply (PDF)\u003c/a> for Federal Emergency Management Agency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After touring the disaster area earlier this week, Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters that he recognized the vulnerability of Pajaro and other disaster-stricken communities in the region. During his tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=The%20next%20step%20in%20California's,%2C%20effective%20January%201%2C%202024.\">Newsom has expanded the public health insurance program Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to cover hundreds of thousands of undocumented Californians. But the governor also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Gov-Newsom-vetoed-a-program-to-offer-17478927.php\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill last year that would have set up temporary unemployment benefits for undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, that does more for farmworkers than the state of California. And we don’t do enough,” said Newsom, standing by flooded farmlands outside Pajaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor touted a $42 million grant by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to the nonprofit United Way to provide financial assistance for farmworkers hit with flood losses, regardless of immigration status. People could readily start applying for the aid, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, United Ways of California representatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943845/gov-newsom-touts-42-million-in-aid-for-flooded-farmworkers-turns-out-its-months-old-covid-funding\">clarified\u003c/a> that only $300,000 of those funds — which were actually awarded months ago to the organization for \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/press-releases/610-usda-farmerworker-grant\">COVID relief\u003c/a> — will be distributed in Monterey County, including to storm victims. Applications for the $600 one-time cash cards are not open yet, said Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944020\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman with white hair stands outside a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez surveys the damage at her nonprofit, Casa de la Cultura, in Pajaro on March 15, 2023. The floodwaters left a mark on the walls more than 2 feet from the ground. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For farmworker Juana Juarez, that cash amount won’t be nearly enough to cover the cost of replacing belongings she lost in the flooding, which she believes include her car, furniture, electronics and clothes. She didn’t know the total amount of her losses, as most Pajaro residents have not been allowed into town yet to survey their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too little … the governor should try to help us with more money,” said Juarez, who has been staying with her children at a relatives’ crowded home in the adjacent town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom’s office said the administration is pursuing “additional support” for storm-affected residents who are ineligible for FEMA assistance due to immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional $300,000 in flood relief has been raised by local foundations and nonprofits for affected residents in the Pajaro Valley, said MaríaElena De La Garza, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board\u003c/a> of Santa Cruz County, one of the organizations tasked with distributing those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical situation,” De La Garza said. “We are working in collaboration to get out economic relief to families not only at the shelters, but anybody who’s been displaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before residents can return to their homes, Monterey County Sheriff Tina Nieto said several agencies must first check the safety of buildings, running water and other infrastructure — a process that could take weeks. \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-o%5B%E2%80%A6%5Dnts/2023-pineapple-express/2023-pineapple-express-recovery\">Cal Fire damage assessment teams have already started working\u003c/a> in Pajaro and other affected areas, according to a county spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11944021 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A white semi facing the camera drives along a partially flooded road with completely submerged fields to both sides, alongside electric lines. In the background is a ranch-style house and thick tree cover.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck drives on a flooded road between agricultural fields near Pajaro on March 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers from Watsonville whose homes were not flooded also are responding to the crisis. A group of volunteers raised donations through social media and dropped off bags of clothes and food to displaced residents near one of the blocked street entrances to Pajaro this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Ortiz, a strawberry picker who fears she won’t have work either, said she paid out of her own pocket for chicken and rice, pizza boxes and cookies that she offered to families with young children on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to try to help people in whatever way we can,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>To give money:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfmco.org/impact/montereycountystormrelieffund/\">Community Foundation for Monterey County: Storm Relief Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfscc.org/funds/disaster-fund\">Community Foundation Santa Cruz County: Santa Cruz County Disaster Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/allinmonterey\">ALL IN in Monterey County: Donation distribution center at Monterey Fairgrounds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>To volunteer:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://allinmonterey.org/2023-pineapple-express-storm-relief\">Monterey County is seeking volunteers to sort donated items.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/local/california/northern-california-coastal/volunteer.html\">The Red Cross is accepting volunteer applications.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Additional organizations:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysc.org/\">United Way of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaymcca.org/\">United Way of Monterey County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nkarta Therapeutics, among a throng of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11933882/beyond-vaccines-biotech-is-booming-in-the-bay-area-despite-a-cooling-economy\">biotech companies in South San Francisco\u003c/a>, had $350 million in deposits and assets in Silicon Valley Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But last Friday, after the bank failed, it suddenly had no access to those funds, said Paul Hastings, the company’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"More California Coverage\" tag=\"silicon-valley\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Oh, my goodness. It was like a hurricane of thoughts about what’s going to happen here,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hastings said another bank that works with SVB was able to wire him money on Monday, just in time for Nkarta to make payroll the next day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of the country’s biotech and climate-technology companies, many of them headquartered in the Bay Area, banked with Silicon Valley Bank. Last year, SVB committed to investing at least $5 billion in the clean-tech industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even as the FDIC quickly stepped in to guarantee deposits following the bank’s collapse, many companies have been scrambling to find new banks, open accounts and reorganize payroll systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Rob Chess, chair of Nektar, was deeply relieved the government stepped in, he pointed to another big problem many former SVB clients will undoubtedly face.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who are we going to negotiate with? Silicon Valley was both the most sophisticated and, frankly, the easiest to deal with, and they were the leaders of the field. So it removes a capital source for many companies,” Chess said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To his point, SVB was widely known for incubating ambitious climate and biotech start-ups, and was a valuable resource for new companies looking for a bank willing to invest in innovative and somewhat risky ventures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Rob Chess, chair, Nektar Therapeutics\"]‘Who are we going to negotiate with? Silicon Valley was both the most sophisticated and, frankly, the easiest to deal with, and they were the leaders of the field.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Reinhardt, CEO of Charm Industrial, a carbon-removal company, said his company had millions of dollars in cash deposits at SVB, in addition to checking, savings and other accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reinhardt noted that although most SVB clients with remaining deposits in the bank were essentially “made whole by the FDIC,” it’s still unclear how SVB plans to address companies with large lines of debt offered by the bank in an effort to help start-ups build their assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s some concern that it could have a ripple effect for any companies that are really reliant on these more complicated products than just deposits,” Reinhardt said. “I do think it’s probably more likely to affect hardware and climate-tech companies than software companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that about 60% of community solar projects across the U.S. banked with SVB, and it remains unclear how those projects will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ryan Panchadsaram, an advisor at Kleiner Perkins, a major Silicon Valley venture capital fund that invests in climate-tech companies, SVB’s collapse means existing banks will have to fill the void when it comes to funding early stage companies that have unique ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will [banks] help finance them? How do you give them a bit of venture debt to do the risky thing?” he said. “I think that’s what we’re all going to have to see together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peter Reinhardt, CEO of Charm Industrial, a carbon-removal company, said his company had millions of dollars in cash deposits at SVB, in addition to checking, savings and other accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reinhardt noted that although most SVB clients with remaining deposits in the bank were essentially “made whole by the FDIC,” it’s still unclear how SVB plans to address companies with large lines of debt offered by the bank in an effort to help start-ups build their assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s some concern that it could have a ripple effect for any companies that are really reliant on these more complicated products than just deposits,” Reinhardt said. “I do think it’s probably more likely to affect hardware and climate-tech companies than software companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that about 60% of community solar projects across the U.S. banked with SVB, and it remains unclear how those projects will be affected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Ryan Panchadsaram, an advisor at Kleiner Perkins, a major Silicon Valley venture capital fund that invests in climate-tech companies, SVB’s collapse means existing banks will have to fill the void when it comes to funding early stage companies that have unique ideas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Will [banks] help finance them? How do you give them a bit of venture debt to do the risky thing?” he said. “I think that’s what we’re all going to have to see together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the aftermath of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943215/us-seizes-silicon-valley-bank-as-stocks-tumble-depositors-scramble-to-withdraw-funds\">Silicon Valley Bank’s abrupt collapse\u003c/a> last week, California’s wine industry is in a state of uncertainty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SVB was one of the primary banks for the industry and, since 1994, has loaned more than $4 billion for things like vineyard acquisitions and wine-making equipment. According to its most recent earnings report, \u003ca href=\"https://s201.q4cdn.com/589201576/files/doc_financials/2022/q4/4Q22-SIVB-Earnings-Release-Final.pdf\">SVB has approximately $1.2 billion in outstanding loans (PDF)\u003c/a> to the wine industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Adam Lee, founder and winemaker, Clarice Wine Company\"]‘To me, Silicon Valley Bank was never on the list of banks that I was terribly concerned about. Perhaps I was naive.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its collapse came as a shock to Bay Area vintners like Adam Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, Silicon Valley Bank was never on the list of banks that I was terribly concerned about,” he said. “Perhaps I was naive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee is the founder and winemaker at \u003ca href=\"https://claricewinecompany.com/\">Clarice Wine Company\u003c/a>, based in Santa Rosa. He’s been a customer with SVB since 1997, and in addition to his account, he has a line of credit open at the bank, on which he owes tens of thousands of dollars. Immediately after the bank’s closure last week, Lee was locked out of those accounts for nearly three days. His sole employee happened to receive her paycheck Friday morning — just a few hours before the bank’s collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior signage of Silicon Valley Bank with white letters on a gray building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silicon Valley Bank headquarters is seen in Santa Clara on March 10, 2023. US regulators have shut down SVB amid its sudden collapse, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation announced in a statement on Friday. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With less than $250,000 in his account, Lee was never concerned about financial loss, since the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) immediately announced it would cover up to that amount (and has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.fdic.gov/news/press-releases/2023/pr23019.html\">agreed to cover all deposits\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But others weren’t so calm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some couldn’t make payroll, the apps didn’t work, loans couldn’t be made, some couldn’t get advances. It’s clearly frustrating, and I don’t blame them for being angry,” said Rob McMillan, founder and former executive vice president of SVB’s wine division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McMillan added that he was also shocked at the sudden downfall of the bank, where he has worked for more than 30 years.[aside label=\"More California Coverage\" tag=\"silicon-valley\"]“The wine industry is not part of this. We had nothing to do with it. Our clients are in fine shape. The portfolios are in fine shape,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, his clients are in a state of uncertainty. “It’s fear of the unknown,” he said. The bank is currently operating under the auspices of the federal government, and McMillan said there are several buyers potentially interested in acquiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/industry-solutions/premium-wine-banking\">SVB’s wine division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, though, wineries are dealing with a financial disruption that likely rippled out to their most vulnerable workforce: farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If payday was during that period of time and they didn’t get their paycheck, they’re going to be hurting,” said Rosaura Segura, an immigration services provider and farmworker advocate in St. Helena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also worried about the long-term impacts of the bank’s collapse, considering its financial support of the vineyard workforce. SVB was a major sponsor of an \u003ca href=\"https://cincogolf.com/\">annual golf tournament\u003c/a> in Napa Valley that raises money for migrant farmworker housing and other basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Dark purple grapes hang from a grapevine with sun-kissed leaves.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pinot noir grapes just before harvest at the Byron Vineyard and Winery in Santa Maria. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those funds are for bedding, for kitchen supplies, for food. So, yeah, we’re going to feel their absence,” Segura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As will the wine industry as a whole. In addition to lending money, SVB’s McMillan compiled a \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/trends-insights/reports/wine-report\">yearly benchmark report\u003c/a> for the wine industry, which provided a data-driven economic review and forecast for wineries and garnered worldwide readership. McMillan said he’s unsure he’ll be able to continue producing the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley Bank has a truly unique understanding of the wine business,” said Clarice Wine Company’s Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Lee said, he’s sticking with SVB — or whatever becomes of it — especially now that he has the backing of the FDIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an ironic way, Silicon Valley Bank is the safest place right now to put your money,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its collapse came as a shock to Bay Area vintners like Adam Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, Silicon Valley Bank was never on the list of banks that I was terribly concerned about,” he said. “Perhaps I was naive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee is the founder and winemaker at \u003ca href=\"https://claricewinecompany.com/\">Clarice Wine Company\u003c/a>, based in Santa Rosa. He’s been a customer with SVB since 1997, and in addition to his account, he has a line of credit open at the bank, on which he owes tens of thousands of dollars. Immediately after the bank’s closure last week, Lee was locked out of those accounts for nearly three days. His sole employee happened to receive her paycheck Friday morning — just a few hours before the bank’s collapse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943773\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943773\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"The exterior signage of Silicon Valley Bank with white letters on a gray building.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/GettyImages-1248009084-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Silicon Valley Bank headquarters is seen in Santa Clara on March 10, 2023. US regulators have shut down SVB amid its sudden collapse, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation announced in a statement on Friday. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With less than $250,000 in his account, Lee was never concerned about financial loss, since the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) immediately announced it would cover up to that amount (and has since \u003ca href=\"https://www.fdic.gov/news/press-releases/2023/pr23019.html\">agreed to cover all deposits\u003c/a>).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The wine industry is not part of this. We had nothing to do with it. Our clients are in fine shape. The portfolios are in fine shape,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, his clients are in a state of uncertainty. “It’s fear of the unknown,” he said. The bank is currently operating under the auspices of the federal government, and McMillan said there are several buyers potentially interested in acquiring \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/industry-solutions/premium-wine-banking\">SVB’s wine division\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, though, wineries are dealing with a financial disruption that likely rippled out to their most vulnerable workforce: farmworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If payday was during that period of time and they didn’t get their paycheck, they’re going to be hurting,” said Rosaura Segura, an immigration services provider and farmworker advocate in St. Helena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s also worried about the long-term impacts of the bank’s collapse, considering its financial support of the vineyard workforce. SVB was a major sponsor of an \u003ca href=\"https://cincogolf.com/\">annual golf tournament\u003c/a> in Napa Valley that raises money for migrant farmworker housing and other basic needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11943762\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11943762\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"Dark purple grapes hang from a grapevine with sun-kissed leaves.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1707\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-2048x1365.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS29229_GettyImages-143709552-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pinot noir grapes just before harvest at the Byron Vineyard and Winery in Santa Maria. \u003ccite>(Robyn Beck/AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Those funds are for bedding, for kitchen supplies, for food. So, yeah, we’re going to feel their absence,” Segura said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As will the wine industry as a whole. In addition to lending money, SVB’s McMillan compiled a \u003ca href=\"https://www.svb.com/trends-insights/reports/wine-report\">yearly benchmark report\u003c/a> for the wine industry, which provided a data-driven economic review and forecast for wineries and garnered worldwide readership. McMillan said he’s unsure he’ll be able to continue producing the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley Bank has a truly unique understanding of the wine business,” said Clarice Wine Company’s Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now, Lee said, he’s sticking with SVB — or whatever becomes of it — especially now that he has the backing of the FDIC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In an ironic way, Silicon Valley Bank is the safest place right now to put your money,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As federal officials scramble to figure out more details about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/why-silicon-valley-bank-and-signature-bank-failed-so-fast\">sudden failure of Silicon Valley Bank (SVB)\u003c/a> last week, some lawmakers in Sacramento are calling for the state to launch its own investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Timothy Grayson (D-Concord), who heads up his chamber’s Banking and Finance Committee, said that after the federal government releases its report on SVB on May 1, he wants the Legislature to start asking questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will gather the facts and wait for investigation, reports and analysis to come out. But there will be oversight hearings,” Grayson told KQED this week. He added that he wants to see whether California’s oversight of SVB, a state-chartered bank, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be informational hearings, and we will dive deep into the information that is provided for us through investigations so that we can make sure that we do everything we can to identify those gaps and then fill them on a state level,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grayson spent the weekend on the phone with fellow lawmakers, including fellow Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-San Ramon), who also serves on the banking committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to ensure we’re doing everything we can to protect Californians and their livelihoods and their ability to pay rent and keep food on the table,” Bauer-Kahan said. “So we will be looking long and hard at what authority we have to protect Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the immediate wake of SVB’s failure, many Democrats blamed Republicans in Congress and former President Donald Trump, who both worked to weaken the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.cftc.gov/LawRegulation/DoddFrankAct/index.htm\">Dodd-Frank Act\u003c/a>, which mandated stricter oversight of the banking industry after the 2008–09 global financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SVB and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/03/13/signature-bank-third-biggest-bank-failure-in-us-history.html\">Signature Bank, which also failed last week\u003c/a>, were among the banks that successfully lobbied to have the law changed to essentially exempt themselves from stricter federal requirements and annual Federal Reserve “stress tests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley Bank would have fallen within that more stringent regulatory review. But because of the lobbying of Silicon Valley Bank itself and others, it was rolled back in 2018,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that while federal regulators have most of the authority to regulate banks, California also holds some oversight power through state agencies like the \u003ca href=\"https://dfpi.ca.gov/\">Department of Financial Protection and Innovation\u003c/a> (DFPI), which first announced the bank’s closure on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to ask the question about … the role of all relevant players,” Bonta said. “[How can we] accomplish what we all want to do, which is to protect everyday people, to avoid situations like this in the future? And who should have what role?”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"silicon-valley-bank\"]After Republicans succeeded in weakening Dodd-Frank and Trump pushed to undermine the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, an oversight agency created by his predecessor, California moved to bolster its own consumer banking protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, with a push from Gov. Gavin Newsom, the Legislature passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1864\">AB 1864\u003c/a>, which created the DFPI, with the goal to “improve accountability and transparency in the California financial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nascent agency’s powers included the ability to regulate financial institutions, especially state-chartered banks, as well as the authority to enforce consumer protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kat Taylor, co-founder and board chair of Beneficial State Bank in Oakland, strongly supported the creation of the agency. She says its regulatory functions are critical because the financial sector is so influential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a far bigger industry than any other industry, and it fuels all other industries,” Taylor said, noting that more state and federal oversight of the financial industry is needed. “So we don’t understand it at our peril. And it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite repeated requests for interviews this week as the bank crisis continued unfolding, DFPI declined to grant an interview to KQED. Four days after the news broke, and 24 hours after they were first contacted, agency spokesperson Elizabeth Smith emailed a one-sentence statement: “We are actively investigating the situation and conducting a thorough review to ensure the Department is doing everything we can to protect Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Monique Limón (D-Santa Barbara), who authored AB 1864 and now chairs the Senate Banking and Financial Institutions Committee, said she wasn’t faulting the DFPI for the bank’s collapse, but does have plenty of questions for the agency she helped create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very fair for legislators to be asking a lot of questions about an agency and wanting to understand what happened,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’ve started to write down some of the questions from other members who maybe don’t serve on banking and finance, who don’t have the same purview in terms of the subject-matter area, but who are impacted because they have constituents who are impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón promised transparency in the coming months as state lawmakers further investigate the bank’s failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also want to ensure that we are reviewing our own state laws [to determine] what laws allow for something like that to happen,” she added. “Sometimes the silence or absence of laws is what allows things to occur. And certainly we’re going to be looking at all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by Assemblymember Grayson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have to face reality: There was a bank run, which means something didn’t go right,” Grayson said. “But we had a process to deal with that. And now we get to do a follow-up investigation and figure out how in the future do we prevent that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As federal officials scramble to figure out more details about the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/why-silicon-valley-bank-and-signature-bank-failed-so-fast\">sudden failure of Silicon Valley Bank (SVB)\u003c/a> last week, some lawmakers in Sacramento are calling for the state to launch its own investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Timothy Grayson (D-Concord), who heads up his chamber’s Banking and Finance Committee, said that after the federal government releases its report on SVB on May 1, he wants the Legislature to start asking questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will gather the facts and wait for investigation, reports and analysis to come out. But there will be oversight hearings,” Grayson told KQED this week. He added that he wants to see whether California’s oversight of SVB, a state-chartered bank, fell short.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be informational hearings, and we will dive deep into the information that is provided for us through investigations so that we can make sure that we do everything we can to identify those gaps and then fill them on a state level,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Grayson spent the weekend on the phone with fellow lawmakers, including fellow Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan (D-San Ramon), who also serves on the banking committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to ensure we’re doing everything we can to protect Californians and their livelihoods and their ability to pay rent and keep food on the table,” Bauer-Kahan said. “So we will be looking long and hard at what authority we have to protect Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the immediate wake of SVB’s failure, many Democrats blamed Republicans in Congress and former President Donald Trump, who both worked to weaken the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.cftc.gov/LawRegulation/DoddFrankAct/index.htm\">Dodd-Frank Act\u003c/a>, which mandated stricter oversight of the banking industry after the 2008–09 global financial crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SVB and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2023/03/13/signature-bank-third-biggest-bank-failure-in-us-history.html\">Signature Bank, which also failed last week\u003c/a>, were among the banks that successfully lobbied to have the law changed to essentially exempt themselves from stricter federal requirements and annual Federal Reserve “stress tests.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Silicon Valley Bank would have fallen within that more stringent regulatory review. But because of the lobbying of Silicon Valley Bank itself and others, it was rolled back in 2018,” said California Attorney General Rob Bonta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta noted that while federal regulators have most of the authority to regulate banks, California also holds some oversight power through state agencies like the \u003ca href=\"https://dfpi.ca.gov/\">Department of Financial Protection and Innovation\u003c/a> (DFPI), which first announced the bank’s closure on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to ask the question about … the role of all relevant players,” Bonta said. “[How can we] accomplish what we all want to do, which is to protect everyday people, to avoid situations like this in the future? And who should have what role?”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>After Republicans succeeded in weakening Dodd-Frank and Trump pushed to undermine the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, an oversight agency created by his predecessor, California moved to bolster its own consumer banking protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, with a push from Gov. Gavin Newsom, the Legislature passed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB1864\">AB 1864\u003c/a>, which created the DFPI, with the goal to “improve accountability and transparency in the California financial system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The nascent agency’s powers included the ability to regulate financial institutions, especially state-chartered banks, as well as the authority to enforce consumer protection laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kat Taylor, co-founder and board chair of Beneficial State Bank in Oakland, strongly supported the creation of the agency. She says its regulatory functions are critical because the financial sector is so influential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a far bigger industry than any other industry, and it fuels all other industries,” Taylor said, noting that more state and federal oversight of the financial industry is needed. “So we don’t understand it at our peril. And it’s complicated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite repeated requests for interviews this week as the bank crisis continued unfolding, DFPI declined to grant an interview to KQED. Four days after the news broke, and 24 hours after they were first contacted, agency spokesperson Elizabeth Smith emailed a one-sentence statement: “We are actively investigating the situation and conducting a thorough review to ensure the Department is doing everything we can to protect Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Monique Limón (D-Santa Barbara), who authored AB 1864 and now chairs the Senate Banking and Financial Institutions Committee, said she wasn’t faulting the DFPI for the bank’s collapse, but does have plenty of questions for the agency she helped create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very fair for legislators to be asking a lot of questions about an agency and wanting to understand what happened,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, I’ve started to write down some of the questions from other members who maybe don’t serve on banking and finance, who don’t have the same purview in terms of the subject-matter area, but who are impacted because they have constituents who are impacted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limón promised transparency in the coming months as state lawmakers further investigate the bank’s failure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also want to ensure that we are reviewing our own state laws [to determine] what laws allow for something like that to happen,” she added. “Sometimes the silence or absence of laws is what allows things to occur. And certainly we’re going to be looking at all of that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sentiment was echoed by Assemblymember Grayson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we have to face reality: There was a bank run, which means something didn’t go right,” Grayson said. “But we had a process to deal with that. And now we get to do a follow-up investigation and figure out how in the future do we prevent that kind of thing from happening again.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"here-and-now": {
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
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