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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Friday that he vetoed a controversial bill that would have allowed undocumented immigrants to access a wildly popular \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976218/california-will-help-fund-the-down-payment-for-your-first-house-heres-how-to-apply\">first-generation homeownership loan program\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1840, authored by Assemblymember Joaquin Arambula (D-Fresno), would have prohibited California’s Housing Finance Agency from disqualifying applicants from the California Dream For All Shared Appreciation Loan solely on an applicant’s immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the program, the state loans homebuyers 20% of the purchase price, or up to $150,000. Buyers repay the loan, without interest, when the home is sold, along with 20% of any appreciation on the home’s value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first round of funding in 2023 helped nearly 2,200 applicants purchase their first home. It was so popular — with the roughly $300 million in loans \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946353/californias-dream-for-all-home-loan-program-ran-through-300-million-in-11-days-who-got-the-money\">exhausted in just 11 days\u003c/a> after applications opened — that the state changed the rules for this year’s $250 million funding round and selected applicants based on a lottery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 100 applicants have closed on their homes, according to CalHFA spokesperson Eric Johnson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/GarciaRETeam/status/1828613523494031404\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of Sept. 4, Johnson said about 18,000 people had applied for this year’s funding round. CalHFA predicts up to around 2,200 applicants will ultimately be awarded loans. However, with the state facing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">major budget deficit\u003c/a> this year, legislators declined to provide further funding in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill that was sent to me was a program that had no money,” Newsom said. “I thought it was unnecessary and completely consistent with prior vetoes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arambula’s bill incited lively discussion between Republicans and Democrats and was often the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://thefederalist.com/2024/09/03/pelosi-celebrates-plans-for-illegal-immigrants-to-buy-homes-with-american-tax-dollars/\">race-baiting headlines\u003c/a>. In late August, the \u003ca href=\"https://src.senate.ca.gov/sites/src.senate.ca.gov/files/AB%201840%20%28Arambula%29%20Veto%20Request%20Letter_.pdf\">California Senate Republican Caucus\u003c/a> asked Newsom to veto the bill, saying, “legal California taxpayers are already struggling to purchase and maintain their homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-1840-Veto-Message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> to the California State Assembly, he noted there is “finite funding available” for such programs, and expanding eligibility “must be carefully considered within the context of the annual state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m deeply disappointed that Gov. Newsom today vetoed AB 1840,” Arambula said in a statement Friday. “The veto doesn’t change the fact that many people — including undocumented immigrants — dream of owning a home so that generational wealth can be passed to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arambula’s bill incited lively discussion between Republicans and Democrats and was often the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://thefederalist.com/2024/09/03/pelosi-celebrates-plans-for-illegal-immigrants-to-buy-homes-with-american-tax-dollars/\">race-baiting headlines\u003c/a>. In late August, the \u003ca href=\"https://src.senate.ca.gov/sites/src.senate.ca.gov/files/AB%201840%20%28Arambula%29%20Veto%20Request%20Letter_.pdf\">California Senate Republican Caucus\u003c/a> asked Newsom to veto the bill, saying, “legal California taxpayers are already struggling to purchase and maintain their homes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Newsom’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/AB-1840-Veto-Message.pdf\">veto message\u003c/a> to the California State Assembly, he noted there is “finite funding available” for such programs, and expanding eligibility “must be carefully considered within the context of the annual state budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m deeply disappointed that Gov. Newsom today vetoed AB 1840,” Arambula said in a statement Friday. “The veto doesn’t change the fact that many people — including undocumented immigrants — dream of owning a home so that generational wealth can be passed to their children.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused folks on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the folks who work on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California has a wealth of data about K-12 public schools — test scores, attendance rates, who’s headed to college and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding it is another story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about the state’s 5.8 million students and their schools is spread across at least five websites, each outfitted with dozens of filters, drop-down menus and color-coded graphics. That scattered approach to data transparency prevents parents from truly understanding how their children’s schools are faring — and taking action to improve them, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a PhD in education policy and I can barely navigate these sites,” said Morgan Polikoff, a USC professor who worked on the report. “How do we expect a typical parent to access this information and make sense of it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, published by the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University, gave California a “D” for \u003ca href=\"https://crpe.org/transparent-state-report-card-grades-2024/\">school data transparency\u003c/a>, compared to other states. Researchers looked at how states present test scores in math, social studies, reading and science, as well as absenteeism and graduation rates and English learner progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://public-edsight.ct.gov/overview/next-generation-accountability-dashboard?language=en_US\">Connecticut\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mischooldata.org/dashboard/\">Michigan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tdepublicschools.ondemand.sas.com/\">Tennessee\u003c/a> were among the states that received A’s for their easy-to-navigate data portals. California ranked alongside Arkansas, West Virginia and Arizona, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissecting the school data dashboard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s primary data source for parents is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/\">California School Dashboard\u003c/a>. The Department of Education consults with data experts, including the \u003ca href=\"https://dataqualitycampaign.org/resources/flagship-resources/show-me-the-data-2023/\">Data Quality Campaign\u003c/a>’s “Show Me the Data” report, when it updates the information, said Elizabeth Sanders, spokesperson for the department. The state often makes adjustments based on advice from experts and parents, she said, and is continually seeking to improve its data portals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was unaware of the methods Polikoff and his colleagues used to critique California’s data transparency, but “Show Me the Data” also dinged California for not showing year-over-year growth data. In fact, California is one of only four states nationwide that doesn’t show any growth data at all (the others are Kansas, Kentucky and Washington, D.C.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always remain open to the feedback and needs of our families, and we look forward to understanding more,” Sanders said. [aside label=\"Education Stories\" tag=\"california-schools\"]The education department unveiled the California School Dashboard in 2016–17 on the heels of the state’s shift to a revised funding formula that was meant to steer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">more money to underprivileged students\u003c/a>. It was meant to paint a more nuanced picture of schools’ performance, beyond just test scores. The dashboard measures academic achievement alongside chronic absenteeism, graduation rates, suspension rates, college and career readiness and English learner progress, broken down by 13 student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools are assigned colors based on their performance, but sometimes those colors can be misleading. For example, one school might rank as orange, the second-lowest color, if it’s made progress even though its scores remain very low. Another school might rank as red, the lowest color, if it’s shown little progress but has higher scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590125161/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Castlemont High School\u003c/a> In Oakland earned an orange ranking in English even though its scores were 223 points below the state standard. Just a few miles away, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590137943/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Skyline High\u003c/a> rated a lower color — red — even though its scores were only 123 points below the standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said the dashboard is unnecessarily opaque and cumbersome. While Polikoff generally supports showing a school’s performance in relation to the state standard, he also believes parents should have easy access to the test scores in a way they can understand. In addition, the dashboard should present year-over-year trends. Currently, users must collect the numbers themselves and make their own graphs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other organizations have also criticized California’s dashboard. EdTrust-West, an Oakland-based education research nonprofit, has said the confusing data prevents parents at low-performing schools from advocating for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dashboard portrays performance data using colors that in many instances suggest that schools and districts are adequately supporting their students to succeed. This is not the case in far too many California schools, and it’s especially true for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/06/discrimination-lawsuit/\">students of color and multilingual learners\u003c/a>,” said Natalie Wheatfall-Lum, EdTrust-West’s director of TK–12 policy. “Families can’t be effective partners if we don’t give them a clear picture of what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Student data system ‘feels like a smokescreen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has other portals for student data, including \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/\">Data Quest\u003c/a>, an exhaustive database of the student population; the \u003ca href=\"https://sarconline.org/public/findASarc\">School Accountability Report Card\u003c/a>, which shows information about specific schools such as how many teachers are credentialed, whether textbooks are current or if the school needs repairs; and the \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/\">California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress\u003c/a>, a breakdown of Smarter Balanced standardized test scores. The \u003ca href=\"https://calschls.org/\">California Healthy Kids Survey\u003c/a> looks at topics like substance use, bullying and parent involvement at the state, county and district levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can be frustrating for parents trying to get a snapshot of their child’s school. Knowing where to find specific details — and putting them in context — can take hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like a smokescreen,” said Crystal Trull, a parent of three children in San Diego Unified. “Parents don’t understand what the data means, which makes it difficult to get a sense of a particular school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the confusion, Trull said, the state changes assessments every few years, making it almost impossible to gauge long-term trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1777px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1777\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg 1777w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1777px) 100vw, 1777px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy writes on his desk at a Morgan Hill schools. \u003ccite>(Francesca Segre/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Students are the ones ultimately harmed, she said. Parents might not have all the available information when evaluating a school, and their children risk falling behind. “By the time parents realize their children don’t actually have the skills they need, it could be too late,” she said. “And that’s the real tragedy here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rossier.usc.edu/news-insights/news/reality-covid-19-learning-loss\">Research\u003c/a> backs that up. In a previous study, Polikoff and his colleagues at USC found a disconnect between parent concerns and policy analysis of the state of schools, particularly post-pandemic. An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/02/learning-loss/\">avalanche of research\u003c/a> showed steep learning declines stemming from school closures, yet many parents seemed unfazed, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Experts raise all these alarm bells but parents don’t seem that concerned or even aware there’s a crisis,” Polikoff said. “So we decided to find out why. The lack of accessible data is likely one significant reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason is grade inflation, researchers found. If students are mostly getting A’s and B’s, parents are less inclined to pay attention to standardized test scores or alarming reports from policy experts, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents tend to think schools have their kids’ best interests in mind, and kids are resilient,” Polikoff said. “That can be true, but it can also mean that parents don’t always have a realistic idea of what’s actually happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better measures of student success?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Irvine Unified, parent Jim Leung said he’d like to see the dashboard show specific test scores, not whether students are “meeting standards,” a metric that he says is not well defined. He’d also like more information about college readiness, social-emotional growth and life skills — topics that provide a far more accurate picture of how well schools are preparing students for the future, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most students in Irvine already meet or exceed the standards, so the dashboard isn’t really helpful,” said Leung, father of a high school sophomore. “Parents want to go beyond the minimum. We want to know how well our schools are really preparing students for college and career and life in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that information — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/admissions-source-school\">University of California\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/Application_withsystemwide/AppAdmitEnroll?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=true&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link\">California State University\u003c/a> admission numbers by high school — is available elsewhere online, but can be hard to locate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know the information is out there,” Leung said. “But there’s so much data, and parents are busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Information about how the state’s K–12 students are performing is located on several sites and is difficult to understand, a new report finds.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California has a wealth of data about K-12 public schools — test scores, attendance rates, who’s headed to college and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding it is another story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Information about the state’s 5.8 million students and their schools is spread across at least five websites, each outfitted with dozens of filters, drop-down menus and color-coded graphics. That scattered approach to data transparency prevents parents from truly understanding how their children’s schools are faring — and taking action to improve them, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a PhD in education policy and I can barely navigate these sites,” said Morgan Polikoff, a USC professor who worked on the report. “How do we expect a typical parent to access this information and make sense of it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report, published by the Center for Reinventing Public Education at Arizona State University, gave California a “D” for \u003ca href=\"https://crpe.org/transparent-state-report-card-grades-2024/\">school data transparency\u003c/a>, compared to other states. Researchers looked at how states present test scores in math, social studies, reading and science, as well as absenteeism and graduation rates and English learner progress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://public-edsight.ct.gov/overview/next-generation-accountability-dashboard?language=en_US\">Connecticut\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mischooldata.org/dashboard/\">Michigan\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tdepublicschools.ondemand.sas.com/\">Tennessee\u003c/a> were among the states that received A’s for their easy-to-navigate data portals. California ranked alongside Arkansas, West Virginia and Arizona, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dissecting the school data dashboard\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state’s primary data source for parents is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/\">California School Dashboard\u003c/a>. The Department of Education consults with data experts, including the \u003ca href=\"https://dataqualitycampaign.org/resources/flagship-resources/show-me-the-data-2023/\">Data Quality Campaign\u003c/a>’s “Show Me the Data” report, when it updates the information, said Elizabeth Sanders, spokesperson for the department. The state often makes adjustments based on advice from experts and parents, she said, and is continually seeking to improve its data portals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sanders was unaware of the methods Polikoff and his colleagues used to critique California’s data transparency, but “Show Me the Data” also dinged California for not showing year-over-year growth data. In fact, California is one of only four states nationwide that doesn’t show any growth data at all (the others are Kansas, Kentucky and Washington, D.C.).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We always remain open to the feedback and needs of our families, and we look forward to understanding more,” Sanders said. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The education department unveiled the California School Dashboard in 2016–17 on the heels of the state’s shift to a revised funding formula that was meant to steer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/03/school-finance/\">more money to underprivileged students\u003c/a>. It was meant to paint a more nuanced picture of schools’ performance, beyond just test scores. The dashboard measures academic achievement alongside chronic absenteeism, graduation rates, suspension rates, college and career readiness and English learner progress, broken down by 13 student groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schools are assigned colors based on their performance, but sometimes those colors can be misleading. For example, one school might rank as orange, the second-lowest color, if it’s made progress even though its scores remain very low. Another school might rank as red, the lowest color, if it’s shown little progress but has higher scores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590125161/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Castlemont High School\u003c/a> In Oakland earned an orange ranking in English even though its scores were 223 points below the state standard. Just a few miles away, \u003ca href=\"https://www.caschooldashboard.org/reports/01612590137943/2023#english-language-arts-card\">Skyline High\u003c/a> rated a lower color — red — even though its scores were only 123 points below the standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers said the dashboard is unnecessarily opaque and cumbersome. While Polikoff generally supports showing a school’s performance in relation to the state standard, he also believes parents should have easy access to the test scores in a way they can understand. In addition, the dashboard should present year-over-year trends. Currently, users must collect the numbers themselves and make their own graphs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other organizations have also criticized California’s dashboard. EdTrust-West, an Oakland-based education research nonprofit, has said the confusing data prevents parents at low-performing schools from advocating for their children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The dashboard portrays performance data using colors that in many instances suggest that schools and districts are adequately supporting their students to succeed. This is not the case in far too many California schools, and it’s especially true for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/06/discrimination-lawsuit/\">students of color and multilingual learners\u003c/a>,” said Natalie Wheatfall-Lum, EdTrust-West’s director of TK–12 policy. “Families can’t be effective partners if we don’t give them a clear picture of what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Student data system ‘feels like a smokescreen’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has other portals for student data, including \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/\">Data Quest\u003c/a>, an exhaustive database of the student population; the \u003ca href=\"https://sarconline.org/public/findASarc\">School Accountability Report Card\u003c/a>, which shows information about specific schools such as how many teachers are credentialed, whether textbooks are current or if the school needs repairs; and the \u003ca href=\"https://caaspp-elpac.ets.org/caaspp/\">California Assessment of Student Performance and Progress\u003c/a>, a breakdown of Smarter Balanced standardized test scores. The \u003ca href=\"https://calschls.org/\">California Healthy Kids Survey\u003c/a> looks at topics like substance use, bullying and parent involvement at the state, county and district levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This can be frustrating for parents trying to get a snapshot of their child’s school. Knowing where to find specific details — and putting them in context — can take hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels like a smokescreen,” said Crystal Trull, a parent of three children in San Diego Unified. “Parents don’t understand what the data means, which makes it difficult to get a sense of a particular school.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the confusion, Trull said, the state changes assessments every few years, making it almost impossible to gauge long-term trends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1777px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003321\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1777\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed.jpg 1777w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/IMG_2615_qed-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1777px) 100vw, 1777px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A boy writes on his desk at a Morgan Hill schools. \u003ccite>(Francesca Segre/ KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Students are the ones ultimately harmed, she said. Parents might not have all the available information when evaluating a school, and their children risk falling behind. “By the time parents realize their children don’t actually have the skills they need, it could be too late,” she said. “And that’s the real tragedy here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://rossier.usc.edu/news-insights/news/reality-covid-19-learning-loss\">Research\u003c/a> backs that up. In a previous study, Polikoff and his colleagues at USC found a disconnect between parent concerns and policy analysis of the state of schools, particularly post-pandemic. An \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/02/learning-loss/\">avalanche of research\u003c/a> showed steep learning declines stemming from school closures, yet many parents seemed unfazed, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Experts raise all these alarm bells but parents don’t seem that concerned or even aware there’s a crisis,” Polikoff said. “So we decided to find out why. The lack of accessible data is likely one significant reason.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason is grade inflation, researchers found. If students are mostly getting A’s and B’s, parents are less inclined to pay attention to standardized test scores or alarming reports from policy experts, Polikoff said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Parents tend to think schools have their kids’ best interests in mind, and kids are resilient,” Polikoff said. “That can be true, but it can also mean that parents don’t always have a realistic idea of what’s actually happening.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better measures of student success?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At Irvine Unified, parent Jim Leung said he’d like to see the dashboard show specific test scores, not whether students are “meeting standards,” a metric that he says is not well defined. He’d also like more information about college readiness, social-emotional growth and life skills — topics that provide a far more accurate picture of how well schools are preparing students for the future, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most students in Irvine already meet or exceed the standards, so the dashboard isn’t really helpful,” said Leung, father of a high school sophomore. “Parents want to go beyond the minimum. We want to know how well our schools are really preparing students for college and career and life in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of that information — such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/admissions-source-school\">University of California\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://tableau.calstate.edu/views/Application_withsystemwide/AppAdmitEnroll?iframeSizedToWindow=true&%3Aembed=y&%3AshowAppBanner=false&%3Adisplay_count=no&%3Arender=true&%3AshowVizHome=no&%3Aorigin=viz_share_link\">California State University\u003c/a> admission numbers by high school — is available elsewhere online, but can be hard to locate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know the information is out there,” Leung said. “But there’s so much data, and parents are busy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002081 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/014_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Low-wage Latino workers who reside in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>’s western region often live in substandard rentals with mold, mice and other serious problems because they have no other affordable options, according to a report released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.wmhousingsolutions.org/\">study\u003c/a> on the West Marin housing landscape, which was funded by the county and philanthropic organizations, offers a glimpse into the living conditions of the population, relegated to a largely underground rental market that powers the agriculture and tourism industries in the bucolic area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80% of the study’s participants lived in units with several major health and safety violations, according to interviews with dozens of Latino workers, representing the experience of more than 280 adults and children. The conditions, ranging from non-functioning toilets to holes in the walls and leaky ceilings, were particularly acute at housing on ranches, where most of the respondents resided, according to researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jasmine Bravo, who lived as a child in local ranches where her father worked, remembers the smell of mold, which can be toxic, in the shower and while falling asleep. Rats scratched the walls. She hopes the findings stir the local community and county to act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People have been aware of these conditions for so many years and have just looked away or have wanted to help, but nothing has come out of it,” said Bravo, 29, who was an interviewer for the report. “This survey is putting facts on paper. You cannot look away any longer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003102\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003102\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jasmine Bravo in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to the report titled \u003cem>Growing Together: Advancing Housing Solutions for Workers in West Marin\u003c/em>, the area needs a bare minimum of 460 additional units of quality housing but likely closer to 1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of decent housing for agricultural and other lower-income workers and their families is threatening the survival of local farms, restaurants and other businesses, according to employers surveyed for the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the land in West Marin, spanning from Stinson Beach in the south to Tomales in the north, is protected from development and dedicated to parks or agriculture. Restrictive land use policies, limited infrastructure for water and septic systems and community resistance to new developments have made housing scarce and very expensive, researchers concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most Latino households in the rural area rent their homes. Researchers found that many long-term rentals are unpermitted, old and often mobile homes or conversions of buildings not designed for residential use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ranches are a top provider of affordable housing in West Marin. Most of the surveyed dairy and cattle workers lived in employer-provided housing. Other ranches have closed agricultural operations but continue to offer rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About half of the 68 Latino workers who participated in the in-depth interviews had one or more household members working in agriculture, including oyster and vegetable farms. The rest had jobs in fields such as food service, landscaping and housekeeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many reported reluctance to request repairs because they feared losing the only housing they could afford near their jobs. Half of the participants were undocumented immigrants, even though all reported living in the United States for 20 years on average.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Bravo’s case, rent for her family of six was taken out of her father’s paycheck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s another reason a lot of these people don’t feel like they have the right to say something because it’s tied to their employment, and they fear losing their employment if they speak up about these conditions in their homes,” said Bravo, who became a community advocate with the Bolinas Community Land Trust and is pushing for fair and secure housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003104\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003104\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former Coast Guard housing that CLAM, the Community Land Trust of West Marin, aims to turn into affordable housing in Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2022, the county found dozens of Latino families living with \u003ca href=\"https://www.marinij.com/2023/10/21/bolinas-rv-camp-proposed-for-emergency-housing/?clearUserState=true\">raw sewage on the ground\u003c/a> and using water through garden hoses in unpermitted mobile homes at a Bolinas ranch. The property, which was cited about 30 years ago for unsanitary living conditions, now hosts a temporary recreational vehicle park secured by the Bolinas Community Land Trust while it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/marin-bolinas-housing-workers-19717600.php\">attempts to build\u003c/a> permanent homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its natural coastal beauty and uninhabited open space, West Marin draws millions of visitors each year and most likely don’t see where the people shucking oysters, milking cows or making organic cheese live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more workers in West Marin commute from Sonoma and East Bay counties, local employers face increased competition from other businesses that are also recruiting for jobs, according to the researchers, who surveyed a total of 150 workers and 17 agricultural employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks closes a gate to a pasture where goats are grazing on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tamara Hicks, co-owner of Toluma Farms & Tomales Farmstead Creamery, bought permitted Airstream and Park Model trailers to house four of her 10 employees at the 160-acre property. They share a kitchen with all the amenities in a separate building. But that’s not a long-term solution, she said. She expects her workers, currently single and in their 20s, to move on to have families and better housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The biggest rate-limiting factor of maintaining great people is the housing by far. And so, I’ve lost most of our really fantastic people to Vermont, to Maine, to Arizona,” said Hicks, who has owned the certified-organic goat and sheep farm with her husband for 21 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hicks said many farms and ranches in the region are more than a century old. Some landowners now fear that trying to fix or build units could lead to inspections that open the door to costly penalties due to other code violations, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a good, streamlined, affordable, fast, easy way for people to either rehab existing housing or build new housing,” Hicks, 56, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and her husband have plans that were drawn a decade ago to build a couple of units for workers on their land. But the biggest obstacles have been permits and the money to do it, Hicks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-06-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tamara Hicks’ home on her ranch in Tomales on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The study makes several recommendations to counteract what authors call decades of inaction limiting affordable housing. They include, among other things, proposed reforms to zoning and permitting and a code amnesty and financial assistance for landowners who want to improve housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish there was one solution. I’d say housing is a team sport,” said Cassandra Benjamin, who led the study and is interim director of housing at the Marin Community Foundation. “The way to solve this is through everybody flexing and doing more than they’re doing now — from the county to the local foundations, to the nonprofits, to businesses, to residents. So everybody has to be in this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report also recommends that foundations invest in strengthening Latino organizing and advocacy so that agricultural workers and other residents can participate in housing solutions. Racist and exclusionary policies have long constrained opportunities for this workforce in Marin County, the most segregated in the Bay Area, according to the researchers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really became very restrictive, both in terms of community acceptance but also regulation about housing,” Benjamin said at her office in Point Reyes Station. “That’s part of what we have to turn around in this work. And what’s exciting is that county supervisors know we need more housing. The ranchers are advocating for it. Certainly, the workers are. So I’m hopeful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edward Flores, who studies farmworker wellbeing at the UC Merced Community and Labor Center, said the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11973396/half-moon-bay-commemorates-1-year-anniversary-of-mass-shooting-that-killed-7\">mass shooting that killed seven workers at two farms in Half Moon Bay last year\u003c/a> highlighted deplorable living conditions for farmworkers at those sites, increasing awareness about the issue throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Marin County decides to use public funds to help agriculture businesses build housing, Flores said it would be an opportunity to support employers that raise pay and safety standards for laborers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, how do you best support the farms that want to do the right thing?” he said. “Because the competition is so stiff that if you’re not providing public subsidies to those farms that want to do the right thing, they might be pushed out of business, and that’s not in the public interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Wendy Drew spoke publicly on Thursday about the attack she endured on Sept. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drew, who is Black, shared the story of how she was followed by a man through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Financial District as he called her racial expletives in front of a small audience largely made up of local politicians and law enforcement officials seated in the pews of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she turned around to confront the man, she said he began pummeling her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are you calling me this? Why are you hitting me?” Drew recalled asking him. “You’re not going to get away with such attacks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assault follows a string of other racist incidents reported in San Francisco over the past few months. In May, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987205/fire-burns-home-of-sf-dog-walker-targeted-by-racist-threats\">home of dog walker Terry Williams was burned\u003c/a>. Before the fire gutted his Alamo Square home, Williams had received packages that contained racist slurs, death threats and a doll painted in blackface, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985347/san-francisco-police-urged-to-take-alarming-racist-threats-seriously\">according to previous KQED reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk through the Financial District on March 17, 2020, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Gabrielle Lurie/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989185/racist-misogynistic-slurs-spray-painted-on-sf-city-hall\">racist graffiti\u003c/a> was painted next to the front doors of City Hall. And just last week, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002601/da-jenkins-calls-sf-playground-graffiti-a-hate-crime-promises-investigation\">anti-Black slur was graffitied\u003c/a> on a building at a city-owned playground. The slur appeared to be directed at Youth 1st, an organization that uses the space for summer and after-school programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, San Francisco resident Irvin Lara-Rivera was charged with multiple hate crimes for allegedly calling Drew a racial slur before beating her. District Attorney Brooke Jenkins charged Lara-Rivera, 31, with assault likely to cause great bodily injury and battery with serious bodily injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both charges carry special hate-crime allegations. Lara-Rivera, who also goes by Irvin Rivera-Lara, was scheduled to be arraigned Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002601 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/SFGraffitiIncident1-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hate crimes have no place in our community and must be addressed swiftly by the criminal justice system,” Jenkins said in a press release. “Attacks like this demean and degrade individuals while also shaking whole communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Third Baptist Church, Drew described how she fought back by dragging Lara-Rivera into a convenience store in the hopes that he would appear on surveillance footage. Her boyfriend and several others heard her screams and ran into the store, holding the suspect until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drew, a chef who has appeared on a Netflix reality show about cooking, was born in South Africa in 1980 and said her experiences growing up during apartheid made her especially vigilant about racism and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please make these streets better for people of color, for women in general,” Drew said. “I love this city, and this incident has put fear in my heart. I’ve been here for close to 20 years. We just need San Francisco to be a safe place again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also spoke at the event, which the SF NAACP organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not only seen a rise of hate crimes against Black people in the city, we’re seeing them overwhelmingly across many different races and ethnicities,” she said. “This is becoming the culture of San Francisco, and it’s up to us — people who have a history of fighting against it our entire existence in this country — to make sure that it ends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Wendy Drew spoke publicly on Thursday about the attack she endured on Sept. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drew, who is Black, shared the story of how she was followed by a man through \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Financial District as he called her racial expletives in front of a small audience largely made up of local politicians and law enforcement officials seated in the pews of Third Baptist Church of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she turned around to confront the man, she said he began pummeling her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why are you calling me this? Why are you hitting me?” Drew recalled asking him. “You’re not going to get away with such attacks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assault follows a string of other racist incidents reported in San Francisco over the past few months. In May, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987205/fire-burns-home-of-sf-dog-walker-targeted-by-racist-threats\">home of dog walker Terry Williams was burned\u003c/a>. Before the fire gutted his Alamo Square home, Williams had received packages that contained racist slurs, death threats and a doll painted in blackface, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985347/san-francisco-police-urged-to-take-alarming-racist-threats-seriously\">according to previous KQED reporting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003380\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003380\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/FinancialDistrictGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk through the Financial District on March 17, 2020, in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Gabrielle Lurie/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In June, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989185/racist-misogynistic-slurs-spray-painted-on-sf-city-hall\">racist graffiti\u003c/a> was painted next to the front doors of City Hall. And just last week, an \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002601/da-jenkins-calls-sf-playground-graffiti-a-hate-crime-promises-investigation\">anti-Black slur was graffitied\u003c/a> on a building at a city-owned playground. The slur appeared to be directed at Youth 1st, an organization that uses the space for summer and after-school programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, San Francisco resident Irvin Lara-Rivera was charged with multiple hate crimes for allegedly calling Drew a racial slur before beating her. District Attorney Brooke Jenkins charged Lara-Rivera, 31, with assault likely to cause great bodily injury and battery with serious bodily injury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both charges carry special hate-crime allegations. Lara-Rivera, who also goes by Irvin Rivera-Lara, was scheduled to be arraigned Thursday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hate crimes have no place in our community and must be addressed swiftly by the criminal justice system,” Jenkins said in a press release. “Attacks like this demean and degrade individuals while also shaking whole communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Third Baptist Church, Drew described how she fought back by dragging Lara-Rivera into a convenience store in the hopes that he would appear on surveillance footage. Her boyfriend and several others heard her screams and ran into the store, holding the suspect until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drew, a chef who has appeared on a Netflix reality show about cooking, was born in South Africa in 1980 and said her experiences growing up during apartheid made her especially vigilant about racism and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Please make these streets better for people of color, for women in general,” Drew said. “I love this city, and this incident has put fear in my heart. I’ve been here for close to 20 years. We just need San Francisco to be a safe place again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also spoke at the event, which the SF NAACP organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have not only seen a rise of hate crimes against Black people in the city, we’re seeing them overwhelmingly across many different races and ethnicities,” she said. “This is becoming the culture of San Francisco, and it’s up to us — people who have a history of fighting against it our entire existence in this country — to make sure that it ends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thanks to a cooling rental market, recent college grads are finding \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">Bay Area\u003c/a> rents a little more affordable, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/college-grad-rent-burden-2024/\">report\u003c/a> published Thursday by real estate firm Redfin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around San Jose, Redfin found the median rent in July for a two-bedroom apartment fell nearly 2% compared to last year. In San Francisco, the drop was even more dramatic, with rents declining nearly 7%. However, housing experts and advocates say that the report’s findings do not mean housing is becoming affordable for everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re even close to that in the Bay Area,” said Jonas Bordo, CEO of rental listing company Dwellsy. “Rents are very expensive, and it’s a huge challenge for folks to be able to afford rent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redfin’s report shows that last year, a recent college graduate in the San Jose metro area, which includes San Jose, Sunnyvale and Santa Clara, would have to spend nearly 31% of their income on rent for a two-bedroom apartment they might share with a roommate. For a studio or one-bedroom apartment, they might spend almost half of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the rental market has cooled, that same person today might only spend about 28% of their income for a shared two-bedroom apartment and would no longer be considered “rent-burdened” — or spending more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of income a typical recent college grad would need to spend on a studio or 1-bedroom apartment\" aria-label=\"Grouped Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ADgCr\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ADgCr/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"622\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings are slightly different in the San Francisco metropolitan area, which includes San Francisco, Oakland and Berkeley: A recent graduate, who might have paid just over 31% of their income on a two-bedroom apartment last year, would now spend about 27%. For a one-bedroom apartment or studio, that graduate last year would have spent more than half their income on housing. Today, they might spend just over 43%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report uses an estimated median salary of nearly $109,000 in the San Jose metro area and just over $84,000 for the San Francisco metro. Those salary figures are somewhat higher than the national average, Redfin chief economist Daryl Fairweather said, because the Bay Area leads the country in salaries for recent college graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are graduating with a degree that doesn’t bring you a high-tech income, then it will be even more difficult for you to be able to afford rent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of income a typical recent college grad would need to spend on a 2-bedroom apartment (with a roommate)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-DXhNA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/DXhNA/6/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"622\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor Center organizer Brad Hirn said because rent prices increased at record rates before and during the pandemic, softening rents should not be viewed as a move toward affordability. Nationwide, rents increased nearly 21% over the past five years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/rental-markets-are-cooling-rents-still-far-exceed-pre-pandemic-levels\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies. The same report found that rents increased only 0.2% nationwide last year, a much more modest increase than the 15% increase in early 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They start to argue that the market has cooled, and it’s like okay, you set it on fire and then decided to drop a few drops of water on it,” Hirn said. “It’s just kind of detached from reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002905 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/003_KQED_HousingSanFrancisco_02102020_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Harvard’s report, new apartment construction has helped soften rent prices. The report found that 22% more apartments were built last year compared to the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Bordo said as people are under financial pressure and delaying decisions about moving out of their parents’ homes or getting married, fewer renters are forming their own households. Coupled with new homes coming onto the market, that can also soften rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, demand for rental apartments and homes also took a hit as \u003ca href=\"https://www.realpage.com/analytics/apartment-market-comparison-the-bay-area-trio/\">people moved out\u003c/a> of the region in favor of more affordable areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordo said the trends shown in Redfin’s report might help some renters, but that doesn’t necessarily equate to meaningful affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see some more people come into the market as a result of being able to afford things that they wouldn’t have been able to before,” he said. “But it’s not like housing is going to be regarded by any of us as inexpensive anytime soon unless something significant changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused people on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the people working on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Redfin’s report shows that last year, a recent college graduate in the San Jose metro area, which includes San Jose, Sunnyvale and Santa Clara, would have to spend nearly 31% of their income on rent for a two-bedroom apartment they might share with a roommate. For a studio or one-bedroom apartment, they might spend almost half of their income on rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because the rental market has cooled, that same person today might only spend about 28% of their income for a shared two-bedroom apartment and would no longer be considered “rent-burdened” — or spending more than a third of their income on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of income a typical recent college grad would need to spend on a studio or 1-bedroom apartment\" aria-label=\"Grouped Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ADgCr\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ADgCr/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"622\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings are slightly different in the San Francisco metropolitan area, which includes San Francisco, Oakland and Berkeley: A recent graduate, who might have paid just over 31% of their income on a two-bedroom apartment last year, would now spend about 27%. For a one-bedroom apartment or studio, that graduate last year would have spent more than half their income on housing. Today, they might spend just over 43%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report uses an estimated median salary of nearly $109,000 in the San Jose metro area and just over $84,000 for the San Francisco metro. Those salary figures are somewhat higher than the national average, Redfin chief economist Daryl Fairweather said, because the Bay Area leads the country in salaries for recent college graduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you are graduating with a degree that doesn’t bring you a high-tech income, then it will be even more difficult for you to be able to afford rent,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Share of income a typical recent college grad would need to spend on a 2-bedroom apartment (with a roommate)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-DXhNA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/DXhNA/6/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"622\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor Center organizer Brad Hirn said because rent prices increased at record rates before and during the pandemic, softening rents should not be viewed as a move toward affordability. Nationwide, rents increased nearly 21% over the past five years, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/blog/rental-markets-are-cooling-rents-still-far-exceed-pre-pandemic-levels\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies. The same report found that rents increased only 0.2% nationwide last year, a much more modest increase than the 15% increase in early 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They start to argue that the market has cooled, and it’s like okay, you set it on fire and then decided to drop a few drops of water on it,” Hirn said. “It’s just kind of detached from reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Harvard’s report, new apartment construction has helped soften rent prices. The report found that 22% more apartments were built last year compared to the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Bordo said as people are under financial pressure and delaying decisions about moving out of their parents’ homes or getting married, fewer renters are forming their own households. Coupled with new homes coming onto the market, that can also soften rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, demand for rental apartments and homes also took a hit as \u003ca href=\"https://www.realpage.com/analytics/apartment-market-comparison-the-bay-area-trio/\">people moved out\u003c/a> of the region in favor of more affordable areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bordo said the trends shown in Redfin’s report might help some renters, but that doesn’t necessarily equate to meaningful affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll see some more people come into the market as a result of being able to afford things that they wouldn’t have been able to before,” he said. “But it’s not like housing is going to be regarded by any of us as inexpensive anytime soon unless something significant changes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What other housing questions do you have for KQED?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Housing is one of the most crucial — and contentious — issues in the Bay Area, and here at KQED, we have a whole team dedicated to exploring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">stories about housing affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of our work, we also want to bring you explainers and guides about housing in the region, offering practical advice and insight for renters, homeowners and unhoused people on a wide range of housing situations. We also want you to send us your story ideas and tips, share your personal experience with housing in the Bay Area or volunteer to be one of the KQED readers and listeners we consult about housing stories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>So tell us: What housing question should we answer next?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can use the comment box below to submit your question about housing in the Bay Area or California more widely. Or, maybe there’s a housing program you want to be explained or investigated. Whatever’s on your mind, use the Google Form below to talk to us. The information you provide here will be shared with the people working on KQED’s housing coverage, and we may follow up with you directly through the contact details you provide. (We’ll never share your information outside of KQED without your permission.) We won’t be able to reply to everyone who submits a question, but what you tell us will make our reporting stronger on KQED.org, KQED Public Radio and our social media channels.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfZ-ZKtuSHdeWqxooQwfEcr-oiOpdpJcf2RLZInU7aqjjQlRQ/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> was given a year to improve its struggling 911 dispatch system or risk losing state funding, Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a> said she believes it could meet the mandated response standards in 2025 — at least a year and a half later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warning from California’s Office of Emergency Services came in July 2023, as Oakland’s 911 dispatch program was plagued by reports of slow response times, overworked employees and high vacancy rates in recent years. On Thursday, Thao reported that although the Oakland Police Department’s response rate is still significantly below California standards, it is increasing staffing and making the first major upgrade to its computer-aided dispatch in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are only going to see our call times actually improve,” Thao said at a press conference on Thursday. “They’ll be a positive impact, that 51% [of calls answered in 15 seconds] will increase. And, of course, our goal is to meet the state standard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal OES mandates that 90% of dispatch calls be answered within 15 seconds and 95% within 20. Oakland’s rate of 15-second answers was recently as low as 37% before rebounding to around 51%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Oakland missed the state’s deadline to come into compliance by July of this year, Cal OES said in a follow-up letter that OPD has made “noticeable improvement” and that it will continue to work with them collaboratively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders said that a new, more reliable computer-aided dispatch from Motorola, announced Thursday, will replace a system that is more than 20 years old and no longer supported by the company. The new software will improve the department’s reliability and efficiency and give dispatchers access to more information to help navigate officers or firefighters to the scene, according to Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12000598 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/IMG_0478-1020x765.jpeg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve taken huge steps towards implementing reliable, secure, resilient infrastructure that our public safety agencies can use to continue delivering the high levels of service that the City of Oakland residents want and deserve,” Oakland chief information officer Tony Batalla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s dispatch has struggled with staffing and retention. A grand jury report from 2023, the latest of two recent inquiries that looked into the program, found that “staff shortages, hiring difficulties, attrition, and mandated overtime” remain issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, the city announced a $2.5 million investment in dispatch over two years, which included improving staffing and the CAD software. At the time, there were 16 vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, Thao said that the department has nine vacancies. Twenty positions are filled by trainees who are working in tandem with another employee, and the department is also continuing to train and certify trainees on a rolling basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the near future — I would probably say about five or six months, give or take — these dispatchers will be able to dispatch on their own,” Thao said. “Going through the common sense process of it, if they’re able to answer calls on their own, then we can multiply the people who are answering the phone calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD reported receiving more than 1 million calls for service for the first time in 2022, which averages out to more than 2,700 a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland\">Oakland\u003c/a> was given a year to improve its struggling 911 dispatch system or risk losing state funding, Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sheng-thao\">Sheng Thao\u003c/a> said she believes it could meet the mandated response standards in 2025 — at least a year and a half later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warning from California’s Office of Emergency Services came in July 2023, as Oakland’s 911 dispatch program was plagued by reports of slow response times, overworked employees and high vacancy rates in recent years. On Thursday, Thao reported that although the Oakland Police Department’s response rate is still significantly below California standards, it is increasing staffing and making the first major upgrade to its computer-aided dispatch in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are only going to see our call times actually improve,” Thao said at a press conference on Thursday. “They’ll be a positive impact, that 51% [of calls answered in 15 seconds] will increase. And, of course, our goal is to meet the state standard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal OES mandates that 90% of dispatch calls be answered within 15 seconds and 95% within 20. Oakland’s rate of 15-second answers was recently as low as 37% before rebounding to around 51%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Oakland missed the state’s deadline to come into compliance by July of this year, Cal OES said in a follow-up letter that OPD has made “noticeable improvement” and that it will continue to work with them collaboratively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City leaders said that a new, more reliable computer-aided dispatch from Motorola, announced Thursday, will replace a system that is more than 20 years old and no longer supported by the company. The new software will improve the department’s reliability and efficiency and give dispatchers access to more information to help navigate officers or firefighters to the scene, according to Thao.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve taken huge steps towards implementing reliable, secure, resilient infrastructure that our public safety agencies can use to continue delivering the high levels of service that the City of Oakland residents want and deserve,” Oakland chief information officer Tony Batalla said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s dispatch has struggled with staffing and retention. A grand jury report from 2023, the latest of two recent inquiries that looked into the program, found that “staff shortages, hiring difficulties, attrition, and mandated overtime” remain issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last September, the city announced a $2.5 million investment in dispatch over two years, which included improving staffing and the CAD software. At the time, there were 16 vacancies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, Thao said that the department has nine vacancies. Twenty positions are filled by trainees who are working in tandem with another employee, and the department is also continuing to train and certify trainees on a rolling basis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the near future — I would probably say about five or six months, give or take — these dispatchers will be able to dispatch on their own,” Thao said. “Going through the common sense process of it, if they’re able to answer calls on their own, then we can multiply the people who are answering the phone calls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OPD reported receiving more than 1 million calls for service for the first time in 2022, which averages out to more than 2,700 a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Feds Investigate California Prisons Where Women Say ‘Culture of Impunity’ Surrounded Abuse",
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"content": "\u003cp>Following hundreds of lawsuits alleging systemic sexual abuse by correctional officers at two California state prisons, advocates for incarcerated women are hopeful a newly launched federal investigation by the Department of Justice will bring change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said on Wednesday that it had “significant justification” to evaluate whether the state was meeting its constitutional duty to protect residents of the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla and the California Institution for Women in Chino, which for years have been plagued by misconduct scandals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement references\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936438/former-california-prison-officer-accused-of-sexual-misconduct-against-multiple-inmates\"> the May arrest of \u003c/a>Gregory Rodriguez, 56, who is accused of abusing or raping 22 women in his custody at Chowchilla, the state’s largest women’s facility, for years. The former correctional officer is set to go on trial in state court this week on nearly 100 counts of sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his accusers is Latasha Brown, a Vallejo woman who has been incarcerated at both the Chino and Chowchilla facilities over the past 21 years. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/29/womens-prison-guards-sexual-abuse\">testified \u003c/a>last year at a legislative hearing on sexual violence that she suffered abuse at the hands of Rodriguez and other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone employed by [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation] is a predator. I’m only saying that the uniform or the suit makes a perfect camouflage for one,” Brown said in recorded remarks from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Justice Department’s announcement of its investigation, Kristen Clarke, who leads the department’s Civil Rights Division, said, “California must ensure that the people it incarcerates are housed in conditions that protect them from sexual abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No woman incarcerated in a jail or prison should be subjected to sexual abuse by prison staff who are constitutionally bound to protect them,” Clarke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation comes more than two and a half years after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1455\">passage of a state bill\u003c/a> that extended the statute of limitations for victims of sexual assault by police and correctional officers to sue their assailants in civil court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002790 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240408-FCIDublin-009-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are incredibly grateful that the DOJ is stepping in,” said Amika Mota, executive director of advocacy group Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As formerly incarcerated people that have lived inside, it tends to be when the feds get involved that we see some action and shift. And unfortunately, in these last couple of years working closely with CDCR and also trying to get access to provide more trauma-informed support to people on the inside, we’ve seen reluctance to allow advocates inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state bill, AB 1455, allows victims to sue in civil court up to 10 years after their assailants are convicted of sexual assault or a crime in which sexual assault was initially alleged. It also gives victims the option to sue up to 10 years after their assailants leave the law enforcement agency they were working at when the assault occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law took effect, women have filed hundreds of lawsuits describing numerous instances of sexual assault by correctional officers overseen by CDCR, including the Chowchilla and Chino facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits range from allegations of inappropriate searching to forcible rape, and officers at both facilities reportedly sought sexual favors in return for contraband and privileges, the DOJ said in a press release. And among the correctional officers accused of misconduct are some of the very people responsible for handling complaints of sexual abuse made by women incarcerated there, according to the DOJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997597\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, a prison for women, in Dublin on April 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Prisons were initially built to ‘reform,’ places of ‘penance,’ but they have become places where society’s throwaways suffer a litany of abuses by the ones we hold responsible for our safety and security. Places where a culture of impunity pervades,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her testimony, Brown described the retribution she faced after speaking out against sexual violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since I am completely at the mercy of my captors, I have a feeling of perpetual uneasiness since I know the lengths they will go to cover up their misconduct,” she said. “I was stripped of my property, isolated, surveilled and deprived of communication with my loved ones when I came forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, who represents the East Bay, visited the Chowchilla prison with other legislators last January and spoke with women inside about the difficulties of reporting abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No person, … no matter what the actions that they took that resulted in their getting a sentence, should be subject to being assaulted or raped while they are incarcerated. Nobody,” said Skinner, chair of the California Legislative Women’s Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999317 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230726-SAN-QUENTIN-MHN-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The joint efforts of the California Legislative Women’s Caucus and Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition to shine a light on sexual abuse were cited by the Justice Department for helping launch its investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m relieved that some of our work in the Women’s Caucus has come to the surface, and people are acknowledging the work we’ve done by having this investigation,” said Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry of East Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people say the government doesn’t work, well, it does. Sometimes, it takes a little bit longer than we would like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their work, the Women’s Caucus will travel next week to visit prisons in the United Kingdom and Ireland, Aguiar-Curry added, to learn from other countries about rehabilitation and how they prepare women for reentry into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the allegations around the Chowchilla and Chino facilities, CDCR plans to intensify staff training with a focus on misconduct and will increase cameras and surveillance at both of the facilities, according to a statement from department secretary Jeff Macomber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault is a heinous violation of fundamental human dignity that is not tolerated — under any circumstances — within California’s state prison system,” Macomber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our department embraces transparency, and we fully welcome the U.S. Department of Justice’s independent investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation also comes after the closure of a federal women’s prison in the East Bay following years of sexual misconduct allegations and scandals. Seven former corrections officers at FCI Dublin have been sentenced, and the eighth is set to go to trial after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002790/fci-dublin-officer-pleads-not-guilty-after-facing-new-sex-abuse-charges\">pleading not guilty on Tuesday\u003c/a> to 15 counts of sexual abuse of incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">Madi Bolaños\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Following hundreds of lawsuits alleging systemic sexual abuse by correctional officers at two California state prisons, advocates for incarcerated women are hopeful a newly launched federal investigation by the Department of Justice will bring change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department said on Wednesday that it had “significant justification” to evaluate whether the state was meeting its constitutional duty to protect residents of the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla and the California Institution for Women in Chino, which for years have been plagued by misconduct scandals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement references\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11936438/former-california-prison-officer-accused-of-sexual-misconduct-against-multiple-inmates\"> the May arrest of \u003c/a>Gregory Rodriguez, 56, who is accused of abusing or raping 22 women in his custody at Chowchilla, the state’s largest women’s facility, for years. The former correctional officer is set to go on trial in state court this week on nearly 100 counts of sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his accusers is Latasha Brown, a Vallejo woman who has been incarcerated at both the Chino and Chowchilla facilities over the past 21 years. She \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2023/oct/29/womens-prison-guards-sexual-abuse\">testified \u003c/a>last year at a legislative hearing on sexual violence that she suffered abuse at the hands of Rodriguez and other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Not everyone employed by [California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation] is a predator. I’m only saying that the uniform or the suit makes a perfect camouflage for one,” Brown said in recorded remarks from prison.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Justice Department’s announcement of its investigation, Kristen Clarke, who leads the department’s Civil Rights Division, said, “California must ensure that the people it incarcerates are housed in conditions that protect them from sexual abuse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No woman incarcerated in a jail or prison should be subjected to sexual abuse by prison staff who are constitutionally bound to protect them,” Clarke said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation comes more than two and a half years after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1455\">passage of a state bill\u003c/a> that extended the statute of limitations for victims of sexual assault by police and correctional officers to sue their assailants in civil court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are incredibly grateful that the DOJ is stepping in,” said Amika Mota, executive director of advocacy group Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As formerly incarcerated people that have lived inside, it tends to be when the feds get involved that we see some action and shift. And unfortunately, in these last couple of years working closely with CDCR and also trying to get access to provide more trauma-informed support to people on the inside, we’ve seen reluctance to allow advocates inside.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state bill, AB 1455, allows victims to sue in civil court up to 10 years after their assailants are convicted of sexual assault or a crime in which sexual assault was initially alleged. It also gives victims the option to sue up to 10 years after their assailants leave the law enforcement agency they were working at when the assault occurred.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the law took effect, women have filed hundreds of lawsuits describing numerous instances of sexual assault by correctional officers overseen by CDCR, including the Chowchilla and Chino facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuits range from allegations of inappropriate searching to forcible rape, and officers at both facilities reportedly sought sexual favors in return for contraband and privileges, the DOJ said in a press release. And among the correctional officers accused of misconduct are some of the very people responsible for handling complaints of sexual abuse made by women incarcerated there, according to the DOJ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997597\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240408-FCIDublin-012-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign for the Federal Correctional Institution, Dublin, a prison for women, in Dublin on April 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Prisons were initially built to ‘reform,’ places of ‘penance,’ but they have become places where society’s throwaways suffer a litany of abuses by the ones we hold responsible for our safety and security. Places where a culture of impunity pervades,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her testimony, Brown described the retribution she faced after speaking out against sexual violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Since I am completely at the mercy of my captors, I have a feeling of perpetual uneasiness since I know the lengths they will go to cover up their misconduct,” she said. “I was stripped of my property, isolated, surveilled and deprived of communication with my loved ones when I came forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, who represents the East Bay, visited the Chowchilla prison with other legislators last January and spoke with women inside about the difficulties of reporting abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No person, … no matter what the actions that they took that resulted in their getting a sentence, should be subject to being assaulted or raped while they are incarcerated. Nobody,” said Skinner, chair of the California Legislative Women’s Caucus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The joint efforts of the California Legislative Women’s Caucus and Sister Warriors Freedom Coalition to shine a light on sexual abuse were cited by the Justice Department for helping launch its investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m relieved that some of our work in the Women’s Caucus has come to the surface, and people are acknowledging the work we’ve done by having this investigation,” said Assemblymember Cecilia Aguiar-Curry of East Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people say the government doesn’t work, well, it does. Sometimes, it takes a little bit longer than we would like.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of their work, the Women’s Caucus will travel next week to visit prisons in the United Kingdom and Ireland, Aguiar-Curry added, to learn from other countries about rehabilitation and how they prepare women for reentry into society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the allegations around the Chowchilla and Chino facilities, CDCR plans to intensify staff training with a focus on misconduct and will increase cameras and surveillance at both of the facilities, according to a statement from department secretary Jeff Macomber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault is a heinous violation of fundamental human dignity that is not tolerated — under any circumstances — within California’s state prison system,” Macomber said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our department embraces transparency, and we fully welcome the U.S. Department of Justice’s independent investigation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation also comes after the closure of a federal women’s prison in the East Bay following years of sexual misconduct allegations and scandals. Seven former corrections officers at FCI Dublin have been sentenced, and the eighth is set to go to trial after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002790/fci-dublin-officer-pleads-not-guilty-after-facing-new-sex-abuse-charges\">pleading not guilty on Tuesday\u003c/a> to 15 counts of sexual abuse of incarcerated women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mbolanos\">Madi Bolaños\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Should Your Car Warn You That You’re Speeding? California Lawmakers Vote Yes",
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"content": "\u003cp>When California state Sen. Scott Wiener \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to limit speeding earlier this year, he expected some pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the intensity of that response caught the Democratic lawmaker from San Francisco by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It did touch a nerve,” Weiner said in an interview. “The day that I announced the original version of the bill, one of my very best friends in the world texted me to tell me what a terrible idea it was. And then 10 minutes later, his boyfriend texted me to say, ‘Thank you for getting my boyfriend to slow down.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your car probably tells you when you’re running out of gas. It might alert you when you drift out of your lane. Now, California lawmakers want to go a step further, requiring technology in your car to warn you when you’re speeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety advocates say \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/12/06/1216557190/car-crash-accident-speeding-technology-slow-down-speed-assistance\">speed assistance technology\u003c/a> can reduce traffic deaths, but critics say California is moving too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do is to impose their will on the rest of the country,” said Jay Beeber with the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.motorists.org/\">National Motorists Association\u003c/a>, a driver advocacy group.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand why Wiener’s bill has been so divisive, it helps to know how speed assistance technology works. There’s an “active” version, which can physically stop drivers from exceeding the speed limit. But there’s also a “passive” version of speed assistance that only warns the driver when they’re going too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the initial pushback, Wiener changed his bill from active to passive speed assistance. And while some safety advocates might be disappointed, Wiener defends the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We listened and we heard,” Wiener said. “Once we looked at the studies, we saw that the passive speed limiter is also highly effective. And so I was comfortable making that change.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"california-legislature\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were political calculations involved, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would not have passed with the active speed limiter,” Wiener conceded. “And it did pass with the passive speed limiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wieners-first-nation-bill-require-cars-warn-speeding-drivers-heads-governor\">approved by the California legislature\u003c/a> over the weekend would require all new cars sold in the state to warn drivers if they’re going more than 10 miles per hour over the speed limit. California would be the first state in the country to mandate speed assistance technology, starting with the 2030 model year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has some big backers, including the National Transportation Safety Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad deployment of intelligent speed assistance would reduce the frequency of speeding and speeding-related crashes… saving lives and preventing injuries,” the NTSB \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961#\">\u003cu>wrote in support of the California bill\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, “and we applaud you for pursuing this policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The NTSB can make recommendations, but it cannot force automakers to add speed assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of California’s bill say it’s too much, too soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The technology is not perfect,” Beeber said in an interview. “You’re gonna have a lot of false positives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003240\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726.jpeg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In a long exposure image, cars, trucks, and sport utility vehicles (SUVs) drive on the 405 Freeway during rush hour traffic as oil and gasoline fuel prices experienced an increase on March 10, 2022, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s easy for speed assistance technology to get confused, Beeber said, especially between highways and nearby surface streets with vastly different speed limits. He thinks that will annoy and potentially distract drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, our cars right now are kind of in the business of distracting us,” Beeber said. “I think this increases distracted driving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auto industry doesn’t like the speed assistance bill, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speed assistance systems “rely on clear and visible speed limit signs placed at regular intervals to function properly,” wrote the Alliance for Automotive Innovation, an industry trade group, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961#\">in comments opposing the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sort of infrastructure is in place in Europe,” where passive speed assistance is already mandatory. “But it is severely lacking in the U.S. As a result, many/most intelligent speed assist systems are glitchy and unreliable in the U.S.,” the group wrote.[aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"national-transportation-safety-board\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s another example of California’s overreach,” said Karen Bailey-Chapman, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sema.org/\">Specialty Equipment Market Association\u003c/a>, an industry trade group, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a huge market for carmakers, and Bailey-Chapman said the state is trying to bully its way into setting policy for the whole country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that the authority for regulations stands firmly within the federal government,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill’s sponsor, Scott Wiener, said California can’t wait for federal regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love for the federal government to require this technology nationally,” he said. “But there is no indication — no real indication — that the federal government’s going to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener compares the situation to the early 1960s when Wisconsin moved to require seat belts more than six years before the federal government did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How many lives have been saved because Wisconsin stepped out ahead of the federal government in 1962 and required seatbelts, which started a domino effect nationally?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s speed assistance bill now heads to the desk of Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has until the end of the month to decide whether he’ll sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When California state Sen. Scott Wiener \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961\">introduced a bill\u003c/a> to limit speeding earlier this year, he expected some pushback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the intensity of that response caught the Democratic lawmaker from San Francisco by surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It did touch a nerve,” Weiner said in an interview. “The day that I announced the original version of the bill, one of my very best friends in the world texted me to tell me what a terrible idea it was. And then 10 minutes later, his boyfriend texted me to say, ‘Thank you for getting my boyfriend to slow down.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Your car probably tells you when you’re running out of gas. It might alert you when you drift out of your lane. Now, California lawmakers want to go a step further, requiring technology in your car to warn you when you’re speeding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safety advocates say \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/12/06/1216557190/car-crash-accident-speeding-technology-slow-down-speed-assistance\">speed assistance technology\u003c/a> can reduce traffic deaths, but critics say California is moving too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re trying to do is to impose their will on the rest of the country,” said Jay Beeber with the \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.motorists.org/\">National Motorists Association\u003c/a>, a driver advocacy group.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To understand why Wiener’s bill has been so divisive, it helps to know how speed assistance technology works. There’s an “active” version, which can physically stop drivers from exceeding the speed limit. But there’s also a “passive” version of speed assistance that only warns the driver when they’re going too fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the initial pushback, Wiener changed his bill from active to passive speed assistance. And while some safety advocates might be disappointed, Wiener defends the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We listened and we heard,” Wiener said. “Once we looked at the studies, we saw that the passive speed limiter is also highly effective. And so I was comfortable making that change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were political calculations involved, as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bill would not have passed with the active speed limiter,” Wiener conceded. “And it did pass with the passive speed limiter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill \u003ca href=\"https://sd11.senate.ca.gov/news/senator-wieners-first-nation-bill-require-cars-warn-speeding-drivers-heads-governor\">approved by the California legislature\u003c/a> over the weekend would require all new cars sold in the state to warn drivers if they’re going more than 10 miles per hour over the speed limit. California would be the first state in the country to mandate speed assistance technology, starting with the 2030 model year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill has some big backers, including the National Transportation Safety Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Broad deployment of intelligent speed assistance would reduce the frequency of speeding and speeding-related crashes… saving lives and preventing injuries,” the NTSB \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961#\">\u003cu>wrote in support of the California bill\u003c/u>\u003c/a>, “and we applaud you for pursuing this policy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The NTSB can make recommendations, but it cannot force automakers to add speed assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of California’s bill say it’s too much, too soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The technology is not perfect,” Beeber said in an interview. “You’re gonna have a lot of false positives.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003240\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003240\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726.jpeg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-800x534.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-1020x680.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/gettyimages-1239092726-160x107.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">In a long exposure image, cars, trucks, and sport utility vehicles (SUVs) drive on the 405 Freeway during rush hour traffic as oil and gasoline fuel prices experienced an increase on March 10, 2022, in Los Angeles, California. \u003ccite>(Patrick T. Fallon/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s easy for speed assistance technology to get confused, Beeber said, especially between highways and nearby surface streets with vastly different speed limits. He thinks that will annoy and potentially distract drivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, our cars right now are kind of in the business of distracting us,” Beeber said. “I think this increases distracted driving.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The auto industry doesn’t like the speed assistance bill, either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speed assistance systems “rely on clear and visible speed limit signs placed at regular intervals to function properly,” wrote the Alliance for Automotive Innovation, an industry trade group, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB961#\">in comments opposing the bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That sort of infrastructure is in place in Europe,” where passive speed assistance is already mandatory. “But it is severely lacking in the U.S. As a result, many/most intelligent speed assist systems are glitchy and unreliable in the U.S.,” the group wrote.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s another example of California’s overreach,” said Karen Bailey-Chapman, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sema.org/\">Specialty Equipment Market Association\u003c/a>, an industry trade group, in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is a huge market for carmakers, and Bailey-Chapman said the state is trying to bully its way into setting policy for the whole country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe that the authority for regulations stands firmly within the federal government,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the bill’s sponsor, Scott Wiener, said California can’t wait for federal regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love for the federal government to require this technology nationally,” he said. “But there is no indication — no real indication — that the federal government’s going to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener compares the situation to the early 1960s when Wisconsin moved to require seat belts more than six years before the federal government did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How many lives have been saved because Wisconsin stepped out ahead of the federal government in 1962 and required seatbelts, which started a domino effect nationally?” he asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s speed assistance bill now heads to the desk of Gov. Gavin Newsom, who has until the end of the month to decide whether he’ll sign it into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "berkeley-could-sweep-homeless-encampments-without-offering-shelter-under-new-proposal",
"title": "Berkeley Could Sweep Homeless Encampments Without Offering Shelter Under New Proposal",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> may soon become the latest Bay Area city to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000987/what-rights-do-unhoused-people-have-amid-heightened-sweeps\">crack down on homeless encampments\u003c/a> under expanded authority granted to local governments by a recent Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation proposed by Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who represents northwest Berkeley, would allow the city, under certain conditions, to clear encampments without providing alternative shelter. Unhoused residents could also face citation or arrest if the resolution passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our staff to continue to make a shelter offer when practicable,” Kesarwani said. “But sometimes, we have encampments that have created a fire or health risk for neighboring businesses or residents, and we need to be able to address those health and safety issues by enforcing our state and local laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kesarwani’s proposal, encampments could be cleared if they pose a fire or health hazard, constitute a “public nuisance,” or sit in the way of traffic, construction or maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those exceptions are broad enough to apply to every encampment in the city, according to Andrea Henson, who provides legal counsel to the homeless advocacy group Where Do We Go Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want to sweep all these camps, where’s everyone going to go? Because they’re not going to leave Berkeley — a lot of them are from Berkeley. They don’t want to leave home,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani argued that the exceptions are specific and nuanced. The legislation mentions two of the city’s largest encampments as priorities for removal — both of which are within her district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them on Harrison Street prompts around one police call per day and has rampant health and safety violations that concern neighboring businesses and residents, Kesarwani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not progressive to enable people who are in the throes of serious drug addiction to continue in their addiction without serious consequence and continue to create fire and health hazards for the surrounding neighborhood,” Kesarwani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portable restroom at a tent encampment under a freeway overpass in Berkeley on March 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Kesarwani, Berkeley cut its unsheltered homeless population in half over the past two years, coinciding with the opening of several permanent and transitional housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still aren’t enough beds to house the city’s remaining 445 unsheltered homeless residents. Henson said it could take years to get people into housing, adding that an independent audit of Berkeley’s shelters could identify the roadblocks to helping people off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Henson said the city should prioritize options like safe parking sites instead of sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996949 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/005_KQED_Housing_Berkeley_ShadowStandards_02272020__qed-1-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a federal court ruling in 2022, sweeps were restricted and cities could not fine or jail people for camping in public if insufficient shelter was available. In June, the Supreme Court’s ruling in the City of Grants Pass, Ore. v. Gloria Johnson overturned that precedent, leading Gov. Gavin Newsom to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">direct state agencies to dismantle encampments on their property\u003c/a> and urge local officials to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed promised the city would launch \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">“very aggressive” sweeps\u003c/a>. Advocates and some neighbors have argued the crackdown is only \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">moving people from place to place\u003c/a>, and a federal judge has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999041/san-francisco-workers-clearing-homeless-encampments-need-better-training-judge-rules\">ruled the city must better train its workers\u003c/a> on how to handle unhoused people’s belongings during the sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some officials in Berkeley tried to pass additional protections for unhoused residents in the wake of the Supreme Court ruling. That resolution, co-authored by Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, ultimately failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it unconscionable to burden the most vulnerable residents of our City as a result of our regional failure in our housing shortage, insufficient anti-displacement mechanisms, and lack of shelters,” Lunaparra said in a statement. “Under no circumstance should the City effectively criminalize the status of being unhoused without providing a reasonable alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani’s resolution is up for a vote before the council on Sept. 10. Homeless advocates also plan to hold a rally outside the council chambers ahead of the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all trying to make Berkeley a model for the state. We haven’t swept yet — let’s continue that,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The legislation would allow such sweeps under certain conditions, but homeless advocates argue those are overly broad.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/berkeley\">Berkeley\u003c/a> may soon become the latest Bay Area city to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000987/what-rights-do-unhoused-people-have-amid-heightened-sweeps\">crack down on homeless encampments\u003c/a> under expanded authority granted to local governments by a recent Supreme Court ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation proposed by Councilmember Rashi Kesarwani, who represents northwest Berkeley, would allow the city, under certain conditions, to clear encampments without providing alternative shelter. Unhoused residents could also face citation or arrest if the resolution passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want our staff to continue to make a shelter offer when practicable,” Kesarwani said. “But sometimes, we have encampments that have created a fire or health risk for neighboring businesses or residents, and we need to be able to address those health and safety issues by enforcing our state and local laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kesarwani’s proposal, encampments could be cleared if they pose a fire or health hazard, constitute a “public nuisance,” or sit in the way of traffic, construction or maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, those exceptions are broad enough to apply to every encampment in the city, according to Andrea Henson, who provides legal counsel to the homeless advocacy group Where Do We Go Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you want to sweep all these camps, where’s everyone going to go? Because they’re not going to leave Berkeley — a lot of them are from Berkeley. They don’t want to leave home,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani argued that the exceptions are specific and nuanced. The legislation mentions two of the city’s largest encampments as priorities for removal — both of which are within her district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them on Harrison Street prompts around one police call per day and has rampant health and safety violations that concern neighboring businesses and residents, Kesarwani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not progressive to enable people who are in the throes of serious drug addiction to continue in their addiction without serious consequence and continue to create fire and health hazards for the surrounding neighborhood,” Kesarwani said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003165\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/009_KQED_Berkeley_Homelessness_03192020__qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A portable restroom at a tent encampment under a freeway overpass in Berkeley on March 19, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>According to Kesarwani, Berkeley cut its unsheltered homeless population in half over the past two years, coinciding with the opening of several permanent and transitional housing options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there still aren’t enough beds to house the city’s remaining 445 unsheltered homeless residents. Henson said it could take years to get people into housing, adding that an independent audit of Berkeley’s shelters could identify the roadblocks to helping people off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Henson said the city should prioritize options like safe parking sites instead of sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a federal court ruling in 2022, sweeps were restricted and cities could not fine or jail people for camping in public if insufficient shelter was available. In June, the Supreme Court’s ruling in the City of Grants Pass, Ore. v. Gloria Johnson overturned that precedent, leading Gov. Gavin Newsom to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">direct state agencies to dismantle encampments on their property\u003c/a> and urge local officials to do the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Mayor London Breed promised the city would launch \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">“very aggressive” sweeps\u003c/a>. Advocates and some neighbors have argued the crackdown is only \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">moving people from place to place\u003c/a>, and a federal judge has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999041/san-francisco-workers-clearing-homeless-encampments-need-better-training-judge-rules\">ruled the city must better train its workers\u003c/a> on how to handle unhoused people’s belongings during the sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some officials in Berkeley tried to pass additional protections for unhoused residents in the wake of the Supreme Court ruling. That resolution, co-authored by Councilmember Cecilia Lunaparra, ultimately failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I find it unconscionable to burden the most vulnerable residents of our City as a result of our regional failure in our housing shortage, insufficient anti-displacement mechanisms, and lack of shelters,” Lunaparra said in a statement. “Under no circumstance should the City effectively criminalize the status of being unhoused without providing a reasonable alternative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kesarwani’s resolution is up for a vote before the council on Sept. 10. Homeless advocates also plan to hold a rally outside the council chambers ahead of the meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re all trying to make Berkeley a model for the state. We haven’t swept yet — let’s continue that,” Henson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-fans-want-to-help-open-mount-davis-for-as-coliseum-finale-the-team-isnt-budging",
"title": "Oakland Fans Want to Help Open Mount Davis for A’s Coliseum Finale. The Team Isn’t Budging",
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"headTitle": "Oakland Fans Want to Help Open Mount Davis for A’s Coliseum Finale. The Team Isn’t Budging | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For fans of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-as\">Oakland A’s\u003c/a>, watching the team get ready to pack up and leave town for the last time has been one long, bitter episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the date for the Athletics’ final game approaches, things aren’t getting any easier for die-hards who feel the team’s management continues to pile indignity atop insult atop injury. The latest source of outrage is the team’s refusal to open all of the stadium’s available seats for its last home game on Sept. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap: The A’s are abandoning Oakland after 57 seasons. They’ll play at least the next three years at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982386/what-the-as-temporary-move-to-sacramento-means-for-fans\">a minor league park in West Sacramento\u003c/a> as they plan to build a ballpark on the Las Vegas Strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before any of that happens, the A’s still have a handful of games left at the Oakland Coliseum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.si.com/mlb/athletics/news/a-s-announce-final-game-at-coliseum-is-sold-out-01j4sfc0ahkn\">a few weeks ago\u003c/a> that the final game, a Thursday afternoon contest against the Texas Rangers, was sold out. But the sellout isn’t all it appears to be, as the team chose not to open the Coliseum’s so-called Mount Davis with its 8,100 seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fans cheer during the final Battle of the Bay game between the A’s and the Giants at the Oakland Coliseum on Aug. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The apparent reason is that Mount Davis, erected in the mid-1990s to accommodate the Oakland Raiders’ return from Los Angeles and colloquially named for late Raiders’ owner Al Davis, has been closed since before the pandemic and reportedly requires a significant cleanup to be fit for fans. We say “apparent” and “reportedly” because the A’s have declined to comment on the record about their decision to keep the section closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team’s public silence hasn’t stopped a group of superfans from launching a campaign to persuade A’s ownership to change its mind and throw Mount Davis open for one last game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fans Bryan Johansen, Steven Leighton and Gabriel Cullen issued an open letter with a proposal for A’s ownership: If the team agreed to open Mount Davis for the Sept. 26 game, they’d help prepare the stands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We composed an email and sent it to them and said, ‘OK, we’re going to offer you entirely free labor to clean it up before the game, after the game, and all you got to do is open it,” Johansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/LastDiveBar/status/1829179653719986320\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johansen, co-founder of a Coliseum-themed apparel brand called Last Dive Bar and someone who is relentlessly critical of A’s owner John Fisher and president Dave Kaval, said at least 50 people have volunteered for the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s stuff that’s been just put up there like storage or trash,” Johansen said. “That stuff just needs to be moved out of the way, do a simple power washing and that’s it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999833 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/S2A6703-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johansen concedes opening Mount Davis won’t be quite that simple. The team would need to provide ushers and security, for instance. But as an organizer of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952845/oakland-as-fans-swing-to-save-oakland-baseball\">reverse boycott \u003c/a>and other A’s fan events, he said he doesn’t feel that would be a heavy lift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing that’s been clear the entire time we started the whole movement and the protests and the boycotts, there’s not been one single recorded police incident ever, not a single incident of violence or vandalism,” he said. “So you don’t need many people to police the fans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johansen also acknowledges that Mount Davis wouldn’t offer the ideal fan experience. It’s likely that concession stands and even restrooms would be closed, meaning ticket holders would have to take a hike to other parts of the ballpark for their hot dogs and beer and bio-relief. It’s also impossible to see the entire ballfield from the soaring grandstand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that won’t matter for those hoping to say goodbye to a team they’ve loved and supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point is for as many fans as possible to see the final and last game at the Oakland Coliseum,” Johansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the A’s haven’t responded to the volunteer offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A group of Oakland A’s superfans has signed up volunteers to clean up the tarped-off stands for the otherwise sold-out Sept. 26 final home game.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For fans of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-as\">Oakland A’s\u003c/a>, watching the team get ready to pack up and leave town for the last time has been one long, bitter episode.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the date for the Athletics’ final game approaches, things aren’t getting any easier for die-hards who feel the team’s management continues to pile indignity atop insult atop injury. The latest source of outrage is the team’s refusal to open all of the stadium’s available seats for its last home game on Sept. 26.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To recap: The A’s are abandoning Oakland after 57 seasons. They’ll play at least the next three years at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982386/what-the-as-temporary-move-to-sacramento-means-for-fans\">a minor league park in West Sacramento\u003c/a> as they plan to build a ballpark on the Las Vegas Strip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But before any of that happens, the A’s still have a handful of games left at the Oakland Coliseum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.si.com/mlb/athletics/news/a-s-announce-final-game-at-coliseum-is-sold-out-01j4sfc0ahkn\">a few weeks ago\u003c/a> that the final game, a Thursday afternoon contest against the Texas Rangers, was sold out. But the sellout isn’t all it appears to be, as the team chose not to open the Coliseum’s so-called Mount Davis with its 8,100 seats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003138\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003138\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/20240818_LastBoB_GC-42_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fans cheer during the final Battle of the Bay game between the A’s and the Giants at the Oakland Coliseum on Aug. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The apparent reason is that Mount Davis, erected in the mid-1990s to accommodate the Oakland Raiders’ return from Los Angeles and colloquially named for late Raiders’ owner Al Davis, has been closed since before the pandemic and reportedly requires a significant cleanup to be fit for fans. We say “apparent” and “reportedly” because the A’s have declined to comment on the record about their decision to keep the section closed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The team’s public silence hasn’t stopped a group of superfans from launching a campaign to persuade A’s ownership to change its mind and throw Mount Davis open for one last game.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fans Bryan Johansen, Steven Leighton and Gabriel Cullen issued an open letter with a proposal for A’s ownership: If the team agreed to open Mount Davis for the Sept. 26 game, they’d help prepare the stands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We composed an email and sent it to them and said, ‘OK, we’re going to offer you entirely free labor to clean it up before the game, after the game, and all you got to do is open it,” Johansen said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Johansen, co-founder of a Coliseum-themed apparel brand called Last Dive Bar and someone who is relentlessly critical of A’s owner John Fisher and president Dave Kaval, said at least 50 people have volunteered for the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s stuff that’s been just put up there like storage or trash,” Johansen said. “That stuff just needs to be moved out of the way, do a simple power washing and that’s it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johansen concedes opening Mount Davis won’t be quite that simple. The team would need to provide ushers and security, for instance. But as an organizer of last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952845/oakland-as-fans-swing-to-save-oakland-baseball\">reverse boycott \u003c/a>and other A’s fan events, he said he doesn’t feel that would be a heavy lift.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One thing that’s been clear the entire time we started the whole movement and the protests and the boycotts, there’s not been one single recorded police incident ever, not a single incident of violence or vandalism,” he said. “So you don’t need many people to police the fans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johansen also acknowledges that Mount Davis wouldn’t offer the ideal fan experience. It’s likely that concession stands and even restrooms would be closed, meaning ticket holders would have to take a hike to other parts of the ballpark for their hot dogs and beer and bio-relief. It’s also impossible to see the entire ballfield from the soaring grandstand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that won’t matter for those hoping to say goodbye to a team they’ve loved and supported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point is for as many fans as possible to see the final and last game at the Oakland Coliseum,” Johansen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the A’s haven’t responded to the volunteer offer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "some-gig-workers-say-they-are-seeing-little-of-prop-22-promises-and-lack-of-enforcement-from-state",
"title": "Gig Workers Are Seeing Little of Prop. 22 Promises — and Lack of Enforcement From State",
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"headTitle": "Gig Workers Are Seeing Little of Prop. 22 Promises — and Lack of Enforcement From State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly four years after California voters approved better wages and health benefits for ride-hailing drivers and delivery workers, no one is actually ensuring they are provided, according to state agencies, interviews with workers and a review of wage claims filed with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters mandated the benefits in November 2020 when they approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/proposition-22/\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>. The ballot initiative was backed by gig-work companies that wanted to keep their workers classified as independent contractors and were resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/06/ab-5-california-uber/\">2019 state law\u003c/a> that would have considered them employees. Prop. 22 stipulated that gig workers would remain independent contractors but be treated better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Industrial Relations Department, which handles wage claims, now tells CalMatters it does not have jurisdiction to resolve those related to Prop. 22, citing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/07/prop-22-california-gig-work-law-upheld/\">July 25 California Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that upheld the law and therefore maintains that gig workers are not employees. That effectively passes enforcement responsibility on to the state attorney general, whose office was noncommittal when asked about its plans, saying that it does not adjudicate individual claims but does prosecute companies that systematically violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of enforcement leaves in limbo workers who in many cases have already been waiting for months or years for the state to resolve their complaints. Workers have filed 54 claims related to Prop. 22 since it went into effect in December 2020. At least 32 of them are unresolved, state records obtained by CalMatters show, although at least two of those are due to workers not following through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the unresolved claims, one goes back to 2021, several are from 2022 and 2023, and about half are from this year, through May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails included with the claims show that the Industrial Relations Department told one worker it was severely understaffed, and seven others, starting in 2022, that it did not have jurisdiction to help them since they were independent contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of claims filed with the state represent just a fraction of the more than 1 million gig workers in California, they give a glimpse into what happens when workers turn to the state for help instead of the companies that backed Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers say in the claims, and in interviews with CalMatters, that companies such as Uber, Lyft and Instacart failed to provide higher wages and health care stipends under the law, and that the companies’ representatives sometimes act confused or take a long time to handle their requests for Prop. 22 benefits. The gig companies have touted the law as something that has boosted pay and benefits, and have said it has helped gig workers hang on to work they can do whenever they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Robinson is among the workers who have had to aggressively pursue what they believe they’re owed under the law. For the past year, she has filed claims with the state and fought two different gig-work companies for different benefits promised under Prop. 22. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/052024_Laura-Robinson_ZS_CM_09-1-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"1000\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12003065\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Robinson in her home in Irvine on May 20, 2024. Robinson, who was in a car accident last year while working for Instacart, was recently informed she will receive occupational accident insurance after months of effort. \u003ccite>(Laura Robinson in her home in Irvine on May 20, 2024. Robinson, who was in a car accident last year while working for Instacart, was recently informed she will receive occupational accident insurance after months of effort. Photo by Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> She was making a delivery for Instacart a year ago, she said, when a driver making a U-turn hit her, totaling her car. Now, she said, she has lingering back pain, and has only been able to make a total of a few deliveries over the past several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, who lives in Irvine, tried to get Instacart to retroactively provide her with occupational accident insurance as required under Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she first contacted Instacart about the collision, “four or five different (representatives) told me on chat ‘we don’t provide insurance,’ but I told them this is California,” Robinson said. “Finally someone said ‘oh yeah, I know what you’re talking about.’ ” Robinson had some difficulties documenting the accident, because, she said, the responding Torrance Police Department officer rode away on his motorcycle without writing a report. But after about seven months, she finally heard back from Zurich, Instacart’s insurance provider. She received a lump sum, and monthly payments for the time that she has been largely unable to work, according to bank statements and emails from Zurich to her, which she shared with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instacart spokesperson Charlotte Healow said all the company’s shopper support agents should know about “shopper injury protection” and that there is information in the app about how to go about filing claims. But Robinson showed CalMatters several screenshots of her chats with support agents who either thought she was asking about health insurance or who told her someone would email her back about her situation — which eventually happened, though it took a few tries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson said she had also struggled to get a smaller gig platform, food delivery app Curri, to comply with the law. Under Prop. 22, ride-hailing and delivery gig companies are supposed to pay her 120% of minimum wage for the time she spends driving, making up for any shortfall in the pay she receives, but Curri had not done so, she said. Not knowing where to turn, she asked a few different state agencies for help, including the attorney general’s office. She even lodged a complaint with the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration’s National Consumer Complaint Database. After several months, the Industrial Relations Department scheduled a hearing for her case for Aug. 29. Last week, the department told her the company decided to settle and pay her what it owed, according to emails and a release she signed that she shared with CalMatters. Curri’s marketing director referred CalMatters to the company’s legal department, which did not return three emailed requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson saw the upside of Prop. 22 after it passed. She liked being able to continue setting her own hours and saw a bump in her earnings delivering for Grubhub due to the law. But she is now frustrated about how tough it was to figure out who’s supposed to be upholding it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not helpful if it’s not enforced or applied,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson said the deputy labor commissioner she was in touch with throughout the process of pursuing her claim against Curri told her last week that because Prop. 22 was upheld by the state Supreme Court — effectively ensuring gig workers cannot be considered employees — the department would no longer be handling similar cases because it does not have jurisdiction over independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What gig workers are complaining about\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 22-related wage claims reviewed by CalMatters were part of a larger set of nearly 200 claims that gig workers filed with the Industrial Relations Department since the law took effect in December 2020. Citing the California Public Records Act, CalMatters sought all wage claims in that timeframe involving gig companies, but the state did not provide any claims against DoorDash, which is one of the biggest of the app-based gig companies. A department spokesperson could not explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the claimants sought delayed or unpaid wages, including adjustments owed under Prop. 22. Others sought health care stipends required under the gig-work law, and one driver said he sought occupational accident insurance but did not receive it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claims also shed light on the mechanics of how app companies are allegedly withholding wages. In them, some gig workers claimed that they were deactivated — kicked off or fired by the app — before receiving all their wages. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"proposition-22\"]The records also indicate the state had trouble holding app companies to account in a timely fashion. In emails about the claims, some workers frequently asked for updates about their cases and complained about limited communications from the state. This prompted one supervisor in the Industrial Relations Department’s San Francisco office to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1006930-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">respond by email\u003c/a> on May 30, 2024, seemingly noting that gig workers’ complaints were just a fraction of the array of worker complaints the state fields: “I am working with 40% staff shortage. There are over 3,000 cases, most of which are older than yours, and only seven people (total) to handle them.” The department did not respond to requests for comment on whether this shortfall persists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monetary wage claims ranged from about $2 to nearly $420,000. Most — 54% — were against ride-hailing and delivery giant Uber and 25% were against its rides competitor Lyft. There were 17 claims against grocery-delivery app maker Instacart, seven against food-delivery platform Grubhub, four against Target-owned delivery service Shipt and three against UPS-owned delivery service Roadie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Industrial Relations Department has long tried to resolve gig workers’ wage disputes. The labor commissioner, who heads the department’s Labor Standards Enforcement Division, still has pending \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Lawsuits-Uber-Lyft.html\">wage-theft lawsuits\u003c/a> against Uber and Lyft that it filed in 2020 on behalf of about 5,000 workers with wage claims going back to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those cases predate Prop. 22, originating during a period when gig workers were misclassified and should have been considered employees under California law, the labor commissioner argues in the wage-theft suits. After Prop. 22 passed, opponents challenged it and the case ended up before the California Supreme Court, which upheld the law in July, effectively affirming that drivers are independent contractors, not employees. A department spokesperson, Peter Melton, said the ruling means the department can no longer handle claims about missing wage adjustments under the earnings guarantee, unpaid health care stipends or other aspects of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department representatives made similar statements to workers even before Prop. 22 was upheld, the claims records show. An email response, dated March 26, 2024, from the department to an Uber driver \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1007106-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">stated\u003c/a>: “The Division of Labor Standards Enforcement enforces employment law. We cannot enforce Prop 22 earnings because they aren’t ‘wages’ earned by ‘employees’.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This echoes the position lawyers for Uber and Lyft took in some of the records when responding to wage claims. They asked the state to dismiss such claims, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1003300-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">one email\u003c/a>: “As of December 16, 2020, drivers using Lyft’s platform are considered independent contractors by statute and, thus, cannot seek relief under the Labor Code.” [aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"gig-economy\"]Now that the department has disavowed responsibility for Prop. 22 claims, the question remains: Who will enforce the law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Kronland, the attorney for Service Employees International Union California who unsuccessfully argued before the state Supreme Court that it should throw out Prop. 22, told CalMatters: “I’ve also heard from drivers that they’re not getting the things they’re promised by Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kronland said their recourse, after the ruling, is to press local prosecutors or the attorney general, who have the ability to hold companies liable for unlawful business practices under the state’s Unfair Competition Law. Still, he said “enforcement is something the Legislature could clarify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unsigned email response to CalMatters’ questions after the state Supreme Court decision, including whether it planned to pursue Prop.-22-related cases against gig-work companies, the attorney general’s office said gig workers can submit complaints at \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/report\">oag.ca.gov/report\u003c/a>. The email added: “Although the Attorney General does not represent individual workers or adjudicate individual complaints by holding administrative hearings like (the Department of Industrial Relations), DOJ brings lawsuits to hold accountable companies that systematically break the law, for example through widespread violations of wage and hour standards. Reports or complaints of employer misconduct are an important part of our work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When CalMatters previously asked the attorney general’s office for copies of any wage complaints it had received from gig workers thus far, a spokesperson responded that the office was representing the state in its effort to defend \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/05/prop-22-oral-arguments/\">Prop. 22 before the California Supreme Court\u003c/a> — and referred CalMatters back to the Industrial Relations Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What gig companies share about Prop. 22’s impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have said that, due in part to the initiative’s earnings guarantee, workers now make more than $30 an hour. But a May study by the UC Berkeley Labor Center found that, for California ride-hailing drivers, average earnings after expenses, not including tips, is about $7.12 an hour, and for delivery workers, $5.93. With tips, drivers’ average hourly earnings are $9.09 an hour, and $13.62 for delivery workers, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To better understand the impact of Prop. 22, CalMatters asked each of the four largest gig companies — Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and Instacart — the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>How much they have spent on delivering on each of Prop. 22’s four main promises:\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>120% of minimum wage earnings guarantee\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Health care stipends\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Occupational accident insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidental death insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How many gig workers have received each of the promised benefits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Whether they have passed on costs to consumers, and if so, where they account for those customer fees in their public financial filings.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How they handle complaints or issues related to their promises.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lyft said 85% of California Lyft drivers who have driven for the company since Prop. 22 went into effect have received at least one wage “top up” — the additional money drivers receive under the earnings guarantee — through the end of the fourth quarter of 2023, though spokesperson Shadawn Reddick-Smith would not provide specific numbers of Lyft drivers in the state. None of the other companies would give any information on their delivery of the wage guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instacart spokesperson Healow said the company has paid out about $40 million in health care subsidies to its delivery workers, which she said number in the tens of thousands in the state. She also said about 11% of California shoppers have become eligible for a health care stipend since Prop. 22 took effect, and that 28% of those eligible shoppers have redeemed their subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the health care stipends, workers must work at least 15 hours a week each quarter, and be enrolled in health insurance that is not provided by an employer or the government. Because the gig companies won’t share how many workers have received the stipends, CalMatters asked the state health insurance exchange, Covered California, if it had data that might help shed some light. Seven percent of the 1.6 million people who used Covered California reported doing gig work in a 2023 survey, said a spokesperson for the exchange, Jagdip Dhillon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash spokesperson Parker Dorrough said that just 11% of eligible couriers used the health care stipend in the fourth quarter of 2023 but that 80% of DoorDash’s delivery workers had health care coverage through another source, such as their full-time job or spouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the other companies would give any information on their delivery of the stipend. Lyft’s Reddick-Smith said 80% of California Lyft drivers already have health care coverage, including 13% who bought their own coverage (this second group is the set of drivers who qualified for the stipend).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003067\" class=\"wp-caption center\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1721\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1536x1033.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-2048x1377.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1920x1291.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted on a car as gig workers with the California Gig Workers Union stage a rally against Proposition 22 outside of the California First Appellate District Court of Appeal on December 13, 2022 in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of the four companies provided the numbers of workers who have used occupational accident or accidental death insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the companies would disclose how they account for the fees they charge customers for Prop. 22 expenses, nor are the fees included in their publicly available financial filings. Instacart said it does not charge customers for expenses associated with Prop. 22. Lyft said its per-ride service fee includes a 75-cent “California Driver Benefits Fee.” Uber charges customers a “CA Driver Benefits” fee for each ride and delivery in the state and spokesperson Zahid Arab said the company has “invested more than we collected in fees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber published a blog post after CalMatters’ questions, saying it has “invested” more than $1 billion in Prop. 22 benefits. Arab would not break down these benefits further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for complaints related to the promises, each of the companies said workers should contact support agents, whom they can usually get in touch with in the app; an Instacart spokesperson said workers can make some claims directly in the company’s app.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Seeing little from Prop. 22\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ride-hailing driver Sergio Avedian last year helped raise public awareness of the lack of Prop. 22 enforcement. Specifically, he homed in on one narrow issue: Under the law, gig-work companies were supposed to adjust for inflation each year the reimbursement they pay to drivers for mileage. Avedian said no such adjustment had taken place for two consecutive years. And as a podcaster and contributor to the Rideshare Guy, a popular gig-work blog, he had a high profile. Avedian and a fellow eagle-eyed driver started pestering the state’s treasurer’s office, which had not published the adjusted rates as stipulated under Prop 22. The office eventually did so and, the Los Angeles Times reported, put the state’s gig workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/technology/story/2023-06-01/column-uber-david-and-goliath\">on track to get back pay for the mileage expenses\u003c/a> — pay potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year later, Avedian is curious about gig-company math again. He has asked Uber some of the same questions CalMatters did — including how the company accounts for the driver-benefits fee it adds on to each ride or delivery. The company’s response to him was similar — it provided few specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides his concern about the issue as a driver, Avedian said “as a consumer who is paying into the Prop. 22 fund on every trip or delivery, I would like to know the accounting of where my money is going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the gig companies were campaigning for Prop. 22, they implored voters to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-7QJLgdQaf4\">help create a better path forward for drivers\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Avedian and other gig workers in California say their paths have not changed much. Many still complain about low wages, little transparency from the companies and lack of worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yasha Timenovich said he has worked as a ride-hailing driver for a decade, first with Uber, now with Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work 12, 13, 14 hours a day,” said Timenovich, who drives in the Los Angeles area. “But the time I sit and wait at LAX is not accounted for.” He said he has to work long hours to try to make sure he has enough earnings. “We’re not completely independent contractors. We’re not employees. We’re sort of a hybrid model of theirs. We’re pretty much nobody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said he must obtain health insurance through Medi-Cal, California’s health care coverage for low-income residents — which in turn means he doesn’t qualify for the health care stipend. He said every driver he knows “is on Medi-Cal because they can’t afford health insurance. I don’t know anyone who has (the stipend).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many drivers voted for Prop. 22, he said. But “what we were told was a lie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-newspack-blocks-homepage-articles cm-manual-eoa-recirc wpnbha show-image image-alignleft ts-3 is-1 is-landscape cm-manual-eoa-recirc has-text-align-left\">\n\u003cdiv data-posts=\"\" data-current-post-id=\"438437\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gig companies pushed for Prop. 22, promising improved pay and benefits for California workers. But when companies fail to deliver, the state isn’t doing much to help push back.",
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"title": "Gig Workers Are Seeing Little of Prop. 22 Promises — and Lack of Enforcement From State | KQED",
"description": "Gig companies pushed for Prop. 22, promising improved pay and benefits for California workers. But when companies fail to deliver, the state isn’t doing much to help push back.",
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"headline": "Gig Workers Are Seeing Little of Prop. 22 Promises — and Lack of Enforcement From State",
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"source": "CalMatters",
"sourceUrl": "https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/09/gig-work-california-prop-22-enforcement/",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly four years after California voters approved better wages and health benefits for ride-hailing drivers and delivery workers, no one is actually ensuring they are provided, according to state agencies, interviews with workers and a review of wage claims filed with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters mandated the benefits in November 2020 when they approved \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/proposition-22/\">Proposition 22\u003c/a>. The ballot initiative was backed by gig-work companies that wanted to keep their workers classified as independent contractors and were resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/06/ab-5-california-uber/\">2019 state law\u003c/a> that would have considered them employees. Prop. 22 stipulated that gig workers would remain independent contractors but be treated better.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Industrial Relations Department, which handles wage claims, now tells CalMatters it does not have jurisdiction to resolve those related to Prop. 22, citing a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/07/prop-22-california-gig-work-law-upheld/\">July 25 California Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that upheld the law and therefore maintains that gig workers are not employees. That effectively passes enforcement responsibility on to the state attorney general, whose office was noncommittal when asked about its plans, saying that it does not adjudicate individual claims but does prosecute companies that systematically violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lack of enforcement leaves in limbo workers who in many cases have already been waiting for months or years for the state to resolve their complaints. Workers have filed 54 claims related to Prop. 22 since it went into effect in December 2020. At least 32 of them are unresolved, state records obtained by CalMatters show, although at least two of those are due to workers not following through.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the unresolved claims, one goes back to 2021, several are from 2022 and 2023, and about half are from this year, through May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emails included with the claims show that the Industrial Relations Department told one worker it was severely understaffed, and seven others, starting in 2022, that it did not have jurisdiction to help them since they were independent contractors rather than employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the number of claims filed with the state represent just a fraction of the more than 1 million gig workers in California, they give a glimpse into what happens when workers turn to the state for help instead of the companies that backed Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers say in the claims, and in interviews with CalMatters, that companies such as Uber, Lyft and Instacart failed to provide higher wages and health care stipends under the law, and that the companies’ representatives sometimes act confused or take a long time to handle their requests for Prop. 22 benefits. The gig companies have touted the law as something that has boosted pay and benefits, and have said it has helped gig workers hang on to work they can do whenever they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laura Robinson is among the workers who have had to aggressively pursue what they believe they’re owed under the law. For the past year, she has filed claims with the state and fought two different gig-work companies for different benefits promised under Prop. 22. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003065\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/052024_Laura-Robinson_ZS_CM_09-1-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"1000\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12003065\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Laura Robinson in her home in Irvine on May 20, 2024. Robinson, who was in a car accident last year while working for Instacart, was recently informed she will receive occupational accident insurance after months of effort. \u003ccite>(Laura Robinson in her home in Irvine on May 20, 2024. Robinson, who was in a car accident last year while working for Instacart, was recently informed she will receive occupational accident insurance after months of effort. Photo by Zaydee Sanchez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp> She was making a delivery for Instacart a year ago, she said, when a driver making a U-turn hit her, totaling her car. Now, she said, she has lingering back pain, and has only been able to make a total of a few deliveries over the past several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson, who lives in Irvine, tried to get Instacart to retroactively provide her with occupational accident insurance as required under Prop. 22.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she first contacted Instacart about the collision, “four or five different (representatives) told me on chat ‘we don’t provide insurance,’ but I told them this is California,” Robinson said. “Finally someone said ‘oh yeah, I know what you’re talking about.’ ” Robinson had some difficulties documenting the accident, because, she said, the responding Torrance Police Department officer rode away on his motorcycle without writing a report. But after about seven months, she finally heard back from Zurich, Instacart’s insurance provider. She received a lump sum, and monthly payments for the time that she has been largely unable to work, according to bank statements and emails from Zurich to her, which she shared with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instacart spokesperson Charlotte Healow said all the company’s shopper support agents should know about “shopper injury protection” and that there is information in the app about how to go about filing claims. But Robinson showed CalMatters several screenshots of her chats with support agents who either thought she was asking about health insurance or who told her someone would email her back about her situation — which eventually happened, though it took a few tries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson said she had also struggled to get a smaller gig platform, food delivery app Curri, to comply with the law. Under Prop. 22, ride-hailing and delivery gig companies are supposed to pay her 120% of minimum wage for the time she spends driving, making up for any shortfall in the pay she receives, but Curri had not done so, she said. Not knowing where to turn, she asked a few different state agencies for help, including the attorney general’s office. She even lodged a complaint with the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration’s National Consumer Complaint Database. After several months, the Industrial Relations Department scheduled a hearing for her case for Aug. 29. Last week, the department told her the company decided to settle and pay her what it owed, according to emails and a release she signed that she shared with CalMatters. Curri’s marketing director referred CalMatters to the company’s legal department, which did not return three emailed requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson saw the upside of Prop. 22 after it passed. She liked being able to continue setting her own hours and saw a bump in her earnings delivering for Grubhub due to the law. But she is now frustrated about how tough it was to figure out who’s supposed to be upholding it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not helpful if it’s not enforced or applied,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robinson said the deputy labor commissioner she was in touch with throughout the process of pursuing her claim against Curri told her last week that because Prop. 22 was upheld by the state Supreme Court — effectively ensuring gig workers cannot be considered employees — the department would no longer be handling similar cases because it does not have jurisdiction over independent contractors.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What gig workers are complaining about\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Prop. 22-related wage claims reviewed by CalMatters were part of a larger set of nearly 200 claims that gig workers filed with the Industrial Relations Department since the law took effect in December 2020. Citing the California Public Records Act, CalMatters sought all wage claims in that timeframe involving gig companies, but the state did not provide any claims against DoorDash, which is one of the biggest of the app-based gig companies. A department spokesperson could not explain why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the claimants sought delayed or unpaid wages, including adjustments owed under Prop. 22. Others sought health care stipends required under the gig-work law, and one driver said he sought occupational accident insurance but did not receive it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The claims also shed light on the mechanics of how app companies are allegedly withholding wages. In them, some gig workers claimed that they were deactivated — kicked off or fired by the app — before receiving all their wages. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The records also indicate the state had trouble holding app companies to account in a timely fashion. In emails about the claims, some workers frequently asked for updates about their cases and complained about limited communications from the state. This prompted one supervisor in the Industrial Relations Department’s San Francisco office to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1006930-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">respond by email\u003c/a> on May 30, 2024, seemingly noting that gig workers’ complaints were just a fraction of the array of worker complaints the state fields: “I am working with 40% staff shortage. There are over 3,000 cases, most of which are older than yours, and only seven people (total) to handle them.” The department did not respond to requests for comment on whether this shortfall persists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Monetary wage claims ranged from about $2 to nearly $420,000. Most — 54% — were against ride-hailing and delivery giant Uber and 25% were against its rides competitor Lyft. There were 17 claims against grocery-delivery app maker Instacart, seven against food-delivery platform Grubhub, four against Target-owned delivery service Shipt and three against UPS-owned delivery service Roadie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Industrial Relations Department has long tried to resolve gig workers’ wage disputes. The labor commissioner, who heads the department’s Labor Standards Enforcement Division, still has pending \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Lawsuits-Uber-Lyft.html\">wage-theft lawsuits\u003c/a> against Uber and Lyft that it filed in 2020 on behalf of about 5,000 workers with wage claims going back to 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those cases predate Prop. 22, originating during a period when gig workers were misclassified and should have been considered employees under California law, the labor commissioner argues in the wage-theft suits. After Prop. 22 passed, opponents challenged it and the case ended up before the California Supreme Court, which upheld the law in July, effectively affirming that drivers are independent contractors, not employees. A department spokesperson, Peter Melton, said the ruling means the department can no longer handle claims about missing wage adjustments under the earnings guarantee, unpaid health care stipends or other aspects of the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department representatives made similar statements to workers even before Prop. 22 was upheld, the claims records show. An email response, dated March 26, 2024, from the department to an Uber driver \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1007106-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">stated\u003c/a>: “The Division of Labor Standards Enforcement enforces employment law. We cannot enforce Prop 22 earnings because they aren’t ‘wages’ earned by ‘employees’.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This echoes the position lawyers for Uber and Lyft took in some of the records when responding to wage claims. They asked the state to dismiss such claims, writing in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/CM-1003300-PRA-HQ-46848.pdf\">one email\u003c/a>: “As of December 16, 2020, drivers using Lyft’s platform are considered independent contractors by statute and, thus, cannot seek relief under the Labor Code.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now that the department has disavowed responsibility for Prop. 22 claims, the question remains: Who will enforce the law?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Kronland, the attorney for Service Employees International Union California who unsuccessfully argued before the state Supreme Court that it should throw out Prop. 22, told CalMatters: “I’ve also heard from drivers that they’re not getting the things they’re promised by Prop. 22.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kronland said their recourse, after the ruling, is to press local prosecutors or the attorney general, who have the ability to hold companies liable for unlawful business practices under the state’s Unfair Competition Law. Still, he said “enforcement is something the Legislature could clarify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an unsigned email response to CalMatters’ questions after the state Supreme Court decision, including whether it planned to pursue Prop.-22-related cases against gig-work companies, the attorney general’s office said gig workers can submit complaints at \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/report\">oag.ca.gov/report\u003c/a>. The email added: “Although the Attorney General does not represent individual workers or adjudicate individual complaints by holding administrative hearings like (the Department of Industrial Relations), DOJ brings lawsuits to hold accountable companies that systematically break the law, for example through widespread violations of wage and hour standards. Reports or complaints of employer misconduct are an important part of our work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When CalMatters previously asked the attorney general’s office for copies of any wage complaints it had received from gig workers thus far, a spokesperson responded that the office was representing the state in its effort to defend \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/05/prop-22-oral-arguments/\">Prop. 22 before the California Supreme Court\u003c/a> — and referred CalMatters back to the Industrial Relations Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>What gig companies share about Prop. 22’s impact\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Gig companies have said that, due in part to the initiative’s earnings guarantee, workers now make more than $30 an hour. But a May study by the UC Berkeley Labor Center found that, for California ride-hailing drivers, average earnings after expenses, not including tips, is about $7.12 an hour, and for delivery workers, $5.93. With tips, drivers’ average hourly earnings are $9.09 an hour, and $13.62 for delivery workers, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To better understand the impact of Prop. 22, CalMatters asked each of the four largest gig companies — Uber, Lyft, DoorDash and Instacart — the following:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>How much they have spent on delivering on each of Prop. 22’s four main promises:\n\u003cul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n\u003cli>120% of minimum wage earnings guarantee\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Health care stipends\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Occupational accident insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Accidental death insurance\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How many gig workers have received each of the promised benefits.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Whether they have passed on costs to consumers, and if so, where they account for those customer fees in their public financial filings.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>How they handle complaints or issues related to their promises.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Lyft said 85% of California Lyft drivers who have driven for the company since Prop. 22 went into effect have received at least one wage “top up” — the additional money drivers receive under the earnings guarantee — through the end of the fourth quarter of 2023, though spokesperson Shadawn Reddick-Smith would not provide specific numbers of Lyft drivers in the state. None of the other companies would give any information on their delivery of the wage guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instacart spokesperson Healow said the company has paid out about $40 million in health care subsidies to its delivery workers, which she said number in the tens of thousands in the state. She also said about 11% of California shoppers have become eligible for a health care stipend since Prop. 22 took effect, and that 28% of those eligible shoppers have redeemed their subsidy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To qualify for the health care stipends, workers must work at least 15 hours a week each quarter, and be enrolled in health insurance that is not provided by an employer or the government. Because the gig companies won’t share how many workers have received the stipends, CalMatters asked the state health insurance exchange, Covered California, if it had data that might help shed some light. Seven percent of the 1.6 million people who used Covered California reported doing gig work in a 2023 survey, said a spokesperson for the exchange, Jagdip Dhillon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DoorDash spokesperson Parker Dorrough said that just 11% of eligible couriers used the health care stipend in the fourth quarter of 2023 but that 80% of DoorDash’s delivery workers had health care coverage through another source, such as their full-time job or spouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the other companies would give any information on their delivery of the stipend. Lyft’s Reddick-Smith said 80% of California Lyft drivers already have health care coverage, including 13% who bought their own coverage (this second group is the set of drivers who qualified for the stipend).\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003067\" class=\"wp-caption center\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1721\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003067\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-800x538.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1020x686.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-160x108.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1536x1033.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-2048x1377.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/GettyImages-1448862196-1-1920x1291.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted on a car as gig workers with the California Gig Workers Union stage a rally against Proposition 22 outside of the California First Appellate District Court of Appeal on December 13, 2022 in San Francisco, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>None of the four companies provided the numbers of workers who have used occupational accident or accidental death insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the companies would disclose how they account for the fees they charge customers for Prop. 22 expenses, nor are the fees included in their publicly available financial filings. Instacart said it does not charge customers for expenses associated with Prop. 22. Lyft said its per-ride service fee includes a 75-cent “California Driver Benefits Fee.” Uber charges customers a “CA Driver Benefits” fee for each ride and delivery in the state and spokesperson Zahid Arab said the company has “invested more than we collected in fees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Uber published a blog post after CalMatters’ questions, saying it has “invested” more than $1 billion in Prop. 22 benefits. Arab would not break down these benefits further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for complaints related to the promises, each of the companies said workers should contact support agents, whom they can usually get in touch with in the app; an Instacart spokesperson said workers can make some claims directly in the company’s app.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Seeing little from Prop. 22\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Ride-hailing driver Sergio Avedian last year helped raise public awareness of the lack of Prop. 22 enforcement. Specifically, he homed in on one narrow issue: Under the law, gig-work companies were supposed to adjust for inflation each year the reimbursement they pay to drivers for mileage. Avedian said no such adjustment had taken place for two consecutive years. And as a podcaster and contributor to the Rideshare Guy, a popular gig-work blog, he had a high profile. Avedian and a fellow eagle-eyed driver started pestering the state’s treasurer’s office, which had not published the adjusted rates as stipulated under Prop 22. The office eventually did so and, the Los Angeles Times reported, put the state’s gig workers \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/business/technology/story/2023-06-01/column-uber-david-and-goliath\">on track to get back pay for the mileage expenses\u003c/a> — pay potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year later, Avedian is curious about gig-company math again. He has asked Uber some of the same questions CalMatters did — including how the company accounts for the driver-benefits fee it adds on to each ride or delivery. The company’s response to him was similar — it provided few specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Besides his concern about the issue as a driver, Avedian said “as a consumer who is paying into the Prop. 22 fund on every trip or delivery, I would like to know the accounting of where my money is going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the gig companies were campaigning for Prop. 22, they implored voters to “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-7QJLgdQaf4\">help create a better path forward for drivers\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Avedian and other gig workers in California say their paths have not changed much. Many still complain about low wages, little transparency from the companies and lack of worker protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yasha Timenovich said he has worked as a ride-hailing driver for a decade, first with Uber, now with Lyft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I work 12, 13, 14 hours a day,” said Timenovich, who drives in the Los Angeles area. “But the time I sit and wait at LAX is not accounted for.” He said he has to work long hours to try to make sure he has enough earnings. “We’re not completely independent contractors. We’re not employees. We’re sort of a hybrid model of theirs. We’re pretty much nobody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said he must obtain health insurance through Medi-Cal, California’s health care coverage for low-income residents — which in turn means he doesn’t qualify for the health care stipend. He said every driver he knows “is on Medi-Cal because they can’t afford health insurance. I don’t know anyone who has (the stipend).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many drivers voted for Prop. 22, he said. But “what we were told was a lie.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"wp-block-newspack-blocks-homepage-articles cm-manual-eoa-recirc wpnbha show-image image-alignleft ts-3 is-1 is-landscape cm-manual-eoa-recirc has-text-align-left\">\n\u003cdiv data-posts=\"\" data-current-post-id=\"438437\">\u003c/div>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is killing tobacco sellers’ buzz with a new lawsuit over the sale of flavored Zyns and other smokeless tobacco pouches that users tuck between their lips and gums for a nicotine fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit targets several online vendors that the city attorney’s office accuses of flouting state and local laws aimed at preventing kids from getting hooked on tobacco products. Unflavored nicotine pouches, which are sold at corner stores and head shops throughout the city, are still available for online purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow decades of progress reducing youth tobacco to be unraveled. These products are not welcome here. We are taking decisive action against these retailers for selling these products to San Franciscans,” City Attorney David Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Tuesday in San Francisco County Superior Court, alleges that Northerner Scandinavia, Lucy Goods, Rogue Holdings and Swisher International sell flavored nicotine products online to San Franciscans despite the ban, which the city began enforcing in 2019. California followed suit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972039/californias-ban-on-flavored-tobacco-upheld-by-u-s-supreme-court\">with a statewide ban\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco products are much more attractive to young people when they are flavored,” the complaint argues. “And teenagers believe that it is easy to access flavored tobacco products from the internet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicotine pouches are particularly appealing to youth given the low cost and attractive flavors, and recent studies have found that more children are trying and using them. The 2023 California Youth Tobacco Survey found nicotine pouches are the second most common form of tobacco use among California eighth-graders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11983224 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/GettyImages-1486127435-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the products evolve, the strategy is the same: targeting young people to be their next generation of consumers using bright colors and sweet flavors,” said Fahad Qurashi, chief program officer of the Bay Area-based Youth Leadership Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also cites a\u003ca href=\"https://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2023/11/01/tc-2023-058269\"> November 2023 report\u003c/a> from researchers at UC San Diego that suggests action by California and local jurisdictions to prohibit the sale of flavored tobacco products at brick-and-mortar retailers has led to increased online sales of the products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why we want to make it very clear that we will enforce these laws against online retailers to stop their sales into San Francisco,” Chiu said. “We think that is key to protecting our next generation from these dangerous products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies cited in the lawsuit did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a history of being at the forefront of flavored tobacco prohibition. In 2019, the city became \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441395/sf-voters-may-ban-vape-flavors-menthol-cigarettes\">the first in the nation\u003c/a> to ban all flavored tobacco products from store shelves, including the formerly popular Juul vape, as well as conventional menthol cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, about 11% of high school students in San Francisco were regular users of vapes, according to the California Youth Tobacco Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified was among thousands of cities, counties and other school districts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787277/california-sues-e-cigarette-maker-juul-alleges-it-deliberately-marketed-to-teens\">to sue tobacco companies over marketing\u003c/a> and advertising e-cigarettes to youth in 2019, with many of the cases merging into a class-action suit and leading to a $1.2 billion settlement nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the citywide ban and lawsuit, vaping among youth in the city declined. By 2022, less than 6% of high school students were vaping regularly, the survey found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> is killing tobacco sellers’ buzz with a new lawsuit over the sale of flavored Zyns and other smokeless tobacco pouches that users tuck between their lips and gums for a nicotine fix.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit targets several online vendors that the city attorney’s office accuses of flouting state and local laws aimed at preventing kids from getting hooked on tobacco products. Unflavored nicotine pouches, which are sold at corner stores and head shops throughout the city, are still available for online purchase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will not allow decades of progress reducing youth tobacco to be unraveled. These products are not welcome here. We are taking decisive action against these retailers for selling these products to San Franciscans,” City Attorney David Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed Tuesday in San Francisco County Superior Court, alleges that Northerner Scandinavia, Lucy Goods, Rogue Holdings and Swisher International sell flavored nicotine products online to San Franciscans despite the ban, which the city began enforcing in 2019. California followed suit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972039/californias-ban-on-flavored-tobacco-upheld-by-u-s-supreme-court\">with a statewide ban\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Tobacco products are much more attractive to young people when they are flavored,” the complaint argues. “And teenagers believe that it is easy to access flavored tobacco products from the internet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicotine pouches are particularly appealing to youth given the low cost and attractive flavors, and recent studies have found that more children are trying and using them. The 2023 California Youth Tobacco Survey found nicotine pouches are the second most common form of tobacco use among California eighth-graders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While the products evolve, the strategy is the same: targeting young people to be their next generation of consumers using bright colors and sweet flavors,” said Fahad Qurashi, chief program officer of the Bay Area-based Youth Leadership Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit also cites a\u003ca href=\"https://tobaccocontrol.bmj.com/content/early/2023/11/01/tc-2023-058269\"> November 2023 report\u003c/a> from researchers at UC San Diego that suggests action by California and local jurisdictions to prohibit the sale of flavored tobacco products at brick-and-mortar retailers has led to increased online sales of the products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why we want to make it very clear that we will enforce these laws against online retailers to stop their sales into San Francisco,” Chiu said. “We think that is key to protecting our next generation from these dangerous products.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies cited in the lawsuit did not respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a history of being at the forefront of flavored tobacco prohibition. In 2019, the city became \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441395/sf-voters-may-ban-vape-flavors-menthol-cigarettes\">the first in the nation\u003c/a> to ban all flavored tobacco products from store shelves, including the formerly popular Juul vape, as well as conventional menthol cigarettes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, about 11% of high school students in San Francisco were regular users of vapes, according to the California Youth Tobacco Survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified was among thousands of cities, counties and other school districts \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11787277/california-sues-e-cigarette-maker-juul-alleges-it-deliberately-marketed-to-teens\">to sue tobacco companies over marketing\u003c/a> and advertising e-cigarettes to youth in 2019, with many of the cases merging into a class-action suit and leading to a $1.2 billion settlement nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the citywide ban and lawsuit, vaping among youth in the city declined. By 2022, less than 6% of high school students were vaping regularly, the survey found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">\u003cem>Alex Hall\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"imageAlt": "KQED The California Report",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/26099305-72af-4542-9dde-ac1807fe36d5/kqed-s-the-california-report",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Magazine-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareportmagazine",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/tcrmag/feed/podcast"
}
},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
"title": "City Arts & Lectures",
"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.cityarts.net/",
"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
"subscribe": {
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/City-Arts-and-Lectures-p692/",
"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
"title": "Close All Tabs",
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"info": "Close All Tabs breaks down how digital culture shapes our world through thoughtful insights and irreverent humor.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/CAT_2_Tile-scaled.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
"link": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"link": "/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy",
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},
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"here-and-now": {
"id": "here-and-now",
"title": "Here & Now",
"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
"meta": {
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/0OLWoyizopu6tY1XiuX70x",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-Our-Watch-p1436229/",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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