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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 3,100 confirmed cases have been reported just since late September, according to the World Health Organization. The vast majority of them have been in three African countries — Burundi, Uganda, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, cases of travelers with the new mpox form have been reported in Germany, India, Kenya, Sweden, Thailand, Zimbabwe, and the United Kingdom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health officials earlier this month said the situation in Congo appears to be stabilizing. The Africa CDC has estimated Congo needs at least 3 million mpox vaccines to stop the spread, and another 7 million vaccines for the rest of Africa. The spread is mostly through sexual transmission as well as through close contact among children, pregnant women and other vulnerable groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current outbreak is different from the 2022 global outbreak of mpox where gay and bisexual men made up the vast majority of cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More information about mpox and the specific strains, clade I and clade II, is available on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mpox/index.html\">CDC website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>___\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fewer-kids-are-going-to-california-public-schools-is-there-a-right-way-to-close-campuses",
"title": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses?",
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"headTitle": "Fewer Kids Are Going to California Public Schools. Is There a Right Way to Close Campuses? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12013686,news_12003311,news_11701044\"]“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When the superintendent in San Francisco Unified proposed closing schools recently, parents launched a prolonged — and successful — protest. The uproar may have died down for now, but the issue is likely to erupt at school boards across the state — and some say that’s a good thing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Declining enrollment, the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2024/09/pandemic-relief/\">end of pandemic relief grants\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/commentary/2024/05/newsom-budget-revision-deficit-cuts/\">state budget uncertainty\u003c/a> have combined to put hundreds of California school districts in precarious financial straits. Closing schools is never a popular option, but for some districts it may be the only way to avoid the state seizing control of operations. When the state takes over a district, the school board loses power and a state-appointed administrator makes cuts until the budget is balanced. A takeover could last a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the big thing that we’re going to be dealing with in California education over the next few years. The declines in enrollment that we have seen so far pale in comparison to the declines the state is projecting,” said Carrie Hahnel, a senior fellow at Policy Analysis for California Education. “In some areas, the declines will be severe. And I don’t see how we manage those kinds of reductions without closing schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014801\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1817\" height=\"1028\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268.jpg 1817w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-800x453.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1020x577.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph-scaled-e1731790671268-1536x869.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1817px) 100vw, 1817px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of students enrolled in California’s K–12 public schools has dropped by 461,000 students — or 7% — over the past two decades. Lower birth rates, declines in immigration and an outflow of families from California have all contributed. Enrollment is expected to \u003ca href=\"https://dru-data-portal-cacensus.hub.arcgis.com/apps/a2a7efaa52b941e7878489aeafc4a1ca/explore\">drop even further over the next decade\u003c/a>, according to the state Department of Finance, to just over 5 million students — a decline of nearly 20% since the peak in the early 2000s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The declines have hit some regions harder than others. San Francisco, Oakland, Los Angeles, San José and San Diego have all experienced steep declines in enrollment, in part due to a high cost of living that’s led families to move to less expensive areas. In San Francisco, the lure of private schools has also made a significant dent in public school enrollment: \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthGrd.aspx?cds=3868478&agglevel=district&year=2023-24\">Roughly 40%\u003c/a> of the children in the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/ds/si/ps/psastatcountsbycnty.asp\">attend private school\u003c/a>, compared to about 9% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because California funds its schools based on attendance, fewer students equals less money. Pandemic relief grants — totaling more than $13.5 billion in California — offered a buffer for many school districts facing financial hardship, but those grants expire this year. Meanwhile, the state education budget may dip in the coming years due to a shaky economy. Gov. Gavin Newsom largely protected schools from budget cuts this year, but there’s no guarantee that will continue next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing under-enrolled, half-empty schools is an obvious way for school districts to save money. A bit of the savings comes from facilities costs, such as utility bills and maintenance, but the bulk comes from staff. By reassigning or laying off teachers, districts can consolidate programs and lower their payroll costs. Districts can also lease or sell the vacant schools to generate revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But closing schools nearly always sparks impassioned protests from families, students, teachers and the community. Schools are often the heart of a neighborhood, and a closure — especially in a neighborhood that’s already struggling — can be a significant blow. A closed school often means that students must travel further to get to their new school, and adjust to new teachers and a new campus culture. The experience can be deeply disruptive to students as well as teachers and parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Impact on Black, lower-income students\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s often low-income and Black communities that are most affected by school closures, \u003ca href=\"https://edpolicyinca.org/publications/declining-enrollment-school-closures-and-equity-considerations\">research shows\u003c/a>. That’s partly because those neighborhoods have seen some of the greatest declines in enrollment, but some see it as part of a long history of disinvestment in Black students’ education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they invested in the schools they want to close, maybe the district wouldn’t have a problem with declining enrollment,” said Brandie Bowen-Bremond, policy director for Coleman Advocates, a nonprofit that promotes policies related to families of color in San Francisco. Tutoring, wellness centers, social workers and other services would make the under-enrolled schools more attractive to local families and they might be less likely to move away or enroll their children in charter schools, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coleman Advocates helped fight proposed school closures in San Francisco Unified last month, a battle that resulted in the superintendent’s resignation and a promise from the new superintendent that the district wouldn’t close schools this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014797\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014797\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/110824_Woodworth-Monroe_CS_CM_08-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A student works on a worksheet at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The California Teachers Association also opposes school closures in nearly all cases. Instead of closing schools, districts should look to lower class sizes, push for more education funding from the state, and look for creative solutions such as partnering with cities to open libraries, parks and community centers at under-used school campuses, the union said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Closing schools is the last thing we should be doing,” said David Goldberg, president of the California Teachers Association. “Schools are a safety net in so many communities. These schools have a whole ecosystem, a whole history in a community. Disrupting that is a setback that is hard to undo.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Tough choices in Oakland\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>But for districts that have already made steep cuts, and are facing grim enrollment projections, school closures may be inevitable. Between 2012 and 2022, California school districts closed nearly 700 schools, and more are almost certain to come. Oakland Unified went through a painful round of school closures three years ago, and the district is bracing for more as it looks to trim a $95 million budget deficit and avoid another state takeover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s enrollment has dropped from 50,000 students in the early 2000s to just 34,000 last year. Meanwhile, the district maintains 77 schools, one of the lowest students-per-school ratios in the state. Fontana Unified, for example, has 46 schools for about the same number of students. Moreno Valley Unified, also with about the same enrollment, has 40 schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I’m a firm believer that solvency is the foundation of quality,” Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell said. “It’s pretty straightforward. If we fail to make some of the necessary and difficult cuts, we’ll head toward insolvency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She expects pushback from the community, but believes that students, teachers and families will be better off in the long run. Closures will free up more money for teacher raises, workforce housing at vacant school sites and improved academic and extracurricular offerings at existing schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To think that there’s some way we can do this where everyone’s going to be happy is fantasy,” Johnson-Trammell said. “But we can be transparent, we can be honest, we can lead with respect and compassion. But we cannot lose sight of the economics.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hardest part for school boards might not even be closing schools. It might come later — ensuring a smooth transition for displaced families and creating long-term financial plans so the district doesn’t go through the same upheaval next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Districts need to consider even the smallest details, like whether the merged school will have a new mascot, or how new families will be included in school events, Hahnel and her colleagues said. And throughout the process, districts need to include teachers and parents at every step, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Upsides of closures at Azusa Unified\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Azusa Unified, a predominantly low-income and Latino district in Los Angeles County, recently managed to close schools with relatively little tumult, thanks in part to meticulous planning. With enrollment dropping from about 12,000 to 6,000 over the last two decades, the need to close schools was inevitable, but a transparent process minimized the disruptions, Superintendent Arturo Ortega said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The key, Ortega said, was a planning committee made up of parents, union representatives and district administrators, who held a series of community meetings to hear concerns and suggestions. The committee made clear the need for school closures, live-streamed meetings on YouTube and kept a regularly updated website. After months of discussions, the committee submitted recommendations to the school board, which approved the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result was a series of closures, mergers and school relocations that Ortega said has led to a slew of upsides: the high school baseball team won the division championship; teachers have more opportunities to collaborate; elementary schools have improved art programs and science labs; the middle school has a new college and career center, science lab and improved sports field; and the high school has more Advanced Placement classes, career pathways and a stronger sports program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was important for us that our community understood the ‘why’ behind the school reorganization process,” Ortega said. “Our ‘why’ was to increase and improve our programs and facilities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Closures, opportunities in Inglewood\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014798\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014798\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-6-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: A teacher helps a student during class at Woodworth-Monroe K–8 Academy. Right: The school’s logo on a building in Inglewood on Nov. 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The story of Inglewood Unified is both a cautionary tale for districts that refuse to address declining enrollment, and a success story for those who are navigating the closure process. A dozen years ago, faced with fewer students and a constricting budget, the school board opted not to close schools or make budget cuts and instead borrowed $29 million from the state to close a budget gap. As a condition of the loan, the state took over district operations, appointing its own administrator and stripping all but advisory power from the school board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Morris is the ninth state-appointed administrator in the role, taking over two years ago. He closed one school and plans to close five more next year. There was resistance, he said, but he had little choice: Two decades ago the district had 18,000 students; now, it’s down to 7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m old and I’m tough and I’m going to stay here until the job is done,” said Morris, a former assistant superintendent at Los Angeles Unified. “The children in this district are so full of hope and promise, they deserve the best schools we can give them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-12014802\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1642\" height=\"1297\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332.jpg 1642w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-800x632.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1020x806.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-160x126.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/Graph2-scaled-e1731790738332-1536x1213.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1642px) 100vw, 1642px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Closing schools has meant laying off staff and closing schools that had expensive maintenance needs. It also stoked the wrath of the community, leading to marathon school board meetings with hundreds of anguished speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the school closures have allowed the district to invest in the new merged schools, modernizing campuses and adding resources. For example, Woodworth-Monroe Academy, a merged TK–8 school, now has a wellness center and more clubs and activities for students. Inglewood High School now has a marching band with 100 students, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-08-13/dr-dre-jimmy-iovine-to-open-high-school-in-inglewood\">a new design, technology and entrepreneur academy\u003c/a> sponsored by Andre “Dr. Dre” Young and music recording mogul Jimmy Iovine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the community has come around, at least a little. The alumni association of Morningside High, one of the high schools slated to close, actually endorsed its closure because it means students will have more opportunities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t have a world-class city if you don’t have a world-class education system,” Morris said. “And that’s what our job has to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF Muni Is in Dire Need of Funding. Without It, Cuts Could Be ‘Devastating’",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014130 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240412-OAKAIRPORT-027-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Franciscans got a shocking look this week at what their city’s much-celebrated but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988365/a-bill-to-save-bay-area-transit-from-fiscal-disaster-is-dead-at-least-for-now\">financially fragile transit system\u003c/a> might be reduced to if city leaders fail to come up with a workable plan to raise more funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-municipal-transportation-agency\">Municipal Transportation Agency\u003c/a> leaders unveiled a short but sobering list of possible cuts during a Wednesday meeting of a special panel set up this year to come up with a Muni rescue plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The service reductions that the SFMTA said could be needed to help reduce future annual deficits topping $300 million include reducing the frequency of many busy bus and train lines, ending service on bus routes with the lowest ridership and mothballing the city’s historic cable cars and trolleys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That presentation came just days after what should have been good news for the Bay Area’s busiest transit system: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-l\">Proposition L\u003c/a>, a community-led ballot measure that would have raised about $25 million a year through a new tax on ride-hailing services, won 57% approval. However, to take effect, the measure would have had to outpoll another successful tax measure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/results/sanfrancisco/propositions#proposition-m\">Proposition M\u003c/a>, which won a 70% “yes” vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although revenue from Proposition L would not have been enough to make or break Muni’s $1.4 billion annual budget, funds would have been earmarked for transit operations — the day-to-day work of getting service on the street for its half-million weekday passengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Muni’s current precarious state, that $25 million would make a difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11868497\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11868497\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic on April 06, 2020 in San Francisco, California. The San Francisco Municipal Transportation Agency (SFMTA) announced that they are cutting service to a majority of their 89 bus lines in the City of San Francisco as ridership plummets due to the coronavirus shelter in place.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS42845_GettyImages-1217248264-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco MUNI buses sit parked at an SF Municipal Railway yard. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images))\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SFMTA Executive Director Jeff Tumlin told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/muni-funding-working-group\">Muni Funding Working Group\u003c/a> on Wednesday that his goal in outlining the draconian service-reduction scenarios is to show the importance of coming up with a politically viable revenue solution that can get on the ballot in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His ultimate goal is to avoid service cuts and continue to rebuild and improve Muni’s service, which was scaled back during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But in order to do that, we need to have a real conversation about just how dire our situation is and what is at stake so that one, we can come to agreement on new revenue, and two, we can win,” Tumlin said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muni’s money-saving saving scenarios include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending service on lower-utilized routes:\u003c/strong> This would eliminate 20 routes serving about 50,000 riders. Net savings: $63 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reducing service frequency by as much as 50%:\u003c/strong> Would affect the system’s busiest routes, including the 14/14R-Mission and 38/38R-Geary, and all six Muni Metro lines. Net savings: $71 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending regular bus and train service at 9 p.m.\u003c/strong> each night and replace with less frequent Owl Service. It would affect as many as 28 routes. Net savings: $14 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Suspending cable car and historic streetcar service:\u003c/strong> Net savings: $33 million.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The agency said it could save millions more by reducing fare subsidies for youth, seniors, lower-income residents and people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those steps, which would likely gut Muni’s service and lead to significant ridership losses, would save about $200 million a year, which is not nearly enough to close the agency’s future funding gap fully. The reductions would also compromise Muni’s efforts to equitably serve a ridership that’s 38% low-income and 70% people of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11748204\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11748204\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/05/GettyImages-180418381-e1731715381902.jpg\" alt=\"Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1425\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Cable cars have been roaming San Francisco streets for more than a century, but a lot of locals have never taken a ride. \u003ccite>(Jamie Squire/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Julie Kirschbaum, SFMTA’s director of transit, said service cuts of the magnitude the agency presented would have deep, long-lasting effects beyond the loss of daily service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This would dramatically slow down the actual and perceived recovery of San Francisco” from its pandemic-era economic troubles, she said. “Customer satisfaction will take a devastating hit, and regaining that public trust will take decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the SFMTA also announced it has slowed down hiring of bus and train operators because of its tight budget. That hiring slowdown, in turn, has prompted Muni to plan what it’s calling “incremental” service reductions beginning in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, service suspension on the scale needed to save $200 million a year, Kirschbaum said, would be “very difficult to reverse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s nothing to say that if we temporarily suspended a route, we couldn’t add it back,” she said. “But even just a six-month slowdown in operator hiring takes 18 months to recover. … Stopping something like the cable car, there’s no telling what the cost would be to restart it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prospect of devastating service cuts was the big motivator for a grass-roots group of transit activists to put together Proposition L, which proposed a gross-receipts tax on ride-hailing services like Uber and Lyft. The object, communicated in the campaign’s “Fund the Bus!” title, was simple: to raise money to help Muni avoid service reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign needed 50% plus one vote to win, but it faced a much steeper challenge: Proposition M, a suite of tax reforms that included a provision requiring any “conflicting” proposal to get more votes to take effect. Proposition L was deemed a conflicting measure. Though it easily won citywide and ran up huge majorities in transit-dependent neighborhoods like the Mission, it fell far short of Proposition M’s level of approval. Thus, it won, and it lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition L organizer Cyrus Hall said in an interview that Proposition M’s “poison pill” provision was all but impossible to overcome. An opposition campaign in which Uber spent more than $1 million to shoot down the measure made things even tougher, Hall said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think 58% or 57%, whatever we end up, that is a really great result,” he said. “It shows that a simple pro-transit, positive message is resilient to that sort of huge money spending from corporations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California insurance regulators hope that new rules on forward-looking risk modeling, paired with a requirement for companies to write more policies in risky wildfire areas, will stem the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906641/california-regulators-roll-out-plan-to-stabilize-home-insurance-market\">state’s insurance crisis\u003c/a>, brought about by years of disastrous fires and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations, submitted Thursday for final approval by the state Office of Administrative Law, allow insurance companies to use forward-looking modeling that incorporates the effects of climate change when they are setting their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">sought that ability for years in California\u003c/a>, the only state that bars it. Existing regulations force companies to use only historical data to predict future loss, but that data is increasingly worthless as climate-driven disasters, such as wildfires, intensify. A historical approach also makes it impossible to account for how mitigation — such as nearby firebreaks or prescribed burns — may lessen future risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a condition of using these models, the new regulation requires that companies increase the writing of comprehensive policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">in areas identified as “wildfire distressed”\u003c/a> and account for mitigation steps taken by homeowners, businesses and communities. The Department of Insurance aims to require companies to write at least 85% of their statewide market share, meaning that if a single company held half of all policies in the state, it would need to offer coverage to 42.5% of homeowners in wildfire-distressed areas. Currently, there is no current legal requirement for insurers to write any coverage in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My new regulation will make insurance more available across the state,” Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New growth on trees in Big Basin Redwoods State Park in Boulder Creek on Aug. 17, 2021, one year after the CZU Lightning Complex wildfire swept through the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As California experiences more intense climate impacts, technology will tell us where the risks truly are and accurately price rates that reflect mitigation and hardening investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bet is that increasing coverage will lead to more business competition between insurance companies and may help moderate prices. And potentially, the ability to incorporate mitigation steps could lead to increased fire safety and drive down losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate Commissioner Lara for moving this forward,” said State Sen. Bill Dodd from Napa. “It’s a complex problem, and there isn’t a panacea, but this is one part of the equation that has the ability to help. It will be critical that insurance companies are held accountable towards renewing and writing new policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the new regulations should take effect by Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can a public model create more trust?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hand in hand with the new regulations, a strategy group made up of experts from the fields of climate, insurance and wildfires will create recommendations for a public wildfire catastrophe model by April. Cal Poly Humboldt is leading the effort, which presented its goals at a workshop Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major concern of critics is that private catastrophe models are proprietary black boxes, not open to review, scrutiny or feedback. The goal of creating a public model for California is to allay some of those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies might not employ a public model in setting their rates, such a model potentially could be a benchmark to compare one private model against another. Regulators could, in the future, use this to ensure customers are getting a fair deal. The state of Florida, where hurricane damage has driven a similar insurance crisis, already has a public catastrophe model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2022/03/RS54892_GettyImages-1338215530-qut-1020x693.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations drew criticism from Rep. John Garamendi (D-Walnut Grove), a former California insurance commissioner. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/he-leave-lawmaker-says-lara-fails-take-19917697.php\">said in a TV news interview\u003c/a> that Lara had failed to stand up to insurance companies and should step down from the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi, who served as commissioner from 1991 to 1995 and 2003 to 2007, has long criticized Lara’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/180-climate-change/SustainableInsuranceStrategy.cfm\">Sustainable Insurance Strategy\u003c/a>, an effort to update California’s inflexible pro-consumer regulations that the insurance industry said make it difficult to do business in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-lofgren-lead-members-california-congressional-delegation-calling\">Garamendi spearheaded a letter\u003c/a> sent to Lara, signed by members of California’s congressional delegation, urging him to use his “power to stabilize the statewide insurance market … to immediately and quickly review the proposed rate increases under any new risk modeling to determine if they are necessary, adequate, and not excessive for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also believe it would be beneficial to use that power to require that the insurance industry provides adequate, affordable coverage in every part of the state,” the letter continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968643/why-californias-insurance-market-is-in-trouble\">questioned by KQED\u003c/a> exactly how the current Department of Insurance could require the insurance industry to offer adequate, affordable coverage in all parts of the state without addressing the industry’s complaints, Garamendi failed to provide a clear answer and became frustrated, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days following, at least one of the signatories to the letter pulled back. “I wanted to let you know that I agree with your approach and hereby rescind my previous support for the original letter,” wrote Rep. Juan Vargas (D-San Diego) in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/16-K2SqINOUt2Ye-FRnyERiFrRGrInU1D/view\">letter to Lara\u003c/a> dated Nov. 29, 2023. “Your outlined approach seeking to […] modernizing decades-old regulations that are ignorant of modern climate change can help solve California’s current insurance market challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the new regulations will work to ease the current crisis in the state’s insurance market will take months to years to determine. Insurance companies have signaled that they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">keen to expand business \u003c/a>once new regulations are implemented, and they feel their rates accurately reflect the cost of covering homes in the fire-prone Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California insurance regulators hope that new rules on forward-looking risk modeling, paired with a requirement for companies to write more policies in risky wildfire areas, will stem the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906641/california-regulators-roll-out-plan-to-stabilize-home-insurance-market\">state’s insurance crisis\u003c/a>, brought about by years of disastrous fires and high inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations, submitted Thursday for final approval by the state Office of Administrative Law, allow insurance companies to use forward-looking modeling that incorporates the effects of climate change when they are setting their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1985175/insurance-in-california-is-changing-heres-how-it-may-affect-you\">sought that ability for years in California\u003c/a>, the only state that bars it. Existing regulations force companies to use only historical data to predict future loss, but that data is increasingly worthless as climate-driven disasters, such as wildfires, intensify. A historical approach also makes it impossible to account for how mitigation — such as nearby firebreaks or prescribed burns — may lessen future risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a condition of using these models, the new regulation requires that companies increase the writing of comprehensive policies \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1993316/california-shows-where-insurers-would-need-to-boost-coverage-in-fire-prone-areas\">in areas identified as “wildfire distressed”\u003c/a> and account for mitigation steps taken by homeowners, businesses and communities. The Department of Insurance aims to require companies to write at least 85% of their statewide market share, meaning that if a single company held half of all policies in the state, it would need to offer coverage to 42.5% of homeowners in wildfire-distressed areas. Currently, there is no current legal requirement for insurers to write any coverage in high-risk areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My new regulation will make insurance more available across the state,” Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010728\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010728\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/004_BoulderCreek_BigBasinRedwoods_08172021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New growth on trees in Big Basin Redwoods State Park in Boulder Creek on Aug. 17, 2021, one year after the CZU Lightning Complex wildfire swept through the area. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As California experiences more intense climate impacts, technology will tell us where the risks truly are and accurately price rates that reflect mitigation and hardening investments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bet is that increasing coverage will lead to more business competition between insurance companies and may help moderate prices. And potentially, the ability to incorporate mitigation steps could lead to increased fire safety and drive down losses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate Commissioner Lara for moving this forward,” said State Sen. Bill Dodd from Napa. “It’s a complex problem, and there isn’t a panacea, but this is one part of the equation that has the ability to help. It will be critical that insurance companies are held accountable towards renewing and writing new policies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If approved, the new regulations should take effect by Jan. 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can a public model create more trust?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Hand in hand with the new regulations, a strategy group made up of experts from the fields of climate, insurance and wildfires will create recommendations for a public wildfire catastrophe model by April. Cal Poly Humboldt is leading the effort, which presented its goals at a workshop Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A major concern of critics is that private catastrophe models are proprietary black boxes, not open to review, scrutiny or feedback. The goal of creating a public model for California is to allay some of those concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While companies might not employ a public model in setting their rates, such a model potentially could be a benchmark to compare one private model against another. Regulators could, in the future, use this to ensure customers are getting a fair deal. The state of Florida, where hurricane damage has driven a similar insurance crisis, already has a public catastrophe model.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new regulations drew criticism from Rep. John Garamendi (D-Walnut Grove), a former California insurance commissioner. He \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california/article/he-leave-lawmaker-says-lara-fails-take-19917697.php\">said in a TV news interview\u003c/a> that Lara had failed to stand up to insurance companies and should step down from the post.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garamendi, who served as commissioner from 1991 to 1995 and 2003 to 2007, has long criticized Lara’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.insurance.ca.gov/01-consumers/180-climate-change/SustainableInsuranceStrategy.cfm\">Sustainable Insurance Strategy\u003c/a>, an effort to update California’s inflexible pro-consumer regulations that the insurance industry said make it difficult to do business in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last November, \u003ca href=\"https://garamendi.house.gov/media/press-releases/garamendi-lofgren-lead-members-california-congressional-delegation-calling\">Garamendi spearheaded a letter\u003c/a> sent to Lara, signed by members of California’s congressional delegation, urging him to use his “power to stabilize the statewide insurance market … to immediately and quickly review the proposed rate increases under any new risk modeling to determine if they are necessary, adequate, and not excessive for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also believe it would be beneficial to use that power to require that the insurance industry provides adequate, affordable coverage in every part of the state,” the letter continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11968643/why-californias-insurance-market-is-in-trouble\">questioned by KQED\u003c/a> exactly how the current Department of Insurance could require the insurance industry to offer adequate, affordable coverage in all parts of the state without addressing the industry’s complaints, Garamendi failed to provide a clear answer and became frustrated, raising his voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the days following, at least one of the signatories to the letter pulled back. “I wanted to let you know that I agree with your approach and hereby rescind my previous support for the original letter,” wrote Rep. Juan Vargas (D-San Diego) in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/16-K2SqINOUt2Ye-FRnyERiFrRGrInU1D/view\">letter to Lara\u003c/a> dated Nov. 29, 2023. “Your outlined approach seeking to […] modernizing decades-old regulations that are ignorant of modern climate change can help solve California’s current insurance market challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether the new regulations will work to ease the current crisis in the state’s insurance market will take months to years to determine. Insurance companies have signaled that they are \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/06/26/nx-s1-5015738/california-hopes-to-lure-insurance-companies-back-with-extreme-regulation-overhaul\">keen to expand business \u003c/a>once new regulations are implemented, and they feel their rates accurately reflect the cost of covering homes in the fire-prone Golden State.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Berkeley Students Walk Out in Anti-Trump Protest, Demand Action From Democrats",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> students walked out of class on Friday afternoon and took to Sproul Plaza to protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s reelection to the highest office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the protest is to showcase youth solidarity and demand that Democrats do more to fight against Trump’s agenda, said first-year student Ariela Lara, who is also an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/62224/student-activists-go-to-summer-camp-to-learn-how-to-help-institute-a-green-new-deal-on-their-campuses\">Sunrise Movement\u003c/a>, a youth-led climate action organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As young people across the nation grapple with the reality of another Trump presidency, students are going to demand more from their leaders,” Lara said. “We know that the Democrats really need to stand up in these moments because people voted out of the need to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sunrise Movement organized the walkout with on- and off-campus groups, including Cal Berkeley Democrats and the Student Campaign for Palestine at UC Berkeley, Lara said. Together, they adorned the Sproul Steps with signs that read “Democratic Party: You failed us,” “People over corporations,” and “F—k Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 50 students had pledged to walk out of class, according to Lara, who said she hopes more will show out as the protest gains momentum throughout the afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But turnout remained relatively low — other than the dozen organizers on the Sproul Steps, there were just a handful of supportive onlookers. Most students walking by on their way to and from class stopped to take photos but didn’t stick around for the speeches or chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finn Does, another first-year organizer with Sunrise Movement, described the political apathy among young people as a “huge crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people are really burnt out,” Does said. “Trump has been in our news for the past eight years, every day. People are waking up every day having to read the same bulls—t, and they’re tired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunrise Movement is planning future actions to help invigorate activism on campus again, Does said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Lara and Does led speeches and chants at the walkout, such as “The people, united, will never be defeated,” and “Trump is a liar, our planet is on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his speech, Does emphasized that Democratic Party platforms this election — from the war in Gaza to fracking — are all connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other speakers, like Cal Berkeley Democrats President Linsdey Duncan, emphasized pushing the party further to the left over the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014622 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpOilGasRegulationsAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is not the only campus where the Sunrise Movement is organizing walkouts. Berkeley High students walked out of class last Friday, and Lara said similar protests are taking place across the country at other colleges and high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walking out of schools means that we have to disrupt the status quo and business as usual,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is only the second organized protest on UC Berkeley’s campus since the election, following a small demonstration on Sproul Plaza the day after Election Night. However, compared with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11166247/trumps-election-greeted-by-berkeley-oakland-protests\">Trump’s first victory in 2016\u003c/a>, the university, known for activism and protest, has been noticeably quiet this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At other college campuses throughout the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014032/dispirited-and-humbled-the-conspicuous-absence-of-bay-area-protests-after-trumps-win\">activists told KQED\u003c/a> that the muted response is a result of young people becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also reflected in the results of the election, where turnout among adults under 29 dropped significantly since 2020. More young people also turned out for Trump than in the previous two elections, polling showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are angry at the current government, and we know that there has been a failure of Democratic leadership,” Lara said. “We understand that this election was not about the candidate, it was about the conditions in which we were organizing under. The result of that is that we are organizing under a fascist, racist, misogynist candidate and future president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around a dozen \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-berkeley\">UC Berkeley\u003c/a> students walked out of class on Friday afternoon and took to Sproul Plaza to protest \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a>’s reelection to the highest office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal of the protest is to showcase youth solidarity and demand that Democrats do more to fight against Trump’s agenda, said first-year student Ariela Lara, who is also an organizer with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/62224/student-activists-go-to-summer-camp-to-learn-how-to-help-institute-a-green-new-deal-on-their-campuses\">Sunrise Movement\u003c/a>, a youth-led climate action organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As young people across the nation grapple with the reality of another Trump presidency, students are going to demand more from their leaders,” Lara said. “We know that the Democrats really need to stand up in these moments because people voted out of the need to survive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sunrise Movement organized the walkout with on- and off-campus groups, including Cal Berkeley Democrats and the Student Campaign for Palestine at UC Berkeley, Lara said. Together, they adorned the Sproul Steps with signs that read “Democratic Party: You failed us,” “People over corporations,” and “F—k Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 50 students had pledged to walk out of class, according to Lara, who said she hopes more will show out as the protest gains momentum throughout the afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-16-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But turnout remained relatively low — other than the dozen organizers on the Sproul Steps, there were just a handful of supportive onlookers. Most students walking by on their way to and from class stopped to take photos but didn’t stick around for the speeches or chants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finn Does, another first-year organizer with Sunrise Movement, described the political apathy among young people as a “huge crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people are really burnt out,” Does said. “Trump has been in our news for the past eight years, every day. People are waking up every day having to read the same bulls—t, and they’re tired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunrise Movement is planning future actions to help invigorate activism on campus again, Does said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014743\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014743\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-BerkeleyAntiTrumpWalkout-19-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students rally in front of Sproul Hall at the University of California, Berkeley, on Nov. 15, 2024, to demand a livable future during President-elect Donald Trump’s next term. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both Lara and Does led speeches and chants at the walkout, such as “The people, united, will never be defeated,” and “Trump is a liar, our planet is on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his speech, Does emphasized that Democratic Party platforms this election — from the war in Gaza to fracking — are all connected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other speakers, like Cal Berkeley Democrats President Linsdey Duncan, emphasized pushing the party further to the left over the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is not the only campus where the Sunrise Movement is organizing walkouts. Berkeley High students walked out of class last Friday, and Lara said similar protests are taking place across the country at other colleges and high schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Walking out of schools means that we have to disrupt the status quo and business as usual,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is only the second organized protest on UC Berkeley’s campus since the election, following a small demonstration on Sproul Plaza the day after Election Night. However, compared with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11166247/trumps-election-greeted-by-berkeley-oakland-protests\">Trump’s first victory in 2016\u003c/a>, the university, known for activism and protest, has been noticeably quiet this time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At other college campuses throughout the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014032/dispirited-and-humbled-the-conspicuous-absence-of-bay-area-protests-after-trumps-win\">activists told KQED\u003c/a> that the muted response is a result of young people becoming disillusioned with the Democratic Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also reflected in the results of the election, where turnout among adults under 29 dropped significantly since 2020. More young people also turned out for Trump than in the previous two elections, polling showed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Young people are angry at the current government, and we know that there has been a failure of Democratic leadership,” Lara said. “We understand that this election was not about the candidate, it was about the conditions in which we were organizing under. The result of that is that we are organizing under a fascist, racist, misogynist candidate and future president.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Trump Tried to Cut Agency That Investigates Oil, Gas Accidents. Will He Do It Again?",
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"content": "\u003cp>The federal agency responsible for investigating chemical accidents at industrial facilities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oil-refineries\">oil refineries\u003c/a> like those in the Bay Area, is at risk of being shut down under the second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-President Donald Trump tried and failed to use the budget process \u003ca href=\"https://publicintegrity.org/politics/system-failure/agency-industrial-chemical-safety-board-disasters-life-support-trump-deregulation/\">to shut down the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board\u003c/a>, better known as the CSB. He could try it again, as he’s repeatedly said he plans to increase oil and gas production with a deregulatory agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting on Day 1, I will approve new drilling, new pipelines, new refiners, new power plants, new reactors, and we will slash the red tape,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/nx-s1-5181963/trump-promises-more-drilling-in-the-u-s-to-boost-fossil-fuel-production\">Trump said in early September\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSB has investigated major disasters like the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling explosion and leak that lasted for several months in 2010 and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/bio-lab-inc-conyers-fire-and-chemical-release-/\">Bio-Lab explosion and fire\u003c/a> in Georgia earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, it investigated the explosion and fire at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/94930/how-the-chevron-richmond-fire-happened-feds-release-blow-by-blow-animation-of-accident\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery in 2012\u003c/a> that sent 15,000 people to hospitals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665999/chevron-richmond-move-to-settle-lawsuit-over-2012-refinery-fire-that-sickened-thousands\">most of them with breathing problems\u003c/a>. More recently, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988025/marathons-martinez-refinery-hit-with-state-fines-over-fire-that-burned-worker\">investigated safety violations\u003c/a> that resulted in a fire that injured a worker last year at \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/martinez-renewable-fuels-fire-/\">Marathon Petroleum’s Martinez Renewable Fuels refinery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the folks who show up and just get to the facts and get to the root cause, hold people accountable,” said Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who was a Contra Costa County supervisor when his predecessor, George Miller, helped create the CSB in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA) speaks during a House Rules Committee hearing on the impeachment against President Donald Trump on Dec. 17, 2019 in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Patrick Semansky-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While local agencies like the Bay Area Air Quality Management District and the California Air Resources Board keep tabs on refineries, the CSB’s reports often offer more detail and are released faster than those from other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier — who also supported many environmental protections when he served on the California Air Resources Board and BAAQMD — said the CSB is vital to the health of the nation, as its findings have helped usher in regulations that have made it safer for workers, the environment and human health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Trump attempt to get rid of the CSB a second time, DeSaulnier said he’ll fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s basically taking the police officer off the beat at the federal level for polluters. He’s saying, ‘Go ahead and pollute. Go ahead and risk your employees’ and your neighbors’ lives. That’s fine with us. Nobody’s going to be watching,’” DeSaulnier said. “I will. I will fight that tooth and nail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the CSB be terminated, “the likelihood of somebody dying goes up in our case” because there will be a push to lower regulations to compete with places with lower environmental standards, DeSaulnier said, using Louisiana and Thailand as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the Environmental Protection Agency or the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the CSB’s investigatory functioning is free of typical rulemaking, which allows it to investigate multiple facets of an industrial accident, including workplace safety issues and chemical releases that may have harmed the outside community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013686 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241021-SFUSD-BREED-STATE-PRESSER-MD-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress also gave it autonomy so that it isn’t beholden to any other agency or the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the president appoints the CSB’s members. It is a five-member board, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/about-the-csb/board-members/\">two seats are vacant\u003c/a> — and the current three members of the board all have terms that expire before the end of Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump has yet to formally call for the end of the CSB, he has already told one of his Cabinet appointments, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — a former environmental lawyer tapped to lead the Department of Health and Human Services — “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181891/trump-win-climate-change-fossil-fuels-clean-energy\">to stay away from the liquid gold\u003c/a>,” alluding to oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier said that the “real gold” is renewable energy and that more oil refineries are turning greener, evidenced by two of the four refineries in Contra Costa County — the Marathon refinery in Martinez and the Phillips 66 refinery in Rodeo — announcing last year that they were switching to processing plant-based diesel fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the economic model is very compelling,” DeSaulnier said, adding that if the U.S. doesn’t continue to transition to renewable energy, it’ll be far behind other countries already doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/12/exxon-ceo-says-trump-should-keep-us-involved-in-global-effort-to-address-climate-change.html\">Exxon Mobil’s CEO pushed back\u003c/a> against Trump’s reliance on fossil fuels as the company attempts to transition to other forms of energy because “investors know where the future is, and they know where the return on investment is,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Trump to gut or cut the CSB and continue to push for less regulation on the fossil fuel industry “is just perfect madness,” DeSaulnier said. “But I think he will do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 18: A previous version of this story misstated one of the two Contra Costa County refineries that announced switches to processing plant-based diesel fuels last year. It was the Marathon refinery in Martinez, not PBF.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The federal agency responsible for investigating chemical accidents at industrial facilities, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oil-refineries\">oil refineries\u003c/a> like those in the Bay Area, is at risk of being shut down under the second Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, then-President Donald Trump tried and failed to use the budget process \u003ca href=\"https://publicintegrity.org/politics/system-failure/agency-industrial-chemical-safety-board-disasters-life-support-trump-deregulation/\">to shut down the U.S. Chemical Safety and Hazard Investigation Board\u003c/a>, better known as the CSB. He could try it again, as he’s repeatedly said he plans to increase oil and gas production with a deregulatory agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Starting on Day 1, I will approve new drilling, new pipelines, new refiners, new power plants, new reactors, and we will slash the red tape,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/13/nx-s1-5181963/trump-promises-more-drilling-in-the-u-s-to-boost-fossil-fuel-production\">Trump said in early September\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CSB has investigated major disasters like the Deepwater Horizon offshore drilling explosion and leak that lasted for several months in 2010 and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/bio-lab-inc-conyers-fire-and-chemical-release-/\">Bio-Lab explosion and fire\u003c/a> in Georgia earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, it investigated the explosion and fire at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/94930/how-the-chevron-richmond-fire-happened-feds-release-blow-by-blow-animation-of-accident\">Chevron’s Richmond refinery in 2012\u003c/a> that sent 15,000 people to hospitals, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11665999/chevron-richmond-move-to-settle-lawsuit-over-2012-refinery-fire-that-sickened-thousands\">most of them with breathing problems\u003c/a>. More recently, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988025/marathons-martinez-refinery-hit-with-state-fines-over-fire-that-burned-worker\">investigated safety violations\u003c/a> that resulted in a fire that injured a worker last year at \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/martinez-renewable-fuels-fire-/\">Marathon Petroleum’s Martinez Renewable Fuels refinery\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re the folks who show up and just get to the facts and get to the root cause, hold people accountable,” said Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-Concord), who was a Contra Costa County supervisor when his predecessor, George Miller, helped create the CSB in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12014671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12014671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/MarkDeSaulnierGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rep. Mark DeSaulnier (D-CA) speaks during a House Rules Committee hearing on the impeachment against President Donald Trump on Dec. 17, 2019 in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Patrick Semansky-Pool/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While local agencies like the Bay Area Air Quality Management District and the California Air Resources Board keep tabs on refineries, the CSB’s reports often offer more detail and are released faster than those from other agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier — who also supported many environmental protections when he served on the California Air Resources Board and BAAQMD — said the CSB is vital to the health of the nation, as its findings have helped usher in regulations that have made it safer for workers, the environment and human health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should Trump attempt to get rid of the CSB a second time, DeSaulnier said he’ll fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s basically taking the police officer off the beat at the federal level for polluters. He’s saying, ‘Go ahead and pollute. Go ahead and risk your employees’ and your neighbors’ lives. That’s fine with us. Nobody’s going to be watching,’” DeSaulnier said. “I will. I will fight that tooth and nail.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should the CSB be terminated, “the likelihood of somebody dying goes up in our case” because there will be a push to lower regulations to compete with places with lower environmental standards, DeSaulnier said, using Louisiana and Thailand as examples.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike the Environmental Protection Agency or the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the CSB’s investigatory functioning is free of typical rulemaking, which allows it to investigate multiple facets of an industrial accident, including workplace safety issues and chemical releases that may have harmed the outside community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress also gave it autonomy so that it isn’t beholden to any other agency or the executive branch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the president appoints the CSB’s members. It is a five-member board, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.csb.gov/about-the-csb/board-members/\">two seats are vacant\u003c/a> — and the current three members of the board all have terms that expire before the end of Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Trump has yet to formally call for the end of the CSB, he has already told one of his Cabinet appointments, Robert F. Kennedy Jr. — a former environmental lawyer tapped to lead the Department of Health and Human Services — “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/06/nx-s1-5181891/trump-win-climate-change-fossil-fuels-clean-energy\">to stay away from the liquid gold\u003c/a>,” alluding to oil and gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeSaulnier said that the “real gold” is renewable energy and that more oil refineries are turning greener, evidenced by two of the four refineries in Contra Costa County — the Marathon refinery in Martinez and the Phillips 66 refinery in Rodeo — announcing last year that they were switching to processing plant-based diesel fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the economic model is very compelling,” DeSaulnier said, adding that if the U.S. doesn’t continue to transition to renewable energy, it’ll be far behind other countries already doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/11/12/exxon-ceo-says-trump-should-keep-us-involved-in-global-effort-to-address-climate-change.html\">Exxon Mobil’s CEO pushed back\u003c/a> against Trump’s reliance on fossil fuels as the company attempts to transition to other forms of energy because “investors know where the future is, and they know where the return on investment is,” DeSaulnier said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Trump to gut or cut the CSB and continue to push for less regulation on the fossil fuel industry “is just perfect madness,” DeSaulnier said. “But I think he will do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Nov. 18: A previous version of this story misstated one of the two Contra Costa County refineries that announced switches to processing plant-based diesel fuels last year. It was the Marathon refinery in Martinez, not PBF.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-faces-500-million-budget-shortfall-increases-tuition-for-new-nonresident-students",
"title": "UC Faces $500 Million Budget Shortfall, Increases Tuition for New Nonresident Students",
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"content": "\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12006322,news_11986301,news_11987878\"]Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The University of California anticipates more than a $500 million budget gap next summer, so It’s increasing tuition by at least $3,402 for new nonresident students next fall. Meanwhile, the system is planning billions in construction projects.",
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"title": "UC Faces $500 Million Budget Shortfall, Increases Tuition for New Nonresident Students | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California is eyeing a looming budget gap of half a billion dollars next year. To help balance the books it’s relying in part on its out-of-state undergraduates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the system is pouring tens of billions of dollars into construction projects for seismic retrofitting, new classrooms and medical centers — while also acknowledging it lacks the funding to build or renovate most of what it needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Out-of-state undergraduates at the UC are charged more than three times the total tuition in-state students are expected to pay. Now system leaders have increased the supplemental tuition for new nonresident undergraduates by $3,402 next fall, an amount that’s $2,208 more than what the supplemental tuition would increase by under existing UC policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A UC regents committee approved the new hike Wednesday; the full board voted to green-light the measure today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One regent, Jose M. Hernandez, voted No. Two elected state leaders on the board, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis and Assembly Speaker Robert Rivas, abstained from voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just want to be on the record opposing the tuition increase, and also on the record recognizing the commitment of staff to continue to work to evaluate and understand these decisions to increase the cost of attendance for out of state students,” Kounalakis said today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/07/uc-tuition-hike/\">model passed in 2021\u003c/a>, each new cohort of undergraduates sees higher tuition and fees than the previous crop of new students but that tuition stays flat for their time at the UC. In-state students are charged tuition and a systemwide fee. Out-of-state students are charged that plus a much larger supplemental fee. The base tuition and fee would go up as planned under the 2022 model; only the supplemental fee would rise at a higher than expected amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, it would mean new nonresident undergraduates would pay $52,536 in total mandatory tuition next fall, excluding separate campus fees that are an \u003ca href=\"https://admission.universityofcalifornia.edu/tuition-financial-aid/tuition-cost-of-attendance/\">average of $1,700\u003c/a>. Current new nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/operating-budget/_files/fees/202425/2024-25.pdf\">pay $48,636 annually (PDF)\u003c/a>, plus campus fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The move would affect the roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/fall-enrollment-glance#ugentry\">15% of UC undergraduates\u003c/a>, including transfer students, who live outside of California and will begin their studies at the university system next fall. The increase wouldn’t affect current students or future graduate students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As UC prepares for an anticipated state budget cut that could impact student services across the entire system, we are proposing an increase to support core operations without raising costs for current students and California residents,” wrote UC spokesperson Omar Rodriguez in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hike would increase revenue by about $41 million for the system annually, Rodriguez wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=zdrPdTCtK5t-A0lD&t=3551\">impending half-billion shortfall next summer\u003c/a> would occur if state lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom make good on a deal to delay previously promised new money for the UC and apply a cut to its state support.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC’s operating revenue is estimated to be \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=3\">about $53 billion in 2024–25 (PDF)\u003c/a>. Most of that is from the system’s medical services work, including hospitals. Its core mission of educating students, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">largely faculty salary and benefits (PDF)\u003c/a> as well as financial aid, makes up about $11 billion of the system’s budget. That amount is \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f10.pdf#page=4\">almost evenly paid (PDF)\u003c/a> for with state dollars and a combination of tuition revenue and other university funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s among the numerous fiscal details that emerged at the regents’ regularly scheduled November meeting, including the revelation that the UC plans to spend $30 billion to repair or replace its increasingly aging stock of academic buildings, medical centers and dorms by decade’s end. And yet, that massive sum falls far short of the 10-campus system’s stated construction needs — \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=99wyMrJDoDasG7Ug&t=1643\">a total of $53 billion in projects without a funding source\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The building spree is occurring as UC trundles\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=11\"> toward a goal of adding 23,000 new California students by 2030 (PDF)\u003c/a> — fueled in part by lawmaker demands that the vaunted system make space for more California high schoolers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The tuition hike in context\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In some ways the emphasis on out-of-state students is a return to form for the UC, which both relies on these students for the much higher tuition they pay but also is under pressure by lawmakers to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2021/09/uc-out-of-state-tuition/\">limit how many non-Californian undergraduates the system enrolls\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eduardo Tapia Jr-Urbieta, an executive officer for the UC Student Association, which represents undergraduate students, said that the student association opposes the increase. “Opportunity to higher education should not face any more barriers. Instead of increasing the salaries of UC administrators, let’s make sure college is more affordable for all,” he told regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those September raises came in two waves: \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g2.pdf\">4.2% (PDF)\u003c/a> for senior UC officials, such as the system president and most campus chancellors, and \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g4.pdf\">extra raises (PDF)\u003c/a>, including for most of the chancellors — ranging from \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/sept24/g3.pdf#page=3\">16% to 33% (PDF)\u003c/a>. The extra chancellor raises are paid with private donations, not tuition or state support. The updated chancellor salaries range from $785,000 to nearly $1.2 million\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nonresident undergraduate students tend to have \u003ca href=\"https://accountability.universityofcalifornia.edu/2023/chapters/chapter-2.html#:~:text=the%20data%20glossary.-,2.2%20INCOME%20PROFILE,-A%20large%20proportion\">higher family incomes than resident students\u003c/a>. In 2021, 45% of nonresident undergraduates had family incomes of above $185,000. The same was true for 25% of undergraduates from California. Nearly three-quarters of nonresident undergraduates came from households exceeding $93,000; for California-based undergrads, it was 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, nonresident students on average pay much more to attend a UC campus, even after all financial aid \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/about-us/information-center/undergraduate-affordability#Netcostoftrend\">is factored into their costs\u003c/a>. The net price — which includes tuition, housing and other related costs minus grants and scholarships — for resident undergraduates with household incomes above $180,000 was around $37,000 a year last fall. For nonresident undergraduates, the average net price was $67,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I support it (the nonresident tuition increase). I’ll get pushback for that, but here we are,” said Josiah Beharry, a student regent who can cast a vote on the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials said that compared to some other major public universities, UC’s nonresident undergraduates \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/3lngISvja2s?si=wdlQCmWop4RGp5M8&t=3101\">pay lower nonresident fees\u003c/a>. For example, University of Michigan nonresident students paid $11,500 more than their nonresident UC peers in 2023-24. University of Virginia nonresident undergraduate paid $7,000 more. Even when adjusting for living costs, nonresident Californians are charged less for their education, UC officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC policy permits 20% of new nonresident tuition revenue to be \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucop.edu/enrollment-services/policies/universitywide-program-policies-and-guidelines/revised-administrative-guidelines-for-usap-and-select-aid-programs-final-002.pdf#page=6\">reserved for financial aid for nonresident undergraduates (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>$30 billion in planned construction\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The $30 billion construction plan — and $50 billion in projects without a funding source — were spelled out in a new, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf\">207-page report detailing (PDF)\u003c/a> construction plans that UC budget officials presented to the system’s regents yesterday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University’s enrollment growth and continuing needs for renewal, modernization and seismic correction of existing facilities are the key drivers of capital investments,” \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f9attach1.pdf#page=17\">the report said (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cranes have been soaring above the system’s campus skylines for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2011, the UC has added beds for 42,000 students, growing from nearly 75,000 beds. The increase means the system can house 40% of its students, up from 32% a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And UC isn’t done as it’s on track to build dorm space for 14,000 new beds at all nine undergraduate-serving campuses through 2030 — at a cost of $6.9 billion. That’s nearly half-a-million-dollars per bed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while student housing projects can largely pay for themselves over time through the rents campuses charge, classroom buildings have fewer sources of cash beyond system bonds and state dollars — which the UC says are hardly enough to meet campus needs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Take for example all the seismic repairs UC says it must undergo to extend the life of its buildings, with structures built in the 1950s and 1960s \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=18\">representing the largest chunk of UC’s gargantuan building footprint (PDF)\u003c/a>. UC has $16 billion in seismic retrofit needs but only identified funding for 16% of that, or $2.5 billion, \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=16\">last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just finding money that’s a concern for UC. As buildings undergo remodeling, the classrooms, research and other activity core to the system’s mission has to continue. “The scope and complexity of planning required to minimize these disruptions can often necessitate the construction of temporary or replacement space,” the report read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scale of the need is vast. According to the UC, about 1,464 buildings require seismic upgrades across the system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC officials disclosed yesterday that the system is debuting a new plan in which campuses will reduce its backlog of structures that need seismic upgrades by 4% annually, with the structures most in need of an overhaul receiving priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s all the new construction UC needs. The system \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=21\">completed 139 projects at a cost of $1.4 billion last academic year (PDF)\u003c/a> — but has more than $20 billion in active construction\u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=24\"> plans for about 400 projects (PDF)\u003c/a>. More than half of those are for UC’s extensive medical care operation, in part to satisfy state rules on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/01/seismic-safety-hospitals-california/\">strengthening hospitals to better withstand earthquakes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through 2030, UC’s construction plans total $30 billion, with about $12 billion \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=29\">for its medical centers (PDF)\u003c/a>. Philanthropy helps pay for all those projects, but only a little. Just about $2 billion of the construction plan budget \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">will come from gifts (PDF)\u003c/a>. About $300 million will come from state funds directly — a relatively tiny portion of the overall revenue picture for the system’s six-year building plan. Much of the projects will be paid for \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=31\">with external financing (PDF)\u003c/a>, such as bonds that the system sells to investors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s just projects with a funding source. UC Berkeley, for example, has more than $14 billion in construction needs but has identified the funding for just about \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=39\">$2.8 billion of that (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What is getting built at the system’s oldest campus? For starters, a new undergraduate academic building that’ll include 27 classrooms and a 400-seat auditorium with a rooftop terrace. \u003ca href=\"https://regents.universityofcalifornia.edu/regmeet/nov24/f8attach4.pdf#page=41\">All of that costs $137 million (PDF)\u003c/a>. It’s scheduled to open in the 2025–26 academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "The King Tide Is Back in the Bay Area. Here’s What You Can Expect",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:52 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1955598/king-tides-are-here-why-they-happen-and-what-they-teach-us\">king tide\u003c/a> of the season will make an appearance this weekend, prompting advisories for flooding and high surf around the bay and up and down the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“King tide” is not a scientific term but a popular one used to describe very high tides followed by very low tides that occur during a new or full moon. In the Bay Area, they occur a couple of times per year, washing up on San Francisco’s Embarcadero and other low-lying spots across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the king tide will be at its most extreme on Saturday, when the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration forecasts the high tide will be 7.01 feet at 10:43 a.m., and the low tide will drop down to -1.51 feet at 5:38 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high tides are expected to last through Sunday and could bring flooding to schools, parks, sidewalks and roads along the shoreline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service has issued a high surf warning for all Pacific Coast beaches until 11 a.m. Saturday. Swimming and surfing are not advised, as large waves can crop up without warning and pull people into the ocean, the agency warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coastal flood advisory is in effect until 4 p.m. Monday. Some road closures are expected this weekend, and the weather service advises against travel in lowland areas unless necessary. If you choose to travel, allow for extra time in case of road closures and never drive around barricades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-lying areas are particularly at risk during king tides, including cities like San Rafael, which is largely built upon reclaimed wetlands that have subsided over the decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12014403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/TrumpDisasterAidAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of this area is now lower than the bay during high tides,” said Kate Hagemann, San Rafael’s climate adaptation and resilience planner. “It has a bowl shape, which creates quite a lot of risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has physical barriers in place to protect against saltwater flooding during high tides. It also has pump stations designed to get rid of rainwater during big storms. While they’re not designed for high tides, they can help if flooding occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagemann said some long-time residents are accustomed to the flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have those pockets where, unfortunately, they’re seeing pretty frequent high tide flooding,” she said. “They check the tides themselves and also move their cars and things like that, too, to stay out of the salt water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1977842/bay-area-king-tide-floods-foreshadow-future-climate-risk\">king tide offers a glimpse\u003c/a> into the Bay Area’s future, as climate change drives rising sea levels that bring increased flood risk to the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These king tide events really do give us an idea of what we might be seeing in the not-too-distant future,” said Ben Hamlington, NASA’s Sea Level Change Team leader. “This will be our new baseline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay has already risen approximately eight inches since the mid-1800s and could increase by about a foot more over the next few decades, according to scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The season’s first king tide is expected to bring flooding and high surf this weekend. Scientists say it offers a look at the Bay Area’s future with climate change-driven sea level rise.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12:52 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1955598/king-tides-are-here-why-they-happen-and-what-they-teach-us\">king tide\u003c/a> of the season will make an appearance this weekend, prompting advisories for flooding and high surf around the bay and up and down the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“King tide” is not a scientific term but a popular one used to describe very high tides followed by very low tides that occur during a new or full moon. In the Bay Area, they occur a couple of times per year, washing up on San Francisco’s Embarcadero and other low-lying spots across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the king tide will be at its most extreme on Saturday, when the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration forecasts the high tide will be 7.01 feet at 10:43 a.m., and the low tide will drop down to -1.51 feet at 5:38 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high tides are expected to last through Sunday and could bring flooding to schools, parks, sidewalks and roads along the shoreline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Weather Service has issued a high surf warning for all Pacific Coast beaches until 11 a.m. Saturday. Swimming and surfing are not advised, as large waves can crop up without warning and pull people into the ocean, the agency warned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coastal flood advisory is in effect until 4 p.m. Monday. Some road closures are expected this weekend, and the weather service advises against travel in lowland areas unless necessary. If you choose to travel, allow for extra time in case of road closures and never drive around barricades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low-lying areas are particularly at risk during king tides, including cities like San Rafael, which is largely built upon reclaimed wetlands that have subsided over the decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of this area is now lower than the bay during high tides,” said Kate Hagemann, San Rafael’s climate adaptation and resilience planner. “It has a bowl shape, which creates quite a lot of risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city has physical barriers in place to protect against saltwater flooding during high tides. It also has pump stations designed to get rid of rainwater during big storms. While they’re not designed for high tides, they can help if flooding occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hagemann said some long-time residents are accustomed to the flooding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do have those pockets where, unfortunately, they’re seeing pretty frequent high tide flooding,” she said. “They check the tides themselves and also move their cars and things like that, too, to stay out of the salt water.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1977842/bay-area-king-tide-floods-foreshadow-future-climate-risk\">king tide offers a glimpse\u003c/a> into the Bay Area’s future, as climate change drives rising sea levels that bring increased flood risk to the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These king tide events really do give us an idea of what we might be seeing in the not-too-distant future,” said Ben Hamlington, NASA’s Sea Level Change Team leader. “This will be our new baseline.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Bay has already risen approximately eight inches since the mid-1800s and could increase by about a foot more over the next few decades, according to scientists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Can Trump Really Withhold Fire Relief From California? He’s Tried It Before",
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"content": "\u003cp>On the campaign trail, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> repeatedly threatened to cut off financial disaster recovery aid to California, even as the state grapples with increasingly large and destructive fires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1984200/climate-change-makes-wildfires-in-california-more-extreme\">due in part to climate change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not giving any of that fire money that we send you all the time for all the fire, forest fires that you have,” Trump said at a pre-election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009289/why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose\">rally in California’s Coachella Valley\u003c/a>, directing the threat toward Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any indicator, Trump is almost certain to follow through on that threat, as presidents have executive authority to decide whether, when and where to direct emergency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal disaster assistance is provided through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/pdf/emergency/nrf/nrf-stafford.pdf\">Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act\u003c/a>, a federal law enacted in 1988 that designed the system through which states request and are granted financial assistance after a natural disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a wildfire, for example, local emergency responders are first to assess damage and relay information to state officials, who are responsible for declaring a state of emergency, should the incident arise to such a level, and shoring up state financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the governor reaches out to the Federal Emergency Management Agency and requests a disaster declaration. FEMA has various guidelines before making such a recommendation, including assessing the extent and severity of damage and an estimate of how much funding is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once FEMA has recommended a disaster declaration, it goes to the secretary of Homeland Security (Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/12/g-s1-33820/trump-kristi-noem-homeland-security\">has nominated\u003c/a> South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem for that position), who sends it on up to the president to approve or deny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that this whole process, once you get above FEMA to the Department of Homeland Security and between the president, those conversations are executive privilege, so we can’t analyze what’s going on there,” said Matt Sedlar, a climate analyst at the Center for Economic and Policy Research who researches disaster relief aid. “It could just be a political decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term in office, Trump sought to deny wildfire recovery aid to California on multiple occasions. In 2018, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/camp-fire\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> became California’s deadliest on record, Trump resisted providing aid because of the state’s Democratic leanings, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/03/helene-trump-politics-natural-disaster-00182419\">according to \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He reportedly changed his mind after his aides pulled data showing how many people voted for him in the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2020, in the aftermath of six major wildfires that burned across the state, the Trump administration initially \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/15/politics/trump-california-fire-disaster-assistance/index.html\">denied the state aid\u003c/a>, saying the disaster declaration was “not supported by the relevant data.” It eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/16/us/trump-california-wildfire-relief.html\">reversed that decisio\u003c/a>n.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would he punish any American really reeling from a natural disaster?” Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents parts of the North Bay and California’s North Coast region, said in an interview this week with KQED. “It’s just so despicable. But that’s likely to be what we’re up against, and we’ve got a few strategies that we’re developing to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman, whose district has been faced with historic wildfires in recent years, said he’s been in talks this week with Newsom and colleagues in California’s congressional delegation about disaster aid contingency plans for Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, how California can backfill and protect things that we care about and how we are going to navigate some of these likely confrontations going forward,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is looking to establish a fund he can draw from in the event of a natural disaster, he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/22/trump-california-emergency-aid-newsom-00184799\">interview with \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He’s expected to introduce the funding as part of his budget proposal in January.[aside postID=news_12013395 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/NewsomTrump2018AP.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Trump isn’t the only president to deny California wildfire aid, he stands apart in directly citing political reasons for doing so. Research shows that political factors \u003ca href=\"https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&context=jpmsp\">do shade presidents’ decisions\u003c/a> to deny disaster relief, particularly during election years, but Sedlar said, “I can’t think of any other instances in which a president has said the quiet part out loud so many times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden denied individual assistance — a type of financial aid for affected individuals — to victims of the 2021 Caldor Fire after FEMA determined that enough of them were covered by insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who represents the area affected by the Caldor Fire, appealed Biden’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The denial of Individual Assistance, if allowed to stand, will have devastating consequences on survivors whose homes and livelihoods have been destroyed,” he \u003ca href=\"https://mcclintock.house.gov/newsroom/press-releases/rep-mcclintock-calls-for-president-biden-to-fulfill-his-promise-to-caldor\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, tribal authorities and members of Congress can appeal a decision to deny aid, but “unless there’s some kind of political factor that might change the president’s mind, he doesn’t really have to change anything,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other possible avenues for federal relief, Sedlar said, including suing the federal government — specifically the U.S. Forest Service — for negligence in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994972/forest-service-halts-prescribed-burns-california-worth-risk\">recent decision to halt prescribed burns\u003c/a>, which can protect homes from future wildfires. Still, it’s unlikely a lawsuit payout would equal FEMA aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Democratic nominee Kamala Harris won the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/trump-vote-california-county-19897935.php\">Trump increased his margins in California\u003c/a> this election, which could potentially help the state secure federal relief when wildfires undoubtedly strike over the next four years. Though, by that logic, the Bay Area could face hurdles in seeking aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, wildfires do not follow political boundaries, and some of these coastal areas that have fires went towards Harris,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On the campaign trail, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> repeatedly threatened to cut off financial disaster recovery aid to California, even as the state grapples with increasingly large and destructive fires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1984200/climate-change-makes-wildfires-in-california-more-extreme\">due in part to climate change\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not giving any of that fire money that we send you all the time for all the fire, forest fires that you have,” Trump said at a pre-election \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009289/why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose\">rally in California’s Coachella Valley\u003c/a>, directing the threat toward Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If history is any indicator, Trump is almost certain to follow through on that threat, as presidents have executive authority to decide whether, when and where to direct emergency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal disaster assistance is provided through the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fema.gov/pdf/emergency/nrf/nrf-stafford.pdf\">Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act\u003c/a>, a federal law enacted in 1988 that designed the system through which states request and are granted financial assistance after a natural disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a wildfire, for example, local emergency responders are first to assess damage and relay information to state officials, who are responsible for declaring a state of emergency, should the incident arise to such a level, and shoring up state financial assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, the governor reaches out to the Federal Emergency Management Agency and requests a disaster declaration. FEMA has various guidelines before making such a recommendation, including assessing the extent and severity of damage and an estimate of how much funding is needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once FEMA has recommended a disaster declaration, it goes to the secretary of Homeland Security (Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/11/12/g-s1-33820/trump-kristi-noem-homeland-security\">has nominated\u003c/a> South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem for that position), who sends it on up to the president to approve or deny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is that this whole process, once you get above FEMA to the Department of Homeland Security and between the president, those conversations are executive privilege, so we can’t analyze what’s going on there,” said Matt Sedlar, a climate analyst at the Center for Economic and Policy Research who researches disaster relief aid. “It could just be a political decision.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During his first term in office, Trump sought to deny wildfire recovery aid to California on multiple occasions. In 2018, as the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/camp-fire\">Camp Fire\u003c/a> became California’s deadliest on record, Trump resisted providing aid because of the state’s Democratic leanings, \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/03/helene-trump-politics-natural-disaster-00182419\">according to \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He reportedly changed his mind after his aides pulled data showing how many people voted for him in the affected areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in 2020, in the aftermath of six major wildfires that burned across the state, the Trump administration initially \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/15/politics/trump-california-fire-disaster-assistance/index.html\">denied the state aid\u003c/a>, saying the disaster declaration was “not supported by the relevant data.” It eventually \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2020/10/16/us/trump-california-wildfire-relief.html\">reversed that decisio\u003c/a>n.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Why would he punish any American really reeling from a natural disaster?” Democratic Rep. Jared Huffman, who represents parts of the North Bay and California’s North Coast region, said in an interview this week with KQED. “It’s just so despicable. But that’s likely to be what we’re up against, and we’ve got a few strategies that we’re developing to deal with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huffman, whose district has been faced with historic wildfires in recent years, said he’s been in talks this week with Newsom and colleagues in California’s congressional delegation about disaster aid contingency plans for Trump’s second term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, how California can backfill and protect things that we care about and how we are going to navigate some of these likely confrontations going forward,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom is looking to establish a fund he can draw from in the event of a natural disaster, he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/10/22/trump-california-emergency-aid-newsom-00184799\">interview with \u003cem>Politico\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. He’s expected to introduce the funding as part of his budget proposal in January.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though Trump isn’t the only president to deny California wildfire aid, he stands apart in directly citing political reasons for doing so. Research shows that political factors \u003ca href=\"https://digitalscholarship.tsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1027&context=jpmsp\">do shade presidents’ decisions\u003c/a> to deny disaster relief, particularly during election years, but Sedlar said, “I can’t think of any other instances in which a president has said the quiet part out loud so many times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Biden denied individual assistance — a type of financial aid for affected individuals — to victims of the 2021 Caldor Fire after FEMA determined that enough of them were covered by insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Tom McClintock, a Republican who represents the area affected by the Caldor Fire, appealed Biden’s decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The denial of Individual Assistance, if allowed to stand, will have devastating consequences on survivors whose homes and livelihoods have been destroyed,” he \u003ca href=\"https://mcclintock.house.gov/newsroom/press-releases/rep-mcclintock-calls-for-president-biden-to-fulfill-his-promise-to-caldor\">wrote in a letter\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, tribal authorities and members of Congress can appeal a decision to deny aid, but “unless there’s some kind of political factor that might change the president’s mind, he doesn’t really have to change anything,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other possible avenues for federal relief, Sedlar said, including suing the federal government — specifically the U.S. Forest Service — for negligence in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994972/forest-service-halts-prescribed-burns-california-worth-risk\">recent decision to halt prescribed burns\u003c/a>, which can protect homes from future wildfires. Still, it’s unlikely a lawsuit payout would equal FEMA aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Democratic nominee Kamala Harris won the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/election/article/trump-vote-california-county-19897935.php\">Trump increased his margins in California\u003c/a> this election, which could potentially help the state secure federal relief when wildfires undoubtedly strike over the next four years. Though, by that logic, the Bay Area could face hurdles in seeking aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Obviously, wildfires do not follow political boundaries, and some of these coastal areas that have fires went towards Harris,” Sedlar said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Whooping cough cases are on the rise in California and the Bay Area, particularly in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> — and health experts warn that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/15263/vaccine-refusals-fueled-california-whooping-cough-epidemic-personal-belief-exemption\">flagging vaccination rates\u003c/a> are likely playing a major part in the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#whooping-cough-vaccine\">Where can I find the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Immunization/Pertussis_Report_SEP2024.pdf\">Department of Public Health\u003c/a>, nearly 1,800 cases of whooping cough have been reported in California as of Sept. 30, a more than sixfold increase from the same time last year, when there were 288.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County alone, 336 cases have been reported, compared with only five at the same time last year. Although Marin is squarely in the middle of California’s counties by population, its case count this year is the second highest — behind only San Diego County, with 470.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there have been 84 reported cases this year, a massive increase considering there was only one reported case in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s entirely possible that a lot of the rise that we’re seeing not only in the Bay Area but also nationwide when it comes to whooping cough is related to a lower-than-ideal vaccination rate,” said Dr. Alok Patel, a pediatric hospitalist at Stanford Children’s Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whooping cough, also known as pertussis, largely affects young children and infants, although adults and teens are also at risk of contracting the bacterial disease. The respiratory illness is incredibly contagious and can easily spread through exposure to droplets released during a cough or sneeze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reported pertussis cases in Bay Area counties (through Sept. 30)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-rmjFS\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/rmjFS/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While symptoms of pertussis may resemble those of a common cold — mild cough, low fever and a runny nose — serious infections can result in respiratory pain, prolonged coughing fits and difficulty breathing. In severe cases, the infection can even be fatal for school-age children and babies who have not been vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Patel, the ideal vaccination rate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201007080735/pertussis-and-herd-immunity\">herd immunity\u003c/a> against whooping cough is 95%. He noted, however, that several counties in both the Bay Area and the rest of California have vaccination rates well below that number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have multiple groups of unvaccinated individuals, whether that is by choice or because a child is too young to get vaccinated, it’s easier for an infectious disease that’s really contagious, like whooping cough, to spread among multiple children,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marin County was known for vaccine hesitancy among its largely highly educated, affluent parents, many of whom were skeptical of traditional medicine and pharmaceutical companies. In the 2010s, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/115361/marin-parents-opt-out-of-vaccines-at-high-rate-put-community-at-risk-say-health-officials\">led the Bay Area in so-called personal belief exemptions\u003c/a> to required immunizations for schoolchildren. During the pandemic, public health officials made strides in boosting COVID-19 vaccine rates there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As whooping cough rates soar, Patel advised parents to make sure their children’s vaccinations are up to date as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lower vaccination rates, some experts suggest that there has been a loss of immunity over time even for those who have previously been vaccinated, leading to higher case infection rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel said the disease spreads most effectively in clusters due to its contagious nature. He noted that many pandemic-era practices may be useful when it comes to stopping the spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent handwashing, basic hygiene and wearing a mask can help prevent further infections, Patel noted. He also added that individuals who suspect they may be sick should stay home and that public messaging needs to reflect the seriousness of this respiratory disease so that employers and teachers are more lenient when it comes to excusing absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Patel emphasized that the most effective way to stop the spread of whooping cough is to get vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we had an effective whooping cough vaccine, in the 1940s, there were an estimated over 200,000 cases of whooping cough per year that we knew about,” Patel said. “If you fast forward a few decades, that number dropped by 99% in the mid-’70s. We have a completely effective vaccine that has proven its worth for 80 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"whooping-cough-vaccine\">\u003c/a>Do I need to get the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/types.html\">The “whooping cough vaccine” \u003c/a>is actually a combination vaccine that protects against not just pertussis but also tetanus and diphtheria. It’s called the DTaP vaccine for babies and children under 7 and the Tdap vaccine for older children and adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For babies and young children (DTaP vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple shots are recommended for maximum immunity. Babies are recommended to get three DTaP shots — one at 2 months, 4 months and 6 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that children then get two booster shots later (at 15–18 months and 4–6 years) to maintain their protection in early childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For older children (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC said that preteens should get a Tdap shot between the ages of 11 and 12 years as a booster — and any teenager who didn’t get this earlier shot should get one the next time they visit their provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For adults (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re an adult who’s never had a Tdap shot, the CDC said you should get one — at any time. The agency also recommends that adults get a booster every 10 years. Pregnant people are also advised to get a Tdap shot early in their third trimester of every pregnancy to protect their baby from whooping cough in their vulnerable first few newborn months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Where can I find a shot in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you have health insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/recommendations.html\">the CDC’s recommendation of these shots\u003c/a> means that your insurer should cover the costs. You can find appointments for a Tdap vaccine at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Your regular health care provider\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A local pharmacy like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cvs.com/immunizations/tdap-dtap\">CVS \u003c/a>or \u003ca href=\"https://www.walgreens.com/topic/pharmacy/scheduler/tdap-td-tetanus-diphtheria-pertussis-vaccine_32.jsp\">Walgreens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccines.gov/en/\">vaccines.gov\u003c/a>, the federal government’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/vaccinelocator.html\">myturn.ca.gov\u003c/a>, the state’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For those without insurance: Uninsured children ages 18 and under can get free DTaP vaccines — and other no-cost immunizations — as part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/programs/vfc/index.html\">Vaccines for Children Program\u003c/a>. People without insurance can get the vaccine at a lower cost — or even free\u003ca href=\"https://eziz.org/assets/docs/IMM-1247.pdf\"> if they qualify for the Vaccines for Adults Program\u003c/a> — from several providers and community clinics around the Bay Area, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/aitc-services-and-prices\">San Francisco Department of Public Health’s AITC clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/immunization/clinics.php#Uninsured\">Contra Costa Public Health Immunization Clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acphd.org/clinics/\">Alameda County Immunization Clinics.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>(And while you’re at it, remember that now is a great time to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001396/where-can-i-get-new-covid-vaccine-near-me-2024\">get your updated COVID shot and your flu vaccine, too\u003c/a>, as we enter winter respiratory virus season.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Whooping cough cases are on the rise in California and the Bay Area, particularly in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> — and health experts warn that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/stateofhealth/15263/vaccine-refusals-fueled-california-whooping-cough-epidemic-personal-belief-exemption\">flagging vaccination rates\u003c/a> are likely playing a major part in the surge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#whooping-cough-vaccine\">Where can I find the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>According to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/CDPH%20Document%20Library/Immunization/Pertussis_Report_SEP2024.pdf\">Department of Public Health\u003c/a>, nearly 1,800 cases of whooping cough have been reported in California as of Sept. 30, a more than sixfold increase from the same time last year, when there were 288.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County alone, 336 cases have been reported, compared with only five at the same time last year. Although Marin is squarely in the middle of California’s counties by population, its case count this year is the second highest — behind only San Diego County, with 470.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, there have been 84 reported cases this year, a massive increase considering there was only one reported case in all of 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s entirely possible that a lot of the rise that we’re seeing not only in the Bay Area but also nationwide when it comes to whooping cough is related to a lower-than-ideal vaccination rate,” said Dr. Alok Patel, a pediatric hospitalist at Stanford Children’s Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whooping cough, also known as pertussis, largely affects young children and infants, although adults and teens are also at risk of contracting the bacterial disease. The respiratory illness is incredibly contagious and can easily spread through exposure to droplets released during a cough or sneeze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Reported pertussis cases in Bay Area counties (through Sept. 30)\" aria-label=\"Grouped Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-rmjFS\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/rmjFS/1/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border: none;\" width=\"1000\" height=\"700\" data-external=\"1\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While symptoms of pertussis may resemble those of a common cold — mild cough, low fever and a runny nose — serious infections can result in respiratory pain, prolonged coughing fits and difficulty breathing. In severe cases, the infection can even be fatal for school-age children and babies who have not been vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Patel, the ideal vaccination rate for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/perspectives/201007080735/pertussis-and-herd-immunity\">herd immunity\u003c/a> against whooping cough is 95%. He noted, however, that several counties in both the Bay Area and the rest of California have vaccination rates well below that number.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have multiple groups of unvaccinated individuals, whether that is by choice or because a child is too young to get vaccinated, it’s easier for an infectious disease that’s really contagious, like whooping cough, to spread among multiple children,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, Marin County was known for vaccine hesitancy among its largely highly educated, affluent parents, many of whom were skeptical of traditional medicine and pharmaceutical companies. In the 2010s, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/115361/marin-parents-opt-out-of-vaccines-at-high-rate-put-community-at-risk-say-health-officials\">led the Bay Area in so-called personal belief exemptions\u003c/a> to required immunizations for schoolchildren. During the pandemic, public health officials made strides in boosting COVID-19 vaccine rates there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As whooping cough rates soar, Patel advised parents to make sure their children’s vaccinations are up to date as soon as possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to lower vaccination rates, some experts suggest that there has been a loss of immunity over time even for those who have previously been vaccinated, leading to higher case infection rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patel said the disease spreads most effectively in clusters due to its contagious nature. He noted that many pandemic-era practices may be useful when it comes to stopping the spread.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent handwashing, basic hygiene and wearing a mask can help prevent further infections, Patel noted. He also added that individuals who suspect they may be sick should stay home and that public messaging needs to reflect the seriousness of this respiratory disease so that employers and teachers are more lenient when it comes to excusing absences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Patel emphasized that the most effective way to stop the spread of whooping cough is to get vaccinated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before we had an effective whooping cough vaccine, in the 1940s, there were an estimated over 200,000 cases of whooping cough per year that we knew about,” Patel said. “If you fast forward a few decades, that number dropped by 99% in the mid-’70s. We have a completely effective vaccine that has proven its worth for 80 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"whooping-cough-vaccine\">\u003c/a>Do I need to get the whooping cough vaccine?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/types.html\">The “whooping cough vaccine” \u003c/a>is actually a combination vaccine that protects against not just pertussis but also tetanus and diphtheria. It’s called the DTaP vaccine for babies and children under 7 and the Tdap vaccine for older children and adults.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For babies and young children (DTaP vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple shots are recommended for maximum immunity. Babies are recommended to get three DTaP shots — one at 2 months, 4 months and 6 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommends that children then get two booster shots later (at 15–18 months and 4–6 years) to maintain their protection in early childhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For older children (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC said that preteens should get a Tdap shot between the ages of 11 and 12 years as a booster — and any teenager who didn’t get this earlier shot should get one the next time they visit their provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For adults (Tdap vaccine)\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re an adult who’s never had a Tdap shot, the CDC said you should get one — at any time. The agency also recommends that adults get a booster every 10 years. Pregnant people are also advised to get a Tdap shot early in their third trimester of every pregnancy to protect their baby from whooping cough in their vulnerable first few newborn months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Where can I find a shot in the Bay Area?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you have health insurance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/pertussis/vaccines/recommendations.html\">the CDC’s recommendation of these shots\u003c/a> means that your insurer should cover the costs. You can find appointments for a Tdap vaccine at:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Your regular health care provider\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>A local pharmacy like \u003ca href=\"https://www.cvs.com/immunizations/tdap-dtap\">CVS \u003c/a>or \u003ca href=\"https://www.walgreens.com/topic/pharmacy/scheduler/tdap-td-tetanus-diphtheria-pertussis-vaccine_32.jsp\">Walgreens\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vaccines.gov/en/\">vaccines.gov\u003c/a>, the federal government’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://myturn.ca.gov/vaccinelocator.html\">myturn.ca.gov\u003c/a>, the state’s vaccine locator\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>For those without insurance: Uninsured children ages 18 and under can get free DTaP vaccines — and other no-cost immunizations — as part of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/vaccines/programs/vfc/index.html\">Vaccines for Children Program\u003c/a>. People without insurance can get the vaccine at a lower cost — or even free\u003ca href=\"https://eziz.org/assets/docs/IMM-1247.pdf\"> if they qualify for the Vaccines for Adults Program\u003c/a> — from several providers and community clinics around the Bay Area, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/aitc-services-and-prices\">San Francisco Department of Public Health’s AITC clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cchealth.org/immunization/clinics.php#Uninsured\">Contra Costa Public Health Immunization Clinic\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://acphd.org/clinics/\">Alameda County Immunization Clinics.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>(And while you’re at it, remember that now is a great time to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001396/where-can-i-get-new-covid-vaccine-near-me-2024\">get your updated COVID shot and your flu vaccine, too\u003c/a>, as we enter winter respiratory virus season.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "SF’s Overnight RV Parking Ban Has Yet to Be Enforced as Advocates Try to Reverse It",
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"content": "\u003cp>Advocates for unhoused San Franciscans are fighting back against an overnight RV parking ban that city transportation officials passed last month, leaving enforcement of the policy on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeal, which the End Poverty Tows Coalition filed \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=7013291&GUID=88BA7974-12AC-489B-AA4B-9BBE62C7C372&Options=ID%7CText%7C&Search=241079\">with the Board of Supervisors on Oct. 29\u003c/a>, argues the ban is an unjust attack on residents who don’t have permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really just not a good policy and not the correct approach,” said Eleana Binder, policy manager for GLIDE’s Center for Social Justice, who filed the appeal on behalf of the coalition. “Especially when we know that we haven’t sufficiently invested in safe parking sites or targeted outreach to people who are living in our views as it stands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a first since the city enacted a \u003ca href=\"https://codelibrary.amlegal.com/codes/san_francisco/latest/sf_transportation/0-0-0-52039#JD_10.1\">process for reviewing\u003c/a> SF Municipal Transportation Authority decisions in 2018, the Board of Supervisors will hear the appeal and decide whether to reverse or affirm the parking policy. The new parking rules were set to go into effect on Nov. 1, but they’re on hold while the process plays out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA did not respond to requests for comment on the appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA’s board approved the parking rules change at a contentious Oct. 1 meeting, allowing the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living in them turn down offers of shelter, housing or services. Current city law allows RVs to park overnight on certain streets, but under the new policy, large RVs and trailers parked between midnight and 6 a.m. on city streets where signage is posted could get towed. If someone lives inside, city workers would first have to offer shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/mayor-london-breed-proposes-new-city-policy-address-oversized-vehicle-parking-across-san\">proposed the change\u003c/a> as part of her broader effort to crack down on visible homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes as the number of people living in vehicles rises in the city. At last count, 9% of people experiencing homelessness in San Francisco lived in vehicles, up from 5% in 2022. Officials say the increase is driven in part by rising family homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its appeal, the coalition — which includes Bay Area Legal Aid, Compass Family Services and the Coalition on Homelessness — argues the rule changes will result in “dire economic hardship for impoverished individuals and families who cannot afford the fees” and disproportionately affect women and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group calls the protections included in the new policy “insufficient and ill-advised, noting there aren’t enough shelter beds even for those sleeping on the streets. “Individuals and families inhabiting RV’s should not be given access to shelter in front of those who are in worse situations,” it wrote in the appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771351\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1655px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771351\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF.jpg\" alt=\"An RV is parked in Balboa Park up the street from San Francisco's first proposed safe parking lot, where people living in their vehicles would be able to park legally and access services.\" width=\"1655\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF.jpg 1655w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-1020x731.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-1200x860.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1655px) 100vw, 1655px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An RV is parked in Balboa Park up the street from San Francisco’s first safe parking lot, where people living in their vehicles were able to park legally and access services. San Francisco ran the site from 2019 to 2021. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000285/unhoused-rv-families-return-to-winston-drive-after-eviction-from-s-f-zoo-road\">the city evicted\u003c/a> an RV community near Lake Merced made up primarily of Latino families established during the pandemic. The community, which included some 50 children, had been in talks with the city about finding a safe parking site for years. That never materialized, and the city began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">enforcing four-hour parking restrictions\u003c/a> in an effort to force out the RVs before eventually evicting them. Twenty families accepted offers of shelter and housing from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city currently operates a single-sanctioned RV parking site at Candlestick Point in the Bayview, but problems have dogged it since opening in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A local neighborhood group tried to block it with a lawsuit, the site’s residents have complained about the living conditions, and a report from the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12320995&GUID=059EBD1F-2F09-42E5-816A-E23E32FD85CC\">Budget and Legislative Analyst\u003c/a> deemed it “by far the most expensive homeless response intervention” at an annual cost of $140,000 per RV. The site was intended to house 135 RVs, but PG&E delays establishing power to the site delayed the expansion, driving the high cost.[aside postID=news_12007425 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/231017-LakeMercedRVs-009-BL-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The future of the site is unclear, but the city \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/RFP-150-Jerrold-Commons.pdf\">plans to open another sanctioned RV parking area\u003c/a> and tiny home community next year, with spots for 20 vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing executive director Shireen McSpadden told the Homeless Oversight Commission in October that the agency is working on a broader RV strategy for the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But asked if there’s funding for a safe parking site on the city’s west side, Emily Cohen, deputy director for communications and legislative affairs for HSH, told commissioners that it’s limited. “I’m not sure it’s everything we would need to do it,” she said, adding that the city would continue looking for sites there and elsewhere “because we know there’s a lot of demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The SFMTA decision review process requires the buy-in of five board members: Supervisors Ahsha Safaí, Aaron Peskin, Shamann Walton, Hillary Ronen and Dean Preston agreed to hear the coalition’s appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing is scheduled for the Dec. 10 board meeting, where the group appealing will have a chance to present its case, the SFMTA and other city departments will respond, and the public will have the chance to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors have 60 days from the day the appeal was filed to decide.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Advocates for unhoused San Franciscans are fighting back against an overnight RV parking ban that city transportation officials passed last month, leaving enforcement of the policy on hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appeal, which the End Poverty Tows Coalition filed \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=7013291&GUID=88BA7974-12AC-489B-AA4B-9BBE62C7C372&Options=ID%7CText%7C&Search=241079\">with the Board of Supervisors on Oct. 29\u003c/a>, argues the ban is an unjust attack on residents who don’t have permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really just not a good policy and not the correct approach,” said Eleana Binder, policy manager for GLIDE’s Center for Social Justice, who filed the appeal on behalf of the coalition. “Especially when we know that we haven’t sufficiently invested in safe parking sites or targeted outreach to people who are living in our views as it stands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a first since the city enacted a \u003ca href=\"https://codelibrary.amlegal.com/codes/san_francisco/latest/sf_transportation/0-0-0-52039#JD_10.1\">process for reviewing\u003c/a> SF Municipal Transportation Authority decisions in 2018, the Board of Supervisors will hear the appeal and decide whether to reverse or affirm the parking policy. The new parking rules were set to go into effect on Nov. 1, but they’re on hold while the process plays out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA did not respond to requests for comment on the appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFMTA’s board approved the parking rules change at a contentious Oct. 1 meeting, allowing the city to tow oversized vehicles if the people living in them turn down offers of shelter, housing or services. Current city law allows RVs to park overnight on certain streets, but under the new policy, large RVs and trailers parked between midnight and 6 a.m. on city streets where signage is posted could get towed. If someone lives inside, city workers would first have to offer shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/news/mayor-london-breed-proposes-new-city-policy-address-oversized-vehicle-parking-across-san\">proposed the change\u003c/a> as part of her broader effort to crack down on visible homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The change comes as the number of people living in vehicles rises in the city. At last count, 9% of people experiencing homelessness in San Francisco lived in vehicles, up from 5% in 2022. Officials say the increase is driven in part by rising family homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its appeal, the coalition — which includes Bay Area Legal Aid, Compass Family Services and the Coalition on Homelessness — argues the rule changes will result in “dire economic hardship for impoverished individuals and families who cannot afford the fees” and disproportionately affect women and families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group calls the protections included in the new policy “insufficient and ill-advised, noting there aren’t enough shelter beds even for those sleeping on the streets. “Individuals and families inhabiting RV’s should not be given access to shelter in front of those who are in worse situations,” it wrote in the appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11771351\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1655px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11771351\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF.jpg\" alt=\"An RV is parked in Balboa Park up the street from San Francisco's first proposed safe parking lot, where people living in their vehicles would be able to park legally and access services.\" width=\"1655\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF.jpg 1655w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-160x115.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-800x573.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-1020x731.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/08/RV-Balboa-Park-SF-1200x860.jpg 1200w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1655px) 100vw, 1655px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An RV is parked in Balboa Park up the street from San Francisco’s first safe parking lot, where people living in their vehicles were able to park legally and access services. San Francisco ran the site from 2019 to 2021. \u003ccite>(Kate Wolffe/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Earlier this summer, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000285/unhoused-rv-families-return-to-winston-drive-after-eviction-from-s-f-zoo-road\">the city evicted\u003c/a> an RV community near Lake Merced made up primarily of Latino families established during the pandemic. The community, which included some 50 children, had been in talks with the city about finding a safe parking site for years. That never materialized, and the city began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983146/san-franciscos-new-parking-rules-set-to-displace-rv-community-near-sf-state\">enforcing four-hour parking restrictions\u003c/a> in an effort to force out the RVs before eventually evicting them. Twenty families accepted offers of shelter and housing from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city currently operates a single-sanctioned RV parking site at Candlestick Point in the Bayview, but problems have dogged it since opening in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A local neighborhood group tried to block it with a lawsuit, the site’s residents have complained about the living conditions, and a report from the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://sfgov.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=12320995&GUID=059EBD1F-2F09-42E5-816A-E23E32FD85CC\">Budget and Legislative Analyst\u003c/a> deemed it “by far the most expensive homeless response intervention” at an annual cost of $140,000 per RV. The site was intended to house 135 RVs, but PG&E delays establishing power to the site delayed the expansion, driving the high cost.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of Oakland parents and educators urged the school board to reject a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013739/oakland-school-board-spurns-campus-closures-plans-merge-some-schools-instead\">proposal to merge five pairs of public schools\u003c/a> at its meeting on Wednesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mergers, announced last week after the board didn’t back a wider school closure plan, would save the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a> money and account for declining enrollment, according to Chief Academic Officer Sondra Aguilera. However, they would also affect small school communities and bilingual programs that families say are sorely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan would combine 10 schools that share five campuses next fall. The sites have a collective of 3,300 students, with 176 to 440 each. Merging them will save up to $3.5 million a year, the district predicts — making just a dent in its anticipated $174 million two-year deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board is scheduled to vote on the proposed mergers, along with other cost-saving measures, on Dec. 11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Wednesday’s board meeting, many parents and teachers spoke out against the proposal, which they believe is rushed and could hurt students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Less than a week for families to be able to respond to this plan and then four weeks before they’re actually going to be voting on it feels really like a lack of respect for the people that are being impacted,” said Kampala Taiz-Rancifer, a spokesperson for the Oakland Education Association and former EnCompass Academy teacher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nine of the 10 schools on the merger list opened after OUSD passed a policy encouraging more small schools in 1997, especially in the city’s lower-income “flatlands” neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four of the proposed mergers would combine one school that runs a biliteracy or dual immersion Spanish program with one that does not. One of them also combines a high school and middle school serving different grade levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013739 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/030_KQEDScience_IntCommunitySchoolOakland_10202022_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current schools also have large numbers of Black students, Taiz-Rancifer said, and she worries about either community being displaced in the mergers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re going to wind up having is the elimination of one of the programs,” Taiz-Rancifer told KQED. “Maybe you’re going to eliminate a language program, but then … you’re displacing those kids because their parents are going to want their students to be able to get access to those language programs — or you’re going to displace Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why they haven’t done it in years because it’s very difficult to think about how you can merge these programs,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD last tried to consolidate schools in 2022. That plan to close 11 campuses led to a hunger strike, multiple site occupations and outrage from parents and educators who said it would have disproportionately affected low-income and underrepresented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was approved in February 2022, but after taking office in January 2023, the current board \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937906/oakland-school-board-halts-controversial-closure-plan-sparing-5-elementary-schools\">reneged on the plan\u003c/a>, opting to close just two schools, merge one and eliminate middle-school grades at another. Only OUSD Board President Sam Davis and Director Clifford Thompson voted against rescinding the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis said Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell similarly proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011731/oakland-school-closures-are-back-on-the-table-less-than-2-years-after-plan-was-axed\">a larger list of schools to close\u003c/a> on top of the five mergers being considered this fall but couldn’t garner support for the plan from the majority of the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries that the five mergers alone won’t go far enough to save the district from state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very clear what we need to do to become more sustainable, and it’s not clear right now what our board’s plan is to get there,” Davis told KQED last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like San Francisco’s school district — which recently halted a plan to close several schools — OUSD must close a massive budget deficit and bridge gaps left by declining enrollment. The district’s total enrollment has fallen 30% over the last 20 years and is headed for a “fiscal cliff,” according to Alameda County Superintendent Alysse Castro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD is just about 18 months away from regaining full local control after being taken over by the state in 2003 due to fiscal insolvency. The district risks returning to that point if it cannot correct its recurring budget shortfall, a task that \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/OUSD-Broken-Culture.FR-2.pdf\">an Alameda County Grand Jury report\u003c/a> in 2019 said was being kicked down the road amid dysfunction, waste and “a broken administrative culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell has called the move to merge schools a step in the district’s long-term plan toward fiscal stability, including centralizing service providers and school-site spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all that could change come January when the board will turn over again. Director Mike Hutchinson, a staunch opponent of school closures, will remain on the board, and Rachel Latta, who will take over Davis’ seat, has also expressed concern over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson appears headed for reelection in District 7, which contains four of the affected campuses, and two other new board members will serve District 5 and District 3, where the remaining six schools are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The schools the district plans to merge are:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>International Community School and Think College Now Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Manzanita Community School and Manzanita SEED Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>United for Success Academy and Life Academy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Acorn Woodland Elementary and EnCompass Academy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fred T. Korematsu Discovery Academy and Esperanza Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the current schools also have large numbers of Black students, Taiz-Rancifer said, and she worries about either community being displaced in the mergers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re going to wind up having is the elimination of one of the programs,” Taiz-Rancifer told KQED. “Maybe you’re going to eliminate a language program, but then … you’re displacing those kids because their parents are going to want their students to be able to get access to those language programs — or you’re going to displace Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is why they haven’t done it in years because it’s very difficult to think about how you can merge these programs,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD last tried to consolidate schools in 2022. That plan to close 11 campuses led to a hunger strike, multiple site occupations and outrage from parents and educators who said it would have disproportionately affected low-income and underrepresented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was approved in February 2022, but after taking office in January 2023, the current board \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937906/oakland-school-board-halts-controversial-closure-plan-sparing-5-elementary-schools\">reneged on the plan\u003c/a>, opting to close just two schools, merge one and eliminate middle-school grades at another. Only OUSD Board President Sam Davis and Director Clifford Thompson voted against rescinding the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis said Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell similarly proposed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011731/oakland-school-closures-are-back-on-the-table-less-than-2-years-after-plan-was-axed\">a larger list of schools to close\u003c/a> on top of the five mergers being considered this fall but couldn’t garner support for the plan from the majority of the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He worries that the five mergers alone won’t go far enough to save the district from state intervention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very clear what we need to do to become more sustainable, and it’s not clear right now what our board’s plan is to get there,” Davis told KQED last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much like San Francisco’s school district — which recently halted a plan to close several schools — OUSD must close a massive budget deficit and bridge gaps left by declining enrollment. The district’s total enrollment has fallen 30% over the last 20 years and is headed for a “fiscal cliff,” according to Alameda County Superintendent Alysse Castro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD is just about 18 months away from regaining full local control after being taken over by the state in 2003 due to fiscal insolvency. The district risks returning to that point if it cannot correct its recurring budget shortfall, a task that \u003ca href=\"https://oaklandside.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/OUSD-Broken-Culture.FR-2.pdf\">an Alameda County Grand Jury report\u003c/a> in 2019 said was being kicked down the road amid dysfunction, waste and “a broken administrative culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson-Trammell has called the move to merge schools a step in the district’s long-term plan toward fiscal stability, including centralizing service providers and school-site spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But all that could change come January when the board will turn over again. Director Mike Hutchinson, a staunch opponent of school closures, will remain on the board, and Rachel Latta, who will take over Davis’ seat, has also expressed concern over them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thompson appears headed for reelection in District 7, which contains four of the affected campuses, and two other new board members will serve District 5 and District 3, where the remaining six schools are located.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The schools the district plans to merge are:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>International Community School and Think College Now Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Manzanita Community School and Manzanita SEED Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>United for Success Academy and Life Academy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Acorn Woodland Elementary and EnCompass Academy\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Fred T. Korematsu Discovery Academy and Esperanza Elementary School\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
"id": "closealltabs",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/closealltabs",
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"order": 1
},
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"id": "code-switch-life-kit",
"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
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"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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