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"content": "\u003cp>California’s $20-an-hour\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/minimum-wage\"> minimum wage\u003c/a> for larger fast food chains has not led to overall job losses, according to a new report by UC Berkeley’s Institute for Research on Labor and Employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new wage floor, the highest in the U.S., went into effect on April 1. According to research by economists Michael Reich of UC Berkeley and Denis Sosinskiy of UC Davis, menu prices have only slightly increased.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://irle.berkeley.edu/publications/working-papers/sectoral-wage-setting-in-california/\">study\u003c/a> found that hundreds of thousands of fast-food workers saw their hourly pay rise by an average of 18%, yet the wage hike did not reduce employment, as industry groups had warned. Menu prices grew by about 15 cents on a $4 hamburger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The policy did not affect employment adversely. It did increase fast food prices, on a one-time basis only, by about 3.7%,” the authors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are consistent with the bulk of minimum wage studies, which find “minimal employment effects,” Reich and Sosinskiy wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To assess the policy’s effect on industry employment, Reich and Sosinskiy used the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics’ Current Employment Statistics. In a category of businesses dominated by fast food, the data show about 750,000 jobs statewide in July 2024 and July 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983537\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983537\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240228-NewsomPoliticalBreakdown-16-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom poses for a portrait in the Sacramento KQED offices on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The report comes as California voters will decide the fate of a minimum wage bump to $18 an hour by 2026 for all employees. Opponents of Proposition 32, which is on the November ballot, argue that businesses adjusting to a more costly payroll would be forced to raise consumer prices and slash jobs, a position similar to those who fought the fast food wage hike when it was being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 32 would not impact higher pay floors already set by dozens of cities and counties or in certain industries, such as fast food and health care. Most health care facilities will be required \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dlse/Health-Care-Worker-Minimum-Wage-FAQ.htm#:~:text=When%20does%20the%20minimum%20wage,in%20the%202024%20Budget%2C%20or\">to start\u003c/a> gradually increasing the hourly minimum wage to $25 as early as Oct. 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001133 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/FastFoodWorkersGetty1-1020x712.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Gov. Gavin Newsom, who signed the state law enacting the fast food wage hike last September, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001133/california-governor-touts-fast-food-job-growth-with-higher-minimum-wage\">touted federal jobs data\u003c/a> pointing to industry growth despite higher payroll expenses. Critics responded by highlighting a separate federal data set adjusted for seasonal variations, which shows relatively small job losses of about 2,200 from April through August in quick-service restaurants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, there were approximately 737,000 \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/SMU06000007072259001SA\">fast food jobs\u003c/a> as of last month, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 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At a council meeting in Los Angeles earlier this month, dozens of franchise restaurant owners requested the nine-member council hold off from mandating another increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many said they struggled financially to cope with the current pay of at least $20 an hour, had reduced work hours or jobs and even closed stores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1994424 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/09/240617-HealthcareMinWage-14-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill that would have allowed California to block private equity takeovers of health care facilities, saying existing laws already cover such transactions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB3129\">bill\u003c/a> that would have given \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> the ability to block private equity acquisitions of health care facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed legislation would have empowered the state’s attorney general to review and veto deals garnered by private equity firms deemed bad for consumers and patients. It covered transactions involving public hospitals, health systems, physician groups and long-term care facilities operating in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key provision aimed to prevent investors from meddling in health care decisions, ensuring that physicians and medical professionals retain autonomy over patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the bill was redundant because the \u003ca href=\"https://hcai.ca.gov/affordability/ohca/\">Office of Health Care Affordability\u003c/a> already has the authority to review and evaluate health care transactions in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private equity firms spend about \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/publication/private-equity-in-health-care-prevalence-impact-and-policy-options-for-california-and-the-u-s/#:~:text=View%20the%20Report&text=At%20its%20most%20recent%20peak,and%20%2420%20billion%20in%20California.\">$20 billion\u003c/a> a year on health care transactions in California alone and $83 billion nationally. Physician practices are particularly appealing targets, with the number of transactions increasing \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">sixfold over the past decade\u003c/a>. While financial firms promise operational efficiency and management expertise, critics said the need for rapid returns — typically within three to seven years — could lead to aggressive cost-cutting measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Investors often decrease staffing ratios, increase prices and buy up multiple health care entities in the same region or specialty to use that market power to hike prices,” said Dr. Christopher Cai, a physician at Brigham and Women’s Hospital and a Harvard Medical School researcher specializing in pharmacoeconomics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a 2021 \u003ca href=\"https://www.antitrustinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/AAI-UCB-EG_Private-Equity-I-Physician-Practice-Report_FINAL.pdf\">report\u003c/a> from UC Berkeley, the financial pressures created by private equity ownership can push physicians to meet patient quotas, prioritize more lucrative procedures or cut back on less profitable services. Over time, this can erode the quality of care patients receive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consumer advocates, labor unions and the California Medical Association called the measure crucial to patient care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today is a sad day for health care consumers,” said Assemblymember Jim Wood (D-Healdsburg), the bill’s sponsor, in a statement. “When we look across the nation, we see private equity’s encroachment into health care growing by leaps and bounds — and I had hoped California would be the first state to provide a preventive and reasonable initial review to protect health care consumers from being the victims of profit-driven investors who are not interested in ensuring that Californians get quality care where they need it and at an affordable price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill faced fierce opposition from the California Hospital Association and industry groups such as the American Investment Council (AIC) that argued the extra regulation could discourage investment in health care and limit innovation and access to capital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor’s well-reasoned decision will help patients and communities continue to have access to quality care,” said Drew Maloney, the Council’s CEO.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s veto may negatively influence support for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.markey.senate.gov/HealthOverWealth\">similar proposal\u003c/a> at the national level, where it was introduced by Sen. Ed Markey (D-Massachusetts).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Three dogs have reportedly been killed by coyotes in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Crissy Field this month, worrying pet owners who frequent the green space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The predators seem to have started appearing in the area months ago, according to Martha Walters, the chair of the Crissy Field Dog Group. Walters told KQED that the group began to look into increased coyote sightings in late April. Since then, Walters has reportedly received over 100 reports from people coming into contact with coyotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walters believes the coyotes might be coming from the Presidio since the Tunnel Tops, a park built over Highway 101 that connects the Presidio to Crissy Field, opened in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To keep it in perspective, the Presidio has been a den for maybe the past like 10 years for a number of coyotes,” Walters said. “They don’t know city lines, federal lines, wherever they are, so some of them go out into the more urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the creation of the Tunnel Tops, it provides a direct path. You just go over from one point to the other, and you’re at Crissy Field, and the coyotes this year have discovered that,” Walters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area received three reports from people whose dogs were fatally attacked in the area, according to spokesperson Julian Espinoza. In August, there was a deadly coyote attack on a dog at San Francisco’s Baker Beach, the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/coyote-pack-fatally-attacks-dog-baker-beach-19616693.php\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006548 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/BirderStory-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more than 40 years of walking at Crissy Field, Walters had never seen a coyote before this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s terrifying,” Walters said. “A lot of people, especially at Crissy Field, come from different parts of the Bay Area, or the state, even different states. There are visitors who come there. It’s a destination point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate National Recreation Area has posted additional signage to inform people about the coyote activity and will be monitoring the area and hazing any coyotes. Espinoza also said that all three attacks occurred while the dogs were off-leash, and people who bring their pets to walk or play in the area should keep them on leash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very important for dogs to be kept close by. While coyotes may be reluctant to approach people, they have no reservations about approaching dogs that are on their own,” Espinoza said in an email. “Right now, we’re determining what additional management actions are appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Three dogs have reportedly been killed by coyotes in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>’s Crissy Field this month, worrying pet owners who frequent the green space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The predators seem to have started appearing in the area months ago, according to Martha Walters, the chair of the Crissy Field Dog Group. Walters told KQED that the group began to look into increased coyote sightings in late April. Since then, Walters has reportedly received over 100 reports from people coming into contact with coyotes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walters believes the coyotes might be coming from the Presidio since the Tunnel Tops, a park built over Highway 101 that connects the Presidio to Crissy Field, opened in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To keep it in perspective, the Presidio has been a den for maybe the past like 10 years for a number of coyotes,” Walters said. “They don’t know city lines, federal lines, wherever they are, so some of them go out into the more urban areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the creation of the Tunnel Tops, it provides a direct path. You just go over from one point to the other, and you’re at Crissy Field, and the coyotes this year have discovered that,” Walters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area received three reports from people whose dogs were fatally attacked in the area, according to spokesperson Julian Espinoza. In August, there was a deadly coyote attack on a dog at San Francisco’s Baker Beach, the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/coyote-pack-fatally-attacks-dog-baker-beach-19616693.php\">reported\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In more than 40 years of walking at Crissy Field, Walters had never seen a coyote before this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s terrifying,” Walters said. “A lot of people, especially at Crissy Field, come from different parts of the Bay Area, or the state, even different states. There are visitors who come there. It’s a destination point.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Golden Gate National Recreation Area has posted additional signage to inform people about the coyote activity and will be monitoring the area and hazing any coyotes. Espinoza also said that all three attacks occurred while the dogs were off-leash, and people who bring their pets to walk or play in the area should keep them on leash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very important for dogs to be kept close by. While coyotes may be reluctant to approach people, they have no reservations about approaching dogs that are on their own,” Espinoza said in an email. “Right now, we’re determining what additional management actions are appropriate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes Bill to Create First-in-Nation AI Safety Measures",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a landmark bill aimed at establishing first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-regulation-bill-vote-cf581ef29fe47df8ce2ae3b979e07f73\">safety measures\u003c/a> for large artificial intelligence models Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a major blow to efforts attempting to rein in the homegrown industry that is rapidly evolving with little oversight. The bill would have established some of the first regulations on large-scale AI models in the nation and paved the way for AI safety regulations across the country, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Democratic governor told an audience at Dreamforce, an annual conference hosted by software giant Salesforce, that California must lead in regulating AI in the face of federal inaction but that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-meta-google-ai-regulation-fight-e3a9c25b597b5f469fe0de149572f87e\">the proposal\u003c/a> “can have a chilling effect on the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which drew fierce opposition from startups, tech giants and several Democratic House members, could have hurt the homegrown industry by establishing rigid requirements, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While well-intentioned, SB 1047 does not take into account whether an AI system is deployed in high-risk environments, involves critical decision-making or the use of sensitive data,” Newsom said in a statement. “Instead, the bill applies stringent standards to even the most basic functions — so long as a large system deploys it. I do not believe this is the best approach to protecting the public from real threats posed by the technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Sunday instead announced that the state will partner with several industry experts, including AI pioneer \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ai-pioneer-feifei-li-stanford-computer-vision-imagenet-702717c10defd89feabf01e6c1566a4b\">Fei-Fei Li\u003c/a>, to develop guardrails around powerful AI models. Li opposed the AI safety proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of SB 1047, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, told KQED Sunday said it was a major missed opportunity for California to lead on tech regulation and on AI safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>This bill was meticulously put together. We worked with some of the most brilliant AI experts in the world. We worked with technology companies. We we worked with a huge coalition on this bill and it deserved to be signed,” Wiener said. “The governor obviously disagreed, and it’s a missed opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, aimed at reducing potential risks created by AI, would have required companies to test their models and publicly disclose their safety protocols to prevent the models from being manipulated to, for example, wipe out the state’s electric grid or help build chemical weapons. Experts say those scenarios could be possible in the future as the industry continues to rapidly advance. It also would have provided whistleblower protections to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-election-deepfakes-safety-regulations-eb6bbc80e346744dbb250f931ebca9f3\">a host of bills\u003c/a> passed by the Legislature this year to regulate AI, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">fight deepfakes\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect workers\u003c/a>. State lawmakers said California must take actions this year, citing hard lessons they learned from failing to rein in social media companies when they might have had a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including Elon Musk and Anthropic, said the proposal could have injected some levels of transparency and accountability around large-scale AI models, as developers and experts say they still don’t have a full understanding of how AI models behave and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill targeted systems that require \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/measuring-ai-safety-risk-flops-california-1047-6d556799683b02aa192b821462422aa2\">more than $100 million\u003c/a> to build. No current AI models have hit that threshold, but some experts said that could change within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is because of the massive investment scale-up within the industry,” said Daniel Kokotajlo, a former OpenAI researcher who resigned in April over what he saw as the company’s disregard for AI risks. “This is a crazy amount of power to have any private company control unaccountably, and it’s also incredibly risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is already behind \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/european-union-artificial-intelligence-8ed875df104fbc254b3dd09f348255e8\">Europe in regulating AI\u003c/a> to limit risks. The California proposal wasn’t as comprehensive as regulations in Europe, but it would have been a good first step to set guardrails around the rapidly growing technology that is raising concerns about job loss, misinformation, invasions of privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of leading AI companies last year \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-safeguards-joe-biden-kamala-harris-4caf02b94275429f764b06840897436c\">voluntarily agreed\u003c/a> to follow safeguards set by the White House, such as testing and sharing information about their models. The California bill would have mandated AI developers to follow requirements similar to those commitments, said the measure’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002254,news_12003542,forum_2010101906887,news_12005269\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics, including former U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, argued that the bill would “kill California tech” and stifle innovation. It would have discouraged AI developers from investing in large models or sharing open-source software, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision to veto the bill marks another win in California for big tech companies and AI developers, many of whom spent the past year lobbying alongside the California Chamber of Commerce to sway the governor and lawmakers from advancing AI regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other sweeping AI proposals, which also faced mounting opposition from the tech industry and others, died ahead of a legislative deadline last month. The bills would have required AI developers to label AI-generated content and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-bias-discrimination-regulation-ai-ff1d0860663723079aac3666b38f2320\">ban discrimination from AI tools\u003c/a> used to make employment decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said earlier this summer he wanted to protect California’s status as a global leader in AI, noting that 32 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are located in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promoted California as an early adopter as the state \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-generative-artificial-intelligence-contracts-c178a60b679193ca03168d053f3b811b\">could soon deploy generative AI tools\u003c/a> to address highway congestion, provide tax guidance and streamline homelessness programs. The state also announced last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nvidia-artificial-intelligence-ai-california-0958f43b6aecbdb7617dfcb78bad7319\">a voluntary partnership\u003c/a> with AI giant Nvidia to help train students, college faculty, developers and data scientists. California is also considering new rules against AI discrimination in hiring practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Newsom signed some of the toughest laws in the country to crack down on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">election deepfakes\u003c/a> and measures to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect Hollywood workers\u003c/a> from unauthorized AI use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with Newsom’s veto, the California safety proposal is inspiring lawmakers in other states to take up similar measures, said Tatiana Rice, deputy director of the Future of Privacy Forum, a nonprofit that works with lawmakers on technology and privacy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are going to potentially either copy it or do something similar next legislative session,” Rice said. “So it’s not going away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nik Altenberg contributed reporting to this story. The Associated Press and OpenAI have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/openai-chatgpt-associated-press-ap-f86f84c5bcc2f3b98074b38521f5f75a\">a licensing and technology agreement\u003c/a> that allows OpenAI access to part of AP’s text archives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "In an interview with KQED, state Sen. Scott Wiener — who authored the bill — said Gov. Newsom's veto is 'a major missed opportunity for California.'",
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"title": "Newsom Vetoes Bill to Create First-in-Nation AI Safety Measures | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:30 p.m. Sunday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed a landmark bill aimed at establishing first-in-the-nation \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-regulation-bill-vote-cf581ef29fe47df8ce2ae3b979e07f73\">safety measures\u003c/a> for large artificial intelligence models Sunday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision is a major blow to efforts attempting to rein in the homegrown industry that is rapidly evolving with little oversight. The bill would have established some of the first regulations on large-scale AI models in the nation and paved the way for AI safety regulations across the country, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the Democratic governor told an audience at Dreamforce, an annual conference hosted by software giant Salesforce, that California must lead in regulating AI in the face of federal inaction but that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-meta-google-ai-regulation-fight-e3a9c25b597b5f469fe0de149572f87e\">the proposal\u003c/a> “can have a chilling effect on the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, which drew fierce opposition from startups, tech giants and several Democratic House members, could have hurt the homegrown industry by establishing rigid requirements, Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While well-intentioned, SB 1047 does not take into account whether an AI system is deployed in high-risk environments, involves critical decision-making or the use of sensitive data,” Newsom said in a statement. “Instead, the bill applies stringent standards to even the most basic functions — so long as a large system deploys it. I do not believe this is the best approach to protecting the public from real threats posed by the technology.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Sunday instead announced that the state will partner with several industry experts, including AI pioneer \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/ai-pioneer-feifei-li-stanford-computer-vision-imagenet-702717c10defd89feabf01e6c1566a4b\">Fei-Fei Li\u003c/a>, to develop guardrails around powerful AI models. Li opposed the AI safety proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The author of SB 1047, state Sen. Scott Wiener of San Francisco, told KQED Sunday said it was a major missed opportunity for California to lead on tech regulation and on AI safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003cb>\u003c/b>This bill was meticulously put together. We worked with some of the most brilliant AI experts in the world. We worked with technology companies. We we worked with a huge coalition on this bill and it deserved to be signed,” Wiener said. “The governor obviously disagreed, and it’s a missed opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, aimed at reducing potential risks created by AI, would have required companies to test their models and publicly disclose their safety protocols to prevent the models from being manipulated to, for example, wipe out the state’s electric grid or help build chemical weapons. Experts say those scenarios could be possible in the future as the industry continues to rapidly advance. It also would have provided whistleblower protections to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation is among \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-election-deepfakes-safety-regulations-eb6bbc80e346744dbb250f931ebca9f3\">a host of bills\u003c/a> passed by the Legislature this year to regulate AI, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">fight deepfakes\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect workers\u003c/a>. State lawmakers said California must take actions this year, citing hard lessons they learned from failing to rein in social media companies when they might have had a chance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the measure, including Elon Musk and Anthropic, said the proposal could have injected some levels of transparency and accountability around large-scale AI models, as developers and experts say they still don’t have a full understanding of how AI models behave and why.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill targeted systems that require \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/measuring-ai-safety-risk-flops-california-1047-6d556799683b02aa192b821462422aa2\">more than $100 million\u003c/a> to build. No current AI models have hit that threshold, but some experts said that could change within the next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is because of the massive investment scale-up within the industry,” said Daniel Kokotajlo, a former OpenAI researcher who resigned in April over what he saw as the company’s disregard for AI risks. “This is a crazy amount of power to have any private company control unaccountably, and it’s also incredibly risky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United States is already behind \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/european-union-artificial-intelligence-8ed875df104fbc254b3dd09f348255e8\">Europe in regulating AI\u003c/a> to limit risks. The California proposal wasn’t as comprehensive as regulations in Europe, but it would have been a good first step to set guardrails around the rapidly growing technology that is raising concerns about job loss, misinformation, invasions of privacy and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-ai-explained-policy-technology-regulations-discrimination-d3226c9139d3d06af263e7ff467d0666\">automation bias\u003c/a>, supporters said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of leading AI companies last year \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-safeguards-joe-biden-kamala-harris-4caf02b94275429f764b06840897436c\">voluntarily agreed\u003c/a> to follow safeguards set by the White House, such as testing and sharing information about their models. The California bill would have mandated AI developers to follow requirements similar to those commitments, said the measure’s supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But critics, including former U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, argued that the bill would “kill California tech” and stifle innovation. It would have discouraged AI developers from investing in large models or sharing open-source software, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s decision to veto the bill marks another win in California for big tech companies and AI developers, many of whom spent the past year lobbying alongside the California Chamber of Commerce to sway the governor and lawmakers from advancing AI regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other sweeping AI proposals, which also faced mounting opposition from the tech industry and others, died ahead of a legislative deadline last month. The bills would have required AI developers to label AI-generated content and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/artificial-intelligence-bias-discrimination-regulation-ai-ff1d0860663723079aac3666b38f2320\">ban discrimination from AI tools\u003c/a> used to make employment decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said earlier this summer he wanted to protect California’s status as a global leader in AI, noting that 32 of the world’s top 50 AI companies are located in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He has promoted California as an early adopter as the state \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-ai-generative-artificial-intelligence-contracts-c178a60b679193ca03168d053f3b811b\">could soon deploy generative AI tools\u003c/a> to address highway congestion, provide tax guidance and streamline homelessness programs. The state also announced last month \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/nvidia-artificial-intelligence-ai-california-0958f43b6aecbdb7617dfcb78bad7319\">a voluntary partnership\u003c/a> with AI giant Nvidia to help train students, college faculty, developers and data scientists. California is also considering new rules against AI discrimination in hiring practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, Newsom signed some of the toughest laws in the country to crack down on \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-artificial-intelligence-deepfakes-election-0e70cb32b06d9187eaef5bdacaba6d77\">election deepfakes\u003c/a> and measures to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-hollywood-actors-ai-protections-artificial-intelligence-d3d53135ee76849c2da1388efcfc8975\">protect Hollywood workers\u003c/a> from unauthorized AI use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with Newsom’s veto, the California safety proposal is inspiring lawmakers in other states to take up similar measures, said Tatiana Rice, deputy director of the Future of Privacy Forum, a nonprofit that works with lawmakers on technology and privacy proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are going to potentially either copy it or do something similar next legislative session,” Rice said. “So it’s not going away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Nik Altenberg contributed reporting to this story. The Associated Press and OpenAI have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/openai-chatgpt-associated-press-ap-f86f84c5bcc2f3b98074b38521f5f75a\">a licensing and technology agreement\u003c/a> that allows OpenAI access to part of AP’s text archives.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "newsom-has-not-solved-californias-housing-crisis-3-lessons-for-kamala-harris",
"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Has Not Solved California’s Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12002010,forum_2010101906781,forum_2010101906944\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"title": "Newsom Has Not Solved California's Housing Crisis. 3 Lessons for Kamala Harris | KQED",
"description": "Kamala Harris pledges to build 3 million affordable homes and apartments in her first term as president, but Gov. Newsom has fallen short on a similar campaign promise in California. What lessons can she learn?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For California political observers, the housing plan that Kamala Harris recently unveiled may have caused a twinge of familiarity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a \u003ca href=\"https://mailchi.mp/press.kamalaharris.com/vice-president-harris-lays-out-agenda-to-lower-costs-for-american-families\">central plank of her agenda\u003c/a> to “lower costs for American families,” the Democratic presidential nominee pledged in August to build 3 million additional affordable homes and rentals over the next four years to address “a serious housing shortage across America” — echoing Gov. Gavin Newsom’s platform during his first gubernatorial campaign in 2018, when he called for California to add 3.5 million housing units by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing policy experts are enthusiastic about many of the ideas that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/Kamala-Harris/\">Harris\u003c/a> floated to promote production, which include creating a new tax incentive for developers who build starter homes for first-time homebuyers, expanding a tax incentive for affordable rental housing projects and establishing a $40 billion “innovation fund” to finance construction, as well as repurposing some federal land for housing and streamlining the permitting processes for projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Lens, a professor of urban planning and public policy at UCLA, called it a wonk’s wish list: “This is all of the stuff we talk about at dorky academic conferences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But transforming the housing market from the top is difficult, as Newsom’s experience has demonstrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California has increased production during his time in office — about 112,000 units were completed last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/housing-open-data-tools/housing-element-implementation-and-apr-dashboard\">according to the Department of Housing and Community Development\u003c/a>, compared to about 70,000 in 2018 — it is still only building at a fifth of the rate necessary to meet his original target.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has since acknowledged that 3.5 million units “was always a stretch goal” and scaled back. His office declined an interview request for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with new policy priorities in place, high construction costs, onerous regulations, lack of public funding and community resistance remain major hurdles to supercharging homebuilding in California — offering lessons for a potential Harris administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’re going to be limited in your ability to change things on the ground,” said Ben Metcalf, a former state and federal housing official who is now managing director of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley. “Even when you are trying to move carrots and sticks, you find years later, what do you have to show?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-set-manageable-goals\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Set manageable goals\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The high cost of housing has long been a top concern for Californians, but the problem is \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/08/22/business/economy/housing-crisis-kalamazoo-michigan.html\">spreading across the nation\u003c/a>. Industry data indicates that home prices \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/interactive/2024/housing-market-price-trends-zip-code-map/\">exploded over the past five years\u003c/a>, up more than 50% since 2019, while rent \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/rent-cost-us-2024-housing-national/\">surged by about a third\u003c/a> during that time, outstripping raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People moving \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/07/cheap-places-to-live-california/\">from expensive cities to outlying areas\u003c/a> for more affordable housing or moving into bigger homes during the coronavirus pandemic has driven up demand in new places, while even many recent pro-growth boom towns are becoming strained by the natural limits of expansion or a dimming taste for development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is plenty of reason to think that it could get worse, in the sense that California is a bellwether,” Lens said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is constrained in California by pricey land, local zoning limits and fees, lengthy permitting processes and the threat of litigation, all of which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/housing-costs-high-california/\">drive up the cost of building\u003c/a> and make it difficult for many projects to pencil out financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear where the Harris campaign came up with its goal of 3 million housing units over the next four years — or how exactly it would measure success, given the emphasis on affordability. A campaign spokesperson did not respond to questions seeking a more detailed explanation, though he did clarify that this would be above current production.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That would require a President Harris to immediately boost construction nationwide by 50%, to levels not seen since before the housing market crashed during the 2008 financial crisis. The country built about 1.45 million new homes last year, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/construction/nrc/data/series.html\">U.S. Census Bureau\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strategy carries some political risk. Newsom set an ambitious housing goal as a candidate for governor, which would have required California to build 500,000 new homes per year, and then \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/10/newsom-california-housing-crisis/\">faced criticism for falling short\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/092623_Newsom-Gun-Bill-Signing_MG_CM_11-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom during a press conference where he signed new gun legislation into law at the Capitol Annex Swing Space in Sacramento on Sept. 26, 2023. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Metcalf noted that Harris’ plan for 3 million homes is more aggressive than the 2 million figure that President Joe Biden was campaigning on before he dropped out of the race this summer, but far below the \u003ca href=\"https://www.hud.gov/sites/documents/LEGS_CHRON_JUNE2014.PDF\">Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 (PDF)\u003c/a>, which targeted the construction or rehabilitation of 26 million units over the next decade, including six million for low- and moderate-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last time we saw an incoming president really putting a big, bold number on the board was that,” Metcalf said. “She wants to be able to campaign for a second term saying, ‘Hey, we did it.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-clear-regulatory-hurdles\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Clear regulatory hurdles\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California officials are undertaking a serious push to make it easier to build housing. Over the past several years, they have passed major legislation that allows landowners to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/08/california-housing-crisis-zoning-bill/\">add additional units on single-family lots\u003c/a> in residential neighborhoods, streamlines the process for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/08/california-housing-crisis-labor-deal/\">turning empty commercial properties into housing\u003c/a>, shields certain affordable projects \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/09/affordable-housing-california/\">from lengthy environmental reviews and legal challenges\u003c/a>, opens up \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-housing-laws-2024/\">land owned by religious institutions and colleges\u003c/a> for construction, and gives developers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/04/builders-remedy-bills/\">more tools to speed up permitting\u003c/a> in uncooperative cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates projected these policies could unlock millions of new homes across the state, but the impact so far has been significantly more modest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a precursor to making a lot of these things work,” Lens said. “We have to make housing more allowable in more places.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006974\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006974\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/070822_Housing_Elk-Grove_RL_CM_08-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">New housing construction in Elk Grove on July 8, 2022. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A series of laws to encourage more “accessory dwelling units” has been a promising exception, according to Chris Elmendorf, a UC Davis law professor with an expertise in land use and housing law. Since California forced local governments to waive fees and affordability requirements and grant faster approval for backyard cottages and other secondary units, the state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/11/adu-san-diego/\">has seen a boom of ADU construction\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elmendorf said Harris’ proposed tax incentive for starter homes — which is not an official category, but generally refers to more modest housing that provides a cheaper entry point into the market — could similarly provide a quick jolt to the housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the goal is to promote small, inexpensive, market-rate homes, that’s really different than what California has been doing,” Elmendorf said. “California has been able to pass a lot of laws, but it hasn’t been able to pass many laws that make housing economically feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts argue that California has not been able to maximize the effectiveness of its new pro-housing laws because it is prioritizing so many other goals — demands to use union labor, requirements for more deed-restricted affordable units to reduce gentrification, environmental considerations to discourage sprawl and climate risks — that it’s still too expensive to build here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The high costs for workers, materials and local regulations have been compounded lately by elevated interest rates, which drive up the price tag to finance projects and may actually be \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-04-02/california-is-building-fewer-homes-the-state-could-get-even-more-expensive\">reversing California’s progress on construction\u003c/a>. Metcalf compared it to a straw breaking the camel’s back for the building industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that we’ve made almost no progress on as a state,” he said. “Once you have the table set, if the costs are too high, then nothing gets built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s of particular concern for affordable housing developers, who rely heavily on public funding. Chione Lucina Muñoz Flegal, executive director of the affordable housing advocacy group Housing California, said that despite state laws that have made it easier to plan projects, developers continue to struggle to pull together enough money to get them over the finish line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is hopeful about a surge in financial support — through the tax incentives and innovation fund in Harris’ plan — that has been unavailable from state or local governments, which she said have not generally prioritized money for affordable housing because constituents do not understand the benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a narrative challenge that we’re grappling with that often translates into a political challenge,” Flegal said. “That’s a way the federal government could be impactful in a way the state could never be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"h-use-sticks-as-well-as-carrots\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Use sticks as well as carrots\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Though Newsom made clear his desire to boost housing production in California, not everyone has been on board with his approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some cities, particularly wealthy or coastal suburbs, have vigorously fought to restrict additional development in their own communities, resisting a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/03/03/state-plan-calls-for-2-5-million-new-homes-by-2030/\">state mandate to plan for far more housing\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/06/california-housing-law-charter-city/\">suing to exempt themselves\u003c/a> or overturn new laws that make it easier to build more densely. They contend these policies would destroy the character of their communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who argues that everyone must do their part to solve the crisis, has cracked down by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2021/10/california-housing-podcast-enforcement/\">creating a new enforcement unit\u003c/a> within the state housing department and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/socal/daily-pilot/news/story/2023-04-11/state-of-california-goes-after-huntington-beach-following-housing-plan-rejection\">suing the most intransigent cities\u003c/a> for failing to approve housing plans or \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/community/elk-grove/article291934245.html\">even specific projects\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12006975\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12006975\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/020624_No-Place-Like-Home_CC_CM_29-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A framer works to build the Ruby Street apartments in Castro Valley on Feb. 6, 2024. The construction project is funded by the No Place Like Home bond, which passed in 2018 to create affordable housing for homeless residents experiencing mental health issues. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the federal government does not have the same legal authority that California has given itself to demand local communities build more housing, and there’s no guarantee that Congress would be willing to step in to play more of a role in what has traditionally been a local matter in most states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plans don’t translate into outcomes if people don’t want to build housing,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So to reach her goal of 3 million new homes, Harris would have to rely more on the proposed incentives, such as the tax breaks for starter homes and affordable rentals and the innovation fund, for voluntary compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts believe she has a good political opportunity to actually get her plan passed. Congress will be under pressure next year to extend a series of tax cuts made under former President Donald Trump that are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnbc.com/2024/05/18/trump-tcja-tax-cuts-are-slated-to-expire-after-next-year.html\">set to expire at the end of 2025\u003c/a>, which could be used as a bargaining chip for Harris’ housing proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal government also has the power of the purse on a scale well beyond California, which it could amplify through regulations — such as tying transportation dollars to building more housing — that make supporting development the more desirable option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has tried this type of regulatory incentive, encouraging local governments to remove obstacles to construction with grant money and creating a “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/planning-and-community-development/prohousing-designation-program\">pro-housing designation\u003c/a>” for cities that adopt streamlined development policies, which gives them privileged access to state funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, that pro-housing designation is not based on outcomes. So that’s a fundamental problem,” Elmendorf said. “That’s something Harris will have to figure out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "‘Underdog’ Vice President Harris Implores San Francisco Supporters to Help Her Win the White House",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With just over a month left before Election Day, Vice President Kamala Harris spoke to a boisterous and rapt crowd at a fundraiser for her presidential campaign in San Francisco — the city where she first was elected to public office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It really is good to be home — so many friends, my goodness,” she said to sustained applause and wild cheering. “OK, c’mon — we have work to do. Let’s sit down\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thousands of people gathered inside the cavernous Palace of Fine Arts along San Francisco’s northern waterfront — a Greco-Roman building originally built for the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition. They packed into chairs and onto a balcony to hear Harris lay out her vision for America in a truncated stump speech that hit on her main messages, including her plans to strengthen the middle class, lower costs and sign a national abortion law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She also warned the adoring crowd of the danger of returning former President Donald Trump to the White House.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, he is an unserious man, he is an unserious man — however the consequences of putting him back in the White House are extremely serious,” Harris said before listing some of what she sees as those consequences including: cuts to Social Security and Medicaid, ending the Affordable Care Act, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods, which she called the “Trump tax hike.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris warned the crowd that this was a “margin of error race,” saying she believed she was the underdog and imploring them to work hard for the next 38 days. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are leaving it all on the field,” she said. “The leaders in this room have done so much already — and I am gonna ask for a little bit more. Each one of you is part of large networks, and I am asking you to activate those networks, tell your friends and colleagues and neighbors what is at stake, tell them why you came out today.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tickets for the fundraiser started at $500 and went up to $926,300 for the title of event chair, as well as four tickets, a reception with Harris, lunch and a photo with the vice president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to an invite sent out last week, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu is among the hosts. In the invitation, Chiu wrote that he’s known Harris for 26 years since they were prosecutors together and that with the presidential race, “incredibly close … she needs our support more than ever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris traveled to the Bay Area after\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/27/nx-s1-5127374/harris-arizona-border-migration-asylum\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> spending Friday at the border in Arizona\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, where she made her first detailed remarks on how she plans to tackle border security and immigration reform since declaring her candidacy in July. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The crowd in San Francisco was packed with a who’s who of local and state elected leaders, including California Lt. Governor Eleni Kounalakis, Treasurer Fiona Ma and Controller Malia Cohen. Also in attendance was longtime Harris friend and BART Board member Lateefah Simon, who is running for the Oakland congressional seat long held by Rep. Barbara Lee, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Among those firing up the crowd ahead of Harris: Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who gave brief remarks, and R&B singer Andra Day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the event, Cohen said she hoped that Harris — who she considers a mentor — inspired attendees to get out and campaign.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Today was very special. I brought my 4-year-old daughter,” she said. “Personally, I’m very proud and excited of Kamala. I’m fired up. I’m energized … I hope everyone gets off the sideline and gets into the game and really does more than just put up a sign.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">With just over a month left before Election Day, Vice President Kamala Harris spoke to a boisterous and rapt crowd at a fundraiser for her presidential campaign in San Francisco — the city where she first was elected to public office. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“It really is good to be home — so many friends, my goodness,” she said to sustained applause and wild cheering. “OK, c’mon — we have work to do. Let’s sit down\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Thousands of people gathered inside the cavernous Palace of Fine Arts along San Francisco’s northern waterfront — a Greco-Roman building originally built for the 1915 Panama-Pacific International Exposition. They packed into chairs and onto a balcony to hear Harris lay out her vision for America in a truncated stump speech that hit on her main messages, including her plans to strengthen the middle class, lower costs and sign a national abortion law.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">She also warned the adoring crowd of the danger of returning former President Donald Trump to the White House.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">In many ways, he is an unserious man, he is an unserious man — however the consequences of putting him back in the White House are extremely serious,” Harris said before listing some of what she sees as those consequences including: cuts to Social Security and Medicaid, ending the Affordable Care Act, and imposing tariffs on foreign goods, which she called the “Trump tax hike.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris warned the crowd that this was a “margin of error race,” saying she believed she was the underdog and imploring them to work hard for the next 38 days. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“We are leaving it all on the field,” she said. “The leaders in this room have done so much already — and I am gonna ask for a little bit more. Each one of you is part of large networks, and I am asking you to activate those networks, tell your friends and colleagues and neighbors what is at stake, tell them why you came out today.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Tickets for the fundraiser started at $500 and went up to $926,300 for the title of event chair, as well as four tickets, a reception with Harris, lunch and a photo with the vice president. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">According to an invite sent out last week, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu is among the hosts. In the invitation, Chiu wrote that he’s known Harris for 26 years since they were prosecutors together and that with the presidential race, “incredibly close … she needs our support more than ever.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Harris traveled to the Bay Area after\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/09/27/nx-s1-5127374/harris-arizona-border-migration-asylum\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> spending Friday at the border in Arizona\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, where she made her first detailed remarks on how she plans to tackle border security and immigration reform since declaring her candidacy in July. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The crowd in San Francisco was packed with a who’s who of local and state elected leaders, including California Lt. Governor Eleni Kounalakis, Treasurer Fiona Ma and Controller Malia Cohen. Also in attendance was longtime Harris friend and BART Board member Lateefah Simon, who is running for the Oakland congressional seat long held by Rep. Barbara Lee, \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Among those firing up the crowd ahead of Harris: Former Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who gave brief remarks, and R&B singer Andra Day. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">After the event, Cohen said she hoped that Harris — who she considers a mentor — inspired attendees to get out and campaign.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“Today was very special. I brought my 4-year-old daughter,” she said. “Personally, I’m very proud and excited of Kamala. I’m fired up. I’m energized … I hope everyone gets off the sideline and gets into the game and really does more than just put up a sign.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda County Reparations Commission Extended 2 Years With Slashed Budget",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> In an earlier version of this story, the role of graduate students from the UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy and Mills College was erroneously characterized. The students will be paid by Alameda County. The story has been updated.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">Alameda County Reparations Commission was stalled before\u003c/a>, the commission now has the vehicle to address racial inequities and harm in neutral and is trying to push it down the road itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, the 15-member body was supposed to complete its review of anti-Black policy throughout Alameda County’s county history and design an action plan to remedy the harm by July 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the county extended the group’s mandate for two years last week and followed with a budget grant. The group will receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_9_26_24/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/Item_28_1_Reparations_Miley_Marquez.pdf\">$92,340.10\u003c/a> over the two years, less than 2% of the $5 million that was requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money includes a $50-per-meeting stipend for the commissioners, the commission’s clerk, the room rental and printing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just enough for us to meet and keep the door open,” Debra Gore-Mann, the commission chair, said at a meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission asked for $5 million to fund community surveys on residents’ experiences of discrimination and their visions for what meaningful repair could look like. The $5 million would have also funded researchers to collect records on discriminatory policy and data on its impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Board of Supervisors meeting on Sept. 17, Shadrick Small, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute who is on the commission, urged the board to grant the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a research body. We’re a deliberative body,” he said during public comment. “We’re meant to aggregate all the data and public thought to create good solutions, but we need resources to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006819 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/ReparationsAP-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley, who advises the commission along with Supervisor Elisa Márquez, previously warned that county money is in short supply. This past summer, the county managed to close a $68 million hole in its $4.6 billion annual budget by reducing spending and digging into savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Weissinger, a UC Berkeley professor, served on the Berkeley Unified School District Reparations Task Force, which similarly had no funding for research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said white members of the commission, including herself, provided volunteer labor to help move the task force forward. She said, expecting Alameda County’s predominantly Black commission to do the same hits differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have Black unpaid labor trying to figure out how to remedy Black unpaid labor, we have a problem,” Weissinger told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, Weissinger and Dr. Ashley Adams, co-directors of the Black Reparations Project, advised the commission to seek technical assistance from local graduate students and reparations advocacy groups, and to adjust it’s strategy to account for the lack of research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force, which was budgeted $4.7 million over two years, held a series of community listening sessions, hired a team of economists and researchers and produced a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a>. The report detailed anti-Black policy throughout California’s history and made more than 100 policy recommendations, some of which were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, the BUSD task force heard presentations from experts, conducted a community survey, and, in its \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/meetings/TempFolder/Meetings/BUSD%20Reparations%20Task%20Force%20Report%20and%20Recommendations%20(Final)_821671ylu0zqgzdowparvivpz0jyfr.pdf\">final report\u003c/a>, made three policy recommendations, including advising the district to hire a consultant to conduct a review of policies and their impact on Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore-Mann, who is also the president and CEO of The Greenlining Institute, said she is looking for private donations to augment county funding. The commission is now sponsored by the county library system, an arrangement that doesn’t provide funding but allows the group to accept philanthropic donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commission tried to work with students at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy last year, but the effort was hampered by county red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, she asked Miley whether the commission would benefit from advocating for their cause with individual supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there is a lack of commitment,” Miley said. “We just have a lot coming at us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials said additional funding could be approved down the line and asked the commission to resubmit a more detailed budget request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustration with the county over the budget allocation was palpable at the meeting, but Commissioner Larry McClendon tried to keep the group positive. He said the group could build awareness about the county’s reparations process by doing outreach in their personal and professional networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a really good position to hit the ground running if we can get some assistance,” McClendon said. “Maybe ‘cause I’m a Raiders fan, I know how to deal with losses and remain positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Alameda County extended the group’s mandate for two years, but the budget is less than 2% of what commissioners requested. With more time, the group is now reconsidering its goals.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s Note:\u003c/strong> In an earlier version of this story, the role of graduate students from the UC Berkeley Goldman School of Public Policy and Mills College was erroneously characterized. The students will be paid by Alameda County. The story has been updated.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989301/reparations-efforts-in-alameda-county-stumble-and-try-to-pick-themselves-up\">Alameda County Reparations Commission was stalled before\u003c/a>, the commission now has the vehicle to address racial inequities and harm in neutral and is trying to push it down the road itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initially, the 15-member body was supposed to complete its review of anti-Black policy throughout Alameda County’s county history and design an action plan to remedy the harm by July 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the county extended the group’s mandate for two years last week and followed with a budget grant. The group will receive \u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_9_26_24/GENERAL%20ADMINISTRATION/Regular%20Calendar/Item_28_1_Reparations_Miley_Marquez.pdf\">$92,340.10\u003c/a> over the two years, less than 2% of the $5 million that was requested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The money includes a $50-per-meeting stipend for the commissioners, the commission’s clerk, the room rental and printing costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just enough for us to meet and keep the door open,” Debra Gore-Mann, the commission chair, said at a meeting on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission asked for $5 million to fund community surveys on residents’ experiences of discrimination and their visions for what meaningful repair could look like. The $5 million would have also funded researchers to collect records on discriminatory policy and data on its impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Board of Supervisors meeting on Sept. 17, Shadrick Small, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s Othering & Belonging Institute who is on the commission, urged the board to grant the request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not a research body. We’re a deliberative body,” he said during public comment. “We’re meant to aggregate all the data and public thought to create good solutions, but we need resources to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board President Nate Miley, who advises the commission along with Supervisor Elisa Márquez, previously warned that county money is in short supply. This past summer, the county managed to close a $68 million hole in its $4.6 billion annual budget by reducing spending and digging into savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Erika Weissinger, a UC Berkeley professor, served on the Berkeley Unified School District Reparations Task Force, which similarly had no funding for research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said white members of the commission, including herself, provided volunteer labor to help move the task force forward. She said, expecting Alameda County’s predominantly Black commission to do the same hits differently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have Black unpaid labor trying to figure out how to remedy Black unpaid labor, we have a problem,” Weissinger told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, Weissinger and Dr. Ashley Adams, co-directors of the Black Reparations Project, advised the commission to seek technical assistance from local graduate students and reparations advocacy groups, and to adjust it’s strategy to account for the lack of research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Reparations Task Force, which was budgeted $4.7 million over two years, held a series of community listening sessions, hired a team of economists and researchers and produced a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">final report\u003c/a>. The report detailed anti-Black policy throughout California’s history and made more than 100 policy recommendations, some of which were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006819/california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills\">signed into law\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In contrast, the BUSD task force heard presentations from experts, conducted a community survey, and, in its \u003ca href=\"https://simbli.eboardsolutions.com/meetings/TempFolder/Meetings/BUSD%20Reparations%20Task%20Force%20Report%20and%20Recommendations%20(Final)_821671ylu0zqgzdowparvivpz0jyfr.pdf\">final report\u003c/a>, made three policy recommendations, including advising the district to hire a consultant to conduct a review of policies and their impact on Black students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gore-Mann, who is also the president and CEO of The Greenlining Institute, said she is looking for private donations to augment county funding. The commission is now sponsored by the county library system, an arrangement that doesn’t provide funding but allows the group to accept philanthropic donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the commission tried to work with students at UC Berkeley’s Goldman School of Public Policy last year, but the effort was hampered by county red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Thursday’s meeting, she asked Miley whether the commission would benefit from advocating for their cause with individual supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think there is a lack of commitment,” Miley said. “We just have a lot coming at us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County officials said additional funding could be approved down the line and asked the commission to resubmit a more detailed budget request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustration with the county over the budget allocation was palpable at the meeting, but Commissioner Larry McClendon tried to keep the group positive. He said the group could build awareness about the county’s reparations process by doing outreach in their personal and professional networks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are in a really good position to hit the ground running if we can get some assistance,” McClendon said. “Maybe ‘cause I’m a Raiders fan, I know how to deal with losses and remain positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "sfs-homeless-sweeps-have-cleared-over-1200-tents-where-are-people-going",
"title": "SF's Homeless Sweeps Have Cleared Over 1,200 Tents. Where Are People Going?",
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"headTitle": "SF’s Homeless Sweeps Have Cleared Over 1,200 Tents. Where Are People Going? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a> is showing on the streets of the Tenderloin, according to one local service provider. But many unhoused residents might just have found more discreet places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Karl Robillard, the chief communications officer for Glide, which provides services to about 500 people in the Tenderloin daily, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp-up of encampment sweeps\u003c/a> has had a marked effect on the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely, there’s been a noticeable uptick in terms of tent removal,” he said. “You can see it when you’re walking up and down the streets. You can see it happening. There’s far fewer tents on the sidewalk. It’s very visually obvious and it’s a significant change for a neighborhood like the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been two months since San Francisco began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“aggressive” street sweeps\u003c/a> announced by Mayor London Breed following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906733/post-grants-pass-how-are-california-cities-approaching-homelessness\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that loosened restrictions on cities’ ability to clear homeless encampments even when there is not ample shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that time, the city has held to its word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said it has removed 1,245 tents and structures between Aug. 1 and Sept. 15. Police have made 218 arrests since crackdowns began, according to the mayor’s office, though about 80% have been for illegal lodgings, for which individuals are cited and released at the scene. The remaining violations have mostly warranted arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 2,170 engagements the Department of Emergency Management has tallied, only a small percentage seem to be off the streets: 294 people have accepted shelter and 41 are already housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997276\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, the sight of the Tenderloin’s streets has changed. The \u003cem>San Francisco Standard \u003c/em>reported that the number of tents counted in one subsection of the neighborhood, where the Tenderloin Community Benefit District conducts a daily tally, hit a record low this week since it began in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number fluctuates pretty significantly, according to the TLCBD, but lingered around the mid-20s most days of this week. It ticked back up to 40 on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that while it varies on an individual basis, a lot of people have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">found less visible locations to stay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12005898 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230701-FRESNO-UNHOUSED-HEAT-MHN-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard of folks who were able to find parcels of land that belong to the state, which may not have jurisdiction, like a Caltrans property,” he told KQED. “People may have resources or information to find somewhere else where they think they can feel safe. But I think probably the most common situation is people are finding more discreet ways to be, even though they remain unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that there are a number of reasons people do not accept services like housing assistance from the city — including mental health challenges and substance use disorders that can not be adequately addressed in some shelter situations, and not feeling comfortable in a communal environment, which many of the temporary housing offerings are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know I feel [like] I want to go home and close my door at night, that’s what most of us want. Even though this person may not have a home, I think they have that feeling in a place where they may have been even living in a tent here on the sidewalk somewhere in the city,” Robillard said. “I do think there can be a natural resistance to wanting to be in a congregate situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glide has seen more people making use of its services, especially the three meals it serves daily, according to Robillard. He also believes that more people have utilized the nonprofit’s rental assistance program and low-threshold case management, like harm reduction services, which are offered within a 10-block radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that getting people into housing and connected to the right resources can’t always happen immediately when someone loses the place they were living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about this situation on a personal level, this is someone’s home,” Robillard told KQED. “It may be a tent on the sidewalk, it may be a structure, but it is a person’s home. It’s what they have relied on for some of their emotional safety, so when that is gone, that’s a very significant point in a person’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San Francisco’s crackdown on encampments has had a noticeable effect on the Tenderloin, but many unhoused residents might have just moved to more discreet spots.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000606/scenes-from-san-franciscos-unhoused-encampment-sweeps\">crackdown on encampments\u003c/a> is showing on the streets of the Tenderloin, according to one local service provider. But many unhoused residents might just have found more discreet places to stay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Karl Robillard, the chief communications officer for Glide, which provides services to about 500 people in the Tenderloin daily, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998871/the-rhetoric-is-amplified-sf-homeless-sweeps-a-focal-point-of-mayors-race\">ramp-up of encampment sweeps\u003c/a> has had a marked effect on the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Absolutely, there’s been a noticeable uptick in terms of tent removal,” he said. “You can see it when you’re walking up and down the streets. You can see it happening. There’s far fewer tents on the sidewalk. It’s very visually obvious and it’s a significant change for a neighborhood like the Tenderloin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has been two months since San Francisco began \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996234/sf-mayor-says-very-aggressive-encampment-sweeps-will-start-in-august\">“aggressive” street sweeps\u003c/a> announced by Mayor London Breed following a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906733/post-grants-pass-how-are-california-cities-approaching-homelessness\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that loosened restrictions on cities’ ability to clear homeless encampments even when there is not ample shelter available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In that time, the city has held to its word.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Emergency Management said it has removed 1,245 tents and structures between Aug. 1 and Sept. 15. Police have made 218 arrests since crackdowns began, according to the mayor’s office, though about 80% have been for illegal lodgings, for which individuals are cited and released at the scene. The remaining violations have mostly warranted arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 2,170 engagements the Department of Emergency Management has tallied, only a small percentage seem to be off the streets: 294 people have accepted shelter and 41 are already housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997276\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997276\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/TenderloinD5-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People sit on the sidewalk in the Tenderloin neighborhood on April 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Still, the sight of the Tenderloin’s streets has changed. The \u003cem>San Francisco Standard \u003c/em>reported that the number of tents counted in one subsection of the neighborhood, where the Tenderloin Community Benefit District conducts a daily tally, hit a record low this week since it began in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number fluctuates pretty significantly, according to the TLCBD, but lingered around the mid-20s most days of this week. It ticked back up to 40 on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that while it varies on an individual basis, a lot of people have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12000781/sf-encampment-crackdown-gets-tents-but-not-people-off-the-streets-neighbors-say\">found less visible locations to stay\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve heard of folks who were able to find parcels of land that belong to the state, which may not have jurisdiction, like a Caltrans property,” he told KQED. “People may have resources or information to find somewhere else where they think they can feel safe. But I think probably the most common situation is people are finding more discreet ways to be, even though they remain unhoused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robillard said that there are a number of reasons people do not accept services like housing assistance from the city — including mental health challenges and substance use disorders that can not be adequately addressed in some shelter situations, and not feeling comfortable in a communal environment, which many of the temporary housing offerings are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know I feel [like] I want to go home and close my door at night, that’s what most of us want. Even though this person may not have a home, I think they have that feeling in a place where they may have been even living in a tent here on the sidewalk somewhere in the city,” Robillard said. “I do think there can be a natural resistance to wanting to be in a congregate situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glide has seen more people making use of its services, especially the three meals it serves daily, according to Robillard. He also believes that more people have utilized the nonprofit’s rental assistance program and low-threshold case management, like harm reduction services, which are offered within a 10-block radius.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said that getting people into housing and connected to the right resources can’t always happen immediately when someone loses the place they were living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think about this situation on a personal level, this is someone’s home,” Robillard told KQED. “It may be a tent on the sidewalk, it may be a structure, but it is a person’s home. It’s what they have relied on for some of their emotional safety, so when that is gone, that’s a very significant point in a person’s life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "UC Santa Cruz Campus Bans for Protesters Are ‘Fundamentally Unfair,’ Lawyers Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lawyers representing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">pro-Palestinian protesters at UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> who were temporarily banned from campus last spring are asking a judge to halt the practice, calling it illegal and “fundamentally unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case seeks a court order declaring that the university cannot ban students without a hearing — except in situations where they find that the person’s presence poses a significant threat. In a motion filed Thursday night, lawyers asked the court to issue a preliminary injunction, preventing the school from doing so while the case works its way through the legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessie Thacher, a senior attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, said the legal team felt it was important to stop the practice “as soon as possible” as students return to campus this week, expecting that there could be more protest activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are concerned that the school, if it thinks that it can use this section of penal code — 626.4 — indiscriminately, broadly, and just sort of gather everyone who’s in a spot protesting and ban them all instantly on the spot without due process, that’s a really big problem. And a lot of people will suffer,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">112 protesters were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus. Some of those arrested had their permission to be on campus withdrawn under Section 626.4 and were left unable to access housing, campus resources or ways to complete their final exams and assignments, attorneys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two people affix a large brown sign with red text reading 'Do UCLA next' to a school sign outdoors near a busy street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811 set up a sign in front of the university’s campus on May 20. Academic workers at UCSC walked off the job to strike in protest of the UC system’s handling of pro-Palestinian demonstrations. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thacher and a legal team representing two students and one professor who were arrested \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">sued the university\u003c/a> this month for what they said were illegal campus bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters’ lawyers argue that California’s Supreme Court has previously limited the scope of the legal code so that such bans can only be imposed without a hearing if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” and the students should have had due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Rachel Lederman, another member of the legal team, told KQED earlier this month. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12006193 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/231031-UCSFGazaPresser-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students did have hearings, but those did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for UC Santa Cruz did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the day of the protest, Lederman said, many students and staff had come to stand in solidarity after they found out that police were arriving, and throughout the night, police surrounded and squeezed in on demonstrators before making the eventual arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those arrested was professor Christine Hong, who said she joined around 11 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who directs the campus Center for Racial Justice, said earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received a campus ban and was unable to access her office and personal library or record asynchronous lecture videos she needed to prepare for an upcoming summer course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students Elio Ellutzi and Laaila Irshad are also joining the suit over their bans. Both reported in declarations filed with the court that they lost access to housing when they were barred from campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad worked as a resident adviser, for which she was compensated with free housing and access to meal points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students reportedly lost access to their belongings, missed exams and failed courses while they could not go on campus — which aligned with the last two weeks of spring quarter. Hong said it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing for a preliminary injunction has been set for Nov. 19, Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lawyers representing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">pro-Palestinian protesters at UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> who were temporarily banned from campus last spring are asking a judge to halt the practice, calling it illegal and “fundamentally unfair.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case seeks a court order declaring that the university cannot ban students without a hearing — except in situations where they find that the person’s presence poses a significant threat. In a motion filed Thursday night, lawyers asked the court to issue a preliminary injunction, preventing the school from doing so while the case works its way through the legal system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chessie Thacher, a senior attorney with the ACLU of Northern California, said the legal team felt it was important to stop the practice “as soon as possible” as students return to campus this week, expecting that there could be more protest activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are concerned that the school, if it thinks that it can use this section of penal code — 626.4 — indiscriminately, broadly, and just sort of gather everyone who’s in a spot protesting and ban them all instantly on the spot without due process, that’s a really big problem. And a lot of people will suffer,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">112 protesters were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment set up in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s mountainous campus. Some of those arrested had their permission to be on campus withdrawn under Section 626.4 and were left unable to access housing, campus resources or ways to complete their final exams and assignments, attorneys said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987500\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Two people affix a large brown sign with red text reading 'Do UCLA next' to a school sign outdoors near a busy street.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1330\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-800x554.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-1020x707.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-160x111.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153861315_qut-1536x1064.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811 set up a sign in front of the university’s campus on May 20. Academic workers at UCSC walked off the job to strike in protest of the UC system’s handling of pro-Palestinian demonstrations. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thacher and a legal team representing two students and one professor who were arrested \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">sued the university\u003c/a> this month for what they said were illegal campus bans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters’ lawyers argue that California’s Supreme Court has previously limited the scope of the legal code so that such bans can only be imposed without a hearing if a person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” and the students should have had due process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They didn’t present any such threat,” Rachel Lederman, another member of the legal team, told KQED earlier this month. “There was no violence or disruption caused by this protest. The only disruption was caused by these bans that instantly banished students from campus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some students did have hearings, but those did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for UC Santa Cruz did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the day of the protest, Lederman said, many students and staff had come to stand in solidarity after they found out that police were arriving, and throughout the night, police surrounded and squeezed in on demonstrators before making the eventual arrests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those arrested was professor Christine Hong, who said she joined around 11 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the past, faculty have served as a buffer between students and the police at different protests. We’ve also been there to witness what has happened, and I also went because I also was joining in the protest,” Hong, who directs the campus Center for Racial Justice, said earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She received a campus ban and was unable to access her office and personal library or record asynchronous lecture videos she needed to prepare for an upcoming summer course.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students Elio Ellutzi and Laaila Irshad are also joining the suit over their bans. Both reported in declarations filed with the court that they lost access to housing when they were barred from campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad worked as a resident adviser, for which she was compensated with free housing and access to meal points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She didn’t really have a way to get food. She doesn’t receive parental support; she depends on the meal points that she receives in compensation for her R.A. job,” Lederman said. “She also couldn’t do her R.A. job, even though residents were still contacting her for help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students reportedly lost access to their belongings, missed exams and failed courses while they could not go on campus — which aligned with the last two weeks of spring quarter. Hong said it was up to individual instructors to decide whether to offer students a remote option for their final exams.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hearing for a preliminary injunction has been set for Nov. 19, Thacher said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-to-issue-apology-for-slavery-as-newsom-signs-reparations-bills",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> will offer a formal apology for the state government’s role in advancing slavery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a handful of bills on Thursday \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">seeking to make amends for the treatment\u003c/a> of African Americans in the state. The ambitious effort to provide reparations for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/black-californians\">Black Californians\u003c/a> emanated from a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/ab3121/report\">2023 report\u003c/a> by the California Reparations Task Force on the state’s role in advancing slavery and inflicting harm on Black residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Together with Gov. Newsom, we are sending a powerful message that California is leading the way in repairing harm done to Black communities,” Lori Wilson (D-Suisun City) said. “Today marks a victory, but only the first in the continued fight for justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, though, the first year of reparations proposals failed to live up to the expectations of many reparations supporters. The bill that many reparations advocates \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">considered the centerpiece of California’s initial attempt to repair harm\u003c/a> endured by Black Californians failed to reach Newsom’s desk. SB 1403 would have formed the California American Freedman’s Affairs Agency to administer reparations programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the beginning of the legislative session, Wilson and the leadership of the California Legislative Black Caucus prioritized achievability over ambition. The caucus pursued meaningful and realizable measures, not controversial and potentially transformative ideas like direct cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11937953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11937953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/01/RS54511_005_KQED_LoriWilson_03172022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Assemblymember Lori D. Wilson, representing the 11th District, is also the chair of the California Legislative Black Caucus. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Success, Wilson said in the spring, would mean winning approval for all 14 of the CLBC’s original reparations bills in the Legislature. Nine bills ultimately passed the Assembly and Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom signed six into law, including AB 3089, an official apology for state officials who promoted and advanced slavery in California’s earliest days and for “perpetuating the harms African Americans have faced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The State of California accepts responsibility for the role we played in promoting, facilitating, and permitting the institution of slavery, as well as its enduring legacy of persistent racial disparities,” Newsom said in a statement. “Building on decades of work, California is now taking another important step forward in recognizing the grave injustices of the past — and making amends for the harms caused.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While California entered the nation as a free state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942302/californias-legislature-has-roots-in-slavery-are-lawmakers-ready-to-confront-that\">many of the state’s early leaders supported chattel slavery and passed laws\u003c/a> to help slave owners recapture free Black people in the state. Multiple enslavers even served in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986628\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986628\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a suite sits next to a microphone.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_5293_qut-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), author of AB 3089, during an interview on KQED’s Political Breakdown on Sept. 7, 2023 in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Guy Marzorati/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Healing can only begin with an apology,” said Assemblymember Reggie Jones-Sawyer (D-Los Angeles), who served on the reparations task force, in a statement. “The State of California acknowledges its past actions and is taking this bold step to correct them, recognizing its role in hindering the pursuit of life, liberty, and happiness for Black individuals through racially motivated punitive laws.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, Newsom signed AB 1815, which expands the definition of race in some state laws to include traits associated with race, such as hairstyles, to widen protections against discrimination. SB 1089 will require supermarkets and pharmacies to provide advanced notice of closures to employees and the surrounding community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AB 1986 gives the state’s Office of the Inspector General the power to publish a list of books banned in state prisons. But the bill, like others in the CLBC’s reparations package, was watered down before reaching Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier versions of AB 1986 would have given the Inspector General the ability to reverse prison book bans, an idea met with resistance by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation. Notification requirements in SB 1089 were narrowed as the bill moved through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill to create the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to advance reparations work failed to pass the Assembly. SB 1403 had the support of advocates who believed an agency that would determine eligibility was necessary to establish a viable reparations program. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to change SB 1403\u003c/a> divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, Newsom vetoed two other reparations proposals. One would have required Medi-Cal to cover food interventions, such as grocery boxes or nutrition education, an idea Newsom argued was too expensive. He also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999415/california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk\">rejected a bill that would have created a state process\u003c/a> for reviewing claims of racist land-takings because the bill relied on the creation of the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last word on this year’s reparations proposals will go to California voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/proposition-6\">Proposition 6, placed on the ballot by the Legislature\u003c/a>, would remove California’s allowance of involuntary servitude as a punishment for a crime by banning state prisons from punishing inmates who refuse to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> signed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1221\">bill\u003c/a> that will allow some neighborhoods in need of new gas lines to go all-electric instead — with new electric appliances provided at no cost to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, Senate Bill 1221, was celebrated by environmental advocates as one of the first in the U.S. to allow gas utilities to end service without risk of penalty for electrification projects. It will cover up to 30 pilot projects over four years, starting in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also aligns with the state’s climate goals of reaching carbon neutrality by 2045 and installing 6 million heat pumps — electric appliances that can warm or cool a building’s air by 2030. But most homes in California are still powered by gas, a source of planet-warming emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s energy code encourages \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992348/is-it-time-for-an-essential-california-energy-code-to-get-a-climate-edit\">utilities to provide customers with both gas and electricity\u003c/a>, even though you can cook, dry your clothes and heat your home with just one or the other. Updating gas lines costs utilities billions of dollars and conflicts with California’s long-range climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1221 requires the state’s utility regulator to identify neighborhoods up for gas line replacement, which can then become “neighborhood decarbonization zones.” As long as two-thirds of neighbors agree to the project, the entire community would get free electric appliances to replace those formerly powered by gas. The gas utility would be relieved of providing gas service in this area and would not replace the grid of gas lines underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These projects would only go forward if the cost of swapping out gas appliances for electric ones would be cheaper than replacing the gas line infrastructure itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the bill have pushed for something similar for years, not only to reduce emissions but also to address energy affordability in California. Demand for natural gas is declining in the state, but it’s largely wealthier Californians who are electrifying their homes. That leaves a smaller group of people — mostly lower-income — to pay for the state’s gas system, which increases their bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1984963 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/35/2023/10/102321-ELECTRIC-AVE-LEDE-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The passage of SB 1221 is a critical piece to solving California’s energy affordability crisis for the long-term,” said Sen. Dave Min (D-Irvine), who authored the legislation. “It allows the state to make smarter investments in the energy infrastructure we need now and for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min introduced a similar bill in a past legislative cycle that ultimately died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 1221 will lower utility bills while ensuring California’s utilities are investing in clean energy infrastructure that will serve us long into the future — not in fossil fuel infrastructure that drags us backward,” said Kiki Velez, who focuses on the transition away from gas at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “With Governor Newsom’s signature on this bill, California will become the first state to enable neighborhood scale electrification across all of its investor-owned gas utilities, and we will be one step closer to putting gas in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas and electric utility PG&E supported the bill and has completed more than 100 similar projects. The bill “enables cost-effective, targeted electrification projects which will help avoid more expensive gas pipeline replacements, reducing gas system operating costs, and support the state’s and PG&E’s decarbonization goals,” wrote company spokesperson Lynsey Paulo in a statement. “The bill creates a framework that contributes to an affordable and equitable energy transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington and Colorado have also passed bills allowing for various forms of decommissioning gas lines this legislative cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> signed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1221\">bill\u003c/a> that will allow some neighborhoods in need of new gas lines to go all-electric instead — with new electric appliances provided at no cost to residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation, Senate Bill 1221, was celebrated by environmental advocates as one of the first in the U.S. to allow gas utilities to end service without risk of penalty for electrification projects. It will cover up to 30 pilot projects over four years, starting in 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also aligns with the state’s climate goals of reaching carbon neutrality by 2045 and installing 6 million heat pumps — electric appliances that can warm or cool a building’s air by 2030. But most homes in California are still powered by gas, a source of planet-warming emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s energy code encourages \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1992348/is-it-time-for-an-essential-california-energy-code-to-get-a-climate-edit\">utilities to provide customers with both gas and electricity\u003c/a>, even though you can cook, dry your clothes and heat your home with just one or the other. Updating gas lines costs utilities billions of dollars and conflicts with California’s long-range climate goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1221 requires the state’s utility regulator to identify neighborhoods up for gas line replacement, which can then become “neighborhood decarbonization zones.” As long as two-thirds of neighbors agree to the project, the entire community would get free electric appliances to replace those formerly powered by gas. The gas utility would be relieved of providing gas service in this area and would not replace the grid of gas lines underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These projects would only go forward if the cost of swapping out gas appliances for electric ones would be cheaper than replacing the gas line infrastructure itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents of the bill have pushed for something similar for years, not only to reduce emissions but also to address energy affordability in California. Demand for natural gas is declining in the state, but it’s largely wealthier Californians who are electrifying their homes. That leaves a smaller group of people — mostly lower-income — to pay for the state’s gas system, which increases their bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The passage of SB 1221 is a critical piece to solving California’s energy affordability crisis for the long-term,” said Sen. Dave Min (D-Irvine), who authored the legislation. “It allows the state to make smarter investments in the energy infrastructure we need now and for generations to come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Min introduced a similar bill in a past legislative cycle that ultimately died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 1221 will lower utility bills while ensuring California’s utilities are investing in clean energy infrastructure that will serve us long into the future — not in fossil fuel infrastructure that drags us backward,” said Kiki Velez, who focuses on the transition away from gas at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “With Governor Newsom’s signature on this bill, California will become the first state to enable neighborhood scale electrification across all of its investor-owned gas utilities, and we will be one step closer to putting gas in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gas and electric utility PG&E supported the bill and has completed more than 100 similar projects. The bill “enables cost-effective, targeted electrification projects which will help avoid more expensive gas pipeline replacements, reducing gas system operating costs, and support the state’s and PG&E’s decarbonization goals,” wrote company spokesperson Lynsey Paulo in a statement. “The bill creates a framework that contributes to an affordable and equitable energy transition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Washington and Colorado have also passed bills allowing for various forms of decommissioning gas lines this legislative cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-reparations-bill-for-racist-land-seizures-advances-to-newsoms-desk",
"title": "California Reparations Bill for Racist Land Seizures Vetoed by Newsom",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 26\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations in California? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Learn more here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11981271 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/AP24032786348814-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday, Sept. 26\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Are you curious about which reparations in California? \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Learn more here\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom vetoed Senate Bill 1050, a bill that would’ve created a state process for reviewing claims from people who believe they lost property through the racially motivated use of eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of the bill, authored by state Sen. Steven Bradford (D-Gardena), arrived on Newsom’s desk after passing both houses in the state Legislature without opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank the author for his commitment to redressing past racial injustices,” Newsom wrote in his veto message on Wednesday. “However, this bill tasks a nonexistent state agency to carry out its various provisions and requirements, making it impossible to implement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the California Legislative Black Caucus announced the 14 reparations bills it was prioritizing. CLBC members curated the list to test the limits of the Legislature’s commitment to racial justice while seeking to avoid a wholesale rejection that could derail the quest for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills were drawn from two years of work by the California Reparations Task Force, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">KQED has reported on since its inception\u003c/a>. The task force’s final report, published in June 2023, includes over 100 policy proposals, as well as a plan to provide direct cash payments to eligible residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the introduced bills include cash payments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement to reclaim land taken by racist government action has found some success in California, most notably with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11890613/california-moves-to-return-stolen-land-to-heirs-of-couple-who-built-socal-black-beach-resort-in-early-1900s\">2021 return of Bruce’s Beach\u003c/a> in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, former residents of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11922175/remembering-russell-city-a-thriving-east-bay-town-razed-by-racist-government\">Russell City\u003c/a> in Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101885839/why-the-history-of-chavez-ravine-still-haunts-dodger-stadium\">Los Angeles\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991098/burned-displaced-and-fighting-back-a-battle-for-reparations-in-palm-springs\">Palm Springs\u003c/a> have launched campaigns for the return of land — or fair compensation for properties they believe were improperly razed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1050 would have created a standardized state process to review claims. However, the bill was dependent on the passage of SB 1403 and SB 1331, neither of which made it through the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 sought to establish the California American Freedmen Affairs Agency to implement the recommendations of the state task force. The agency would, among other duties, determine how an individual’s status as a descendant of an enslaved person would be confirmed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 1403 was considered the centerpiece of this year’s reparations bills. Last-minute pressure from Newsom’s staff to make amendments divided Black lawmakers and stalled the bill. Instead of creating the agency, the amendments proposed earmarking $6 million for the California State University system to lead a study of reparations, according to Bradford, a member of the state’s reparations task force and author of SB 1403 and SB 1331, in addition to SB 1050.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Bradford told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002804/centerpiece-reparations-bill-derailed-by-newsoms-late-request-heres-why\">SB 1403’s failure was a “great disappointment.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had bills vetoed, and you dust yourself off, and you move forward, but the nation was watching this one,” he said. “We had to strike when the iron was hot. We were at the finish line, the votes were there. And I just wish we would have had the opportunity to vote it up or down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Sept. 21, Newsom vetoed a state bill that would have established a task force to study reparations for families forced out of Chavez Ravine in the 1950s to make room for Dodger Stadium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"info": "The TED Radio Hour is a journey through fascinating ideas, astonishing inventions, fresh approaches to old problems, and new ways to think and create.",
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