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"content": "\u003cp>As uncertainty continues to surround Oakland’s budget and how it will be affected by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> sale, the city’s finance department is warning that its fiscal situation is at “significant risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the latest financial report to the city administrator, Oakland is in a “precarious fiscal situation” as it moves to implement a contingency budget amid a new funding schedule for the Oakland Coliseum sale, adding to concerns about the city’s almost $80 million operating shortfall at the end of the 2023-2024 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, council members and critics of Mayor Sheng Thao raised alarm when it appeared that a payment expected in the city’s highly anticipated deal to sell its share of the Coliseum didn’t arrive on time. As it turns out, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007771/new-oakland-coliseum-sale-deal-raises-questions-about-delayed-payment-and-citys-budget\">terms of the land deal had been amended\u003c/a>, extending to November, the deadline for the developers, the African American Sports and Entertainment Group, to fulfill a second payment of $10 million, which the city says has been deposited to an escrow account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, AASEG and council members, including President Nikki Fortunato Bas, have called the revised deal a win because it raises the total revenue, reduces the city’s outstanding bond debt on the Coliseum by $12.8 million and closes the deal sooner. But council members Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008329/oakland-coliseum-sales-new-deal-draws-council-members-ire-over-lack-of-transparency\">called for increased transparency\u003c/a> about how they say the revised payment schedule will affect the city’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $63 million from the sale’s revenue was to be used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">patch holes in a massive deficit\u003c/a> in Oakland’s 2024-2025 budget. Because the funds were outstanding in July when the council adopted the budget, it also included a contingency: If those payments were not received on time, it would trigger a much tighter budget that made cuts akin to stepping on the funding emergency brake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty now that this [contingency] budget has been triggered,” Ramachandran said. “My focus is on trying to understand what’s going to be cut first because there is absolutely no doubt and no lack of clarity on the fact that things have to be cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s finance and management committee was slated to meet Tuesday for the report on the status of the contingency budget activation, but the meeting was canceled at the last minute at the administration’s request for more time, according to Ramachandran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original Coliseum deal — which was tied to the budget that the City Council passed in July — called for an initial $5 million payment upon signing, followed by $10 million in September, $15 million in November, $33 million in January, and the final $42 million by June 20, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended sale agreement between AASEG and the city changes the payment schedule, pushing the $10 million expected in September to November and the remaining $95 million to the end of next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the $10 million payment is already in an escrow account and will become available in November, according to Casey Pratt, the mayor’s spokesperson, Ramachandran and Reid said in a statement last week that these changes mean that the contingency budget has been triggered, and “Oakland must cut $48 million from its budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office did not provide comment for this story, but Thao posted on social media that city officials briefed Ramachandran and Reid on the amended deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are welcome to be a part of the solution, not deepen distrust with false information and further divide us,” she wrote in a post on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/MayorShengThao/status/1844088925989765486\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s chief of staff, Leigh Hanson, told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-coliseum-revised-deal-19819758.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> last week that she doesn’t believe the changing payment schedule — specifically the removal of a $15 million installment that was expected in November under the initial deal — will change Oakland’s management decisions around fire stations or police academies significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a cash flow issue,” she told the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/frequently-asked-questions-faqs-city-budget-updates-as-of-october-2024\">frequently asked questions\u003c/a> page regarding the budget says that “cost-saving measures were articulated in the contingency budget and per the budget resolution are in the process of being implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240920-COLISEUM-WORKERS-MD-06-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6888252&GUID=E8266870-CEBF-490D-A41A-E66ECDF39FDB&Options=&Search=\">finance department’s report\u003c/a>, which is set to be presented at an Oct. 22 committee meeting, also says that the conditions of the contingency budget have been met and it is being implemented, adding that a substantial portion of the city’s general purpose fund is in non-cash assets that “do not provide immediate cash flow to address the city’s operational needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">contingency budget\u003c/a> includes brownouts, or rotating shutdowns, of five fire engine companies, reducing the number of sworn police officers from 709 to about 600 through attrition, and freezing or eliminating violence prevention positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also trigger a citywide halt of hiring, contracting and travel and could cause a multi-year delay or cancellation of $200 million in planned bond-funded infrastructure, affordable housing and other projects slated for the coming fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been no clarity from either Thao’s or the city administrator’s office regarding which contingency budget policies are being implemented. The fiscal report says that “steps are being taken to minimize impacts to public safety of implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city administrator’s office did not respond to a request for comment at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said that regardless of whether or not the amended Coliseum sale agreement is executed on time, the city will still not receive more than $40 million between now and January that is accounted for in the budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s great that if this deal goes through on time, we’ll get a purchase price of $5 million more — and down the road with development markers potentially up to $15 million more than that. But all of that future money and promise of future money is irrelevant to this budget,” she told KQED. “Nothing that council has passed has superseded this contingency budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao, AASEG and council members, including President Nikki Fortunato Bas, have called the revised deal a win because it raises the total revenue, reduces the city’s outstanding bond debt on the Coliseum by $12.8 million and closes the deal sooner. But council members Treva Reid, Janani Ramachandran and Noel Gallo have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008329/oakland-coliseum-sales-new-deal-draws-council-members-ire-over-lack-of-transparency\">called for increased transparency\u003c/a> about how they say the revised payment schedule will affect the city’s budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly $63 million from the sale’s revenue was to be used to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997946/oakland-reaches-deal-on-105-million-coliseum-sale-to-stave-off-budget-cuts\">patch holes in a massive deficit\u003c/a> in Oakland’s 2024-2025 budget. Because the funds were outstanding in July when the council adopted the budget, it also included a contingency: If those payments were not received on time, it would trigger a much tighter budget that made cuts akin to stepping on the funding emergency brake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of uncertainty now that this [contingency] budget has been triggered,” Ramachandran said. “My focus is on trying to understand what’s going to be cut first because there is absolutely no doubt and no lack of clarity on the fact that things have to be cut.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992371\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992371\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/230802-OAKLAND-CITY-HALL-MHN-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oakland City Hall in downtown Oakland on Aug. 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s finance and management committee was slated to meet Tuesday for the report on the status of the contingency budget activation, but the meeting was canceled at the last minute at the administration’s request for more time, according to Ramachandran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original Coliseum deal — which was tied to the budget that the City Council passed in July — called for an initial $5 million payment upon signing, followed by $10 million in September, $15 million in November, $33 million in January, and the final $42 million by June 20, 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amended sale agreement between AASEG and the city changes the payment schedule, pushing the $10 million expected in September to November and the remaining $95 million to the end of next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the $10 million payment is already in an escrow account and will become available in November, according to Casey Pratt, the mayor’s spokesperson, Ramachandran and Reid said in a statement last week that these changes mean that the contingency budget has been triggered, and “Oakland must cut $48 million from its budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor’s office did not provide comment for this story, but Thao posted on social media that city officials briefed Ramachandran and Reid on the amended deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are welcome to be a part of the solution, not deepen distrust with false information and further divide us,” she wrote in a post on X.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Thao’s chief of staff, Leigh Hanson, told the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/eastbay/article/oakland-coliseum-revised-deal-19819758.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> last week that she doesn’t believe the changing payment schedule — specifically the removal of a $15 million installment that was expected in November under the initial deal — will change Oakland’s management decisions around fire stations or police academies significantly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a cash flow issue,” she told the \u003cem>Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/resources/frequently-asked-questions-faqs-city-budget-updates-as-of-october-2024\">frequently asked questions\u003c/a> page regarding the budget says that “cost-saving measures were articulated in the contingency budget and per the budget resolution are in the process of being implemented.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6888252&GUID=E8266870-CEBF-490D-A41A-E66ECDF39FDB&Options=&Search=\">finance department’s report\u003c/a>, which is set to be presented at an Oct. 22 committee meeting, also says that the conditions of the contingency budget have been met and it is being implemented, adding that a substantial portion of the city’s general purpose fund is in non-cash assets that “do not provide immediate cash flow to address the city’s operational needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">contingency budget\u003c/a> includes brownouts, or rotating shutdowns, of five fire engine companies, reducing the number of sworn police officers from 709 to about 600 through attrition, and freezing or eliminating violence prevention positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would also trigger a citywide halt of hiring, contracting and travel and could cause a multi-year delay or cancellation of $200 million in planned bond-funded infrastructure, affordable housing and other projects slated for the coming fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s been no clarity from either Thao’s or the city administrator’s office regarding which contingency budget policies are being implemented. The fiscal report says that “steps are being taken to minimize impacts to public safety of implementation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city administrator’s office did not respond to a request for comment at the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ramachandran said that regardless of whether or not the amended Coliseum sale agreement is executed on time, the city will still not receive more than $40 million between now and January that is accounted for in the budget plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that it’s great that if this deal goes through on time, we’ll get a purchase price of $5 million more — and down the road with development markers potentially up to $15 million more than that. But all of that future money and promise of future money is irrelevant to this budget,” she told KQED. “Nothing that council has passed has superseded this contingency budget.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How SF Shaped Pelosi, Feinstein, Newsom and Harris Into Global Political Leaders",
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"content": "\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11963548 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/110A3835-scaled-e1696541380321-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001412/kamala-harris-and-the-biggest-speech-of-her-life-5-takeaways-from-the-dnc\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> proudly played up her East Bay roots at the Democratic National Convention, but her political career was launched in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, then a relatively unknown prosecutor, challenged the city’s incumbent district attorney. To the surprise of many, she won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris’ rise from elected office in San Francisco is extraordinary. Next month, she could become the first Black and South Asian woman elected President of the United States. She reached the doorstep of the presidency by following a path forged by those who used the city’s cutthroat politics as a proving ground for seeking higher office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nancy Pelosi was the first female Speaker of the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dianne Feinstein was the first woman to serve as San Francisco mayor before making her mark in the U.S. Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996707\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996707\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/PelosiAP-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Democratic Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi speaks at the North Carolina Democratic Unity Dinner fundraiser in Raleigh, North Carolina, on July 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Karl B DeBlaker/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gavin Newsom climbed the ladder from an obscure city commission to become mayor and now governor of California with a national megaphone. He was elected mayor the same year Harris defeated her former boss, San Francisco District Attorney Terence Hallinan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Politicians have emerged from other California cities to establish a national profile — notably former President Ronald Reagan and former Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger — but they were launched from Hollywood, not the Los Angeles political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s political legacy raises the question: How can a relatively small city of 800,000 produce so many politicians with national and international prominence?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This city requires its elected officials to engage on a daily basis in complex discussions with informed constituents who will raise the most intricate of local issues, no matter if you are walking through the Presidio or attending an event at Delancey Street,” Harris said at the public memorial for Feinstein, who died in September 2023. “And this environment, I do believe, guided Dianne’s style of leadership, even after she reached the heights of national and global power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963600\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg\" alt=\"Woman speaks at lectern in front of building\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/feinstein-funeral1005-5-scaled-e1696542654619-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Vice President Kamala Harris speaks as San Francisco Mayor London Breed listens during the funeral for California Sen. Dianne Feinstein at City Hall in San Francisco on Thursday, Oct. 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(The San Francisco Chronicle )\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Former state Assembly Speaker and San Francisco Mayor Willie Brown, who many would include on the city’s list of political titans, said the environment that launched Harris, Feinstein and many others can all be traced to one person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Phil Burton is the father of all of this — period. Literally,” Brown said recently, referring to the late Congressman who came within a vote of becoming House majority leader in 1976.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1960s, Burton began assembling what became known in San Francisco political circles as “the Burton Machine,” a coalition of religious leaders, unions and community activists who fine-tuned the art of winning elections. His brother, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage%7Chttps://www.kqed.org/news/11465091/democratic-heavyweight-john-burton-exiting-the-political-stage\">John Burton\u003c/a>, an advocate for civil rights and environmental protections, served in the state Assembly and Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown said Phil Burton expanded the city’s Democratic Party’s membership to include people who were largely ignored until the civil rights era. Burton, Brown said, “noticed that minorities were being left out. And he began to structure the world of politics that literally caused involvement by that collection of people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11834223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 501px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11834223 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"501\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358.jpg 501w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2020/08/AAZ-0358-160x128.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 501px) 100vw, 501px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblyman Leo T. McCarthy, Assemblyman Willie L. Brown, Congressman Phil Burton and Art Agnos in the early 1980s. \u003ccite>(San Francisco History Center, San Francisco Public Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We were all church and labor. Then we added ‘misfits’ — people who were pushed on the outside,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was the first to invite Chinese American and gay communities to be in the Democratic coalition. Successfully navigating San Francisco’s multicultural communities, with all their complex, nuanced issues and concerns, helps prepare politicians for the national stage, Brown argued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason that the current vice president can be so effective during the course of dialog in a debate is that’s what she had to do to survive here,” he said.\u003cstrong>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Burton was first elected to Congress in 1964. He used his political power to author landmark legislation, including the bill that created the Golden Gate National Recreation Area to protect the California coast — from northern Marin County to southern San Mateo County — from development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1962, Burton urged Brown, then a young defense attorney, to run to represent San Francisco in the state Assembly, a race he lost before being elected two years later. Burton also recruited Pelosi, then a homemaker living in Pacific Heights, to host fundraisers in her home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005996\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg\" alt=\"A row of flagpoles displaying rainbow flags stands in front of San Francisco City Hall.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/012-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rainbow flags line the plaza in front of the San Francisco City Hall following the rulings brought down by the Supreme Court on same-sex marriage. \u003ccite>(Deborah Svoboda/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After Burton died suddenly in 1983, his widow, Sala, replaced him in Congress. Just before she died of cancer in 1987, she encouraged Pelosi to run for the seat. By then, Pelosi had become a prolific Democratic Party fundraiser but told KQED she had never really thought of running for office herself. In a special election to fill the seat, she faced more than a dozen opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a live debate at KQED, one opponent, city Supervisor Carol Ruth Silver, said Pelosi was out of touch with average San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How can she relate to people like me, a single parent, working mother?”’ Silver asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another opponent, Supervisor Harry Britt, criticized Pelosi during a campaign appearance for using her connections for national races and issues more than local politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would specifically challenge Nancy Pelosi to show one time in the last 20 years when those connections have been used, standing with the people of this community on issues of importance to this community,” Britt said. “One time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once elected, Pelosi leveraged relationships she made in San Francisco business circles, including in the emerging tech community, to become a prolific fundraiser for Democrats across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It all paved the way for her to become the first female Speaker of the House. Three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ag8XCVjDs_I\">Pelosi told KQED\u003c/a> that in her first race for Congress, she became the focus of all the other candidates once polls showed her leading the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12002366\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12002366\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240829-NancyPelosiForum-03-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Rep. Nancy Pelosi, speaker emerita of the House, speaks with KQED Forum host Mina Kim at the KQED offices in San Francisco before a live broadcast on Aug. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Then I became the target by everybody, and they started saying all these things,” she recalled. “These are people I had in my home, that I had done events for, and all of a sudden, I didn’t know anything about anything, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The race toughened up Pelosi for the rigors of Beltway politics in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same could be said for Harris. She was a prosecutor in the Alameda County District Attorney’s office when she briefly dated Brown, then the Assembly speaker, in 1994 until after he was elected mayor of San Francisco in 1995. Brown was her political mentor and helped open doors for Harris to the circles that wielded a lot of influence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rebecca Prozan, who worked with Harris on her early campaigns, said San Francisco politics is like an episode of \u003cem>Survivor.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The caliber of people who run against each other have brass knuckles and are street fighters,” Prozan said. “And so when you have the kind of competition for elective office that you have in San Francisco, that prepares you for the next level and the next level and the next level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009320\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009320\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240815-CityAttorneyDeepfakes-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Attorney David Chiu speaks during a press conference at City Hall in San Francisco on Aug. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, who previously served on the Board of Supervisors and in the state Assembly, famously described the city’s politics as a “knife fight in a phone booth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are used to playing very hardball, rough and tumble politics. It is not genteel,” he said recently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chiu, who told KQED he encouraged Harris to run for DA, said the city’s size and liberal politics mean campaigns get nasty and personal fast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just squished up against each other in the political spectrum and trying to carve minuscule distinctions between imperceptible shades of blue,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s vibrant and diverse Asian American communities have unique issues. For example, winning over Chinese American voters means campaigning in front of multiple political organizations, each with different priorities. Successful candidates in San Francisco have to navigate it all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every single one of those constituencies, which in most other places would be a constituency, has a diversity of constituencies within those constituencies,” Chiu noted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Political consultant Ace Smith, who worked on campaigns for both Harris and Newsom, said San Francisco is to politics what the Dominican Republic is to baseball — a relatively small island that produces big league stars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A huge amount of them make it to the majors and make a huge impact in the majors,” Smith said. “You had better be able to hit everything from the 100-mile-an-hour pitch to the nastiest curveball to the screwball and everything in between.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, currently running for mayor, said there’s no hiding because San Franciscans are so engaged in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You cannot get away with being mediocre in San Francisco,” Peskin said. “You have to be the best of the best.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Sen. Barbara Boxer, who once represented a slice of San Francisco, along with Marin County, in Congress, noted that while the city is known as being extremely liberal by national standards, the politicians who climb the ladder don’t fit that mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a progressive place, but it’s not progressive crazy,” Boxer told KQED recently. “I think the people who wind up winning are progressive pragmatists, not progressive dreamers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said San Francisco requires more of its politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The recognition of competence and cultural competence — one size doesn’t fit all. Recognition of diversity, inclusivity,” he said. “And when you create an inclusive environment, you create an entrepreneurial environment, innovative environment. And inclusivity brings the best and the brightest from around the world.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you have that mashup of greatness as well. And I think the politicians have to apply all that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Plan to Keep Gas Prices Stable Is Signed Into Law by Newsom",
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"headTitle": "California Plan to Keep Gas Prices Stable Is Signed Into Law by Newsom | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Monday signed into law his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006862/can-california-really-push-gas-prices-lower\">plan to prevent gas price spikes\u003c/a> after more than a month of a special legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill X2-1 will allow the California Energy Commission to require oil refiners to maintain a certain inventory of fuel to deliver during periods of maintenance that reduce refining capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents say it will lessen volatility in prices at the pump, ultimately saving Californians money. However, opposition groups, led by the oil industry, have questioned the need for a special session to address the bill and want to redirect focus to maintaining the state’s dwindling number of oil refiners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud that the Assembly was able to get the bill through despite pushback from the oil industry, particularly the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil that knowingly continues to lie to the people of this state, our nation, for that matter, around the world,” Newsom said. “They are the polluted heart of this climate crisis. They continue to lie and they continue to manipulate. And they’re taking advantage of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='gas-prices']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom called a special legislative session to pass the bill, which allowed California to require oil refiners to keep a certain level of fuel reserves.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> on Monday signed into law his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006862/can-california-really-push-gas-prices-lower\">plan to prevent gas price spikes\u003c/a> after more than a month of a special legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Bill X2-1 will allow the California Energy Commission to require oil refiners to maintain a certain inventory of fuel to deliver during periods of maintenance that reduce refining capacity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents say it will lessen volatility in prices at the pump, ultimately saving Californians money. However, opposition groups, led by the oil industry, have questioned the need for a special session to address the bill and want to redirect focus to maintaining the state’s dwindling number of oil refiners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said he was proud that the Assembly was able to get the bill through despite pushback from the oil industry, particularly the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Big oil that knowingly continues to lie to the people of this state, our nation, for that matter, around the world,” Newsom said. “They are the polluted heart of this climate crisis. They continue to lie and they continue to manipulate. And they’re taking advantage of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom had hoped to pass the bill at the end of this year’s regular session but wasn’t able to get it through. In a statement, he said he had called for a special session this fall to address gas price spikes after identifying the problem as a result of gas-related bills passed during a special session last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Alex Lee, one of the principal co-authors of ABX2-1, said that working through the bill in a special session has given lawmakers more time to focus on the oil industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are opening up the big oil and oil industry to more scrutiny by our public regulators, enabling us to understand more how they price gouge and set prices,” he told KQED. “The more and more we’ve learned from the sector, there are very few … actors who play a big part in why there are so many shocking price spikes at the pump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The WSPA criticized the special session as unnecessary. Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the industry association’s CEO, said the state should be focused on retaining its refiners, which have dropped from 30 to nine since the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t need a rushed special session to address the needed infrastructure and investment that we should be talking about to keep refineries running and producers producing,” Reheis-Boyd told KQED. “In our opinion, the conversation should be focused on production, on pipelines, on ports and all that impact on refineries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As time ran out on the regular legislative session, Newsom had found himself \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1994047/newsom-is-in-a-standoff-with-democrats-on-energy-bills-time-is-running-out\">locked in a stalemate with lawmakers\u003c/a> over his energy agenda and whether to call the special session, which Senate President Pro Tem Mike McGuire (D–Healdsburg) was initially firmly against.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans and labor groups also opposed the bill, and it did not receive universal support from Newsom’s own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost a fourth of Senate Democrats did not support the bill — Sen. Melissa Hurtado (D–Sanger) joined Republicans in voting against it, and eight Democrats abstained or were absent. The bill \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009203/california-senate-passes-bill-aimed-at-preventing-gas-price-spikes\">passed the Senate\u003c/a> on Friday with a 23–9 majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previous Assembly vote\u003c/a>, Assemblymembers Jasmeet Bains (D–Delano) and Esmeralda Soria (D–Fresno) joined Republican lawmakers opposing the bill, while 44 voted in favor. The other 17 lawmakers abstained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Newsom has touted the bill as a way to protect consumers from surging gas prices, Reheis-Boyd argued that it could increase prices if refiners are forced to maintain a reserve. She said there should be more focus on the fees and taxes Californians pay on gas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee, however, said that those costs don’t add to the volatility ABX2-1 is designed to address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Conservatives and the oil companies love to blame taxes and fees and regulations, but those things are very constant,” he said. “What isn’t constant is if the consumer goes to the pump one week and it’s one price and then another week, it’s 10% more, and another week it’s 5% less.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">previously told KQED\u003c/a> that Assembly hearings throughout the session have shown that these spikes and dips are due to oil availability and that without inventory concerns, “there should be much lower prices” for Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Gregg Hart (D–Santa Barbara), who introduced the bill, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007232/california-lawmakers-pass-legislation-prevent-gas-price-spikes\">told KQED earlier this month\u003c/a> that part of the reason the bill is needed is because the number of refiners in California will only continue to decline as the state moves to phase out gas cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will have constraints that occur with fuel supply as these steps in the ladder go down and refineries are closed,” he said. “We have to manage this collaboratively with the oil industry and figure out a way to smooth that out and make it work for consumers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that now, the CEC will meet to assess the oil market and supply demands, look at health and safety concerns raised by refinery workers, and more to ultimately come up with the right standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to overstate, I don’t want to overpromise, but we now have the tools,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>At the heart of the split between two separate workshops meant to train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> high school teachers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008739/sfusd-antisemitism-training-sparks-controversy-as-some-educators-opt-for-alternative\">on how to combat antisemitism\u003c/a> this week was the definition of antisemitism itself — namely, whether anti-Zionism falls under the umbrella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of educators refused to attend a Wednesday training that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> called mandatory, which was led by a pro-Israel group. Instead, they opted for an alternative workshop from an anti-racist education institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like the training they received compared to the alternate training that the rest of us received was very polar opposite,” said Marloes Sijstermans, a math teacher at Galileo Academy of Science & Technology who attended the alternative training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003864/san-francisco-schools-cancel-antisemitism-workshops-after-complaints-about-potential-bias\">raised concerns weeks ago about the American Jewish Committee\u003c/a> — the organization that the district chose to host antisemitism training at Galileo Academy as well as George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Balboa high schools — citing its longstanding support for Israel’s right to exist and to defend itself. The initial training, set for September, was called off and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005210/sfusd-reschedules-antisemitism-workshops-amid-outcry-from-parents-jewish-groups\">rescheduled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the district maintained that the workshop would not focus or take a position on the Israel-Hamas war, some teachers and administrators worried that the AJC could not provide unbiased training against that context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abraham Lincoln High School on Dec. 17, 2020, in San Francisco. San Francisco Unified School District began its antisemitism training on Wednesday for high school teachers at Abraham Lincoln, Balboa, Galileo Academy of Science & Technology and George Washington after postponing the sessions due to objections from pro-Palestinian activists over the American Jewish Committee, the group running the training, and its stance on Israel. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With support from their union, a group of teachers organized an alternative workshop to be held at the same time and led by PARCEO, an education justice institute, with support from the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PARCEO and AJC declined to release their training materials, but educators who attended each workshop shared notes and photos of the presentations with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Galileo, 33 people — about one-third of the school’s staff members — attended PARCEO’s training, according to Sijstermans. Half of all staff, Sijstermans said, didn’t attend either workshop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple educators said PARCEO’s workshop focused on preparing them to discuss antisemitism with their students. Ian Williams, a special education teacher at Balboa, said he felt it was a better use of his time than other professional development sessions mandated by the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of the topic, it was one of the best [professional development opportunities] I’ve ever been to,” Williams said. “That speaks to political passion versus the pedagogy that we normally get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008873 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241010-SFUSDClosures-06-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, not all attendees at the PARCEO workshop were satisfied with the training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Machtay, a media arts teacher at Galileo, said he felt the training focused too much on “disengaging Zionism and Judaism” rather than antisemitism itself. In hindsight, he said he would have preferred to attend neither.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are negatives about both organizations, and my choice was really a statement about the paternalistic attitude of San Francisco Unified School District — the way they have foisted these professional developments on us one after another after another without any input from teachers,” Machtay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over at George Washington High School, teacher Julia David said the AJC training saw about half of all staff in attendance. She said the main focus was the history of antisemitism globally and the complex identity of Jewish people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Israel did come up because it’s a large part of our identity,” David said, adding that the presentation did not delve into the geopolitical aspect of the modern Israeli-Palestinian conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day before the scheduled training, Galileo principal De Trice Rodgers reminded staff to attend the AJC workshop in an email obtained by KQED. Other schools received similar emails from their principals, Sijstermans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expect teachers to attend this professional development opportunity, and any other type of presentation taking place is not District-approved professional development and you are not authorized to attend during your working hours and while on the school site,” the email reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers’ union, United Educators of San Francisco, said it would support any educator who skipped the mandatory training in favor of PARCEO’s, according to a union email sent to educators at George Washington High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the district said it could not comment on the PARCEO training because it was not district-sponsored or vetted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is on how to provide our diverse student population a safe and supportive learning environment without advocating for any one stance on an issue,” the district said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also chose not to comment on the status of possible disciplinary actions, stating that they were confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers were willing to come up to me and address their own biases that they’re confronting, and I think that’s the point of this workshop,” David said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At the heart of the split between two separate workshops meant to train \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> high school teachers \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008739/sfusd-antisemitism-training-sparks-controversy-as-some-educators-opt-for-alternative\">on how to combat antisemitism\u003c/a> this week was the definition of antisemitism itself — namely, whether anti-Zionism falls under the umbrella.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of educators refused to attend a Wednesday training that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> called mandatory, which was led by a pro-Israel group. Instead, they opted for an alternative workshop from an anti-racist education institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It sounds like the training they received compared to the alternate training that the rest of us received was very polar opposite,” said Marloes Sijstermans, a math teacher at Galileo Academy of Science & Technology who attended the alternative training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Educators had \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003864/san-francisco-schools-cancel-antisemitism-workshops-after-complaints-about-potential-bias\">raised concerns weeks ago about the American Jewish Committee\u003c/a> — the organization that the district chose to host antisemitism training at Galileo Academy as well as George Washington, Abraham Lincoln and Balboa high schools — citing its longstanding support for Israel’s right to exist and to defend itself. The initial training, set for September, was called off and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005210/sfusd-reschedules-antisemitism-workshops-amid-outcry-from-parents-jewish-groups\">rescheduled\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the district maintained that the workshop would not focus or take a position on the Israel-Hamas war, some teachers and administrators worried that the AJC could not provide unbiased training against that context.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008751\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008751\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/AbrahamLincolnHSSFGetty2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abraham Lincoln High School on Dec. 17, 2020, in San Francisco. San Francisco Unified School District began its antisemitism training on Wednesday for high school teachers at Abraham Lincoln, Balboa, Galileo Academy of Science & Technology and George Washington after postponing the sessions due to objections from pro-Palestinian activists over the American Jewish Committee, the group running the training, and its stance on Israel. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>With support from their union, a group of teachers organized an alternative workshop to be held at the same time and led by PARCEO, an education justice institute, with support from the anti-Zionist group Jewish Voice for Peace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PARCEO and AJC declined to release their training materials, but educators who attended each workshop shared notes and photos of the presentations with KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Galileo, 33 people — about one-third of the school’s staff members — attended PARCEO’s training, according to Sijstermans. Half of all staff, Sijstermans said, didn’t attend either workshop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple educators said PARCEO’s workshop focused on preparing them to discuss antisemitism with their students. Ian Williams, a special education teacher at Balboa, said he felt it was a better use of his time than other professional development sessions mandated by the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of the topic, it was one of the best [professional development opportunities] I’ve ever been to,” Williams said. “That speaks to political passion versus the pedagogy that we normally get.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, not all attendees at the PARCEO workshop were satisfied with the training.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henry Machtay, a media arts teacher at Galileo, said he felt the training focused too much on “disengaging Zionism and Judaism” rather than antisemitism itself. In hindsight, he said he would have preferred to attend neither.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are negatives about both organizations, and my choice was really a statement about the paternalistic attitude of San Francisco Unified School District — the way they have foisted these professional developments on us one after another after another without any input from teachers,” Machtay said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over at George Washington High School, teacher Julia David said the AJC training saw about half of all staff in attendance. She said the main focus was the history of antisemitism globally and the complex identity of Jewish people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Israel did come up because it’s a large part of our identity,” David said, adding that the presentation did not delve into the geopolitical aspect of the modern Israeli-Palestinian conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The day before the scheduled training, Galileo principal De Trice Rodgers reminded staff to attend the AJC workshop in an email obtained by KQED. Other schools received similar emails from their principals, Sijstermans said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We expect teachers to attend this professional development opportunity, and any other type of presentation taking place is not District-approved professional development and you are not authorized to attend during your working hours and while on the school site,” the email reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers’ union, United Educators of San Francisco, said it would support any educator who skipped the mandatory training in favor of PARCEO’s, according to a union email sent to educators at George Washington High School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the district said it could not comment on the PARCEO training because it was not district-sponsored or vetted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our focus is on how to provide our diverse student population a safe and supportive learning environment without advocating for any one stance on an issue,” the district said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officials also chose not to comment on the status of possible disciplinary actions, stating that they were confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Teachers were willing to come up to me and address their own biases that they’re confronting, and I think that’s the point of this workshop,” David said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "why-is-donald-trump-campaigning-in-california-a-state-hes-almost-certain-to-lose",
"title": "Why Is Donald Trump Campaigning in California, a State He's Almost Certain to Lose?",
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"content": "\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.[aside postID='elections_1950' label='2024 Voter Guide: California, Bay Area and National General Election' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide']Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12004699,news_11997712,news_12004810\"]The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With the presidency on the line in battlegrounds like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania, why would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> venture \u003ca href=\"https://interactives.ap.org/embeds/ziEfd/39/\">into California\u003c/a>, one of the most solidly Democratic states, just weeks before Election Day?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is almost certain to lose California, and that won’t change after his scheduled Saturday stop in Coachella, a desert city east of Los Angeles best known for the annual music festival bearing its name. Still, there are practical reasons for him to visit, despite the Republican nominee’s prospects Nov. 5 in the most populous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former president lost California in \u003ca href=\"https://blog.ap.org/behind-the-news/calling-the-2020-presidential-race-state-by-state\">a landslide in 2020\u003c/a>. He did get 6 million-plus votes, more than any GOP presidential candidate before, and his margins topped 70% in some rural counties that typically favor conservatives on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s an enormous pool of potential volunteers to work on state races and participate in phone banks into the most contested states. And Trump is likely to draw extensive media coverage in the Los Angeles market, the second-largest in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump is visiting Coachella in between stops in Nevada, at a roundtable in Las Vegas for Latinos earlier Saturday, and Arizona, for a rally Sunday in Prescott Valley. He narrowly lost those two swing states to Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/joe-biden\">Joe Biden\u003c/a> in 2020.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Going to California gives Trump the “ability to swoop in and leverage this big population of Trump supporters,” said Tim Lineberger, who was communications director for Trump’s 2016 campaign in Michigan and also worked in the former president’s administration. He’s “coming here and activating that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lineberger recalled Californians making calls to Michigan voters in 2016 on Trump’s behalf and said the campaign’s decision to go into safe, Democratic turf at this point was “an aggressive, offensive play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is also a fountain of campaign cash for both parties, and Trump will be fundraising. Photos with the former president in Coachella were priced at $25,000, which comes with special seating for two. A “VIP Experience” was priced at $5,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With congressional races in California in play that could determine which party controls the House, the Coachella rally “is a get-out-the-vote type of thing that motivates and energizes Republicans in California, when they are not as close to what is going on in the national campaign,” Republican consultant Tim Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rosales also said to look for Trump to continue his long-running spat with Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Republicans, “It’s motivating when you can pick at California a little bit and the governor … will take the bait,” Rosales said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Wednesday predicted Trump would be denigrating the state at the rally, overlooking its strengths as the world’s fifth-largest economy. The governor said that for the first time in a decade, California has more Fortune 500 companies than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You know, that’s not what Trump is going to say,” he predicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Brulte, a former chairman of the California Republican Party, said he thinks Trump is angling for something that has eluded him in previous campaigns: winning more total votes than his Democratic opponent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe Donald Trump is coming to California because he wants to win not only in the Electoral College, but he wants to win the popular vote. There are more registered voters in California than there are residents in 46 of the other 49 states,” Brulte said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Trump National Golf Club Los Angeles sits on the Pacific Coast, south of the city. But Trump has long had a conflicted relationship with California, where a Republican has not carried the state since 1988 and Democrats outnumber registered Republicans by about 2-to-1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California was home to the so-called Trump resistance during his time in office, and Trump often depicts California as representing all he sees wrong in America. As president, he called the homeless crises in Los Angeles and San Francisco disgraceful and threatened to intercede.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is likely to spend time on Saturday linking California’s problems to Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a>, the Democratic nominee and a San Francisco Bay Area native who was California’s attorney general and represented the state in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His campaign issued a statement alleging that under Harris, “the notorious ‘California Dream’ has turned into a nightmare for everyday Americans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Millan Patterson, chairwoman of the state GOP, said she looked forward to hearing Trump contrast his agenda with a Democratic White House that “has left Californians less safe and with less money in their pockets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans, she promised, “will do our part to secure a House majority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "silicon-valley-house-candidates-sam-liccardo-evan-low-spar-in-congressional-debate",
"title": "Silicon Valley House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Spar In Congressional Debate",
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"content": "\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district,Learn about the U.S. House of Representatives, District 16 Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The candidates for the next South Bay Congressional representative for San Mateo and Santa Clara counties traded barbs on housing, public safety and campaign ethics.",
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"title": "Silicon Valley House Candidates Sam Liccardo, Evan Low Spar In Congressional Debate | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Democrats competing for \u003ca href=\"https://stage.kqed.org/voterguide/california/congress-16th-district\">Silicon Valley’s congressional seat\u003c/a> clashed, snarled and bristled over campaign ethics, public safety and homelessness in Friday night’s debate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The matchup between former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low was rescheduled from Oct. 2, when Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007347/former-san-jose-mayor-sam-liccardo-drops-out-of-congressional-debate\">withdrew, citing laryngitis\u003c/a>. They are vying to replace Rep. Anna Eshoo, who announced last year that she would not \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">seek re-election\u003c/a> for California’s 16th Congressional District, a seat that represents Palo Alto, Half Moon Bay, Pacifica, and other cities in San Mateo and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo is polling at 30.9%, compared to 20% for Low, according to \u003ca href=\"https://today.usc.edu/california-house-poll-democrats-hold-slim-leads-in-states-closest-races-2/\">polling\u003c/a> released in late September by USC, Cal Poly Pomona and CSU Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tensions between the two Democrats have been simmering for months. Low won a spot on the November ballot following a high-profile recount in May that was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11995771/heres-who-funded-the-controversial-recount-for-congress-in-silicon-valley\">largely funded by allies of Liccardo\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo quickly put Low on the defensive about campaign ethics complaints, arguing that Low’s campaign has skirted a law prohibiting using state campaign funds on federal races. The voting rights group, Defend the Vote, which has endorsed Liccardo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/02/evan-low-hit-with-fec-complaint-accusing-him-of-illegally-using-money-from-his-state-campaign-account-for-his-congressional-bid/\">filed a federal complaint\u003c/a> against Low over the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Only one of these candidates is under an FPPC investigation,” Liccardo said, referring to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/projects/state-investigates-evan-low-tech-foundation-calmatters-report/\">separate investigation\u003c/a> by the California Fair Political Practices Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low defended his campaign’s approach. He repeatedly criticized Liccardo’s record on public safety during the debate hosted by KQED, NBC Bay Area and Telemundo 48.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When he was mayor of San José, he implemented a plan that dismantled public employees and public safety. In fact, 500 police officers left,” Low said, adding that he has the sole endorsement from the San José Police Officers Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, mentioning that his brother, who is a police officer, was in the live audience, blasted Liccardo’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/40879/just-how-bad-is-san-joses-budget-situation-really\">support for pension reform and a decline in police staffing\u003c/a> when Liccardo served on the San José City Council and as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo slammed Low for blocking a police reform bill in 2018 that would have opened up police misconduct records around the state. Low said he still supports his decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sexual assault. Excessive use of force. Theft. These are all crimes. And when police officers commit these crimes, the public has a right to know about it,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both candidates said they supported allowing for more immigration but also supported strengthening the border. However, the two diverged when asked if they would have changed President Joe Biden’s approach to immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low, who frequently invoked Vice President Kamala Harris, said, “No.” Liccardo said that the Biden Administration was “too slow to respond to the crisis at the border.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low said he supports comprehensive immigration reform at the national level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Half Moon Bay, there are undocumented farmworkers who are struggling to put food on the table,” he said, adding that he wants to pass Biden and Harris’ immigration reform bill. “We also know there are highly-skilled workers that we need immigration reform for as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009267\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009267\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-CONGRESSIONALDEBATENBC_COHEN-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former San José Mayor Sam Liccardo and Assemblymember Evan Low shake hands after their debate on Friday, Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Camille Cohen for KQED/POOL)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>They took digs at each other on housing and homelessness. Liccardo said Low didn’t do enough in the state Assembly to curb the issue, while Low accused Liccardo of allowing homelessness to sprawl out of control during his time as mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo said he supports removing barriers to Section 8 housing vouchers. Low said he thinks there needs to be stronger auditing and accountability around spending for homeless services and holding cities accountable for building enough affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city missed the mark by 13,128 units during his tenure,” Low said, referring to state-mandated housing goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Evan Low has demonstrated zero leadership on homelessness,” Liccardo responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Technology, which dominates big industry in the district, was one area where the two found some common ground. Both said they support increasing privacy protections online, in particular for children, and creating protections for workers whose jobs are threatened by automation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot we can do if we set a private industry standard — the best standard — to be the floor for liability,” Liccardo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "uc-santa-cruz-police-search-pro-palestinian-student-protester-civil-rights-lawsuit",
"title": "UC Santa Cruz Police Search of Student Protester’s Phone Raises Concern of Retaliation",
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"headTitle": "UC Santa Cruz Police Search of Student Protester’s Phone Raises Concern of Retaliation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Attorneys for a student who is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> over a temporary campus ban she received after last spring’s pro-Palestinian protests are accusing university police of targeting her with a retaliatory, overly broad search in an apparent effort to stifle her speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad is the lead plaintiff in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">a lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> on behalf of two students and a professor who were temporarily barred from UCSC’s campus, saying their suspensions were illegal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006851/uc-santa-cruz-campus-bans-protesters-fundamentally-unfair\">caused great harm\u003c/a> during the last two weeks of the spring academic session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week after instruction began this fall, attorneys said, Irshad had her phone seized by university police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fire alarm went off early on Oct. 1, she was standing outside the dormitory where she serves as the resident advisor when police approached with a search warrant for her phone, according to Chessie Thacher, an ACLU of Northern California attorney representing Irshad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warrant was issued based on a sealed affidavit that allegedly outlines probable cause to believe the phone’s contents include evidence of a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the affidavit is sealed, Thacher said her team has reason to believe the warrant is unrelated to the protest that led to Irshad’s arrest and the separate but related civil rights lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"681\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811, part of the United Auto Workers, and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the UC Santa Cruz campus on May 20, 2024, in Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The kicker for us was that this search warrant, served in such a public way, had a picture of Laila on it, and it wasn’t a picture of her student ID — it was a picture of her giving an interview to a news reporter about her involvement in the case,” Thacher told KQED. “This just feels like it has a retaliatory motive or intent, or an attempt to kind of say to Ms. Irshad: ‘Proceed with caution because we are intent on silencing your speech.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed a motion on Friday declaring that Irshad plans to petition the court to destroy or void the warrant, return her phone, order the destruction of all seized information and unseal the affidavit at a hearing in December. If the warrant isn’t voided, she is requesting that the court seal her phone until there can be a hearing about her claim that the warrant is overly broad and the phone contained communication that falls under attorney-client privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez Jason, a spokesperson for UC Santa Cruz, said in an email that the warrant was related to an “active investigation that began prior to the lawsuit” and could not share any additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, Irshad was among 112 protesters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">who were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s hilly campus. Rachel Lederman, another of the protesters’ attorneys, told KQED in September that throughout the night, officers squeezed in on the protesters and eventually detained many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988048\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988048\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz academic workers represented by UAW 4811 and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the campus on May 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Irshad and others who were detained received temporary campus bans under Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code, which allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, fellow student Elio Ellutzi and professor Christine Hong joined a lawsuit over their bans in September, accusing UC Santa Cruz of illegally applying Section 626.4. The bans were issued without a hearing, which is unlawful unless the person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008430 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241008-UCB-CAMPUS-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some students had hearings, they did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, Lederman said in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters are asking the court for an injunction to prevent UC Santa Cruz from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, as well as a preliminary injunction that would halt the university’s use of the tactic until the case is ultimately decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, who was a resident advisor last year as well, said she was compensated for her RA work with free campus housing and meal points — both of which she lost access to when she was barred from campus. She also said she could not access her computer, complete assignments or attend class, ultimately leading her to fail courses, according to a declaration filed in Santa Cruz Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search warrant for her phone was issued on Sept. 25, about two and a half weeks after her lawsuit was filed and five days after filing for the preliminary injunction. Thacher said the “series of events” is troubling to the attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the warrant itself — which gives officers access to all data on Irshad’s phone since it first stored data — is overly broad because it does not define a time period and searches her entire digital history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Ms. Irschad was not a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against the UC Santa Cruz Police Department and others, this warrant would still be overbroad,” Thacher said. “But she is a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against [UCSC], and the events here … are really troubling. It feels retaliatory. And we’re asking the court to help us understand what is going on here so that we can protect and defend Ms. Irschad’s rights to be a plaintiff in this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the motion for a preliminary injunction in Irshad’s civil rights suit is slated for a hearing in November, and a hearing to decide whether to void or tighten the restrictions around her search warrant is set for Dec. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Attorneys for a student who is suing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/uc-santa-cruz\">UC Santa Cruz\u003c/a> over a temporary campus ban she received after last spring’s pro-Palestinian protests are accusing university police of targeting her with a retaliatory, overly broad search in an apparent effort to stifle her speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Laaila Irshad is the lead plaintiff in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12003855/uc-santa-cruz-students-professor-sue-over-campus-bans-after-pro-palestinian-protest\">a lawsuit filed last month\u003c/a> on behalf of two students and a professor who were temporarily barred from UCSC’s campus, saying their suspensions were illegal and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12006851/uc-santa-cruz-campus-bans-protesters-fundamentally-unfair\">caused great harm\u003c/a> during the last two weeks of the spring academic session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Less than a week after instruction began this fall, attorneys said, Irshad had her phone seized by university police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a fire alarm went off early on Oct. 1, she was standing outside the dormitory where she serves as the resident advisor when police approached with a search warrant for her phone, according to Chessie Thacher, an ACLU of Northern California attorney representing Irshad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The warrant was issued based on a sealed affidavit that allegedly outlines probable cause to believe the phone’s contents include evidence of a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the affidavit is sealed, Thacher said her team has reason to believe the warrant is unrelated to the protest that led to Irshad’s arrest and the separate but related civil rights lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989566\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989566\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"681\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-2153876773-160x106.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz workers who are union members of UAW 4811, part of the United Auto Workers, and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the UC Santa Cruz campus on May 20, 2024, in Santa Cruz. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The kicker for us was that this search warrant, served in such a public way, had a picture of Laila on it, and it wasn’t a picture of her student ID — it was a picture of her giving an interview to a news reporter about her involvement in the case,” Thacher told KQED. “This just feels like it has a retaliatory motive or intent, or an attempt to kind of say to Ms. Irshad: ‘Proceed with caution because we are intent on silencing your speech.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys filed a motion on Friday declaring that Irshad plans to petition the court to destroy or void the warrant, return her phone, order the destruction of all seized information and unseal the affidavit at a hearing in December. If the warrant isn’t voided, she is requesting that the court seal her phone until there can be a hearing about her claim that the warrant is overly broad and the phone contained communication that falls under attorney-client privilege.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott Hernandez Jason, a spokesperson for UC Santa Cruz, said in an email that the warrant was related to an “active investigation that began prior to the lawsuit” and could not share any additional information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last May, Irshad was among 112 protesters \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988397/many-protesters-arrested-at-uc-santa-cruz-pro-palestinian-encampment\">who were arrested\u003c/a> after police in riot gear were deployed to a pro-Palestinian encampment in a little-used parking lot near the base of UC Santa Cruz’s hilly campus. Rachel Lederman, another of the protesters’ attorneys, told KQED in September that throughout the night, officers squeezed in on the protesters and eventually detained many of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988048\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988048\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1250\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-800x521.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1020x664.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2153876794-1536x1000.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Santa Cruz academic workers represented by UAW 4811 and pro-Palestinian protesters carry signs as they demonstrate in front of the campus on May 20, 2024. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Irshad and others who were detained received temporary campus bans under Section 626.4 of the California Penal Code, which allows university officials to revoke consent for a person to be on campus for up to 14 days “whenever there is reasonable cause to believe that such person has willfully disrupted the orderly operation of such campus or facility.” Entering the campus while the ban is in place is a misdemeanor punishable by jail time or a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, fellow student Elio Ellutzi and professor Christine Hong joined a lawsuit over their bans in September, accusing UC Santa Cruz of illegally applying Section 626.4. The bans were issued without a hearing, which is unlawful unless the person’s presence on campus constitutes a “substantial and material threat of significant injury to persons or property,” according to the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although some students had hearings, they did not begin to take place until at least a week after the bans were issued, Lederman said in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The protesters are asking the court for an injunction to prevent UC Santa Cruz from issuing these bans and a declaration that doing so is illegal, as well as a preliminary injunction that would halt the university’s use of the tactic until the case is ultimately decided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irshad, who was a resident advisor last year as well, said she was compensated for her RA work with free campus housing and meal points — both of which she lost access to when she was barred from campus. She also said she could not access her computer, complete assignments or attend class, ultimately leading her to fail courses, according to a declaration filed in Santa Cruz Superior Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The search warrant for her phone was issued on Sept. 25, about two and a half weeks after her lawsuit was filed and five days after filing for the preliminary injunction. Thacher said the “series of events” is troubling to the attorneys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also believes that the warrant itself — which gives officers access to all data on Irshad’s phone since it first stored data — is overly broad because it does not define a time period and searches her entire digital history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If Ms. Irschad was not a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against the UC Santa Cruz Police Department and others, this warrant would still be overbroad,” Thacher said. “But she is a plaintiff in a civil rights lawsuit against [UCSC], and the events here … are really troubling. It feels retaliatory. And we’re asking the court to help us understand what is going on here so that we can protect and defend Ms. Irschad’s rights to be a plaintiff in this lawsuit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, the motion for a preliminary injunction in Irshad’s civil rights suit is slated for a hearing in November, and a hearing to decide whether to void or tighten the restrictions around her search warrant is set for Dec. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007232,news_12006862,news_12003090\"]Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California state Senate passed a measure Friday to prevent gas prices from spiking in a state where it is notoriously expensive to fill up at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">backed by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a>, would give energy regulators the authority to require that refiners keep a certain amount of fuel on hand. The goal is to try to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-gas-price-gov-newsom-spike-1bf913e3cc0b478af557dab034e0435e\">keep prices from increasing suddenly\u003c/a> when refiners go offline for maintenance. Proponents say it would save Californians billions of dollars at the pump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill was inspired by findings from the state’s Division of Petroleum Market Oversight, which demonstrated that gas price spikes are largely caused by increases in global crude oil prices and unplanned refinery outages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat representing Berkeley, said the proposal is about saving money for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While global crude prices are not something we can control, a shortage of refined gasoline is something that we can prepare for,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom unveiled the legislation in August, during the last week of the regular legislative session. But lawmakers in the state Assembly said they needed more time to consider it. The governor called the Legislature into a special session to try to pass it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill needs final approval by the state Assembly before it can reach Newsom’s desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It has received intense pushback from Republican lawmakers, labor groups and the oil industry. Some opponents say it could unintentionally raise overall gas prices and threaten the safety of workers by giving the state more oversight over refinery maintenance schedules. They argued delaying necessary maintenance could lead to accidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Western States Petroleum Association criticized Newsom and the Democratic lawmakers supporting the bill, saying it would not benefit consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they were serious about affordability, they’d be working with our industry on real solutions,” Catherine Reheis-Boyd, the group’s president, said in a statement. “Instead, they’re forcing a system they don’t understand, and Californians will pay the price.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians pay the highest rates at the pump due to taxes and environmental regulations. The average price for regular unleaded gas in the state is about $4.67 per gallon as of Friday, compared to the national average of $3.21, according to AAA.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Republican state Sen. Brian Dahle said there shouldn’t have been a special session to weigh the proposal, because the bill does not do anything urgent. The proposal fails to address the state taxes and regulations that contribute to higher gas prices, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, who’s making the money?” Dahle said. “Who’s gouging Californians for every gallon of gas? It’s the government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, governors representing Nevada and Arizona, which import gas from California, sent a letter urging Newsom to reconsider the proposal. They said at the time they were concerned it could increase prices in their states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first time Newsom has tried to apply pressure on the Legislature to pass oil and gas regulations. He \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-gavin-newsom-personal-taxes-e661495b9344e20a1ac474c4065db600\">called a special session in 2022\u003c/a> to pass a tax on oil company profits. The governor then said \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/business-california-legislature-sacramento-gavin-newsom-f67b8f4a8e0d7a978d4bf34ada1ea256\">he wanted a penalty, not a tax\u003c/a>. The law he ended up signing months later \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-oil-company-profits-penalty-bill-7092c33a80bcab63658e118bbcbabf11\">gave state regulators the power\u003c/a> to penalize oil companies for making too much money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGuire, a Democrat representing the North Coast, said the bill lawmakers advanced Friday would help address a problem that drastically impacts people’s lives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Putting mechanisms in place to help prevent costs from spiking and sending family budgets into a tailspin benefits us all, and working together, we’ve been able to do just that,” he said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Lawsuit Over Angelo Quinto’s Death Being Ruled an Accident Could Be Tossed by Judge",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/contra-costa-county\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> judge is poised to consider dismissing a lawsuit filed by the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/angelo-quinto\">Angelo Quinto\u003c/a>, who died after being forcibly restrained by Antioch police in 2020, that sought to reverse the coroner’s ruling of his death as an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family’s lawsuit argues the cause of death should be asphyxiation and seeks a court order compelling the county to vacate the ruling of Quinto’s death as accidental and “amend the record to accurately designate Mr. Quinto’s death by presenting all the relevant evidence and medical findings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, it’s about it’s a fight to make sure that the cover-up is not successful and that the truth is able to be unearthed in this situation,” Quinto’s father, Robert Collins, told KQED on Friday after a hearing at Superior Court in Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinto, a 30-year-old Navy veteran, was having a mental health emergency in his home on Dec. 23, 2020, when his family called police after he began to act paranoid and agitated, according to a separate civil rights lawsuit filed by his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two officers arrived to find Quinto held in his mother’s arms and pulled him from her grasp, flipping him onto his stomach, according to the family’s claim. As they did, Quinto called out, “Please don’t kill me,” at least twice, the claim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign reads, “Justice for Angelo Quinto,” during a candlelight vigil in remembrance of Quinto at Antioch City Park on March 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officers crossed Quinto’s legs behind him and took turns kneeling on his neck, according to the claim, which said he started bleeding from his mouth after being restrained for nearly five minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11986351 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/024_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qut-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Quinto’s family has successfully advocated for a statewide ban on a term initially listed by the coroner as the cause of death: “Excited delirium.” They are also pushing Contra Costa County to fully separate the county coroner’s office from the sheriff’s office to ensure objectivity in the determination of cause and manner of death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s hearing, the county argued the lawsuit over the classification of Quinto’s death as an accident should be dismissed because the family lacks legal standing, a position Judge Gina Dashman favored in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.cc-courts.org/civil/TR/Department%2018%20-%20Judge%20Douglas%20(Judge%20Dashman%20Eff.%20July%2015th)/18_101124.pdf\"> tentative ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county also contends the family has access to other legal remedies, likely referencing their $7.5 million civil \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986351/family-of-man-suffocated-by-antioch-police-restraint-to-get-7-5-million-settlement\">settlement\u003c/a> agreement with the city of Antioch in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A final ruling is expected in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/contra-costa-county\">Contra Costa County\u003c/a> judge is poised to consider dismissing a lawsuit filed by the family of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/angelo-quinto\">Angelo Quinto\u003c/a>, who died after being forcibly restrained by Antioch police in 2020, that sought to reverse the coroner’s ruling of his death as an accident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The family’s lawsuit argues the cause of death should be asphyxiation and seeks a court order compelling the county to vacate the ruling of Quinto’s death as accidental and “amend the record to accurately designate Mr. Quinto’s death by presenting all the relevant evidence and medical findings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Really, it’s about it’s a fight to make sure that the cover-up is not successful and that the truth is able to be unearthed in this situation,” Quinto’s father, Robert Collins, told KQED on Friday after a hearing at Superior Court in Martinez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quinto, a 30-year-old Navy veteran, was having a mental health emergency in his home on Dec. 23, 2020, when his family called police after he began to act paranoid and agitated, according to a separate civil rights lawsuit filed by his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two officers arrived to find Quinto held in his mother’s arms and pulled him from her grasp, flipping him onto his stomach, according to the family’s claim. As they did, Quinto called out, “Please don’t kill me,” at least twice, the claim said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009101\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009101\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/023_Antioch_AngeloQuintoMemorial_03102021_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign reads, “Justice for Angelo Quinto,” during a candlelight vigil in remembrance of Quinto at Antioch City Park on March 10, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The officers crossed Quinto’s legs behind him and took turns kneeling on his neck, according to the claim, which said he started bleeding from his mouth after being restrained for nearly five minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Quinto’s family has successfully advocated for a statewide ban on a term initially listed by the coroner as the cause of death: “Excited delirium.” They are also pushing Contra Costa County to fully separate the county coroner’s office from the sheriff’s office to ensure objectivity in the determination of cause and manner of death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Friday’s hearing, the county argued the lawsuit over the classification of Quinto’s death as an accident should be dismissed because the family lacks legal standing, a position Judge Gina Dashman favored in a\u003ca href=\"https://www.cc-courts.org/civil/TR/Department%2018%20-%20Judge%20Douglas%20(Judge%20Dashman%20Eff.%20July%2015th)/18_101124.pdf\"> tentative ruling\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county also contends the family has access to other legal remedies, likely referencing their $7.5 million civil \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986351/family-of-man-suffocated-by-antioch-police-restraint-to-get-7-5-million-settlement\">settlement\u003c/a> agreement with the city of Antioch in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A final ruling is expected in the coming weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "mario-gonzalez-supporters-call-das-error-a-shame-as-2-officers-avoid-charges",
"title": "Mario Gonzalez Supporters Call DA’s Error a ‘Shame’ as 2 Officers Avoid Charges",
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"content": "\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-gonzalez\">Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a> rallied Friday outside an Alameda County courthouse where the only police officer who still faces charges in his 2021 death appeared before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first hearing since a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">dismissed the cases\u003c/a> against the other two officers charged with involuntary manslaughter, ruling this week that the district attorney’s office failed to file arrest warrants that would have commenced felony prosecution \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">within the three-year statute of limitations\u003c/a>. Gonzalez, 26, died after police pinned him to the ground in an Alameda park on April 19, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two officers are going to be able to walk off today on a technicality of some paperwork from the DA’s office being served late. Shame on them,” Amanda Majail-Blanco, an organizer for Communities United for Restorative Youth Justice, said to about 20 supporters outside the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland. “There were three officers that should be held accountable for Mario’s death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s mother, Edith Arenales, was not at the rally because she has suffered from health issues since this week’s dismissal of charges. His family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group, told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott Patton’s Monday ruling dismissed the charges against Alameda officers James Fisher and Cameron Leahy. The district attorney’s case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, was not thrown out because the clock on his statute of limitations was paused during a recent five-month trip abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009119\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A justice rally for the family of Mario Gonzalez, a man who died after an altercation with Alameda police in 2021, in front of the Wiley W. Manuel Court House in Oakland on Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Samantha Lim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> on April 18, one day before the three-year statute of limitations expired, Patton said prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” which they didn’t do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really just out of sheer luck that anyone is able to be charged at all after the egregious error that the district attorney’s office made,” James Burch, the deputy director of the Anti-Police Terror Project, said after the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s arraignment in August marked the start of timely prosecution because the statute of limitations had been paused, the judge ruled. McKinley has also asked the court to dismiss charges against him, alleging that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at the arraignment, but Patton rejected that motion on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008407 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS48839_022_Alameda_MarioGonzalezPressConf_04272021-qut-1020x679.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Price’s office said it was “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable,” adding that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has drawn comparisons to the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd in 2020. Gonzalez was unarmed when officers responded to a 911 call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\"> body camera footage released by the city\u003c/a> shows the officers pin down Gonzalez, who is mumbling and appears not to be fully lucid after he resists being handcuffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one officer pressed an elbow and knee into Gonzalez’s back and shoulder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After about five minutes, officers rolled Gonzalez onto his side, saying he was becoming unresponsive. The officers administered CPR and at least two doses of Narcan before Gonzalez was taken to a hospital, where he was later declared dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family accused the officers of murder after viewing the video and called it a clear case of police brutality. An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner classified Gonzalez’s death as a homicide but noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest were the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation and restraint, obesity and alcoholism. A second autopsy, independently requested by Gonzalez’s family, showed that his death had been “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-District Attorney Nancy O’Malley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">cleared the officers of criminal liability\u003c/a> in 2022, but Price reopened the case shortly after she took office in 2023 as part of her new Public Accountability Unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price announced the charges this year just three days after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983091/recall-of-alameda-county-district-attorney-pamela-price-qualifies-for-a-vote\">recall campaign against her qualified for this November’s ballot\u003c/a>, spurring questions about a possible political motivation behind the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Majail-Blanco, the community organizer, said before Friday’s court hearing that the filing error by the district attorney’s office “is a shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been working with Edith on this journey for three years, and it’s been difficult to see her go through this,” Majail-Blanco said. “And it’s almost a slap in the face of disrespect to put this case out in the media and to just let these officers walk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley will return to court on Oct. 25, when he is scheduled to enter a plea. He will need to be booked prior to the court appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/slim\">Samantha Lim\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Mario Gonzalez Supporters Call DA’s Error a ‘Shame’ as 2 Officers Avoid Charges | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mario-gonzalez\">Mario Gonzalez\u003c/a> rallied Friday outside an Alameda County courthouse where the only police officer who still faces charges in his 2021 death appeared before a judge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was the first hearing since a judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008407/2-of-3-alameda-officers-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-have-their-case-dismissed\">dismissed the cases\u003c/a> against the other two officers charged with involuntary manslaughter, ruling this week that the district attorney’s office failed to file arrest warrants that would have commenced felony prosecution \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005470/attorneys-for-alameda-cops-charged-in-mario-gonzalez-death-try-to-dismiss-case-over-filing-deadlines\">within the three-year statute of limitations\u003c/a>. Gonzalez, 26, died after police pinned him to the ground in an Alameda park on April 19, 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two officers are going to be able to walk off today on a technicality of some paperwork from the DA’s office being served late. Shame on them,” Amanda Majail-Blanco, an organizer for Communities United for Restorative Youth Justice, said to about 20 supporters outside the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse in Oakland. “There were three officers that should be held accountable for Mario’s death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s mother, Edith Arenales, was not at the rally because she has suffered from health issues since this week’s dismissal of charges. His family was “heartbroken” after hearing the judge’s decision, advocate Barni Qaasim, who organizes with the Justice for Mario Gonzalez community group, told KQED on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Judge Scott Patton’s Monday ruling dismissed the charges against Alameda officers James Fisher and Cameron Leahy. The district attorney’s case against the third officer, Eric McKinley, was not thrown out because the clock on his statute of limitations was paused during a recent five-month trip abroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009119\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009119\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241011-MARIO-GONZALEZ-01-SL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A justice rally for the family of Mario Gonzalez, a man who died after an altercation with Alameda police in 2021, in front of the Wiley W. Manuel Court House in Oakland on Oct. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Samantha Lim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983439/alameda-county-da-files-manslaughter-charges-against-police-officers-in-mario-gonzalezs-death\">announced charges against the officers\u003c/a> on April 18, one day before the three-year statute of limitations expired, Patton said prosecutors would have had to file an arrest warrant or take several other steps for a felony prosecution to “commence,” which they didn’t do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really just out of sheer luck that anyone is able to be charged at all after the egregious error that the district attorney’s office made,” James Burch, the deputy director of the Anti-Police Terror Project, said after the rally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley’s arraignment in August marked the start of timely prosecution because the statute of limitations had been paused, the judge ruled. McKinley has also asked the court to dismiss charges against him, alleging that Price “fraudulently induced him to appear” at the arraignment, but Patton rejected that motion on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an emailed statement, Price’s office said it was “unfortunate that all three defendants will not be held accountable,” adding that the court’s decision was not based on any lack of merit in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case has drawn comparisons to the Minneapolis police killing of George Floyd in 2020. Gonzalez was unarmed when officers responded to a 911 call of a man behaving strangely in an Alameda park, and\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11871345/city-of-alameda-releases-police-body-cam-footage-of-mario-gonzalez-death\"> body camera footage released by the city\u003c/a> shows the officers pin down Gonzalez, who is mumbling and appears not to be fully lucid after he resists being handcuffed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least one officer pressed an elbow and knee into Gonzalez’s back and shoulder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After about five minutes, officers rolled Gonzalez onto his side, saying he was becoming unresponsive. The officers administered CPR and at least two doses of Narcan before Gonzalez was taken to a hospital, where he was later declared dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzalez’s family accused the officers of murder after viewing the video and called it a clear case of police brutality. An initial autopsy by the Alameda County coroner classified Gonzalez’s death as a homicide but noted contributing factors to his cardiac arrest were the “toxic effects of methamphetamine,” stress related to altercation and restraint, obesity and alcoholism. A second autopsy, independently requested by Gonzalez’s family, showed that his death had been “a result of restraint asphyxiation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-District Attorney Nancy O’Malley \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910601/no-criminal-charges-against-alameda-officers-in-death-of-mario-gonzalez\">cleared the officers of criminal liability\u003c/a> in 2022, but Price reopened the case shortly after she took office in 2023 as part of her new Public Accountability Unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Price announced the charges this year just three days after the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983091/recall-of-alameda-county-district-attorney-pamela-price-qualifies-for-a-vote\">recall campaign against her qualified for this November’s ballot\u003c/a>, spurring questions about a possible political motivation behind the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Majail-Blanco, the community organizer, said before Friday’s court hearing that the filing error by the district attorney’s office “is a shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had been working with Edith on this journey for three years, and it’s been difficult to see her go through this,” Majail-Blanco said. “And it’s almost a slap in the face of disrespect to put this case out in the media and to just let these officers walk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley will return to court on Oct. 25, when he is scheduled to enter a plea. He will need to be booked prior to the court appearance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/slim\">Samantha Lim\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "forced-sterilization-survivors-undertake-own-healing-after-feeling-silenced-again-by-state",
"title": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling 'Silenced Again' by State",
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"headTitle": "Forced Sterilization Survivors Undertake Own Healing After Feeling ‘Silenced Again’ by State | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more reparations stories\" postID=\"news_12008246,news_11965926\"]The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Reparations Stories' postID='news_11981271,news_11975584,news_11961026']Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published in April 2024. The audio was first broadcast Oct. 11, 2024. Since the story first published, the compensation board has now approved a total of 118 applicants. It has denied 432 – or roughly 75% – of applicants. State agencies have now spent roughly $180,000 on memorials to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization. Dr. James Heinrich passed away in January 2024.Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008246/i-would-have-been-a-great-mom-california-finally-pays-reparations-to-woman-it-sterilized\">signed a bill on Sept. 30 \u003c/a>that gives more time to survivors of state-sponsored sterilization to appeal their case if they were denied reparations. They have until Jan. 1, 2025 to file an appeal.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Listen to this and more in-depth storytelling by subscribing to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine\">The California Report Magazine podcast\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>ne morning last spring, Moonlight Pulido called on rituals drawn from her Native American spirituality to confront a painful experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She stepped outside of her home in Carson, California, and lit a bundle of white sage that she keeps in an abalone shell by the back door. Pulido, who is Apache, fanned the smoke around her with a feather.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was preparing to make quilt squares for a project to honor people who were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965926/survivors-of-californias-forced-sterilization-denied-reparations\">forcibly sterilized at state prisons in California\u003c/a>. A survivor herself, she said she was searching for a way to release the hurt and heartache.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2005, while she was incarcerated at Valley State Prison in California’s Central Valley, a doctor ordered a hysterectomy without her consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This guy really thought that he could play God and decide who was worthy and who wasn’t,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido, 59, was released in 2022. She spends her days caring for her mother, who has dementia. She also works in her stepfather’s appliance repair shop and volunteers with advocacy organizations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February 2023, she learned that one of the organizations she volunteers for, the California Coalition for Women Prisoners, or CCWP, was organizing a memorial quilt for prison sterilization survivors. She said it was an opportunity to let go of her animosity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though he took something that I can never get back, my spirit still felt free to heal and move on,” Pulido said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and survivors say the quilt is a response to widespread disappointment over California’s implementation of a 2021 reparations law intended to make amends for a shameful chapter of the state’s history. The historic legislation allocated $4.5 million in reparative compensation to survivors who were forcibly sterilized in state prisons, state-run hospitals, homes and institutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido is one of 573 people who applied. Her application was approved, and she received $35,000. However, as of March 5, just 115 applicants had been approved. The two-year program has been criticized by dozens of advocates, including CCWP and even those who drafted the bill, because of the interpretation of the reparations law. Roughly 70% of applicants were rejected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The law also distributed $1 million between three state agencies to commission memorials that mark the harm caused by forced or involuntary sterilizations. The process required consultation with survivors and advocates. However, a review of the state’s memorialization efforts by UC Berkeley’s Investigative Reporting Program and KQED revealed that after making minimal progress in its first year the state rewrote its contracts to eliminate community engagement requirements that it had apparently failed to meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This story’s reporting is based on multiple public records requests, more than 600 pages of documents, and interviews with lawmakers, public officials and prison representatives. In interviews, advocates and survivors told KQED they feel excluded and disrespected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[The memorialization process] echoes what we saw across the whole program, which was a following of the letter of the law and not the spirit of the law,” said Jennifer James, an associate professor of sociology at UCSF and member of CCWP.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Revictimized and silenced again’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The memorial funding went to the three state agencies that allowed the forced sterilizations to occur: the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, the California Department of State Hospitals and the California Department of Developmental Services. The agencies were charged with leading a collaborative memorialization process that would “acknowledge the wrongful sterilization of thousands of vulnerable people,” according to the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their 2022 contracts with the California Victim Compensation Board, which oversees the reparations program, the state agencies were required to hold regular meetings, submit quarterly progress reports and create project teams that included survivors and advocates. Roughly one year later, the agencies had not fulfilled any of those requirements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of being held accountable by the compensation board, the agency’s contracts with the compensation board were rewritten.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revised contracts reduced opportunities for community participation and transparency, according to KQED’s analysis of the original and revised contracts. For example, the requirement for agencies, survivors and advocates to meet “weekly or monthly to discuss and finalize the design, location and language that will appear on the markers or plaques” was deleted, as was the stipulation for agencies to provide quarterly reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about the changes to the memorialization contracts, the compensation board said in a statement that “the contracts were amended to better reflect the roles and responsibilities of each department as described in state law. CalVCB’s statutory role is strictly fiduciary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the funds originally earmarked for memorials have been almost cut in half to $550,000. It’s unclear how any unspent money will be used.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state allocated $7.5 million to the two-year program, with $4.5 million earmarked for compensation, $1 million for memorialization and $2 million for program administration and outreach. Each individual whose application is approved receives $15,000. A second and final payment of $20,000, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB143\">signed into law by Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> in September 2023, will be processed by October. Up to $1 million of any remaining compensation funds could be extended for survivors if legislation is passed in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reparations advocates passed the legislation, they envisioned a collaborative and reparative process with the state where survivors, activists and community members could shape a memorial using the artists and materials they selected. Now advocates and survivors like Kelli Dillon, an advisor of the reparations bill, say they feel cheated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We thought we were going to be in partnership [with these agencies], and we were totally revictimized and silenced again,” said Dillon, who was coercively sterilized in 2001 at Central California Women’s Facility and was approved for reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11976953\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11976953\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/240222-REPARATIONS-QUILT-KSM-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">After feeling dismissed by the state, forced sterilization survivors and advocates created their own memorialization project: a quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Records show that CDCR contracted Boules Consulting in July 2022 at $100 an hour to facilitate 30 hours of meetings between the agencies and the community, but only one meeting was held. Three days before it took place, the compensation board invited the eight survivors whose applications had been approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting was a critical turning point. There was a tense back and forth between agency representatives and advocates, who shut down the meeting because only two survivors could attend on such short notice. A survivor-centered memorialization process, advocates argued, was contingent on meaningful outreach, opportunities for participation, inclusivity and accessibility.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agency representatives postponed the meeting so more survivors could attend. Instead, according to records obtained through a public records request, CDCR’s Chief of Legislative Affairs, Sydney Tanimoto, emailed Boules Consulting to say there had been a “change of plans.” CDCR would move to a survey format instead of virtual meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Administration pivoted to a survey model to address accessibility concerns raised by stakeholders as part of the initial stakeholder meeting,” Terri Hardy, a CDCR press secretary, said in a statement to KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors and advocates were deeply troubled by the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could have been a historic moment where people who were greatly harmed could have gained a form of reparation through the process and that was lost,” said Cynthia Chandler, an attorney in Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price’s office who helped draft the reparations law. “That can’t possibly happen through a survey.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A short questionnaire was sent to a dozen advocates and survivors to assess their visual, auditory and language needs to participate in the survey process. Advocates with expertise in disability rights who had attended the meeting were not consulted, according to Silvia Yee, public policy director at Disability Rights Education and Defense Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first survey related to the design, location and language of the memorials was sent to 24 survivors whose applications had been approved. Based on six responses, the consultant wrote a final recommendation report suggesting the memorial be placed in front of the state capital and CDCR headquarters. A second survey, related to the language for the memorials was sent nearly five months later to 94 survivors. About a third responded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, agencies say that they plan to install plaques, benches and gazebos at nine facilities where the sterilizations took place. As of March 26, the agencies had spent roughly $170,000. By the end of its contract, Boules Consulting had charged CDCR $9,900 for the work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to KQED’s findings, the four state agencies sent a joint statement, saying that they “have worked together in partnership to meet and surpass the requirements established in the legislation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All four departments recognized stakeholder input was a critical part of the process,” the statement continued. “Each department worked with CalVCB to actively engage in outreach efforts by using information collected and conducting targeted searches in hopes of reaching more survivors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido said she never received a survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It feels cold,” she said. “We should have been asked what kind of memorial we wanted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said that if she had been asked, she would have replied that she’d like the memorial plaque to carry her name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want them to know that I was victimized,” she said. “Remember me. Remember my fight and what I went through.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Survivors of prison sterilization aren’t the only ones frustrated by the state’s memorialization efforts. Between 1909 and 1979, at least 20,000 Californians — disproportionately women and racial minorities — were forcibly sterilized while at state-run homes and hospitals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s memorialization plans don’t include any markers at Pacific Colony, a former state hospital. This upsets Stacy Cordova, whose great-aunt, Mary Franco, was sterilized when she was 13 at Pacific Colony in 1934. Franco had been institutionalized after being molested by a neighbor. She was labeled a “sex delinquent” and “low moron,” according to facility records reviewed by KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cordova said she never received a survey. “Why have I never been contacted?” she said. “It really makes me sad that this promise has gone unfulfilled.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11981912\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11981912\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240404-FORCED-STERILIZATION-STACY_04-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Stacy Cordova, at her home in Azusa on Feb. 11, 2024, looks through records from Pacific Colony, where her great-aunt was forcibly sterilized in 1934 when she was 13. \u003ccite>(Cayla Mihalovich for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Cordova, a special education teacher who lives in Azusa, made her own memorial. She created a historical radio project titled “\u003ca href=\"http://www.americanhistoryeugenix.com/\">American History EugeniX\u003c/a>” to be used as a curriculum in high school and college classes. She will share the histories of people who were sterilized in the 1920s and 1930s based on eugenics records she found in the California State Archives. She hopes to launch the project this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘You have to gather stories’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the reparations law was passed, advocates and researchers tried to guard against the exclusion many now feel. They prepared a guidance document for the state agencies to follow as memorials were created, noting that including community input, specifically from survivors and their descendants, was crucial to the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An omission of survivor input, the document stated, “conveys not only an ugly message about state power, but ultimately will constitute a failure of contemporary agencies to properly acknowledge their role in past wrongs and harms.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The document provided examples of memorialization projects from around the world, which are seen as successful because survivors were “active partners in the conceptualization and placement.” Advocates pointed to Los Angeles General Medical Center’s “Sobrevivir,” which recognizes hundreds of survivors who were forcibly sterilized at the hospital during the 1960s and 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Artist Phung Huynh made “Sobrevivir,” a monument with roses and praying hands etched into steel, with a budget of roughly $100,000. The flat disk is in the medical center’s courtyard. Huynh said she spent a year gathering input on what her piece should look like through open forums and correspondence with descendants of survivors and activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to gather stories, be sensitive and thoughtful because it’s going to live in the community that it’s serving,” Huynh said of public art. “They have to feel like it represents who they are and the specific history that we’re trying to remember.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Alexandra Minna Stern, a UCLA humanities professor and the founder of the Sterilization and Social Justice Lab, helped draft the guidance document. She said the state has failed to engage survivors. Her lab has consulted on numerous memorialization efforts for survivors of eugenics-era sterilizations, including in Indiana and North Carolina.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s frustrating to me that the state has taken over the memorialization efforts and turned it into plaques that will be [inscribed] with language they wrote and the coalition responded to,” Stern said. “Memorialization should be more than just plaques.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After feeling dismissed by the state, survivors and advocates with CCWP met in January 2023 to discuss ideas for creating their own memorialization project. They landed on a memorial quilt centered around a theme of healing and growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are upset and angry,” said Diana Block, an advocate at CCWP. “But we chose to put our energy into developing something positive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They spent a year collecting handmade quilt squares from over 100 survivors and their supporters. Some advocates hosted quilt-making parties. Others who are currently incarcerated crocheted squares of their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pulido sent her squares to Linda Evans, a formerly incarcerated quiltmaker and CCWP member, who assembled the 5-foot-long, 20-block quilt. It is bordered by red fabric and features images such as a lopsided heart, a peace sign and butterflies that envelop words like “hope” and “lies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining squares will be assembled into an afghan by Chyrl Lamar, a formerly incarcerated CCWP member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This spring, survivors and advocates of CCWP hope to bring the completed memorial quilt, called “Together We Rise, Together We Heal,” to the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla, California, where many of the illegal sterilizations occurred. From there, the community-led memorial will travel around the country to libraries, prisons, museums and state capitals to serve as a centerpiece for education and conversation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“History disappears,” Evans said. “If we don’t capture it and keep it in the present, we have a real danger of repeating terrible things that happened in the past.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Cayla Mihalovich is a reporter with the Investigative Reporting Program at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> officials plan to hold the first of three town hall meetings on Thursday night to discuss the newly released \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">list of schools\u003c/a> proposed for closure or merger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tuesday’s announcement, parent and teacher groups have raised several concerns about the school closure list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents point out that most of the selected schools are located on the city’s east side, several have Cantonese biliteracy programs and some could merge with schools with different schedules and after-school programs, making it harder for communities to transition together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some school communities have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">vowed to fight the closures. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, parents, students and teachers at Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy rallied against their school’s inclusion on the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many hope to get answers during Thursday night’s town hall, but some are disappointed with the virtual-only format. Led by Superintendent Matt Wayne, the meeting requires questions to be submitted in advance via \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1AOHCbQVvBwYSvuSLotfmGZUspMESy8vmESNgW8ygD8w/viewform?edit_requested=true\">a Google form\u003c/a> on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/resource-alignment-initiative/town-halls\">district’s website. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008835\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008835\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students and families of Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy rally at Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If I am expressing concerns about something with my child’s school, I want an active human being that I can interact with,” said Vanessa Marrero, executive director for Parents for Public Schools of San Francisco. “I don’t want a screen that can’t talk back to me or questions that are cherry-picked that may not be my questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marrero added that she’s concerned that the question form wasn’t made available in other languages for non-English speaking families and may be difficult to access for parents who are visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that that is a huge indicator of how culturally unresponsive, as the view has been to the immigrant communities in San Francisco,” Marrero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting will also include updates regarding the district’s ongoing budget deficit crisis, which the closures are meant to help address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008873 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241010-SFUSDClosures-06-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Lara, executive vice president for United Educators of San Francisco, said he’s interested in hearing more about how the district is rectifying the budget while minimizing the negative impacts on students and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The central office has been bloated and is obviously not capable of carrying out its objectives,” Lara said. “So why all of a sudden is the focus on targeting school sites for budget cuts? What happened to the central office cuts?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed has also stepped into the fray, saying in a statement that she has “heard from families that are confused and frustrated, and there is a lot of fear in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Breed announced a new School Stabilization Team to assist district officials. That came not long after the district announced it was delaying the release of the school closure list despite the fact that parents and educators had already been waiting for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the team has been encouraging district leadership to deeply engage with families on this matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the way the Superintendent and the School District rolled out their plan earlier this week was antithetical to these goals,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining two town halls will be held on Oct. 26 and Nov. 6, and the proposal will appear before the San Francisco Board of Education on Nov. 12. Over the next few weeks, district officials will also conduct visits to impacted schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those interested in viewing Thursday’s meeting, which begins at 5:30 p.m., \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/mxSq7UuDn8k\">can do so at this link\u003c/a>. Questions for the superintendent \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1AOHCbQVvBwYSvuSLotfmGZUspMESy8vmESNgW8ygD8w/viewform?edit_requested=true\">can be submitted to this link\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> officials plan to hold the first of three town hall meetings on Thursday night to discuss the newly released \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008405/these-san-francisco-schools-could-close-list-isnt-final\">list of schools\u003c/a> proposed for closure or merger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Tuesday’s announcement, parent and teacher groups have raised several concerns about the school closure list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents point out that most of the selected schools are located on the city’s east side, several have Cantonese biliteracy programs and some could merge with schools with different schedules and after-school programs, making it harder for communities to transition together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some school communities have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008714/parents-sf-schools-named-for-closure-fight-keep-campuses-open\">vowed to fight the closures. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, parents, students and teachers at Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy rallied against their school’s inclusion on the list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many hope to get answers during Thursday night’s town hall, but some are disappointed with the virtual-only format. Led by Superintendent Matt Wayne, the meeting requires questions to be submitted in advance via \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1AOHCbQVvBwYSvuSLotfmGZUspMESy8vmESNgW8ygD8w/viewform?edit_requested=true\">a Google form\u003c/a> on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfusd.edu/resource-alignment-initiative/town-halls\">district’s website. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008835\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12008835\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teachers, K-5 students and families of Harvey Milk Civil Rights Academy rally at Harvey Milk Plaza in the Castro neighborhood of San Francisco on Oct. 9, 2024, to protest against the potential closure of the school. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If I am expressing concerns about something with my child’s school, I want an active human being that I can interact with,” said Vanessa Marrero, executive director for Parents for Public Schools of San Francisco. “I don’t want a screen that can’t talk back to me or questions that are cherry-picked that may not be my questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marrero added that she’s concerned that the question form wasn’t made available in other languages for non-English speaking families and may be difficult to access for parents who are visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do think that that is a huge indicator of how culturally unresponsive, as the view has been to the immigrant communities in San Francisco,” Marrero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The meeting will also include updates regarding the district’s ongoing budget deficit crisis, which the closures are meant to help address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frank Lara, executive vice president for United Educators of San Francisco, said he’s interested in hearing more about how the district is rectifying the budget while minimizing the negative impacts on students and teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The central office has been bloated and is obviously not capable of carrying out its objectives,” Lara said. “So why all of a sudden is the focus on targeting school sites for budget cuts? What happened to the central office cuts?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed has also stepped into the fray, saying in a statement that she has “heard from families that are confused and frustrated, and there is a lot of fear in the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, Breed announced a new School Stabilization Team to assist district officials. That came not long after the district announced it was delaying the release of the school closure list despite the fact that parents and educators had already been waiting for months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said that the team has been encouraging district leadership to deeply engage with families on this matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the way the Superintendent and the School District rolled out their plan earlier this week was antithetical to these goals,” Breed said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The remaining two town halls will be held on Oct. 26 and Nov. 6, and the proposal will appear before the San Francisco Board of Education on Nov. 12. Over the next few weeks, district officials will also conduct visits to impacted schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those interested in viewing Thursday’s meeting, which begins at 5:30 p.m., \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/mxSq7UuDn8k\">can do so at this link\u003c/a>. Questions for the superintendent \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1AOHCbQVvBwYSvuSLotfmGZUspMESy8vmESNgW8ygD8w/viewform?edit_requested=true\">can be submitted to this link\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
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"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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