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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pastor Dave Hodges of the Church of Ambrosia spills out a pound of psychedelic Sun Temple mushrooms from a bag at Zide Door, the church’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a> location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The person who makes them actually stamps a little heart into each one, so you know they’re really putting love into making them,” Hodges said Wednesday at a press conference where he announced the San Francisco location would be closing — and blamed city officials for targeting the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since April 2023, the Church of Ambrosia, which claims to be the world’s largest church of its kind, has been offering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991959/california-drops-psychedelic-therapy-legalization-bill-again\">psilocybin mushrooms\u003c/a>, DMT and cannabis to over 120,000 members of its Zide Door location. (An Oakland branch of the church, founded by Hodges, has been open since 2019.) Members of the church give a suggested donation in exchange for the drugs, called “sacrament” there, which Hodges sees as a way to connect to “the divine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Zide Door is set to close by the end of the month, as Hodges alleges that the San Francisco Planning Department has unfairly targeted the institution with a never-ending list of expensive repairs on the space it rents in the city’s SoMa neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the problems with the building began only after the Church of Ambrosia moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pastor Dave Hodges speaks during a press conference at Zide Door Church in San Francisco on Dec. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ The building has been inspected by the Planning Department many times, and it wasn’t until we opened up that all these problems started to be big issues,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the city initially found a problem with a sliding-door-to-nowhere on the building’s second floor that presented a fall risk to employees — something the church repaired at a cost of over $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ So we fixed that, and then they found one problem after another,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The straw that is breaking this psychedelic camel’s back is city-mandated repairs for Zide Door’s front entrance windows, which Hodges said are chronically broken by people in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Even if we do that, we’re afraid that the city might still say, nope, there’s something else wrong, because that’s what they’ve done every time,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planning Department Chief of Staff Dan Sider said Hodges is after the wrong people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Building code compliance is handled by the Department of Building Inspection, which is independent of the Planning Department,” Sider said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11990945 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/GettyImages-1887885559-1020x765.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made significant strides to reduce processes and fees for small businesses of all kinds in San Francisco, and the Church of Ambrosia is no exception,” Sider added. “We’ve worked closely with the church for the last six months to legalize their occupancy and no structural work is required. Our staff is currently reviewing architectural plans that they submitted last week, so today’s closure announcement was surprising. We remain happy to facilitate their permitting process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Hannan, communications director for the Department of Building Inspection said the property has three open code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are outstanding plumbing and electrical safety and installation code violations at this property. The building code represents the minimum legal safety standards for a structure,” Hannan said. “When a building isn’t meeting the minimum code standards, the Department of Building Inspection requires the property owner to fix it so it’s safe for people to occupy. That’s what we are doing here. There is no outstanding building code violation requiring structural work, just electrical and plumbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the church’s San Francisco location opened on Wednesday, members expressed sadness at its impending closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I use psilocybin for various purposes, number one being recreation, but also focus and giving myself like a little more clarity or lucidity in my days when I need a little push,” said 33-year-old Jake Winkelman of Oakland. “I really appreciate having a safe place where I can have a lot of control in what I’m getting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Richard, 38, drove in from Chico and said the church has helped him treat his depression and anxiety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I used to be on a lot of anti-anxiety and depression medications, and through microdosing, I’ve been able to get rid of the pharmaceuticals, which I am not a fan of,” Richard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the biggest impact of Zide Door’s closing will be on the people who live in the neighborhood, which is one of the city’s hotspots in its drug and housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church’s presence, with 24/7 security, has been positive for the immediate surroundings, Hodges said, noting that church staff have reversed overdoses using Narcan, passed out water to those in need and provided surveillance footage to police investigating crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime that we see something where we can intervene and get somebody the help they need, we’ve been able to do it. So I think that the biggest impact is really to the people around us not having an organization that’s trying to help anymore,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the Church of Ambrosia may open another site in the city at some point in the future, but for now, “the signs of the universe are saying, ‘Get out of SF as soon as possible.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 4:45 p.m. Wednesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pastor Dave Hodges of the Church of Ambrosia spills out a pound of psychedelic Sun Temple mushrooms from a bag at Zide Door, the church’s\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a> location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The person who makes them actually stamps a little heart into each one, so you know they’re really putting love into making them,” Hodges said Wednesday at a press conference where he announced the San Francisco location would be closing — and blamed city officials for targeting the church.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since April 2023, the Church of Ambrosia, which claims to be the world’s largest church of its kind, has been offering \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991959/california-drops-psychedelic-therapy-legalization-bill-again\">psilocybin mushrooms\u003c/a>, DMT and cannabis to over 120,000 members of its Zide Door location. (An Oakland branch of the church, founded by Hodges, has been open since 2019.) Members of the church give a suggested donation in exchange for the drugs, called “sacrament” there, which Hodges sees as a way to connect to “the divine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Zide Door is set to close by the end of the month, as Hodges alleges that the San Francisco Planning Department has unfairly targeted the institution with a never-ending list of expensive repairs on the space it rents in the city’s SoMa neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the problems with the building began only after the Church of Ambrosia moved in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017706\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017706\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/241211-PsychadelicChurch-06-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pastor Dave Hodges speaks during a press conference at Zide Door Church in San Francisco on Dec. 11, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“ The building has been inspected by the Planning Department many times, and it wasn’t until we opened up that all these problems started to be big issues,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the city initially found a problem with a sliding-door-to-nowhere on the building’s second floor that presented a fall risk to employees — something the church repaired at a cost of over $100,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ So we fixed that, and then they found one problem after another,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The straw that is breaking this psychedelic camel’s back is city-mandated repairs for Zide Door’s front entrance windows, which Hodges said are chronically broken by people in the neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ Even if we do that, we’re afraid that the city might still say, nope, there’s something else wrong, because that’s what they’ve done every time,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Planning Department Chief of Staff Dan Sider said Hodges is after the wrong people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Building code compliance is handled by the Department of Building Inspection, which is independent of the Planning Department,” Sider said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve made significant strides to reduce processes and fees for small businesses of all kinds in San Francisco, and the Church of Ambrosia is no exception,” Sider added. “We’ve worked closely with the church for the last six months to legalize their occupancy and no structural work is required. Our staff is currently reviewing architectural plans that they submitted last week, so today’s closure announcement was surprising. We remain happy to facilitate their permitting process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Patrick Hannan, communications director for the Department of Building Inspection said the property has three open code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are outstanding plumbing and electrical safety and installation code violations at this property. The building code represents the minimum legal safety standards for a structure,” Hannan said. “When a building isn’t meeting the minimum code standards, the Department of Building Inspection requires the property owner to fix it so it’s safe for people to occupy. That’s what we are doing here. There is no outstanding building code violation requiring structural work, just electrical and plumbing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the church’s San Francisco location opened on Wednesday, members expressed sadness at its impending closure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I use psilocybin for various purposes, number one being recreation, but also focus and giving myself like a little more clarity or lucidity in my days when I need a little push,” said 33-year-old Jake Winkelman of Oakland. “I really appreciate having a safe place where I can have a lot of control in what I’m getting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kyle Richard, 38, drove in from Chico and said the church has helped him treat his depression and anxiety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ I used to be on a lot of anti-anxiety and depression medications, and through microdosing, I’ve been able to get rid of the pharmaceuticals, which I am not a fan of,” Richard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hodges said the biggest impact of Zide Door’s closing will be on the people who live in the neighborhood, which is one of the city’s hotspots in its drug and housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The church’s presence, with 24/7 security, has been positive for the immediate surroundings, Hodges said, noting that church staff have reversed overdoses using Narcan, passed out water to those in need and provided surveillance footage to police investigating crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anytime that we see something where we can intervene and get somebody the help they need, we’ve been able to do it. So I think that the biggest impact is really to the people around us not having an organization that’s trying to help anymore,” Hodges said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the Church of Ambrosia may open another site in the city at some point in the future, but for now, “the signs of the universe are saying, ‘Get out of SF as soon as possible.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Update, Dec. 12: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017884/sf-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-former-giants-executive-lead-staff\">SF Mayor-Elect Daniel Lurie Taps Former Giants Executive to Lead Staff\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first major announcement as mayor-elect of San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> said he would change the governance structure of the mayor’s office when he is sworn in next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, a philanthropist with no prior experience in elected office, unseated incumbent Mayor London Breed after running a campaign focused on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013667/daniel-lurie-san-franciscos-next-mayor-what-will-that-look-like\">bringing change and stronger accountability\u003c/a> to City Hall. On Wednesday, Lurie announced that rather than having the city’s 56 agencies report to the mayor’s chief of staff and hiring a centralized policy director, he would create four policy director positions alongside the chief of staff, all reporting directly to the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current way of doing business at City Hall is outdated, ineffective, and lacks focus on outcomes,” Lurie said in a statement. “The changes we’re making at the top will help break down barriers to effective governance that impact every San Franciscan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four policy directors will focus on housing and economic development; infrastructure, climate and mobility; public health and well-being; and public safety. Lurie has not yet announced who his chief of staff or the policy directors will be. He is meeting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014714/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-openai-founder-transition-team\">a team of advisers\u003c/a> to craft his first 100 days in office and finalize his picks for senior positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former city controller Ben Rosenfield, who is on the mayor-elect’s transition team, said the reorganization could improve issues like San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993388/new-state-law-slashed-sfs-housing-permit-timeline-will-builders-follow\">notoriously slow permitting process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12016411 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/039_KQED_SanFrancisco_Coronavirus_03132020_7340_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 20 city departments have a role to play in building permitting, but Rosenfield said, “Flattening the org chart and asking policy directors to own portfolios of departments that they are working with … can lead to improvement in the services that San Franciscans rely on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s government structure is unique among major cities, providing both county and city services, Rosenfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge that creates is the complexity of this vast array of services organized in many departments. For the last 20 years or so in San Francisco, those 50+ departments have reported to a single person, the chief of staff,” Rosenfield told KQED. “To really sustain attention and drive changes on cross-cutting department issues, it’s very challenging to do it with a structure like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restructuring drew from recommendations in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2024-09/SPUR_Designed_to_Serve.pdf\">August report\u003c/a> by Bay Area policy think tank SPUR, which found that “the lack of clear, coordinated action to address big challenges has led to a growing perception that the city government isn’t responding quickly enough to meet the growing needs of the people it serves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lurie takes on his effort to reshape San Francisco’s government, he’ll face big hurdles to delivering on his promises to improve conditions around public safety, homelessness and economic recovery — including a nearly $800 million budget deficit and expected conflicts with the second Donald Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Update, Dec. 12: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017884/sf-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-former-giants-executive-lead-staff\">SF Mayor-Elect Daniel Lurie Taps Former Giants Executive to Lead Staff\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his first major announcement as mayor-elect of San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> said he would change the governance structure of the mayor’s office when he is sworn in next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie, a philanthropist with no prior experience in elected office, unseated incumbent Mayor London Breed after running a campaign focused on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013667/daniel-lurie-san-franciscos-next-mayor-what-will-that-look-like\">bringing change and stronger accountability\u003c/a> to City Hall. On Wednesday, Lurie announced that rather than having the city’s 56 agencies report to the mayor’s chief of staff and hiring a centralized policy director, he would create four policy director positions alongside the chief of staff, all reporting directly to the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current way of doing business at City Hall is outdated, ineffective, and lacks focus on outcomes,” Lurie said in a statement. “The changes we’re making at the top will help break down barriers to effective governance that impact every San Franciscan.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four policy directors will focus on housing and economic development; infrastructure, climate and mobility; public health and well-being; and public safety. Lurie has not yet announced who his chief of staff or the policy directors will be. He is meeting with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014714/san-francisco-mayor-elect-daniel-lurie-taps-openai-founder-transition-team\">a team of advisers\u003c/a> to craft his first 100 days in office and finalize his picks for senior positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former city controller Ben Rosenfield, who is on the mayor-elect’s transition team, said the reorganization could improve issues like San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993388/new-state-law-slashed-sfs-housing-permit-timeline-will-builders-follow\">notoriously slow permitting process\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 20 city departments have a role to play in building permitting, but Rosenfield said, “Flattening the org chart and asking policy directors to own portfolios of departments that they are working with … can lead to improvement in the services that San Franciscans rely on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s government structure is unique among major cities, providing both county and city services, Rosenfield said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The challenge that creates is the complexity of this vast array of services organized in many departments. For the last 20 years or so in San Francisco, those 50+ departments have reported to a single person, the chief of staff,” Rosenfield told KQED. “To really sustain attention and drive changes on cross-cutting department issues, it’s very challenging to do it with a structure like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The restructuring drew from recommendations in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.spur.org/sites/default/files/2024-09/SPUR_Designed_to_Serve.pdf\">August report\u003c/a> by Bay Area policy think tank SPUR, which found that “the lack of clear, coordinated action to address big challenges has led to a growing perception that the city government isn’t responding quickly enough to meet the growing needs of the people it serves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Lurie takes on his effort to reshape San Francisco’s government, he’ll face big hurdles to delivering on his promises to improve conditions around public safety, homelessness and economic recovery — including a nearly $800 million budget deficit and expected conflicts with the second Donald Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "fentanyl-overdoses-are-causing-a-surge-in-workplace-deaths-in-california",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the nation continues to struggle with an opioid crisis now supercharged by fentanyl, overdoses have become one of the leading causes of workplace deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is no different: Workplace overdose deaths have risen so dramatically that in 2021 and 2022, they caused more fatalities than falls at construction sites or being hit by machinery, and in 2022, were second only to car crashes and other transportation incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, the toll surpassed 110 workers, accounting for 18% of the state’s workplace deaths, compared to 11% nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal and state government experts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2024/unintentional-overdoses-rose-for-the-tenth-straight-year-in-2022.htm\">raised the alarm\u003c/a> over this trend, which has puzzled some policymakers because drug use is not a hazard created directly by the job. After all, those who die of an overdose at work represent a small share of thousands of Californians who overdose each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, business owners and union officials alike are increasingly having to grapple with one of the nation’s most prominent public health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When fentanyl came around, we started having a huge uptick in overdoses and deaths — even suicides,” said Paul Moreno, president of Ironworkers Local 433 in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, his local began holding recovery meetings for members that now draw as many as a dozen attendees a month. Moreno, who said he’s been sober 19 years, visits worksites and the union hall, passing around the 988 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2021/09/988-911-funding-crisis-hotline-suicide-california/\">mental health crisis hotline number\u003c/a>, giving out his own personal phone number and distributing doses of the overdose reversal drug naloxone (commonly sold as Narcan).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took Narcan classes. I passed out Narcan on the job sites. I never thought I’d be doing that,” he said. “The phone calls from the members, sometimes I don’t know what to say besides listen. We still need more training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new California law directs the state’s workplace safety agencies to require worksites to stock Narcan in their first aid kits, but the regulations haven’t been issued yet. A spokesperson said Cal/OSHA is “in the early stages of rulemaking,” a process that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/02/workplace-safety-california-indoor-heat/\">could take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much is publicly known about overdose deaths at California worksites. A small office in Cal/OSHA that compiles workplace fatality data has, for at least the past two years, noted the rise in overdoses in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/CFOI/California-Occupational-Fatalities.pdf\">annual reports\u003c/a>. However, the office said it cannot release details due to privacy restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has not responded to a public records request CalMatters filed in September for all overdose incidents, fatal or nonfatal, that have been reported at worksites.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State won’t release details on deaths\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County coroners’ offices, which investigate some deaths, vary widely in whether they can identify incidents based on whether a person died at their job. Death records from the past three years obtained from Alameda, San Bernardino and Riverside counties provide glimpses into the grim trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a flooring installer stepped out for a smoke break at a construction site in Temecula and was found by coworkers on the side of the house, dead from a fentanyl overdose. A packing plant worker in Corona went to the bathroom and did not return; coworkers found him bent over with a straw, lighter and piece of foil nearby, having overdosed on methamphetamine, fentanyl and heroin. In Fremont, a manager found a night-shift janitor in the bathroom with a white powdery substance, overdosed on fentanyl. In Livermore this year, a driver was found in his parked semi-truck as he waited to make a scheduled delivery, also dead from fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Narcan nasal spray containers available at a rally at the First Street U.S. Courthouse in Los Angeles on April 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California officials have little to say about the rising death toll. Cal/OSHA refused to make an official available for an interview and would not explain why overdoses account for a much higher share of the state’s workplace deaths compared to the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the agency cited the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">broader national opioid crisis\u003c/a>. “California had more than 7,000 people die from opioid-related overdose deaths in 2022,” spokesperson Erika Monterroza wrote in an email. “Unfortunately, these deaths happen all over our state, including in our workplaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Public Health said it is considering conducting a study. That agency’s occupational health branch is “aware of this issue and is considering a project to examine all opioid overdoses by industry and occupation,” a spokesperson said. In October, the department said staff are in the “initial stages of preparing for an analysis” but did not provide a completion date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies in other states indicate the problem is worse in certain industries. In Massachusetts, where overdoses are the top cause of workplace deaths, researchers with the state public health agency examined all overdose deaths — whether at work or not — and found deaths occurred disproportionately among those working in manual-labor, high-injury industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those jobs, said Emily Sparer-Fine, director of the Massachusetts public health agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/orgs/occupational-health-surveillance-program\">Occupational Health Surveillance Program\u003c/a>, are often seasonal or unstable, and workers may be financially strained and pressured to work through pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certain industries and occupations, (such as) construction, fishing had a much higher rate of overdose,” Sparer-Fine said in an interview. “But it was also jobs that had lower access to paid sick leave, higher rates of job insecurity, higher rates of overall workplace injury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new study this year, Sparer-Fine’s team also dug into \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/doc/opioid-related-overdose-deaths-among-injured-workers-in-massachusetts-findings-from-the-public-health-data-warehouse/download\">workers’ compensation data\u003c/a> and found that working-age Massachusetts residents were 35% more likely to have died of an overdose if they were previously injured on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers in similar industries are overrepresented in the California workplace overdose deaths, including in trucking and warehousing, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So are workers in construction, where unions and employers are confronting a mental health and addiction crisis. Nationwide, construction workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr72/nvsr72-07.pdf\">more likely than workers in any other profession\u003c/a> to overdose and also have one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/72/wr/mm7250a2.htm?s_cid=mm7250a2_w\">highest rates of suicide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Trahan Cain, executive director of the National Center for Construction Research and Training, has since 2018 led the response to the industry’s opioid crisis. She has focused on a longtime reliance on painkillers to deal with injuries involving the muscles and bones, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpwr.com/wp-content/uploads/KF2020-MSDs-Opioids-US-workers.pdf\">nearly a third of construction workers\u003c/a> report experiencing. Studies like the ones in Massachusetts were among the first to reveal the toll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center, formed by the nation’s construction unions, has recommended stocking naloxone in union halls, requiring apprentices be taught about opioid abuse and ensuring members have coverage of drug treatment programs. They’re also providing tips on talking to doctors about how to treat injuries without long-term opioids prescriptions. The goal, Cain said, is to avoid blaming individual workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When this information first came to light, what I heard was, ‘Oh, it’s just the macho culture, it’s the type of people who go into construction,’” she said. “We can’t tell you how many of these deaths are because somebody started on a prescription, but we know that some of them are. We know a lot of these deaths are also from illicit drug use that have nothing to do with workplaces, but where we can (make) changes as an industry to impact these numbers is what we’re trying to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Businesses respond to crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Employers, too, are trying to break the stigma of seeking help. Since 2021, the Associated General Contractors of California has provided materials to hold jobsite meetings about mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all employers know how to raise the issue and some fear reprisal for appearing to pry into employees’ personal lives, said Frank Nunes, CEO of the Wall and Ceiling Alliance, a Pleasanton-based specialty contractors’ group. Some, Nunes said, are advised by attorneys to avoid talking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still very sensitive,” he said. “You’ve got to be very careful how you ask somebody how (they’re) doing and not offend them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Nunes joined officials of District Council 16 of the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades at a recovery event in San Leandro in October, promoting treatment programs covered by their contracts and encouraging workers to use them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to address these things in the field,” he told about 100 union members. “There’s a cultural change we all need to work on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a cavernous training hall where apprentices learn how to install drywall, union members told their peers how they had recovered from addiction. The union invited former Raiders tight end Darren Waller to talk about his own experiences with addiction and depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on union officials’ numbers on construction worker deaths by overdose or suicide, Waller told the crowd: “Those are lives that still deserve to be among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Williams, the local’s business manager and secretary-treasurer, described what he called a familiar scenario: A worker experiences a job site injury or persistent soreness, feels pressure to work through it, then escalates from an over-the-counter pill to a prescription painkiller to an illicit opioid addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re only with our families a small portion of the day,” he said. “The people we work with, we’re with 80% of the time. We’ve got to be open on those job sites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Williams, left, business manager and secretary-treasurer, and James Boster, right, director of mental health and addiction, with District Council 16 of the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades, at their union office in Livermore on Nov. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The union and local employers realized they had a problem on their hands last summer. After sifting through their health plan records, they found 91 members had died of overdose or suicide (not necessarily at work) in 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation forced union officials to rethink their roles in workers’ lives, Williams said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We look out for safety on the jobs, so if there’s a death on a job site because of a safety hazard, it’s front-page news,” he said. “But if there’s death by an overdose or death by suicide of a construction worker when they go home, nobody talks about that. So instead of thinking about just the safety side, it’s that holistic side of, how do we make somebody better for themselves and their families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams quickly appointed a director of addiction and mental health. James Boster, himself in recovery from a painkiller addiction he said he developed after a non-work injury, speaks at apprenticeship programs and worksites, helps workers get into recovery programs and acts as a crisis counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past year, Boster said he’s helped place 51 union members into residential or outpatient treatment programs. During a recent interview at the union’s headquarters in Livermore, he said he was anxious: He had secured a “scholarship” for one member who hadn’t logged enough hours in recent months to have full health coverage, but the worker had chosen to postpone treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can never walk away from a member, and something happens, and not hold that personally,” Boster said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boster and Williams are eager to expand their program. Ideas include installing someone with Boster’s role across the district’s 20 local unions and establishing a fund to help members who haven’t worked enough hours to afford treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other advocates, meanwhile, have pushed the state to require naloxone at worksites as part of an overall strategy to reduce overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the National Safety Council, an advocacy group, petitioned California labor agencies to do just that. Proponents said the medication, which can temporarily reverse an overdose by blocking the brain’s opioid receptors, is easy to administer and not harmful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside tag='fentanyl' label='More on Fentanyl']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing its workplace death data, Cal/OSHA supported the proposal before the independent Occupational Safety & Health Standards Board, which decides whether to approve such regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s in the top two or three killers of workers now, and just a few years ago, it was a very small number,” Eric Berg, Cal/OSHA deputy chief of health and research and standards, said at a June 20 board meeting. “So it’s just become a really serious problem for workers, and it’s killing workers. I think we have an obligation to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But board members hesitated. Chairperson David Alioto called the proposal an “odd request.” While addiction is a legitimate public health concern, it’s not a workplace hazard like wildfire smoke for employees who must work outside, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not seen a regulation where an employer is providing a remedy for a risk that the employer did not create,” Alioto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board members also said they worried about whether all businesses would be able to store the medication at the right temperature and whether employers would bear liability over the medication’s use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standards board ultimately voted for the agency to discuss the matter before an advisory committee. In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law directing Cal/OSHA to draft a workplace naloxone rule by December 2027 and giving the board until December 2028 to consider it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, no advisory committee has met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Share your story\u003c/strong>: We want to hear from workers, family members and employers. If you have experience with addiction, mental health or overdose on a job site, and you’re willing to share your story with a CalMatters reporter, please reach out to jeanne@calmatters.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Employers and unions are grappling with the opioid crisis, while the state inches toward requiring Narcan in workplaces.",
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"title": "Fentanyl Overdoses Are Causing a Surge in Workplace Deaths in California | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeremia-kimelman/\">Jeremia Kimelman\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the nation continues to struggle with an opioid crisis now supercharged by fentanyl, overdoses have become one of the leading causes of workplace deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is no different: Workplace overdose deaths have risen so dramatically that in 2021 and 2022, they caused more fatalities than falls at construction sites or being hit by machinery, and in 2022, were second only to car crashes and other transportation incidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That year, the toll surpassed 110 workers, accounting for 18% of the state’s workplace deaths, compared to 11% nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal and state government experts have \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2024/unintentional-overdoses-rose-for-the-tenth-straight-year-in-2022.htm\">raised the alarm\u003c/a> over this trend, which has puzzled some policymakers because drug use is not a hazard created directly by the job. After all, those who die of an overdose at work represent a small share of thousands of Californians who overdose each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, business owners and union officials alike are increasingly having to grapple with one of the nation’s most prominent public health challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When fentanyl came around, we started having a huge uptick in overdoses and deaths — even suicides,” said Paul Moreno, president of Ironworkers Local 433 in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, his local began holding recovery meetings for members that now draw as many as a dozen attendees a month. Moreno, who said he’s been sober 19 years, visits worksites and the union hall, passing around the 988 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2021/09/988-911-funding-crisis-hotline-suicide-california/\">mental health crisis hotline number\u003c/a>, giving out his own personal phone number and distributing doses of the overdose reversal drug naloxone (commonly sold as Narcan).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took Narcan classes. I passed out Narcan on the job sites. I never thought I’d be doing that,” he said. “The phone calls from the members, sometimes I don’t know what to say besides listen. We still need more training.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new California law directs the state’s workplace safety agencies to require worksites to stock Narcan in their first aid kits, but the regulations haven’t been issued yet. A spokesperson said Cal/OSHA is “in the early stages of rulemaking,” a process that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/02/workplace-safety-california-indoor-heat/\">could take years\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not much is publicly known about overdose deaths at California worksites. A small office in Cal/OSHA that compiles workplace fatality data has, for at least the past two years, noted the rise in overdoses in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/CFOI/California-Occupational-Fatalities.pdf\">annual reports\u003c/a>. However, the office said it cannot release details due to privacy restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has not responded to a public records request CalMatters filed in September for all overdose incidents, fatal or nonfatal, that have been reported at worksites.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State won’t release details on deaths\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>County coroners’ offices, which investigate some deaths, vary widely in whether they can identify incidents based on whether a person died at their job. Death records from the past three years obtained from Alameda, San Bernardino and Riverside counties provide glimpses into the grim trend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a flooring installer stepped out for a smoke break at a construction site in Temecula and was found by coworkers on the side of the house, dead from a fentanyl overdose. A packing plant worker in Corona went to the bathroom and did not return; coworkers found him bent over with a straw, lighter and piece of foil nearby, having overdosed on methamphetamine, fentanyl and heroin. In Fremont, a manager found a night-shift janitor in the bathroom with a white powdery substance, overdosed on fentanyl. In Livermore this year, a driver was found in his parked semi-truck as he waited to make a scheduled delivery, also dead from fentanyl.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04222LA-Homeless-Court_TS_CM_27-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Narcan nasal spray containers available at a rally at the First Street U.S. Courthouse in Los Angeles on April 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Ted Soqui for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California officials have little to say about the rising death toll. Cal/OSHA refused to make an official available for an interview and would not explain why overdoses account for a much higher share of the state’s workplace deaths compared to the rest of the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the agency cited the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">broader national opioid crisis\u003c/a>. “California had more than 7,000 people die from opioid-related overdose deaths in 2022,” spokesperson Erika Monterroza wrote in an email. “Unfortunately, these deaths happen all over our state, including in our workplaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Department of Public Health said it is considering conducting a study. That agency’s occupational health branch is “aware of this issue and is considering a project to examine all opioid overdoses by industry and occupation,” a spokesperson said. In October, the department said staff are in the “initial stages of preparing for an analysis” but did not provide a completion date.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies in other states indicate the problem is worse in certain industries. In Massachusetts, where overdoses are the top cause of workplace deaths, researchers with the state public health agency examined all overdose deaths — whether at work or not — and found deaths occurred disproportionately among those working in manual-labor, high-injury industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those jobs, said Emily Sparer-Fine, director of the Massachusetts public health agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/orgs/occupational-health-surveillance-program\">Occupational Health Surveillance Program\u003c/a>, are often seasonal or unstable, and workers may be financially strained and pressured to work through pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certain industries and occupations, (such as) construction, fishing had a much higher rate of overdose,” Sparer-Fine said in an interview. “But it was also jobs that had lower access to paid sick leave, higher rates of job insecurity, higher rates of overall workplace injury.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a new study this year, Sparer-Fine’s team also dug into \u003ca href=\"https://www.mass.gov/doc/opioid-related-overdose-deaths-among-injured-workers-in-massachusetts-findings-from-the-public-health-data-warehouse/download\">workers’ compensation data\u003c/a> and found that working-age Massachusetts residents were 35% more likely to have died of an overdose if they were previously injured on the job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers in similar industries are overrepresented in the California workplace overdose deaths, including in trucking and warehousing, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So are workers in construction, where unions and employers are confronting a mental health and addiction crisis. Nationwide, construction workers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr72/nvsr72-07.pdf\">more likely than workers in any other profession\u003c/a> to overdose and also have one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/72/wr/mm7250a2.htm?s_cid=mm7250a2_w\">highest rates of suicide\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Trahan Cain, executive director of the National Center for Construction Research and Training, has since 2018 led the response to the industry’s opioid crisis. She has focused on a longtime reliance on painkillers to deal with injuries involving the muscles and bones, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.cpwr.com/wp-content/uploads/KF2020-MSDs-Opioids-US-workers.pdf\">nearly a third of construction workers\u003c/a> report experiencing. Studies like the ones in Massachusetts were among the first to reveal the toll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center, formed by the nation’s construction unions, has recommended stocking naloxone in union halls, requiring apprentices be taught about opioid abuse and ensuring members have coverage of drug treatment programs. They’re also providing tips on talking to doctors about how to treat injuries without long-term opioids prescriptions. The goal, Cain said, is to avoid blaming individual workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When this information first came to light, what I heard was, ‘Oh, it’s just the macho culture, it’s the type of people who go into construction,’” she said. “We can’t tell you how many of these deaths are because somebody started on a prescription, but we know that some of them are. We know a lot of these deaths are also from illicit drug use that have nothing to do with workplaces, but where we can (make) changes as an industry to impact these numbers is what we’re trying to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Businesses respond to crisis\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Employers, too, are trying to break the stigma of seeking help. Since 2021, the Associated General Contractors of California has provided materials to hold jobsite meetings about mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all employers know how to raise the issue and some fear reprisal for appearing to pry into employees’ personal lives, said Frank Nunes, CEO of the Wall and Ceiling Alliance, a Pleasanton-based specialty contractors’ group. Some, Nunes said, are advised by attorneys to avoid talking about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s still very sensitive,” he said. “You’ve got to be very careful how you ask somebody how (they’re) doing and not offend them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Nunes joined officials of District Council 16 of the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades at a recovery event in San Leandro in October, promoting treatment programs covered by their contracts and encouraging workers to use them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to address these things in the field,” he told about 100 union members. “There’s a cultural change we all need to work on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a cavernous training hall where apprentices learn how to install drywall, union members told their peers how they had recovered from addiction. The union invited former Raiders tight end Darren Waller to talk about his own experiences with addiction and depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on union officials’ numbers on construction worker deaths by overdose or suicide, Waller told the crowd: “Those are lives that still deserve to be among us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robert Williams, the local’s business manager and secretary-treasurer, described what he called a familiar scenario: A worker experiences a job site injury or persistent soreness, feels pressure to work through it, then escalates from an over-the-counter pill to a prescription painkiller to an illicit opioid addiction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re only with our families a small portion of the day,” he said. “The people we work with, we’re with 80% of the time. We’ve got to be open on those job sites.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017662\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017662\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/110624_Construction-Unions_LA_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Robert Williams, left, business manager and secretary-treasurer, and James Boster, right, director of mental health and addiction, with District Council 16 of the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades, at their union office in Livermore on Nov. 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Laure Andrillon for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The union and local employers realized they had a problem on their hands last summer. After sifting through their health plan records, they found 91 members had died of overdose or suicide (not necessarily at work) in 18 months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation forced union officials to rethink their roles in workers’ lives, Williams said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We look out for safety on the jobs, so if there’s a death on a job site because of a safety hazard, it’s front-page news,” he said. “But if there’s death by an overdose or death by suicide of a construction worker when they go home, nobody talks about that. So instead of thinking about just the safety side, it’s that holistic side of, how do we make somebody better for themselves and their families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams quickly appointed a director of addiction and mental health. James Boster, himself in recovery from a painkiller addiction he said he developed after a non-work injury, speaks at apprenticeship programs and worksites, helps workers get into recovery programs and acts as a crisis counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past year, Boster said he’s helped place 51 union members into residential or outpatient treatment programs. During a recent interview at the union’s headquarters in Livermore, he said he was anxious: He had secured a “scholarship” for one member who hadn’t logged enough hours in recent months to have full health coverage, but the worker had chosen to postpone treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can never walk away from a member, and something happens, and not hold that personally,” Boster said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Boster and Williams are eager to expand their program. Ideas include installing someone with Boster’s role across the district’s 20 local unions and establishing a fund to help members who haven’t worked enough hours to afford treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other advocates, meanwhile, have pushed the state to require naloxone at worksites as part of an overall strategy to reduce overdoses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, the National Safety Council, an advocacy group, petitioned California labor agencies to do just that. Proponents said the medication, which can temporarily reverse an overdose by blocking the brain’s opioid receptors, is easy to administer and not harmful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citing its workplace death data, Cal/OSHA supported the proposal before the independent Occupational Safety & Health Standards Board, which decides whether to approve such regulations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s in the top two or three killers of workers now, and just a few years ago, it was a very small number,” Eric Berg, Cal/OSHA deputy chief of health and research and standards, said at a June 20 board meeting. “So it’s just become a really serious problem for workers, and it’s killing workers. I think we have an obligation to act.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But board members hesitated. Chairperson David Alioto called the proposal an “odd request.” While addiction is a legitimate public health concern, it’s not a workplace hazard like wildfire smoke for employees who must work outside, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not seen a regulation where an employer is providing a remedy for a risk that the employer did not create,” Alioto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Board members also said they worried about whether all businesses would be able to store the medication at the right temperature and whether employers would bear liability over the medication’s use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The standards board ultimately voted for the agency to discuss the matter before an advisory committee. In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a law directing Cal/OSHA to draft a workplace naloxone rule by December 2027 and giving the board until December 2028 to consider it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, no advisory committee has met.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Share your story\u003c/strong>: We want to hear from workers, family members and employers. If you have experience with addiction, mental health or overdose on a job site, and you’re willing to share your story with a CalMatters reporter, please reach out to jeanne@calmatters.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> will offer buyouts for hundreds of eligible employees to retire early as part of its latest effort to patch a massive multi-year budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on state funding and how many employees take the buyout, the district could also pursue layoffs after the end of the academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the plan, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013574/sf-school-board-is-headed-for-a-shakeup-its-newcomers-will-inherit-a-crisis\">the Board of Education\u003c/a> approved unanimously on Tuesday evening, will save tens of millions of dollars by 2030. Parents and the teachers’ union, however, worry about the impact of losing so many veteran teachers in one fell swoop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More older, experienced teachers leaving our schools replaced by new, younger, less experienced teachers will result in poorer learning outcomes for our students,” Cindy Chung, whose first-grader attends Starr King Elementary School, said at Tuesday’s meeting. “We’ve already seen high turnover of [paraeducators] and lower-paid staff who have less financial stability, can’t afford to live in SF and have incredibly long commutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff ranging from paraeducators to upper management will be eligible for the Supplemental Employee Retirement Plan so long as they have permanent full-time positions, are over 55, and will have worked within SFUSD for a consecutive five years as of June 2025. The district plans to send notification letters with information for employees who qualify beginning Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many positions will be filled with “lower-paid new hires,” whose starting salaries are $18,000 to $30,000 lower, while an estimated 69 positions could be eliminated. Together, SFUSD said, this could save over $30 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12013574 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2020/06/RS41635_002_KQED_Election_Prop13_02262020_4349-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who agree to the buyout by mid-February will receive a one-time payment equal to 60% of their salary upon their resignation while retaining their retirement benefits. If fewer than 314 employees sign up to participate, though, the offer could be retracted entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators San Francisco, said that although early retirement could be beneficial to some of the union’s members, it will destabilize overall school staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have classrooms right now with students in them who don’t have permanent teachers. They’ve had substitutes since August,” she told KQED. “We feel like that is management and the district’s negligence, and now they’re going to compound that vacancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early retirement program is one part of the district’s three-pronged fiscal stabilization plan, which it said will help balance its budget and avoid state takeover. That plan was also passed by the board on Tuesday, giving Superintendent Maria Su direction to take any and all steps necessary to present balanced budgets for the next three cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is expected to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">a $113 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> this year and an even larger structural deficit by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliott Duchon, a state-appointed adviser who has veto power over SFUSD’s spending, told school board members on Tuesday that the reductions are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not attended a board meeting where people are not worried about losing their jobs, where the spend budget hasn’t been an issue, where staffing hasn’t been an issue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, Duchon has had the ability to veto SFUSD’s spending decisions because its budget report was negative, indicating it will fail to cover its expenses in coming years. This year’s first budget report, presented Tuesday, was negative as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unhealthy for the district,” Duchon said. “It’s unhealthy for your staff. It’s unhealthy for your children, the community, and for you as board members. It detracts from your goals and your ability to focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the buyouts, the fiscal stabilization plan includes a review of all budget expenditures and potential layoffs at the end of the academic year. SFUSD needs to cut more than $113.8 million in expenses next fiscal year and $13 million more in 2026-2027 to get back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers and certificated staff will be notified of layoffs by March, and civil staff will find out in mid-May. The district will look at how many people choose to participate in the early retirement program and how much funding SFUSD receives in January’s state budget to determine how many layoffs are necessary, Su said. District staffers have already created a seniority list of employees to share with labor partners ahead of the potential reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Michele Huntoon, SFUSD’s associate superintendent of business services, said staff members will review all expenditures based on a few questions: “Are we using them? Are they meeting our purpose? Is it meeting our needs?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duchon said that while the changes will be challenging, SFUSD needs to face the reality of its financial situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are living in a time of declining enrollment, declining revenue,” he said. “You have used one-time revenues to pay for ongoing staffing, and that has put you in a position of staffing in a way that is richer than what your resources allow you to do. We want to be hopeful, but there may be pain to go through before you get there. And if you don’t go through the pain, the pain will continue on and on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> will offer buyouts for hundreds of eligible employees to retire early as part of its latest effort to patch a massive multi-year budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Depending on state funding and how many employees take the buyout, the district could also pursue layoffs after the end of the academic year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the plan, which \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12013574/sf-school-board-is-headed-for-a-shakeup-its-newcomers-will-inherit-a-crisis\">the Board of Education\u003c/a> approved unanimously on Tuesday evening, will save tens of millions of dollars by 2030. Parents and the teachers’ union, however, worry about the impact of losing so many veteran teachers in one fell swoop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More older, experienced teachers leaving our schools replaced by new, younger, less experienced teachers will result in poorer learning outcomes for our students,” Cindy Chung, whose first-grader attends Starr King Elementary School, said at Tuesday’s meeting. “We’ve already seen high turnover of [paraeducators] and lower-paid staff who have less financial stability, can’t afford to live in SF and have incredibly long commutes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Staff ranging from paraeducators to upper management will be eligible for the Supplemental Employee Retirement Plan so long as they have permanent full-time positions, are over 55, and will have worked within SFUSD for a consecutive five years as of June 2025. The district plans to send notification letters with information for employees who qualify beginning Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many positions will be filled with “lower-paid new hires,” whose starting salaries are $18,000 to $30,000 lower, while an estimated 69 positions could be eliminated. Together, SFUSD said, this could save over $30 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who agree to the buyout by mid-February will receive a one-time payment equal to 60% of their salary upon their resignation while retaining their retirement benefits. If fewer than 314 employees sign up to participate, though, the offer could be retracted entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cassondra Curiel, the president of United Educators San Francisco, said that although early retirement could be beneficial to some of the union’s members, it will destabilize overall school staffing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have classrooms right now with students in them who don’t have permanent teachers. They’ve had substitutes since August,” she told KQED. “We feel like that is management and the district’s negligence, and now they’re going to compound that vacancy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The early retirement program is one part of the district’s three-pronged fiscal stabilization plan, which it said will help balance its budget and avoid state takeover. That plan was also passed by the board on Tuesday, giving Superintendent Maria Su direction to take any and all steps necessary to present balanced budgets for the next three cycles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD is expected to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">a $113 million budget shortfall\u003c/a> this year and an even larger structural deficit by 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elliott Duchon, a state-appointed adviser who has veto power over SFUSD’s spending, told school board members on Tuesday that the reductions are crucial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not attended a board meeting where people are not worried about losing their jobs, where the spend budget hasn’t been an issue, where staffing hasn’t been an issue,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since May, Duchon has had the ability to veto SFUSD’s spending decisions because its budget report was negative, indicating it will fail to cover its expenses in coming years. This year’s first budget report, presented Tuesday, was negative as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unhealthy for the district,” Duchon said. “It’s unhealthy for your staff. It’s unhealthy for your children, the community, and for you as board members. It detracts from your goals and your ability to focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the buyouts, the fiscal stabilization plan includes a review of all budget expenditures and potential layoffs at the end of the academic year. SFUSD needs to cut more than $113.8 million in expenses next fiscal year and $13 million more in 2026-2027 to get back on track.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers and certificated staff will be notified of layoffs by March, and civil staff will find out in mid-May. The district will look at how many people choose to participate in the early retirement program and how much funding SFUSD receives in January’s state budget to determine how many layoffs are necessary, Su said. District staffers have already created a seniority list of employees to share with labor partners ahead of the potential reductions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time, Michele Huntoon, SFUSD’s associate superintendent of business services, said staff members will review all expenditures based on a few questions: “Are we using them? Are they meeting our purpose? Is it meeting our needs?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duchon said that while the changes will be challenging, SFUSD needs to face the reality of its financial situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You are living in a time of declining enrollment, declining revenue,” he said. “You have used one-time revenues to pay for ongoing staffing, and that has put you in a position of staffing in a way that is richer than what your resources allow you to do. We want to be hopeful, but there may be pain to go through before you get there. And if you don’t go through the pain, the pain will continue on and on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has tapped San Francisco lawyer and Republican activist Harmeet Dhillon to head the civil rights division at the U.S. Department of Justice. Dhillon, a longtime GOP booster who unsuccessfully ran for Republican National Committee chair last year, has been a vocal supporter of Trump — but she was passed over for this same job during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Dhillon \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814049/conservative-group-sues-gov-newsom-over-coronavirus-relief-for-undocumented-workers\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> that endeared her to Republican activists, including targeting Big Tech, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/biden-vaccine-rule-faces-roster-top-conservative-lawyers-6th-circuit-2021-11-19/\">pandemic restrictions like vaccine mandates \u003c/a>and transgender rights. A favorite on right-wing cable news, she also parroted unfounded questions about the COVID-19 vaccine’s safety during its rollout as she became one of the most high-profile lawyers pushing back against the mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/12/10/trump-civil-rights-justice-department-dhillon/\">embraced Trump’s baseless denial of the 2020 election results \u003c/a>with gusto as a legal adviser to his campaign, urging the Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his social media post announcing her nomination, Trump wrote that Dhillon has “stood up consistently to protect our cherished Civil Liberties, including taking on Big Tech for censoring our Free Speech, representing Christians who were prevented from praying together during COVID, and suing corporations who use woke policies to discriminate against their workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But civil rights groups like The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights slammed the pick. Maya Wiley, president and CEO of the conference, said her nomination is “yet another clear sign that this administration seeks to advance ideological viewpoints over the rights and protections that protect every person in this country” and that Dhillon has “focused her career on diminishing civil rights, rather than enforcing or protecting them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12017426 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/02/GettyImages-1341705984-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon was born to a Sikh family in India and grew up in North Carolina, as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656135/trump-in-california-and-harmeet-dhillon-on-life-as-a-san-francisco-republican\">told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> in 2018. The family moved to Durham when Dhillon was 6 — she said when the family relocated there, “We didn’t know what the [Ku Klux] Klan was or any of that good stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad and brother wore turbans. And there was one other Sikh family and one Hindu family in the town, all doctors and their kids. And, you know, we stood out [with] our different names and, you know, different styles, I guess. And so there was a lot of bullying and teasing and so forth,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon said she was introverted and turned her focus toward academics, starting high school at age 12 and college at 16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She became editor-in-chief of the Dartmouth Review and often clashed with the school’s administration, turning at one point to the ACLU for help. After she got a law degree, she made her name legally defending Sikhs from attacks after 9/11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After 9/11, we had a lot of people being harassed, frankly, by law enforcement, FBI, national security forces and profiling. We had a lot of hate crimes against Sikhs,” she said. “It was life and death. People like my brother who wears a turban, we’re getting called Osama bin Laden at, you know, the Giants games. It was a pretty scary time for people of color from our communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later sat on the ACLU of Northern California board for several years, but more recently, has been critical of the civil rights group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, she told Political Breakdown she was likely passed over for the civil rights position because Trump’s team was looking for people with deeper ties to Washington — “what I would call the swamp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has tapped San Francisco lawyer and Republican activist Harmeet Dhillon to head the civil rights division at the U.S. Department of Justice. Dhillon, a longtime GOP booster who unsuccessfully ran for Republican National Committee chair last year, has been a vocal supporter of Trump — but she was passed over for this same job during Trump’s first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, Dhillon \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11814049/conservative-group-sues-gov-newsom-over-coronavirus-relief-for-undocumented-workers\">filed lawsuits\u003c/a> that endeared her to Republican activists, including targeting Big Tech, \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/biden-vaccine-rule-faces-roster-top-conservative-lawyers-6th-circuit-2021-11-19/\">pandemic restrictions like vaccine mandates \u003c/a>and transgender rights. A favorite on right-wing cable news, she also parroted unfounded questions about the COVID-19 vaccine’s safety during its rollout as she became one of the most high-profile lawyers pushing back against the mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And she \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/12/10/trump-civil-rights-justice-department-dhillon/\">embraced Trump’s baseless denial of the 2020 election results \u003c/a>with gusto as a legal adviser to his campaign, urging the Supreme Court to intervene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his social media post announcing her nomination, Trump wrote that Dhillon has “stood up consistently to protect our cherished Civil Liberties, including taking on Big Tech for censoring our Free Speech, representing Christians who were prevented from praying together during COVID, and suing corporations who use woke policies to discriminate against their workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But civil rights groups like The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights slammed the pick. Maya Wiley, president and CEO of the conference, said her nomination is “yet another clear sign that this administration seeks to advance ideological viewpoints over the rights and protections that protect every person in this country” and that Dhillon has “focused her career on diminishing civil rights, rather than enforcing or protecting them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon was born to a Sikh family in India and grew up in North Carolina, as she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11656135/trump-in-california-and-harmeet-dhillon-on-life-as-a-san-francisco-republican\">told KQED’s Political Breakdown\u003c/a> in 2018. The family moved to Durham when Dhillon was 6 — she said when the family relocated there, “We didn’t know what the [Ku Klux] Klan was or any of that good stuff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My dad and brother wore turbans. And there was one other Sikh family and one Hindu family in the town, all doctors and their kids. And, you know, we stood out [with] our different names and, you know, different styles, I guess. And so there was a lot of bullying and teasing and so forth,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dhillon said she was introverted and turned her focus toward academics, starting high school at age 12 and college at 16.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She became editor-in-chief of the Dartmouth Review and often clashed with the school’s administration, turning at one point to the ACLU for help. After she got a law degree, she made her name legally defending Sikhs from attacks after 9/11.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After 9/11, we had a lot of people being harassed, frankly, by law enforcement, FBI, national security forces and profiling. We had a lot of hate crimes against Sikhs,” she said. “It was life and death. People like my brother who wears a turban, we’re getting called Osama bin Laden at, you know, the Giants games. It was a pretty scary time for people of color from our communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She later sat on the ACLU of Northern California board for several years, but more recently, has been critical of the civil rights group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, she told Political Breakdown she was likely passed over for the civil rights position because Trump’s team was looking for people with deeper ties to Washington — “what I would call the swamp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Investigates Possible Marin County Bird Flu Case Amid Raw Milk Recalls",
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"content": "\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> issued numerous recalls of raw milk due to bird flu contamination in recent weeks, the state has received 10 reports of illness in people who consumed it, including a child from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>, public health officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial testing revealed that the child had influenza A — a category that includes both seasonal flu and H5 bird flu — and has since recovered. Marin County Health and Human Services, in collaboration with the California Department of Public Health and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, will perform additional testing to confirm or rule out bird flu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other individuals also did not test positive for bird flu in initial testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, there have been \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/bird-flu/situation-summary/index.html\">58 recorded bird flu infections\u003c/a> in people in the U.S. this year, with most previous cases linked to dairy and poultry workers. The virus can spread from sick cows or birds to people who breathe in droplets of the virus, handle dead animals, drink raw milk or have it splashed on their faces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11990735 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CaliforniaCattle082311-1020x656.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014955/bay-area-potential-first-bird-flu-case-reported-alameda-county-child\">a child in Alameda County\u003c/a> was diagnosed with bird flu without a clear exposure pathway. That case, which resulted in mild respiratory symptoms, did not spread inside the family or at school. This follows the trend in other human bird flu cases where patients presented mild symptoms — primarily conjunctivitis and nasal stuffiness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://data.wastewaterscan.org/tracker/?charts=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&selectedChartId=e04235\">Wastewater surveillance\u003c/a> demonstrates that the virus is widespread throughout the region, including San Francisco, Napa and San José. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Bird-Flu.aspx\">CDPH says\u003c/a> the current risk of bird flu to the public is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State health officials continue to monitor raw milk supplies, having suspended and recalled potentially infected batches. Experts recommend pasteurized milk because research shows the process effectively kills bacteria and viruses, including influenza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The raw milk industry finds itself at the center of this unfolding narrative. Mark McAfee of Raw Farm LLC told the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> that contaminated milk may have reached 90,000 customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case underscores the complex and often unpredictable nature of zoonotic disease transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> issued numerous recalls of raw milk due to bird flu contamination in recent weeks, the state has received 10 reports of illness in people who consumed it, including a child from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a>, public health officials say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Initial testing revealed that the child had influenza A — a category that includes both seasonal flu and H5 bird flu — and has since recovered. Marin County Health and Human Services, in collaboration with the California Department of Public Health and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, will perform additional testing to confirm or rule out bird flu.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other individuals also did not test positive for bird flu in initial testing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12014955/bay-area-potential-first-bird-flu-case-reported-alameda-county-child\">a child in Alameda County\u003c/a> was diagnosed with bird flu without a clear exposure pathway. That case, which resulted in mild respiratory symptoms, did not spread inside the family or at school. This follows the trend in other human bird flu cases where patients presented mild symptoms — primarily conjunctivitis and nasal stuffiness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://data.wastewaterscan.org/tracker/?charts=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&selectedChartId=e04235\">Wastewater surveillance\u003c/a> demonstrates that the virus is widespread throughout the region, including San Francisco, Napa and San José. However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/Pages/Bird-Flu.aspx\">CDPH says\u003c/a> the current risk of bird flu to the public is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State health officials continue to monitor raw milk supplies, having suspended and recalled potentially infected batches. Experts recommend pasteurized milk because research shows the process effectively kills bacteria and viruses, including influenza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The raw milk industry finds itself at the center of this unfolding narrative. Mark McAfee of Raw Farm LLC told the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> that contaminated milk may have reached 90,000 customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case underscores the complex and often unpredictable nature of zoonotic disease transmission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/caltrain\">Caltrain\u003c/a>, its recent deal to sell 19 vintage diesel locomotives and 90 well-used passenger cars to an overseas city that will use them for a badly needed commuter train line is nothing but good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone sees it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Dave Cortese (D–San José) said sending the fossil-fuel-burning engines to Peru is just shifting pollution and greenhouse emissions from one place to another and shouldn’t be allowed. To prevent it from happening again, he’s introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB30\">a bill\u003c/a> to block similar transfers in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain, which launched its all-new electric fleet this year, will soon send its 1980s-era rolling stock to be lifted aboard cargo ships in the Bay Area for a trip to Peru, where the equipment will go to work carrying passengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.trains.com/trn/news-reviews/news-wire/caltrain-equipment-will-be-used-to-launch-new-commuter-operation-in-peru/\">between the Lima suburbs of Callao and Chosica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Sargent, Caltrain’s director of strategy and policy, said the deal gives new life to equipment that would otherwise be scrapped while also promising to help reduce greenhouse gas emissions by giving people an alternative to personal vehicles in a traffic-choked city of 10 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really just step one towards transit being a tool for environmental sustainability down there,” Sargent said. “We love the idea that we’re going to get to move more people going into the future with the equipment that we lovingly maintained.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11336508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 733px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11336508\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"733\" height=\"464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM.png 733w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-160x101.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-240x152.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-375x237.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-520x329.png 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 733px) 100vw, 733px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrain’s modernized electric trains began service in 2021. The system — a vital commuter rail link between San Francisco, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties — carries about 65,000 riders a day. \u003ccite>(Image courtesy of Caltrain)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017428/polluted-communities-hold-their-breath-as-companies-struggle-with-californias-diesel-truck-ban\">Diesel engines\u003c/a>, however, are a target of environmental advocates because they produce high levels of particulate pollution that has been implicated in a wide range of respiratory and circulatory diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living near freeways, rail lines, ports and other major producers of diesel pollution suffer a much higher incidence of illnesses like asthma and various forms of heart disease than those who live farther from those sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12017428 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_08-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese is among dozens of Bay Area officials who have signed the “\u003ca href=\"https://dieselfree33.baaqmd.gov/\">Diesel Free by ’33\u003c/a>” pledge, a Bay Area Air Quality Management District campaign that aims to reduce diesel emissions “throughout California and beyond.” He said legislators need to “make sure that we’re not exporting the problem outside our state boundaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California rail agencies that could be affected by his bill include Altamont Corridor Express (ACE) and Amtrak California, which operates the Capitol Corridor, San Joaquin, Metrolink and Surfliner routes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been a big proponent of climate restoration, getting back to pre-industrial levels of carbon in our atmosphere, and they’re not going to do that by swapping out diesel from one area to another, from the Bay Area to Peru or to Arizona or to someplace [with] lax standards just because they’re going to give you a check,” Cortese said. “To me, that’s selling out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sargent said the environmental issues Cortese raised were top of mind when Caltrain considered the deal with Peru. He adds that those concerns prompted the U.S. State Department and Commerce Department to support the $6 million sale. The transaction also required and received approval from the air district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was in large part because of the environmental benefits of getting people out of their cars,” Sargent said. Those benefits include removing as much as 20,000 metric tons of carbon emissions from Lima’s air every day when the new train service goes into service next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City transportation officials say the 25-mile Callao-Chosica line will carry about 200,000 passengers a day — more than the current ridership of every California transit agency except L.A. Metro and San Francisco Muni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "San José Sen. Dave Cortese introduced a bill to block such transfers, saying that sending the fossil-fuel-burning engines abroad is just shifting pollution from one place to another.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/caltrain\">Caltrain\u003c/a>, its recent deal to sell 19 vintage diesel locomotives and 90 well-used passenger cars to an overseas city that will use them for a badly needed commuter train line is nothing but good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not everyone sees it that way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Dave Cortese (D–San José) said sending the fossil-fuel-burning engines to Peru is just shifting pollution and greenhouse emissions from one place to another and shouldn’t be allowed. To prevent it from happening again, he’s introduced \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB30\">a bill\u003c/a> to block similar transfers in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caltrain, which launched its all-new electric fleet this year, will soon send its 1980s-era rolling stock to be lifted aboard cargo ships in the Bay Area for a trip to Peru, where the equipment will go to work carrying passengers \u003ca href=\"https://www.trains.com/trn/news-reviews/news-wire/caltrain-equipment-will-be-used-to-launch-new-commuter-operation-in-peru/\">between the Lima suburbs of Callao and Chosica\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sam Sargent, Caltrain’s director of strategy and policy, said the deal gives new life to equipment that would otherwise be scrapped while also promising to help reduce greenhouse gas emissions by giving people an alternative to personal vehicles in a traffic-choked city of 10 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really just step one towards transit being a tool for environmental sustainability down there,” Sargent said. “We love the idea that we’re going to get to move more people going into the future with the equipment that we lovingly maintained.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11336508\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 733px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11336508\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"733\" height=\"464\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM.png 733w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-160x101.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-240x152.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-375x237.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/02/Screen-Shot-2017-02-26-at-12.34.20-PM-520x329.png 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 733px) 100vw, 733px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Caltrain’s modernized electric trains began service in 2021. The system — a vital commuter rail link between San Francisco, San Mateo and Santa Clara counties — carries about 65,000 riders a day. \u003ccite>(Image courtesy of Caltrain)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12017428/polluted-communities-hold-their-breath-as-companies-struggle-with-californias-diesel-truck-ban\">Diesel engines\u003c/a>, however, are a target of environmental advocates because they produce high levels of particulate pollution that has been implicated in a wide range of respiratory and circulatory diseases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living near freeways, rail lines, ports and other major producers of diesel pollution suffer a much higher incidence of illnesses like asthma and various forms of heart disease than those who live farther from those sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese is among dozens of Bay Area officials who have signed the “\u003ca href=\"https://dieselfree33.baaqmd.gov/\">Diesel Free by ’33\u003c/a>” pledge, a Bay Area Air Quality Management District campaign that aims to reduce diesel emissions “throughout California and beyond.” He said legislators need to “make sure that we’re not exporting the problem outside our state boundaries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California rail agencies that could be affected by his bill include Altamont Corridor Express (ACE) and Amtrak California, which operates the Capitol Corridor, San Joaquin, Metrolink and Surfliner routes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been a big proponent of climate restoration, getting back to pre-industrial levels of carbon in our atmosphere, and they’re not going to do that by swapping out diesel from one area to another, from the Bay Area to Peru or to Arizona or to someplace [with] lax standards just because they’re going to give you a check,” Cortese said. “To me, that’s selling out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sargent said the environmental issues Cortese raised were top of mind when Caltrain considered the deal with Peru. He adds that those concerns prompted the U.S. State Department and Commerce Department to support the $6 million sale. The transaction also required and received approval from the air district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was in large part because of the environmental benefits of getting people out of their cars,” Sargent said. Those benefits include removing as much as 20,000 metric tons of carbon emissions from Lima’s air every day when the new train service goes into service next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City transportation officials say the 25-mile Callao-Chosica line will carry about 200,000 passengers a day — more than the current ridership of every California transit agency except L.A. Metro and San Francisco Muni.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Standing in his front yard in Wilmington, Jose Ulloa can’t get a sentence out without coughing. Heavy-duty trucks, headed to and from the Port of Los Angeles, pass in front of his home all day, their engines roaring and their exhaust spewing into the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulloa, who was diagnosed with asthma a few years ago, suffers frequent breathing problems and was hospitalized after one attack. The truck traffic is likely a trigger since health officials say diesel exhaust is known to cause \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/overview-diesel-exhaust-and-health\">asthma attacks and other respiratory problems\u003c/a>, including lung cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parade of big rigs in his neighborhood started four years ago after a series of traffic pattern changes altered their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imelda, his wife, sweeps the yard and cleans the home nonstop, but black dust still collects on every surface of their home within hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you blow your nose, black dust will come out,” she said. “It’s a terrible life living here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Mashhoor Alammari, who runs a small fleet of drayage trucks that haul cargo to and from the port, wants to do his part to help clean the air of dangerous diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His company, The Crew Transportation, Inc., bought two new zero-emission big rigs at a cost of more than $900,000. But the trucks, powered by hydrogen fuel cells, are expensive to operate and there are few if any fueling stations along their routes. The new trucks have been sitting in the parking lot most of the time since he bought them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to put myself into a financial hole,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experiences of the Wilmington family and the Oakland truck company illustrate the frustrations and obstacles that Californians face as state officials pursue an aggressive and controversial mandate to clean the air by phasing out diesel-powered big rigs and other trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s mandate, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2023/04/california-phases-out-diesel-trucks/\">approved by the Air Resources Board last year\u003c/a>, is the first in the world to ban new diesel trucks and require a switch to zero-emission vehicles, which are powered by electricity or hydrogen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-overview\">face varying deadlines\u003c/a> for ending their use of diesel, which for decades has been an efficient powerhouse fueling the economy and transport of goods. Starting in 2036, no new fossil-fueled medium-duty and heavy-duty trucks can be sold in California, and by 2042, large companies must convert their trucks to zero-emission models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trucking industry said the regulation is unreasonable and will wreak havoc on the economy, making it difficult to make long-haul shipments. The California Trucking Association and a collective of 17 states, including Nebraska, Alabama and New Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://environmentalenergybrief.sidley.com/2024/05/23/17-states-file-complaint-challenging-constitutionality-of-californias-advanced-clean-fleets-regulation/\">have sued the state\u003c/a>, alleging the rule oversteps state power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017438\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14.jpg\" alt=\"A large white truck in the foreground with big shipping containers in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Commercial trucks pass by a warehouse in front of a residential neighborhood along Drumm Avenue in the Wilmington neighborhood of Los Angeles on Dec. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From big rigs to garbage trucks and delivery vans, the rules will dramatically change the 1.8 million commercial trucks driven on California’s roads over the next two decades. Sales already are accelerating even though no deadlines have kicked in yet. Last year, one out of every six trucks sold in the state — more than 18,000 — were zero emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s mandate is in flux because the state still needs a waiver from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency before it can start enforcing them. President-elect Donald Trump has criticized California’s electric car mandates and in the past tried to revoke the state’s authority to set its own vehicle standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One deadline already has passed: All new drayage trucks, which are used to haul containers from ports, were supposed to be zero emissions by last October. But that deadline is not yet being enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Truck companies like Alammari’s that took a risk to be early adopters of clean trucks are now in limbo, swallowing high operating costs and competing with cheaper diesel-only companies in an already struggling industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, California’s most vulnerable residents who live near roads with heavy diesel truck traffic may have to wait longer for a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The dangers of diesel\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Diesel trucks are among the state’s biggest sources of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/02/california-new-soot-standards/\">microscopic particles of soot\u003c/a>, which can damage lungs and trigger asthma attacks and heart attacks. They also play an outsized role in California’s smog: While they make up just 6% of all vehicles on California’s roads, they are responsible for 72% of nitrogen oxides, a key ingredient of smog, emitted by on-road vehicles, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, health officials declared diesel exhaust, which contains dozens of toxic gases, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iarc.who.int/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/pr213_E.pdf\">human carcinogen (PDF.)\u003c/a> several decades ago because of studies linking it to lung cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles basin, diesel exhaust is responsible for more than two-thirds of the cancer risk posed by air pollution, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.aqmd.gov/docs/default-source/planning/mates-v/mates-v-final-report-9-24-21.pdf?sfvrsn=6\">a risk analysis by the South Coast Air Quality Management District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest dangers from diesels are in communities near high-traffic corridors. People near the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, downtown Los Angeles and parts of the Inland Empire are at risk of 350 to 500 cancer cases per million people because of diesel fumes, according to the analysis. That risk has dropped substantially in recent years as trucks get cleaner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11825555\" src=\"https://i0.wp.com/datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PKart/full.png?w=780&ssl=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s clean truck rule is \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">expected through 2050 to save $26.5 billion (PDF.)\u003c/a> in statewide health costs and save fleet owners $48 billion through reduced fuel and maintenance costs, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health benefits from eliminating the pollution (from diesel trucks) far exceed any cost the industry will bear,” said Adrian Martinez, an attorney for environmental group Earthjustice. “Trucking lobbyists and other folks are super loud and they’re going to focus on the difficulties of the transition. But millions of Californians affected by pollution from the freight industry is not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lots of obstacles for emissions-free trucking\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But a lack of fast, reliable charging stations and the vehicles’ limited ranges makes it difficult, even impossible, for trucks to transport goods long distances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric heavy-duty trucks have ranges up to 250 miles, while hydrogen-powered ones can drive about 500 miles on a full tank. They can use the same public fast chargers as cars, but that’s impractical because they take up too much space and charging can take up to six hours. For hydrogen, only 22 fueling stations for large trucks are operating or in development statewide, according to the California Energy Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Battery-powered trucks also are heavy, which means they can carry less cargo. As a result, companies have to charge more, which shippers aren’t usually willing to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry also points to the substantial investment that is needed to expand the electric grid’s capacity to eventually charge thousands of battery-powered trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s opposed” to cleaner air, said Matt Schrap head of the Harbor Trucking Association, which represents drayage truck companies. “It is about practical application and implementation of these rules. We have nowhere near enough infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board’s mandate “is the epitome of ready, fire, aim,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials stress that truck companies have time and flexible options to comply, and the state is working to \u003ca href=\"https://calfleetadvisor.org/who-we-are/\">help them understand and comply with the complex rules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are worried, I get it. But (the deadline) is not tomorrow,” said Bruce Tuter, who oversees compliance and outreach at the air board. “Charging times, charging speeds, all of that needs to start building up where it gets quicker to charge a truck and where it’s more accessible to charge when you’re traveling long distances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alammari, the truck company owner from Oakland, said he bought his two hydrogen trucks because he had interest from a shipping company that wanted to work with zero-emission vehicles. The profits Alammari would have made working with that company would have justified the added costs of operating a hydrogen fuel cell truck, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the last minute, however, the company chose to work with someone else. Without any customers willing to pay more to ship with his hydrogen trucks, he can’t use them. He’s doing his best to transition his entire fleet to zero-emission vehicles. He had even ordered three more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with help from state grants, Alammari said it’s not enough to help him operate the zero-emission vehicles or buy more of them. He pays substantially more for insuring them, and it costs twice as much to fully fuel them with hydrogen compared to a diesel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without companies willing to ship goods with zero-emission vehicles, early adopters of the technology, like his company, The Crew Transportation, Inc., are at a disadvantage until the mandate makes everyone comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I don’t get customers to use these trucks, The Crew Transportation is not going to move forward to get the three remaining hydrogen trucks we ordered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials created the most stringent deadlines for drayage trucks partly because they travel near the most vulnerable communities — the low-income communities of color around the ports. They also tend to make shorter trips compared to other heavy-duty trucks, and ports are equipped with some fueling and charging stations, air board officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies that operate drayage trucks near disadvantaged communities may qualify for state grants of up to $336,000 toward the cost of a new hydrogen or electric truck. Under the regulation, they are able to keep their diesel trucks until they reach 800,000 miles or 18 years, whichever is earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, based on how many miles are already on his trucks, Alammari expects them to be unusable by 2028 under the mandate. As he sees it, the future of the company he’s worked so hard to build is at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt='Two images, on the left a man appears to be filling up a tank and on the right the words \"Hydrogen Fleet.\"' width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Khari Burton of IMC Logistics demonstrates how to charge a zero-emissions big rig. Last: A hydrogen-powered truck at IMC headquarters in Compton. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles area, Sandra Espinioza, a truck driver for IMC Logistics, drives seven miles between Lomita and Torrance several times a day before powering up at the WattEV charging station in Long Beach. It’s a short and easy work route that makes it easy for a battery-powered truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re really quiet, and a really smooth drive,” she said. “You don’t smell the fumes. When it’s (charged) 100%, you’re gonna be able to go through your day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the state’s truck fleets are considered “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-high-priority-and-federal-fleets-overview\">high priority\u003c/a>” — federal fleets, such as the post office, and companies with at least one vehicle in California and $50 million or more in gross annual revenue or 50 or more vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These large operators have two ways to comply. Most are choosing a phase-in option. Under that option, smaller vehicles, such as UPS or Amazon delivery vans and box trucks, must be 100% zero emissions by 2035. But long-distance, heavy-duty trucks get more time to comply: 10% must be zero emissions by 2030 and 100% by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11825555\" src=\"https://i0.wp.com/datawrapper.dwcdn.net/dIQue/full.png?w=780&ssl=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Gillis, president of Compton-based IMC Logistics’ Pacific region, said the air board’s deadlines are so aggressive that it poses challenges to even large companies like his. His company has 319 diesel trucks, 50 hydrogen fuel cell trucks and six electric trucks in California. Installing a handful of charging stations at its headquarters was an investment of hundreds of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gillis said trucking companies essentially are conducting research and development with these zero-emission technologies. The new trucks have frequent recalls and can make hauls more expensive. Battery-powered trucks have to be used for shorter trips because of their limited range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gillis said the federal government’s delay in approving a waiver for California’s truck rule doesn’t help his company, since it already bought the clean trucks and has to compete with other companies. But he said IMC is large enough that it can absorb the costs without much consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric and hydrogen trucks are the future, Gillis said, adding that large companies like his have a responsibility to show the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do it now,” Gillis said. “The more we try to delay this, it’s just going to be more painful down the road. Every mile that I put on a hydrogen truck today is going to benefit somebody down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘A literal case of life and death’ in communities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As fleet owners struggle with the transition to clean fuels, families near freeways and ports throughout California suffer the consequences of inhaling toxic fumes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulloa looks out of his bedroom window toward Drumm Avenue in Wilmington and sees diesel trucks hauling cargo from the Port of Los Angeles lined up on his street. To feel any relief, he confines himself in this room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s at work in Costa Mesa, his asthma symptoms don’t bother him. But he said his coughing starts as soon as he’s home. Last year, during Thanksgiving dinner, he was hospitalized for three days before his asthma could be stabilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I get home from work the smell of diesel fumes and the dirt makes me cough,” Jose said. “I have to lock myself in my room with my air purifier and humidifier on. As soon as I go outside, I start coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017445\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a hat uses an inhaler while sitting on a bed.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jose Ulloa inhales from a medical vaporizer at his home in the Wilmington neighborhood of Los Angeles where commercial trucks pass by in numbers. Dec. 2, 2024. Photo by Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family has lived there for almost 30 years, long before the trucks serving the port started coming through their neighborhood. Antonio Ulloa, Jose and Imelda’s son remembers being a child and playing with other kids in the street. They’d play tag, skateboard and shoot basketballs into a hoop set up on the street, without any fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, at 31, Antonio sees no kids outside. Families keep their children indoors and shut all the windows to keep the pollution and noise out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Antonio’s nephew visits the family home, just a few hours playing in the front yard will give him nosebleeds. “It’s depressing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilmington has long been known as one of the areas most affected by the air pollution. Community members report allergies, nosebleeds and the need for supplemental oxygen. About 12% of children in Wilmington have been diagnosed with asthma as of 2023, according to data from the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living near the ports of LA and Long Beach breathe the highest concentrations of diesel exhaust in the Los Angeles basin, which raises their risk of lung cancer. Out of every million people chronically exposed to diesel fumes in West Long Beach, \u003ca href=\"http://www.aqmd.gov/docs/default-source/planning/mates-v/mates-v-final-report-9-24-21.pdf?sfvrsn=6\">more than 350 people could contract cancer (PDF.)\u003c/a>, according to South Coast Air Quality Management District analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a literal case of life and death for a lot of our community members and our loved ones,” said Paola Vargas, a Carson resident and organizer with nonprofit East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day matters. Every day we don’t have those (truck emissions) rules and they aren’t passed is a day wasted and a day of harmful impacts for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017442\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside.jpg\" alt='Two images, the first shows several trucks lined up in a row and the second shows a dog peaking out of a window with bars with a sign underneath saying \"No more trucks, pollution, excessive noise.\"' width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Diesel trucks pass in front of homes on Drumm Avenue in Wilmington. Last: A sign under Jose Ulloa’s window in Wilmington protests the truck traffic. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine researchers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1361920923000135\">reported last year\u003c/a> that even considering new vehicle technology and the state mandate, heavy-duty drayage trucks will still cause an estimated 2,142 asthma attacks and 106 premature deaths and $1.31 billion in health costs in 2035. That is a dramatic improvement, though, as trucks have gotten cleaner under air board rules: In 2012, they caused an estimated 15,468 asthma attacks, 483 premature deaths and $5.59 billion in health costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the asthma cases and deaths will be in disadvantaged communities along highway routes between the ports and Inland Empire warehouses, according to the study. The researchers concluded that it is worth paying truck companies more than a billion dollars to replace diesels expected to be on the road in 2035 because of the health effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is not going to solve itself,” said Jean-Daniel Saphores, chair of UC Irvine’s department of Civil and Environmental Engineering and an author of the study. “These trucks are still doing a lot of harm and they’re disproportionately harming disadvantaged groups, even with all the regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The harm to disadvantaged communities extends to the Inland Empire, where an abundance of land is spurring warehouse development that draws more truck traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bernardino County’s nearly 2,500 warehouses, for instance, generate 362,000 truck trips a day, according to data by \u003ca href=\"https://radicalresearch.shinyapps.io/WarehouseCITY/\">Warehouse CITY\u003c/a>, a tool created in collaboration with Pitzer College and research agency Radical Research. In Los Angeles County, 16,600 warehouses generate 267,000 daily truck trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MaCarmen Gonzalez, a San Bernardino resident, said she noticed that many young children in her community carry inhalers. After learning about the impacts of diesel pollution, she became an activist for clean air, including the state’s zero-emissions truck rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see (the exhaust), but it’s killing you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents struggle to find places for their children to play outdoors in neighborhoods near the Port of LA. On a recent sunny afternoon, Brittany Guevarra played with her three-year-old son at the Wilmington Waterfront Park playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the background, on Harry Bridges Boulevard, a long line of diesel trucks passed by. The strong smell of diesel exhaust occasionally wafted through the park as children played to the rumble of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guevarra used to live in San Pedro, but the cost of housing was too high. She was drawn to Wilmington by cheaper rent. At the time, the trucks and port pollution didn’t cross her mind. Now, it’s inescapable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Afterward I thought about it and I was like, ‘dang,’” Guevarra said. “I do worry. That’s why I keep (my son) inside. I know it’s bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the seemingly endless stream of trucks kept coming, Guevarra walked her son home after playing in the park. She doesn’t think she’ll ever return.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California has an aggressive mandate for zero-emission trucks, which are powered by electricity or hydrogen. But trucking companies face big obstacles — and people are still breathing dangerous diesel exhaust.",
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"title": "Polluted Communities Hold Their Breath as Companies Struggle With California’s Diesel Truck Ban | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Standing in his front yard in Wilmington, Jose Ulloa can’t get a sentence out without coughing. Heavy-duty trucks, headed to and from the Port of Los Angeles, pass in front of his home all day, their engines roaring and their exhaust spewing into the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulloa, who was diagnosed with asthma a few years ago, suffers frequent breathing problems and was hospitalized after one attack. The truck traffic is likely a trigger since health officials say diesel exhaust is known to cause \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/overview-diesel-exhaust-and-health\">asthma attacks and other respiratory problems\u003c/a>, including lung cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The parade of big rigs in his neighborhood started four years ago after a series of traffic pattern changes altered their route.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imelda, his wife, sweeps the yard and cleans the home nonstop, but black dust still collects on every surface of their home within hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you blow your nose, black dust will come out,” she said. “It’s a terrible life living here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Oakland, Mashhoor Alammari, who runs a small fleet of drayage trucks that haul cargo to and from the port, wants to do his part to help clean the air of dangerous diesel exhaust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His company, The Crew Transportation, Inc., bought two new zero-emission big rigs at a cost of more than $900,000. But the trucks, powered by hydrogen fuel cells, are expensive to operate and there are few if any fueling stations along their routes. The new trucks have been sitting in the parking lot most of the time since he bought them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to put myself into a financial hole,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The experiences of the Wilmington family and the Oakland truck company illustrate the frustrations and obstacles that Californians face as state officials pursue an aggressive and controversial mandate to clean the air by phasing out diesel-powered big rigs and other trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s mandate, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2023/04/california-phases-out-diesel-trucks/\">approved by the Air Resources Board last year\u003c/a>, is the first in the world to ban new diesel trucks and require a switch to zero-emission vehicles, which are powered by electricity or hydrogen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-overview\">face varying deadlines\u003c/a> for ending their use of diesel, which for decades has been an efficient powerhouse fueling the economy and transport of goods. Starting in 2036, no new fossil-fueled medium-duty and heavy-duty trucks can be sold in California, and by 2042, large companies must convert their trucks to zero-emission models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The trucking industry said the regulation is unreasonable and will wreak havoc on the economy, making it difficult to make long-haul shipments. The California Trucking Association and a collective of 17 states, including Nebraska, Alabama and New Mexico, \u003ca href=\"https://environmentalenergybrief.sidley.com/2024/05/23/17-states-file-complaint-challenging-constitutionality-of-californias-advanced-clean-fleets-regulation/\">have sued the state\u003c/a>, alleging the rule oversteps state power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017438\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14.jpg\" alt=\"A large white truck in the foreground with big shipping containers in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_20224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Commercial trucks pass by a warehouse in front of a residential neighborhood along Drumm Avenue in the Wilmington neighborhood of Los Angeles on Dec. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>From big rigs to garbage trucks and delivery vans, the rules will dramatically change the 1.8 million commercial trucks driven on California’s roads over the next two decades. Sales already are accelerating even though no deadlines have kicked in yet. Last year, one out of every six trucks sold in the state — more than 18,000 — were zero emissions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s mandate is in flux because the state still needs a waiver from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency before it can start enforcing them. President-elect Donald Trump has criticized California’s electric car mandates and in the past tried to revoke the state’s authority to set its own vehicle standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One deadline already has passed: All new drayage trucks, which are used to haul containers from ports, were supposed to be zero emissions by last October. But that deadline is not yet being enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Truck companies like Alammari’s that took a risk to be early adopters of clean trucks are now in limbo, swallowing high operating costs and competing with cheaper diesel-only companies in an already struggling industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, California’s most vulnerable residents who live near roads with heavy diesel truck traffic may have to wait longer for a solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The dangers of diesel\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Diesel trucks are among the state’s biggest sources of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2024/02/california-new-soot-standards/\">microscopic particles of soot\u003c/a>, which can damage lungs and trigger asthma attacks and heart attacks. They also play an outsized role in California’s smog: While they make up just 6% of all vehicles on California’s roads, they are responsible for 72% of nitrogen oxides, a key ingredient of smog, emitted by on-road vehicles, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, health officials declared diesel exhaust, which contains dozens of toxic gases, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iarc.who.int/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/pr213_E.pdf\">human carcinogen (PDF.)\u003c/a> several decades ago because of studies linking it to lung cancer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles basin, diesel exhaust is responsible for more than two-thirds of the cancer risk posed by air pollution, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.aqmd.gov/docs/default-source/planning/mates-v/mates-v-final-report-9-24-21.pdf?sfvrsn=6\">a risk analysis by the South Coast Air Quality Management District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The biggest dangers from diesels are in communities near high-traffic corridors. People near the ports of Los Angeles and Long Beach, downtown Los Angeles and parts of the Inland Empire are at risk of 350 to 500 cancer cases per million people because of diesel fumes, according to the analysis. That risk has dropped substantially in recent years as trucks get cleaner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11825555\" src=\"https://i0.wp.com/datawrapper.dwcdn.net/PKart/full.png?w=780&ssl=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s clean truck rule is \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/sites/default/files/barcu/regact/2022/acf22/isor2.pdf\">expected through 2050 to save $26.5 billion (PDF.)\u003c/a> in statewide health costs and save fleet owners $48 billion through reduced fuel and maintenance costs, according to the air board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The health benefits from eliminating the pollution (from diesel trucks) far exceed any cost the industry will bear,” said Adrian Martinez, an attorney for environmental group Earthjustice. “Trucking lobbyists and other folks are super loud and they’re going to focus on the difficulties of the transition. But millions of Californians affected by pollution from the freight industry is not acceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lots of obstacles for emissions-free trucking\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But a lack of fast, reliable charging stations and the vehicles’ limited ranges makes it difficult, even impossible, for trucks to transport goods long distances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric heavy-duty trucks have ranges up to 250 miles, while hydrogen-powered ones can drive about 500 miles on a full tank. They can use the same public fast chargers as cars, but that’s impractical because they take up too much space and charging can take up to six hours. For hydrogen, only 22 fueling stations for large trucks are operating or in development statewide, according to the California Energy Commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Battery-powered trucks also are heavy, which means they can carry less cargo. As a result, companies have to charge more, which shippers aren’t usually willing to pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The industry also points to the substantial investment that is needed to expand the electric grid’s capacity to eventually charge thousands of battery-powered trucks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s opposed” to cleaner air, said Matt Schrap head of the Harbor Trucking Association, which represents drayage truck companies. “It is about practical application and implementation of these rules. We have nowhere near enough infrastructure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air board’s mandate “is the epitome of ready, fire, aim,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials stress that truck companies have time and flexible options to comply, and the state is working to \u003ca href=\"https://calfleetadvisor.org/who-we-are/\">help them understand and comply with the complex rules\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are worried, I get it. But (the deadline) is not tomorrow,” said Bruce Tuter, who oversees compliance and outreach at the air board. “Charging times, charging speeds, all of that needs to start building up where it gets quicker to charge a truck and where it’s more accessible to charge when you’re traveling long distances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alammari, the truck company owner from Oakland, said he bought his two hydrogen trucks because he had interest from a shipping company that wanted to work with zero-emission vehicles. The profits Alammari would have made working with that company would have justified the added costs of operating a hydrogen fuel cell truck, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the last minute, however, the company chose to work with someone else. Without any customers willing to pay more to ship with his hydrogen trucks, he can’t use them. He’s doing his best to transition his entire fleet to zero-emission vehicles. He had even ordered three more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even with help from state grants, Alammari said it’s not enough to help him operate the zero-emission vehicles or buy more of them. He pays substantially more for insuring them, and it costs twice as much to fully fuel them with hydrogen compared to a diesel, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without companies willing to ship goods with zero-emission vehicles, early adopters of the technology, like his company, The Crew Transportation, Inc., are at a disadvantage until the mandate makes everyone comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I don’t get customers to use these trucks, The Crew Transportation is not going to move forward to get the three remaining hydrogen trucks we ordered,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Air board officials created the most stringent deadlines for drayage trucks partly because they travel near the most vulnerable communities — the low-income communities of color around the ports. They also tend to make shorter trips compared to other heavy-duty trucks, and ports are equipped with some fueling and charging stations, air board officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies that operate drayage trucks near disadvantaged communities may qualify for state grants of up to $336,000 toward the cost of a new hydrogen or electric truck. Under the regulation, they are able to keep their diesel trucks until they reach 800,000 miles or 18 years, whichever is earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, based on how many miles are already on his trucks, Alammari expects them to be unusable by 2028 under the mandate. As he sees it, the future of the company he’s worked so hard to build is at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017441\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg\" alt='Two images, on the left a man appears to be filling up a tank and on the right the words \"Hydrogen Fleet.\"' width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/01_KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Khari Burton of IMC Logistics demonstrates how to charge a zero-emissions big rig. Last: A hydrogen-powered truck at IMC headquarters in Compton. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles area, Sandra Espinioza, a truck driver for IMC Logistics, drives seven miles between Lomita and Torrance several times a day before powering up at the WattEV charging station in Long Beach. It’s a short and easy work route that makes it easy for a battery-powered truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re really quiet, and a really smooth drive,” she said. “You don’t smell the fumes. When it’s (charged) 100%, you’re gonna be able to go through your day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the state’s truck fleets are considered “\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.arb.ca.gov/resources/fact-sheets/advanced-clean-fleets-regulation-high-priority-and-federal-fleets-overview\">high priority\u003c/a>” — federal fleets, such as the post office, and companies with at least one vehicle in California and $50 million or more in gross annual revenue or 50 or more vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These large operators have two ways to comply. Most are choosing a phase-in option. Under that option, smaller vehicles, such as UPS or Amazon delivery vans and box trucks, must be 100% zero emissions by 2035. But long-distance, heavy-duty trucks get more time to comply: 10% must be zero emissions by 2030 and 100% by 2042.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11825555\" src=\"https://i0.wp.com/datawrapper.dwcdn.net/dIQue/full.png?w=780&ssl=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"628\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Gillis, president of Compton-based IMC Logistics’ Pacific region, said the air board’s deadlines are so aggressive that it poses challenges to even large companies like his. His company has 319 diesel trucks, 50 hydrogen fuel cell trucks and six electric trucks in California. Installing a handful of charging stations at its headquarters was an investment of hundreds of thousands of dollars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gillis said trucking companies essentially are conducting research and development with these zero-emission technologies. The new trucks have frequent recalls and can make hauls more expensive. Battery-powered trucks have to be used for shorter trips because of their limited range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gillis said the federal government’s delay in approving a waiver for California’s truck rule doesn’t help his company, since it already bought the clean trucks and has to compete with other companies. But he said IMC is large enough that it can absorb the costs without much consequence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric and hydrogen trucks are the future, Gillis said, adding that large companies like his have a responsibility to show the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to do it now,” Gillis said. “The more we try to delay this, it’s just going to be more painful down the road. Every mile that I put on a hydrogen truck today is going to benefit somebody down the road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘A literal case of life and death’ in communities\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>As fleet owners struggle with the transition to clean fuels, families near freeways and ports throughout California suffer the consequences of inhaling toxic fumes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulloa looks out of his bedroom window toward Drumm Avenue in Wilmington and sees diesel trucks hauling cargo from the Port of Los Angeles lined up on his street. To feel any relief, he confines himself in this room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he’s at work in Costa Mesa, his asthma symptoms don’t bother him. But he said his coughing starts as soon as he’s home. Last year, during Thanksgiving dinner, he was hospitalized for three days before his asthma could be stabilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As soon as I get home from work the smell of diesel fumes and the dirt makes me cough,” Jose said. “I have to lock myself in my room with my air purifier and humidifier on. As soon as I go outside, I start coughing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017445\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017445\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a hat uses an inhaler while sitting on a bed.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/04_120224_Drumm-Avenue_CS_CM_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jose Ulloa inhales from a medical vaporizer at his home in the Wilmington neighborhood of Los Angeles where commercial trucks pass by in numbers. Dec. 2, 2024. Photo by Carlin Stiehl for CalMatters \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The family has lived there for almost 30 years, long before the trucks serving the port started coming through their neighborhood. Antonio Ulloa, Jose and Imelda’s son remembers being a child and playing with other kids in the street. They’d play tag, skateboard and shoot basketballs into a hoop set up on the street, without any fear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, at 31, Antonio sees no kids outside. Families keep their children indoors and shut all the windows to keep the pollution and noise out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Antonio’s nephew visits the family home, just a few hours playing in the front yard will give him nosebleeds. “It’s depressing,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wilmington has long been known as one of the areas most affected by the air pollution. Community members report allergies, nosebleeds and the need for supplemental oxygen. About 12% of children in Wilmington have been diagnosed with asthma as of 2023, according to data from the Los Angeles County Department of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People living near the ports of LA and Long Beach breathe the highest concentrations of diesel exhaust in the Los Angeles basin, which raises their risk of lung cancer. Out of every million people chronically exposed to diesel fumes in West Long Beach, \u003ca href=\"http://www.aqmd.gov/docs/default-source/planning/mates-v/mates-v-final-report-9-24-21.pdf?sfvrsn=6\">more than 350 people could contract cancer (PDF.)\u003c/a>, according to South Coast Air Quality Management District analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a literal case of life and death for a lot of our community members and our loved ones,” said Paola Vargas, a Carson resident and organizer with nonprofit East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every day matters. Every day we don’t have those (truck emissions) rules and they aren’t passed is a day wasted and a day of harmful impacts for us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12017442\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2500px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12017442\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside.jpg\" alt='Two images, the first shows several trucks lined up in a row and the second shows a dog peaking out of a window with bars with a sign underneath saying \"No more trucks, pollution, excessive noise.\"' width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/02_KQEDsidebyside-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First: Diesel trucks pass in front of homes on Drumm Avenue in Wilmington. Last: A sign under Jose Ulloa’s window in Wilmington protests the truck traffic. \u003ccite>(Carlin Stiehl/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine researchers \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1361920923000135\">reported last year\u003c/a> that even considering new vehicle technology and the state mandate, heavy-duty drayage trucks will still cause an estimated 2,142 asthma attacks and 106 premature deaths and $1.31 billion in health costs in 2035. That is a dramatic improvement, though, as trucks have gotten cleaner under air board rules: In 2012, they caused an estimated 15,468 asthma attacks, 483 premature deaths and $5.59 billion in health costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the asthma cases and deaths will be in disadvantaged communities along highway routes between the ports and Inland Empire warehouses, according to the study. The researchers concluded that it is worth paying truck companies more than a billion dollars to replace diesels expected to be on the road in 2035 because of the health effects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The problem is not going to solve itself,” said Jean-Daniel Saphores, chair of UC Irvine’s department of Civil and Environmental Engineering and an author of the study. “These trucks are still doing a lot of harm and they’re disproportionately harming disadvantaged groups, even with all the regulation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The harm to disadvantaged communities extends to the Inland Empire, where an abundance of land is spurring warehouse development that draws more truck traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bernardino County’s nearly 2,500 warehouses, for instance, generate 362,000 truck trips a day, according to data by \u003ca href=\"https://radicalresearch.shinyapps.io/WarehouseCITY/\">Warehouse CITY\u003c/a>, a tool created in collaboration with Pitzer College and research agency Radical Research. In Los Angeles County, 16,600 warehouses generate 267,000 daily truck trips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MaCarmen Gonzalez, a San Bernardino resident, said she noticed that many young children in her community carry inhalers. After learning about the impacts of diesel pollution, she became an activist for clean air, including the state’s zero-emissions truck rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t see (the exhaust), but it’s killing you,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents struggle to find places for their children to play outdoors in neighborhoods near the Port of LA. On a recent sunny afternoon, Brittany Guevarra played with her three-year-old son at the Wilmington Waterfront Park playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the background, on Harry Bridges Boulevard, a long line of diesel trucks passed by. The strong smell of diesel exhaust occasionally wafted through the park as children played to the rumble of traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guevarra used to live in San Pedro, but the cost of housing was too high. She was drawn to Wilmington by cheaper rent. At the time, the trucks and port pollution didn’t cross her mind. Now, it’s inescapable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Afterward I thought about it and I was like, ‘dang,’” Guevarra said. “I do worry. That’s why I keep (my son) inside. I know it’s bad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the seemingly endless stream of trucks kept coming, Guevarra walked her son home after playing in the park. She doesn’t think she’ll ever return.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "trump-says-jan-6-panel-members-should-be-jailed-south-bays-zoe-lofgren-isnt-worried",
"title": "Trump Says Jan. 6 Panel Members Should Be Jailed. South Bay’s Zoe Lofgren Isn’t Worried",
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"headTitle": "Trump Says Jan. 6 Panel Members Should Be Jailed. South Bay’s Zoe Lofgren Isn’t Worried | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren said Tuesday that she’s not asking President Joe Biden for a pardon after President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> suggested that members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934011/its-a-ridiculous-statement-rep-zoe-lofgren-assesses-rep-kevin-mccarthys-call-to-investigate-jan-6-committee\">the Jan. 6 committee she sat on\u003c/a> should be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Lofgren said she’s not worried by Trump’s remarks about the House committee that investigated the 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol and called him its “central cause.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess my first reaction was a question of whether he’s ever read the United States Constitution,” she said. “I’m scared for the country that we would have a lawless president suggesting things that are completely prohibited by the Constitution be done. But I believe in the Constitution. And I think we have a judicial branch that will make sure that the Constitution is enforced on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-will-likely-pardon-capitol-rioters-day-1-says-jan-6-committee-me-rcna183275\"> made the comments to NBC’s \u003cem>Meet the Press\u003c/em>\u003c/a> on Sunday. “Honestly, they should go to jail,” he said of the committee members, though he added that he would not direct the Department of Justice to prosecute them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president-elect also said he would consider pardoning the more than 1,500 defendants charged in the Jan. 6 attacks on his first day in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she’s disappointed that Trump plans to “reward criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These were individuals who viciously assaulted police officers, maimed them in a violent attack. So I was not surprised by Trump’s comments, but certainly disappointed by his efforts to reward criminals and to try and criminalize non-criminal activity on the part of Congress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12016294 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/NewsomCellphonesSchools-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren added that she encourages Americans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/collection/january-6th-committee-final-report?path=/GPO/January%206th%20Committee%20Final%20Report%20and%20Supporting%20Materials%20Collection\">read the committee’s full report\u003c/a> or “go to the Department of Justice’s website and read the case files of the violent crimes committed by the rioters that Trump now says he plans to pardon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she has not sought a pardon from Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>That’s up to the president if he thinks it’s appropriate and he can do it,” she said. “We did nothing wrong. Matter of fact, we did a lot that was right. But if he thinks it’s important to prevent harassment, then he can use his good judgment. I will say I’m not seeking it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said the Constitution already provides members of Congress “much broader protection than any pardon,” both civilly and criminally, but that it may be worth considering preemptive pardons for people who are not elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly, there are individuals who don’t have the protection of the speech or debate clause that will obviously, if we’re to believe what Trump and his nominees say, are going to be harassed and should not be,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, on the eve of being sworn in as California’s newest U.S. senator, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016449/bidens-pardon-has-deeply-disappointed-californias-next-senator-adam-schiff\">Adam Schiff\u003c/a> — another member of the Jan. 6 committee — told KQED he opposes preemptive pardons, even if he believes Trump will “abuse his authority” or try to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I just don’t like the precedent of it,” he said. “I didn’t like it when Trump talked about doing that on his way out. And I don’t favor President Biden doing it either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she doesn’t know Pam Bondi, the former Florida attorney general Trump has named as his pick for attorney general. But she called his pick to head the FBI, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101908102/trumps-picks-for-fbi-chief-and-national-intelligence-director-face-challenges\">Kash Patel\u003c/a>, “completely unqualified.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intemperate comments that he’s made indicate his lack of balance and his lack of adherence to the rule of law,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lofgren, who is the ranking Democratic member on the House Science, Space and Technology Committee, said she does hope to work across the aisle in that committee and other areas. She noted that because of the GOP’s slim House majority — just two votes — they will likely need Democrats to pass legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will need Democratic votes, and we will give those votes if we have bills that also meet our priorities. So we shall see how this goes,” she said. “Our goal is to stand up for our constituents and to stand up for the American people in every regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>South Bay Rep. Zoe Lofgren said Tuesday that she’s not asking President Joe Biden for a pardon after President-elect \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> suggested that members of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11934011/its-a-ridiculous-statement-rep-zoe-lofgren-assesses-rep-kevin-mccarthys-call-to-investigate-jan-6-committee\">the Jan. 6 committee she sat on\u003c/a> should be jailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an interview with KQED, Lofgren said she’s not worried by Trump’s remarks about the House committee that investigated the 2021 attack on the U.S. Capitol and called him its “central cause.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I guess my first reaction was a question of whether he’s ever read the United States Constitution,” she said. “I’m scared for the country that we would have a lawless president suggesting things that are completely prohibited by the Constitution be done. But I believe in the Constitution. And I think we have a judicial branch that will make sure that the Constitution is enforced on that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump\u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-will-likely-pardon-capitol-rioters-day-1-says-jan-6-committee-me-rcna183275\"> made the comments to NBC’s \u003cem>Meet the Press\u003c/em>\u003c/a> on Sunday. “Honestly, they should go to jail,” he said of the committee members, though he added that he would not direct the Department of Justice to prosecute them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president-elect also said he would consider pardoning the more than 1,500 defendants charged in the Jan. 6 attacks on his first day in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she’s disappointed that Trump plans to “reward criminals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These were individuals who viciously assaulted police officers, maimed them in a violent attack. So I was not surprised by Trump’s comments, but certainly disappointed by his efforts to reward criminals and to try and criminalize non-criminal activity on the part of Congress,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren added that she encourages Americans to \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/collection/january-6th-committee-final-report?path=/GPO/January%206th%20Committee%20Final%20Report%20and%20Supporting%20Materials%20Collection\">read the committee’s full report\u003c/a> or “go to the Department of Justice’s website and read the case files of the violent crimes committed by the rioters that Trump now says he plans to pardon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But she said she has not sought a pardon from Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>“\u003c/strong>That’s up to the president if he thinks it’s appropriate and he can do it,” she said. “We did nothing wrong. Matter of fact, we did a lot that was right. But if he thinks it’s important to prevent harassment, then he can use his good judgment. I will say I’m not seeking it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said the Constitution already provides members of Congress “much broader protection than any pardon,” both civilly and criminally, but that it may be worth considering preemptive pardons for people who are not elected officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly, there are individuals who don’t have the protection of the speech or debate clause that will obviously, if we’re to believe what Trump and his nominees say, are going to be harassed and should not be,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, on the eve of being sworn in as California’s newest U.S. senator, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016449/bidens-pardon-has-deeply-disappointed-californias-next-senator-adam-schiff\">Adam Schiff\u003c/a> — another member of the Jan. 6 committee — told KQED he opposes preemptive pardons, even if he believes Trump will “abuse his authority” or try to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But I just don’t like the precedent of it,” he said. “I didn’t like it when Trump talked about doing that on his way out. And I don’t favor President Biden doing it either.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren said she doesn’t know Pam Bondi, the former Florida attorney general Trump has named as his pick for attorney general. But she called his pick to head the FBI, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101908102/trumps-picks-for-fbi-chief-and-national-intelligence-director-face-challenges\">Kash Patel\u003c/a>, “completely unqualified.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The intemperate comments that he’s made indicate his lack of balance and his lack of adherence to the rule of law,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet Lofgren, who is the ranking Democratic member on the House Science, Space and Technology Committee, said she does hope to work across the aisle in that committee and other areas. She noted that because of the GOP’s slim House majority — just two votes — they will likely need Democrats to pass legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will need Democratic votes, and we will give those votes if we have bills that also meet our priorities. So we shall see how this goes,” she said. “Our goal is to stand up for our constituents and to stand up for the American people in every regard.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Conflicts Over Race, LGBTQ Issues Cost Schools More Than $3 Billion Last Year",
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"content": "\u003cp>Conflicts between parents, teachers and school leaders over parental rights policies focusing on LGBTQ+ students, limitations on teaching about race and racism and book bans have come with a cost — both socially and financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflicts are disrupting school districts, negatively impacting schools and classrooms and costing districts money that could be used to better serve students, according to “\u003ca href=\"https://idea.gseis.ucla.edu/publications/costs-of-conflict/\">The Costs of Conflict, The Fiscal Impact of Culturally Divisive Conflicts on Public Schools in the United States\u003c/a>,” released last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers from UCLA, the University of Texas at Austin, American University and UC Riverside conducted a national survey of K–12 public school superintendents from 46 states — 467 in all — and found that these conflicts are prevalent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 2020–21 school year, uncivil discourse and \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/political-rancor-has-had-chilling-effect-on-public-education/682015\">hostile political rhetoric\u003c/a> at school board meetings and on school campuses have been an ongoing problem. Two-thirds of the school superintendents surveyed for the study said they have experienced moderate to high levels of culturally divisive conflict in their districts, including misinformation campaigns, violent rhetoric and threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cultural conflicts cost U.S. school districts about $3.2 billion last school year, according to the study. Researchers estimate that districts with high levels of conflict spent about $80 per student. Districts with moderate levels of conflict spent $50 per student, and districts with low conflict spent $25 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is costing us general fund dollars,” said a superintendent from a midsize school district in a Western state. “In the 2023–24 school year, the district spent an additional $100,000 on security, hiring armed plainclothes off-duty officers … because people coming to the board meetings are unpredictable and sometimes violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers allowed superintendents to remain anonymous in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent also said the district spent more than $500,000 in legal fees on lawsuits associated with a board member and a campaign against the LGBTQ+ community and lost $250,000 in outside funding from social services organizations because of the dispute. It also spent $80,000 on recruiting and training new staff to replace teachers, counselors and administrators who left because they did not want to work in such a divisive setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Culturally divisive conflicts have substantial costs to the public and to our capacity as a state to mount quality learning experiences for all students,” said John Rogers, director of the UCLA Institute for Democracy, Education and Access and lead researcher on the report. “It has a fiscal cost that we’ve tried to lay out with some specificity, and it has broader social costs as well — there’s an undermining of social trust, there’s a deepening sense of stress and all of this is hugely consequential for how educators experience public schools and how young people are experiencing public schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Costs of conflict can’t always be counted in dollars\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Average-sized school districts of about 10,000 students spent about $811,000 each last school year to cope with cultural division, according to the study. The money was spent on legal fees, added security, additional staff time and on community, school board and government relations. Districts also incurred indirect costs because of staff turnover related to the conflict and because staff had to take time away from their other duties to deal with discord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the survey, the largest expense for districts with cultural conflict came from staff turnover, with districts of about 10,000 students spending between $148,000 and $461,000, depending on the level of conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One superintendent said that cultural conflict has caused “incredible stress on leaders and teachers as they navigate imaginary slights and online drama in the community.” A Pennsylvania superintendent called the emotional stress and anxiety “nearly crippling.”[aside tag=\"education, LGBTQ\" label=\"More Related Stories\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This research makes clear that culturally divisive conflicts in the nation’s schools are generating fear, stress and anxiety that is disrupting school districts and taking a personal toll on the educators and staff members who work in them,” Rogers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stress has also led to increased staff absenteeism at schools, even in districts with lower levels of conflict, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of the superintendents surveyed said they had been personally harassed at least once during the school year. Ten percent reported being threatened with violence, and 11% had their property vandalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, superintendent turnover has also increased — from 14.2% to 17.1% — over the past four years. More than 40% of the superintendents who left their jobs in the last year said their decision was related to conflict, stress and politics, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The relentless demands of leading a district can easily overshadow their own well-being, which, if neglected, not only affects their personal health but also the health and stability of students, educators and families they serve,” said Rachel S. White of the University of Texas at Austin in a statement. “Reducing the extent to which superintendents experience unwarranted divisiveness is an important step to change the trajectory of increasing superintendent churn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendents who were surveyed expressed concern that the time they spent managing cultural conflict, including responding to Freedom of Information Act requests and unsubstantiated rumors and misinformation, is keeping them from focusing on improving instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>California not immune to divisive conflict\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rogers said that while cultural conflict wasn’t as common in California as in other parts of the country in 2021–22, it has grown over the last few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump’s election is likely to bring more cultural division to school campuses, Rogers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that a Trump victory will lead some on the right to take a message that these sorts of cultural attacks that have been playing out across the United States and across California in the last couple of years are an effective strategy for mobilizing the base and for energizing the electorate,” said Rogers, in an interview the day before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Trump victory will mean that Donald Trump will have more of a presence in our public life in the months to come. And so, that too will mean that he will be using language and framing that will further activate attacks on public schools around these culturally divisive issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/conflict-over-race-lgbtq-issues-cost-schools-more-than-3-million-last-school-year/723154\">This story was originally published on EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Conflicts between parents, teachers and school leaders over parental rights policies focusing on LGBTQ+ students, limitations on teaching about race and racism and book bans have come with a cost — both socially and financially.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflicts are disrupting school districts, negatively impacting schools and classrooms and costing districts money that could be used to better serve students, according to “\u003ca href=\"https://idea.gseis.ucla.edu/publications/costs-of-conflict/\">The Costs of Conflict, The Fiscal Impact of Culturally Divisive Conflicts on Public Schools in the United States\u003c/a>,” released last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers from UCLA, the University of Texas at Austin, American University and UC Riverside conducted a national survey of K–12 public school superintendents from 46 states — 467 in all — and found that these conflicts are prevalent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the 2020–21 school year, uncivil discourse and \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2022/political-rancor-has-had-chilling-effect-on-public-education/682015\">hostile political rhetoric\u003c/a> at school board meetings and on school campuses have been an ongoing problem. Two-thirds of the school superintendents surveyed for the study said they have experienced moderate to high levels of culturally divisive conflict in their districts, including misinformation campaigns, violent rhetoric and threats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cultural conflicts cost U.S. school districts about $3.2 billion last school year, according to the study. Researchers estimate that districts with high levels of conflict spent about $80 per student. Districts with moderate levels of conflict spent $50 per student, and districts with low conflict spent $25 per student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is costing us general fund dollars,” said a superintendent from a midsize school district in a Western state. “In the 2023–24 school year, the district spent an additional $100,000 on security, hiring armed plainclothes off-duty officers … because people coming to the board meetings are unpredictable and sometimes violent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers allowed superintendents to remain anonymous in the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The superintendent also said the district spent more than $500,000 in legal fees on lawsuits associated with a board member and a campaign against the LGBTQ+ community and lost $250,000 in outside funding from social services organizations because of the dispute. It also spent $80,000 on recruiting and training new staff to replace teachers, counselors and administrators who left because they did not want to work in such a divisive setting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Culturally divisive conflicts have substantial costs to the public and to our capacity as a state to mount quality learning experiences for all students,” said John Rogers, director of the UCLA Institute for Democracy, Education and Access and lead researcher on the report. “It has a fiscal cost that we’ve tried to lay out with some specificity, and it has broader social costs as well — there’s an undermining of social trust, there’s a deepening sense of stress and all of this is hugely consequential for how educators experience public schools and how young people are experiencing public schools.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Costs of conflict can’t always be counted in dollars\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Average-sized school districts of about 10,000 students spent about $811,000 each last school year to cope with cultural division, according to the study. The money was spent on legal fees, added security, additional staff time and on community, school board and government relations. Districts also incurred indirect costs because of staff turnover related to the conflict and because staff had to take time away from their other duties to deal with discord.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the survey, the largest expense for districts with cultural conflict came from staff turnover, with districts of about 10,000 students spending between $148,000 and $461,000, depending on the level of conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One superintendent said that cultural conflict has caused “incredible stress on leaders and teachers as they navigate imaginary slights and online drama in the community.” A Pennsylvania superintendent called the emotional stress and anxiety “nearly crippling.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This research makes clear that culturally divisive conflicts in the nation’s schools are generating fear, stress and anxiety that is disrupting school districts and taking a personal toll on the educators and staff members who work in them,” Rogers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stress has also led to increased staff absenteeism at schools, even in districts with lower levels of conflict, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Half of the superintendents surveyed said they had been personally harassed at least once during the school year. Ten percent reported being threatened with violence, and 11% had their property vandalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, superintendent turnover has also increased — from 14.2% to 17.1% — over the past four years. More than 40% of the superintendents who left their jobs in the last year said their decision was related to conflict, stress and politics, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The relentless demands of leading a district can easily overshadow their own well-being, which, if neglected, not only affects their personal health but also the health and stability of students, educators and families they serve,” said Rachel S. White of the University of Texas at Austin in a statement. “Reducing the extent to which superintendents experience unwarranted divisiveness is an important step to change the trajectory of increasing superintendent churn.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendents who were surveyed expressed concern that the time they spent managing cultural conflict, including responding to Freedom of Information Act requests and unsubstantiated rumors and misinformation, is keeping them from focusing on improving instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>California not immune to divisive conflict\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Rogers said that while cultural conflict wasn’t as common in California as in other parts of the country in 2021–22, it has grown over the last few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Donald Trump’s election is likely to bring more cultural division to school campuses, Rogers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that a Trump victory will lead some on the right to take a message that these sorts of cultural attacks that have been playing out across the United States and across California in the last couple of years are an effective strategy for mobilizing the base and for energizing the electorate,” said Rogers, in an interview the day before the election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A Trump victory will mean that Donald Trump will have more of a presence in our public life in the months to come. And so, that too will mean that he will be using language and framing that will further activate attacks on public schools around these culturally divisive issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/conflict-over-race-lgbtq-issues-cost-schools-more-than-3-million-last-school-year/723154\">This story was originally published on EdSource.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Bill Would Put Tobacco-Like Warnings on Social Media Apps",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:40 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking a cue from tobacco regulation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s attorney general wants to force social media companies to slap warning labels on their apps that clearly state the risks posed to kids and teens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal follows the advice of the U.S. surgeon general, who called earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990672/us-surgeon-general-urges-congress-to-require-warning-labels-for-social-media\">for Congress to mandate warning labels\u003c/a> on the federal level — a call that so far, lawmakers have not answered. Attorney General Rob Bonta and Orinda Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan announced the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB56\">new legislation\u003c/a> at a Boys & Girls Club in San Francisco on Monday, alongside a family whose daughter died by suicide four months ago after becoming, as her mother Victoria Hinks said, obsessed with social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was hooked,” a tearful Hinks said of her 16-year-old, Alexandra. Hinks noted that she and her husband implemented all the advice of experts in terms of limiting Alexandra’s screen time, taking her phone away at night and using parental filters and controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to pull her out. We took her door off the hinges. We tried to take her phone away at night, but it was like taking a drug away from an addict,” she said. “We set up TikTok’s so-called parental controls to limit Alexandra to one hour per day. It meant nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said social media companies know their products are addictive and harmful but have refused to make changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed California label would read: “The Surgeon General has advised that there are ample indicators that social media can have a profound risk of harm to the mental health and well-being of children and adolescents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11999273 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/TikTokGetty-1020x706.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adolescents who spend more than three hours a day on social media are twice as likely to experience depression and anxiety, Bonta noted. He said if Congress won’t act, California should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear. This isn’t theoretical. It’s not a study about what might be. This is about real children and teenagers, real families, real impacts on real lives,” he said, noting that many apps have algorithms that “purposely prey on the psychological and developmental vulnerabilities of young people to keep them hooked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bauer-Kahan stressed that the government had taken steps for decades to force private industry to make their products safer — such as mandating seatbelts in cars, recalling tainted foods and putting warning labels on tobacco products. A mother of teenagers, Bauer-Kahan said tech companies have a “powerful profit motive” to keep people online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our children are aware of the harms, but they feel trapped,” she said. “They feel afraid of being isolated. And they just can’t stop. The companies know this. They know the damage they’re doing. We’ve heard it from the folks inside these companies who have testified on the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Steyer, founder and CEO of Common Sense Media, which is sponsoring the legislation, called this a “tobacco moment for the country,” harkening back to the debates over warning labels and other regulations for cigarette makers who knew their products caused cancer but did not tell the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first foray by California into regulating social media apps. In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB976\">a bill\u003c/a> aimed at forcing social media companies to change their algorithms to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005967/california-acts-to-protect-children-from-addictive-social-media\">make them less addictive to teens and children\u003c/a>. Bonta supported that law and has also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-secures-court-decision-largely-denying-meta%E2%80%99s-attempt\">brought\u003c/a> several \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-files-lawsuit-against-meta-over-harms-youth-mental-health\">multi-state lawsuits \u003c/a>against social media companies, including Meta and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-attorney-general-james-lead-coalition-suing-tiktok\">TikTok\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the warning label won’t be a panacea but is part of a multi-pronged effort to address a public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Meta declined to comment on the pending legislation. TikTok did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:40 p.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taking a cue from tobacco regulation, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>’s attorney general wants to force social media companies to slap warning labels on their apps that clearly state the risks posed to kids and teens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal follows the advice of the U.S. surgeon general, who called earlier this year \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990672/us-surgeon-general-urges-congress-to-require-warning-labels-for-social-media\">for Congress to mandate warning labels\u003c/a> on the federal level — a call that so far, lawmakers have not answered. Attorney General Rob Bonta and Orinda Assemblymember Rebecca Bauer-Kahan announced the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB56\">new legislation\u003c/a> at a Boys & Girls Club in San Francisco on Monday, alongside a family whose daughter died by suicide four months ago after becoming, as her mother Victoria Hinks said, obsessed with social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She was hooked,” a tearful Hinks said of her 16-year-old, Alexandra. Hinks noted that she and her husband implemented all the advice of experts in terms of limiting Alexandra’s screen time, taking her phone away at night and using parental filters and controls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We tried to pull her out. We took her door off the hinges. We tried to take her phone away at night, but it was like taking a drug away from an addict,” she said. “We set up TikTok’s so-called parental controls to limit Alexandra to one hour per day. It meant nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bonta said social media companies know their products are addictive and harmful but have refused to make changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed California label would read: “The Surgeon General has advised that there are ample indicators that social media can have a profound risk of harm to the mental health and well-being of children and adolescents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adolescents who spend more than three hours a day on social media are twice as likely to experience depression and anxiety, Bonta noted. He said if Congress won’t act, California should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear. This isn’t theoretical. It’s not a study about what might be. This is about real children and teenagers, real families, real impacts on real lives,” he said, noting that many apps have algorithms that “purposely prey on the psychological and developmental vulnerabilities of young people to keep them hooked.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bauer-Kahan stressed that the government had taken steps for decades to force private industry to make their products safer — such as mandating seatbelts in cars, recalling tainted foods and putting warning labels on tobacco products. A mother of teenagers, Bauer-Kahan said tech companies have a “powerful profit motive” to keep people online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our children are aware of the harms, but they feel trapped,” she said. “They feel afraid of being isolated. And they just can’t stop. The companies know this. They know the damage they’re doing. We’ve heard it from the folks inside these companies who have testified on the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Steyer, founder and CEO of Common Sense Media, which is sponsoring the legislation, called this a “tobacco moment for the country,” harkening back to the debates over warning labels and other regulations for cigarette makers who knew their products caused cancer but did not tell the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not the first foray by California into regulating social media apps. In September, Gov. Gavin Newsom signed \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billHistoryClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB976\">a bill\u003c/a> aimed at forcing social media companies to change their algorithms to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005967/california-acts-to-protect-children-from-addictive-social-media\">make them less addictive to teens and children\u003c/a>. Bonta supported that law and has also \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-secures-court-decision-largely-denying-meta%E2%80%99s-attempt\">brought\u003c/a> several \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-files-lawsuit-against-meta-over-harms-youth-mental-health\">multi-state lawsuits \u003c/a>against social media companies, including Meta and \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-attorney-general-james-lead-coalition-suing-tiktok\">TikTok\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the warning label won’t be a panacea but is part of a multi-pronged effort to address a public health crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Meta declined to comment on the pending legislation. TikTok did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "slow-san-francisco-tourism-complicates-hotel-strike-resolution",
"title": "Slow San Francisco Tourism Complicates Hotel Strike Resolution",
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"content": "\u003cp>Outside the Hilton\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a> Union Square, life at the picket line has become routine for workers like Evelyn Luarca. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">For over two months\u003c/a>, the banquet waitress has volunteered to cook and serve meals to fellow strikers chanting and banging loud drums in front of the city’s largest hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 50-year-old prepares eggs or pancakes at 5:30 a.m. under a tent every weekday. Then comes a lunch shift that won’t end until after 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I wasn’t staying busy like this, I’d be a lot more stressed out, just thinking,” said Luarca, as she dished out frijoles charros\u003cem>, \u003c/em>a steamy bean and meat soup, to coworkers on a recent day. “This is the longest I’ve ever been on strike. The bosses want to break us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout, which began Sept. 22, has grown to include 2,500 housekeepers, bellhops, bartenders and other workers at six downtown hotels operated by some of the industry’s largest brands. An additional 1,600 hotel workers in the city could join the strike, according to the union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their demands include wage increases and keeping health care costs down, similar to what thousands of Unite Here members in Honolulu, San Diego and other cities recently achieved in new contracts after walking off the job. However, the labor standoff in San Francisco is expected to continue as a post-pandemic tourism slump complicates reaching a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s tourism industry relies heavily on convention business, which is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/media/press-release/san-francisco%E2%80%99s-convention-business-to-rebound-2025-group-hotel-room-nights\">increase next year\u003c/a>. But unlike Honolulu, San Diego and other cities that have largely rebounded, hotel occupancy and revenue in San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-12/Status%20of%20the%20San%20Francisco%20Economy%20November%202024.pdf\">remained significantly lower\u003c/a> than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue that fiscal year but just \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-12/CCSF%20ACFR%20FY2024%20(Final%20-%20Upload)_0.pdf\">$283 million\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2023-2024. Lingering perceptions of homelessness and crime on city streets are still discouraging more conferences and visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Sherwyn, who directs the Center for Innovative Hospitality, Labor and Employment Relations at Cornell University, said the union’s proposal to raise labor costs is tough to advance at a time when the real estate investor groups that own those hotels are seeing lower sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The employees are saying, ‘Hey look, I need a big increase because I need to keep up with inflation.’ The owners are saying, ‘Look, this building, this business is not doing well. And we’re not in a position to give raises out of the revenue,’” Sherwyn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most walkouts are short because they are difficult to sustain as workers forego their paychecks. Unite Here offers a weekly strike stipend, but it’s a fraction of what employees like Luarca normally earn. She has cut all non-essential purchases, including Christmas presents, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are doing is a very big effort, but it is for a just cause and a long-term benefit,” said Luarca, who has worked at the Hilton Union Square for nearly 30 years. “I’m prepared to fight for as long as it takes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1536x1044.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1920x1305.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A union worker drums on a bucket as she pickets outside of the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Sept. 3, 2024, in San Francisco, California. For the second time this month, 1,500 Unite Here Local 2 hotel workers from the Grand Hyatt, Hilton, and Westin St. Francis in Union Square have walked off the job, protesting pay and understaffing. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both parties have dug their heels in, waiting for the other to budge on issues such as health insurance costs, which have risen faster than wages and become a major flashpoint for strikes, said Rebecca Givan, who teaches labor and employment relations at Rutgers University. Union and hotel negotiators have not met in weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The employers are gambling that if they stay out long enough, the workers will sort of lose hope and won’t be able to afford to stay out any longer,” Givan said. “It’s really a war of attrition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott, the employers that operate the hotels, rebuffed a union offer to accept modest wage increases in exchange for a share of profits if sales recovered in coming years, said Anand Singh, Unite Here Local 2’s chief negotiator. Conversely, the union rejected a proposal that would make health care more expensive for employees, especially new hires, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12016316 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/20230822-SFSU-45-JY_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies have the resources to deliver on a fair contract,” Singh said. “This is really about their attempt to roll back the standard for working people in the city and permanently reduce their labor costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh believes that the 1,900-room Hilton Union Square, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2024/11/18/hilton-parc-55-hotel-unionsquare-eastdil-buy-offer.html?ana=RSS&s=article_search\">up for sale\u003c/a> along with the nearby Parc 55, is not a bellwether for the city’s hotel industry. The two hotels’ last owner, Park Hotels & Resorts, refused to pay related loan debt as the buildings’ value plunged by $1 billion since 2016. Meanwhile, the Hilton has seen many cancellations due to the strike, contributing to a multimillion operating loss, according to a bondholders’ report on the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not respond to requests for comment, though they have stated they are committed to negotiating a fair contract and serving guests through the disruptions. A Hyatt spokesperson declined to comment on any economic impacts of the strike but said the company is offering competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The safety and security of guests remains a top priority, and we have contingency plans in place to minimize the impact on hotel operations related to strike activity,” Michael D’Angelo, Hyatt’s head of labor relations in the Americas, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has asked visitors not to eat, sleep or meet at the sites with strikes, including the Palace, Grand Hyatt, Marriott Union Square, Marriott Marquee and Westin St. Francis. In response, \u003ca href=\"https://www.itfglobal.org/en/news/lufthansa-airlines-pulls-crew-striking-us-hotel-in-victory-international-solidarity\">Lufthansa Airlines\u003c/a> and a conference by the \u003ca href=\"https://am.aals.org/hotel/\">Association of American Law Schools\u003c/a> have pulled their business from the Hilton Union Square. Some economists participating in another conference scheduled for January are urging the expected 13,000 participants to \u003ca href=\"https://aaronsojourner.org/hotel-workers-strike-and-the-2025-assa-annual-meeting/\">cancel their reservations\u003c/a> at hotels with labor unrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here believes mounting economic losses will pressure the companies to reach a deal, as guests don’t like to encounter picketers banging on drums all day, and the brands’ reputation can suffer. But that remains to be seen, Sherwyn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the owners going to increase their labor costs when business is so low, or are they going to say, ‘You know what, it’s not worth it, I’ll give [the hotel] back to the bank’?” Sherwyn said. “To say that five years ago would be theoretical puffery nonsense, but not anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The monthslong strike over wages and health care benefit costs, which has grown to include 2,500 workers, will likely continue as hotel revenues in San Francisco remain lower than pre-pandemic levels.",
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"title": "Slow San Francisco Tourism Complicates Hotel Strike Resolution | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Outside the Hilton\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\"> San Francisco\u003c/a> Union Square, life at the picket line has become routine for workers like Evelyn Luarca. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">For over two months\u003c/a>, the banquet waitress has volunteered to cook and serve meals to fellow strikers chanting and banging loud drums in front of the city’s largest hotel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 50-year-old prepares eggs or pancakes at 5:30 a.m. under a tent every weekday. Then comes a lunch shift that won’t end until after 1 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I wasn’t staying busy like this, I’d be a lot more stressed out, just thinking,” said Luarca, as she dished out frijoles charros\u003cem>, \u003c/em>a steamy bean and meat soup, to coworkers on a recent day. “This is the longest I’ve ever been on strike. The bosses want to break us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout, which began Sept. 22, has grown to include 2,500 housekeepers, bellhops, bartenders and other workers at six downtown hotels operated by some of the industry’s largest brands. An additional 1,600 hotel workers in the city could join the strike, according to the union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their demands include wage increases and keeping health care costs down, similar to what thousands of Unite Here members in Honolulu, San Diego and other cities recently achieved in new contracts after walking off the job. However, the labor standoff in San Francisco is expected to continue as a post-pandemic tourism slump complicates reaching a deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s tourism industry relies heavily on convention business, which is set to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sftravel.com/media/press-release/san-francisco%E2%80%99s-convention-business-to-rebound-2025-group-hotel-room-nights\">increase next year\u003c/a>. But unlike Honolulu, San Diego and other cities that have largely rebounded, hotel occupancy and revenue in San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-12/Status%20of%20the%20San%20Francisco%20Economy%20November%202024.pdf\">remained significantly lower\u003c/a> than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue that fiscal year but just \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-12/CCSF%20ACFR%20FY2024%20(Final%20-%20Upload)_0.pdf\">$283 million\u003c/a> in fiscal year 2023-2024. Lingering perceptions of homelessness and crime on city streets are still discouraging more conferences and visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Sherwyn, who directs the Center for Innovative Hospitality, Labor and Employment Relations at Cornell University, said the union’s proposal to raise labor costs is tough to advance at a time when the real estate investor groups that own those hotels are seeing lower sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The employees are saying, ‘Hey look, I need a big increase because I need to keep up with inflation.’ The owners are saying, ‘Look, this building, this business is not doing well. And we’re not in a position to give raises out of the revenue,’” Sherwyn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most walkouts are short because they are difficult to sustain as workers forego their paychecks. Unite Here offers a weekly strike stipend, but it’s a fraction of what employees like Luarca normally earn. She has cut all non-essential purchases, including Christmas presents, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are doing is a very big effort, but it is for a just cause and a long-term benefit,” said Luarca, who has worked at the Hilton Union Square for nearly 30 years. “I’m prepared to fight for as long as it takes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12005943\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12005943\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1359\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1020x693.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1536x1044.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1-1920x1305.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A union worker drums on a bucket as she pickets outside of the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Sept. 3, 2024, in San Francisco, California. For the second time this month, 1,500 Unite Here Local 2 hotel workers from the Grand Hyatt, Hilton, and Westin St. Francis in Union Square have walked off the job, protesting pay and understaffing. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both parties have dug their heels in, waiting for the other to budge on issues such as health insurance costs, which have risen faster than wages and become a major flashpoint for strikes, said Rebecca Givan, who teaches labor and employment relations at Rutgers University. Union and hotel negotiators have not met in weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The employers are gambling that if they stay out long enough, the workers will sort of lose hope and won’t be able to afford to stay out any longer,” Givan said. “It’s really a war of attrition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott, the employers that operate the hotels, rebuffed a union offer to accept modest wage increases in exchange for a share of profits if sales recovered in coming years, said Anand Singh, Unite Here Local 2’s chief negotiator. Conversely, the union rejected a proposal that would make health care more expensive for employees, especially new hires, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These companies have the resources to deliver on a fair contract,” Singh said. “This is really about their attempt to roll back the standard for working people in the city and permanently reduce their labor costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Singh believes that the 1,900-room Hilton Union Square, which is \u003ca href=\"https://www.bizjournals.com/sanfrancisco/news/2024/11/18/hilton-parc-55-hotel-unionsquare-eastdil-buy-offer.html?ana=RSS&s=article_search\">up for sale\u003c/a> along with the nearby Parc 55, is not a bellwether for the city’s hotel industry. The two hotels’ last owner, Park Hotels & Resorts, refused to pay related loan debt as the buildings’ value plunged by $1 billion since 2016. Meanwhile, the Hilton has seen many cancellations due to the strike, contributing to a multimillion operating loss, according to a bondholders’ report on the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not respond to requests for comment, though they have stated they are committed to negotiating a fair contract and serving guests through the disruptions. A Hyatt spokesperson declined to comment on any economic impacts of the strike but said the company is offering competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The safety and security of guests remains a top priority, and we have contingency plans in place to minimize the impact on hotel operations related to strike activity,” Michael D’Angelo, Hyatt’s head of labor relations in the Americas, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union has asked visitors not to eat, sleep or meet at the sites with strikes, including the Palace, Grand Hyatt, Marriott Union Square, Marriott Marquee and Westin St. Francis. In response, \u003ca href=\"https://www.itfglobal.org/en/news/lufthansa-airlines-pulls-crew-striking-us-hotel-in-victory-international-solidarity\">Lufthansa Airlines\u003c/a> and a conference by the \u003ca href=\"https://am.aals.org/hotel/\">Association of American Law Schools\u003c/a> have pulled their business from the Hilton Union Square. Some economists participating in another conference scheduled for January are urging the expected 13,000 participants to \u003ca href=\"https://aaronsojourner.org/hotel-workers-strike-and-the-2025-assa-annual-meeting/\">cancel their reservations\u003c/a> at hotels with labor unrest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unite Here believes mounting economic losses will pressure the companies to reach a deal, as guests don’t like to encounter picketers banging on drums all day, and the brands’ reputation can suffer. But that remains to be seen, Sherwyn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Are the owners going to increase their labor costs when business is so low, or are they going to say, ‘You know what, it’s not worth it, I’ll give [the hotel] back to the bank’?” Sherwyn said. “To say that five years ago would be theoretical puffery nonsense, but not anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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}
},
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"id": "bbc-world-service",
"title": "BBC World Service",
"info": "The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/bbc-world-service",
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"rss": "https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"
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},
"californiareport": {
"id": "californiareport",
"title": "The California Report",
"tagline": "California, day by day",
"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-California-Report-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 8
},
"link": "/californiareport",
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}
},
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"id": "californiareportmagazine",
"title": "The California Report Magazine",
"tagline": "Your state, your stories",
"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
"airtime": "FRI 4:30pm-5pm, 6:30pm-7pm, 11pm-11:30pm",
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"order": 10
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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},
"city-arts": {
"id": "city-arts",
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"info": "A one-hour radio program to hear celebrated writers, artists and thinkers address contemporary ideas and values, often discussing the creative process. Please note: tapes or transcripts are not available",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/cityartsandlecture-300x300.jpg",
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"airtime": "SUN 1pm-2pm, TUE 10pm, WED 1am",
"meta": {
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"rss": "https://www.cityarts.net/feed/"
}
},
"closealltabs": {
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"order": 1
},
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"title": "Code Switch / Life Kit",
"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"meta": {
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"freakonomics-radio": {
"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"order": 15
},
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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