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"slug": "after-two-years-of-waiting-noncitizen-parents-still-cant-vote-in-oakland-school-board-elections",
"title": "After 2 Years of Waiting, Noncitizen Parents Still Can’t Vote in Oakland School Board Elections",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/\">El Tímpano\u003c/a>, a bilingual nonprofit news outlet that amplifies the voices of Latino and Mayan immigrants in Oakland and the wider Bay Area. The original version of the story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/education/after-two-years-of-waiting-noncitizen-parents-still-cant-vote-in-oakland-school-board-elections/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[dropcap]N[/dropcap]oncitizen parents and guardians with students enrolled in Oakland Unified School District won the right to vote in school board elections two years ago. But they won’t be casting their ballots anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland ballot Measure S, passed in 2022, allows noncitizen parents, including those lacking permanent legal status, green card holders and asylum seekers, to vote in school board elections. But the city has yet to begin creating a process for people to register and cast ballots as noncitizens, El Tímpano found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay has disappointed immigrant parents like Maria Cordova, a 47-year-old immigrant from El Salvador. Her 12-year-old daughter is in fifth grade at Fruitvale Elementary, and she said she was looking forward to voting. “I want to be able to vote because we can decide who can offer better opportunities for the children,” Cordova said. “So that we all, as parents and our children, have the opportunity to have a better life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of groups that support immigrants and their families in Oakland also \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/councilmembers-vote-to-send-non-citizen-voting-ballot-measure-for-ousd-school-board-elections-to-november-general-election-ballot\">supported\u003c/a> Measure S, including The Unity Council and Homies Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/New-court-order-means-noncitizen-parents-can-vote-17430973.php\">appeals court case\u003c/a> challenging a similar ordinance in San Francisco cleared the way for Measure S to move forward without facing potential legal complications in late 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Council supported the \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89281-Non-Citizen-Vote-filed-materials_2022-07-30-033334_eazb.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from councilmembers Treva Reid and Dan Kalb to include Measure S on the 2022 general election ballot. The measure allowed the city to amend the Oakland city charter and permit undocumented residents who are the parents, legal guardians or legally recognized caregivers of a child residing in Oakland to vote in elections for Oakland Unified School District. Most Oaklanders — \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_S,_Noncitizen_Residents_Voting_Measure_(November_2022)\">66%\u003c/a> of voters — approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hope is that parents of school-aged children should be able to decide who runs the [Oakland] school system,” Councilmember Kalb told El Tímpano. “Those parents, whether they’re citizens or not, shouldn’t be a factor [in voting], and so we want that to be a reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizens make up 14% of Oakland’s population, and there are more than 13,000 noncitizen parents who send their children to school in Oakland, the resolution noted. Including immigrant parents in conversations about curriculum, staff and language used in class could lead to better academic outcomes for students, it stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalb attributed the delay in implementing Measure S to another measure passed in 2020, Measure QQ, allowing 16 and 17-year-old students in Oakland Unified School District to vote in school board elections. That process has now been created, and 16 and 17-year-old students can vote in the upcoming elections for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kalb, the Oakland city clerk recommended pausing Measure S until after the 2024 election, as they were still managing the complexities of rolling out the youth vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, Measure S has no timeline for implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalb said he intends to meet with the city clerk after the November elections to set in motion the process of allowing noncitizen parents to vote. “The hope is that the council will pass an ordinance sometime in the next few months or next six months,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s city clerk referred El Tímpano’s questions about implementing Measure S to an Oakland public information officer, who did not comment on the record for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012234\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12012234 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"798\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-1020x678.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-160x106.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Dan Kalb attributed the delay in implementing Measure S to another measure passed in 2020, Measure QQ, allowing 16 and 17-year-old students in Oakland Unified School District to vote in school board elections. That process has now been created, and 16 and 17-year-old students can vote in the upcoming elections for the first time. \u003ccite>(Hiram Alejandro Durán for El Tímpano/CatchLight Local/Report for America corps member)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Creating a new category of voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/immigrants-are-getting-right-vote-cities-across-america-664467\">other cities\u003c/a> have already made noncitizen voting a reality. In 2016, San Francisco voters approved Proposition N, which extended voting rights to noncitizens at the school board level. The law took effect in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board members have several key responsibilities that directly affect the district’s quality of education and student experience. They include overseeing the district’s budget, developing and approving policies, negotiating teacher and staff contracts and other key decisions that shape the educational landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who voted in San Francisco’s school board election said the experience motivated them to become more involved with their children’s school, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/23-CAA-ImmigrationVotingReport-F2.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Chinese for Affirmative Action, which supported giving noncitizens the right to vote in school board elections. One parent said they were inspired to volunteer and assume leadership positions in school committees and councils after voting for the first time in a school board election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting noncitizen voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voting rights for noncitizens come as part of a long push-back against anti-immigrant sentiment. Proposition 187, passed in 1993, mobilized immigrant organizations to create and back measures that expanded rights and access to services, said Ron Hayduk, a political science professor at San Francisco State University and co-author of the study “Immigrant Voting and the Movement for Inclusion in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California went from being worse on immigrant rights to first on immigrant rights in a lot of ways,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to better protect immigrants can make a difference in how or if they want to participate in local elections. The number of noncitizen voters in San Francisco has fluctuated between small and nearly nonexistent: 59 parents voted in the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/noncitizen-voting-san-francisco-recall-election-rights-jose/11556464/\">2018 election\u003c/a>, but only two noncitizens voted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/why-more-noncitizens-arent-voting-in-sf-school-races/article_be7cd5b4-37d1-11ee-bc57-97bd1533bffd.html\">2019\u003c/a>. The low turnout was attributed mainly to fear, though language barriers and a need for better voter mobilization likely also contributed to the low initial turnout, according to the report from Chinese for Affirmative Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 noncitizen parents voted in a \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2022/09/16/sf-noncitizen-parents/\">2022 recall election\u003c/a>, but no noncitizen parents voted in 2023 because of a pending court challenge to the law’s constitutionality. Because the law has now been ruled constitutional, noncitizen parents can resume voting, starting with the 2024 school board election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizen voting has become a flashpoint amid unfounded accusations that people lacking permanent legal status have been voting in federal and state elections. Multiple news outlets have noted that former president Donald Trump’s 2024 campaign has spread \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/12/nx-s1-5147789/voting-election-2024-noncitizen-fact-check-trump\">misinformation\u003c/a> about noncitizen voting to set the stage for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2024-election/trump-election-results-2024-noncitizens-voting-big-lie-rcna175552\">challenging\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/03/trump-republicans-non-citizen-voters-myth-stolen-election\">legitimacy\u003c/a> of the presidential election if Trump loses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People lacking permanent legal status may be reluctant to call attention to their status by registering to vote as noncitizens in local elections, Hayduk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some folks have looked into whether or not people’s names could be protected like victims of domestic violence or police officers — they can register to vote, but their names don’t appear on a public voter registration list,” he said. “So, why not for immigrants? But that change needs to happen at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, despite the fear, there are parents who still want to vote in Oakland’s school board elections and are disappointed that they cannot vote in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It frustrates me,” OUSD parent Cordova said. “It feels like we are not taken into account just because we are immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "After 2 Years of Waiting, Noncitizen Parents Still Can’t Vote in Oakland School Board Elections | KQED",
"description": "This story was produced by El Tímpano, a bilingual nonprofit news outlet that amplifies the voices of Latino and Mayan immigrants in Oakland and the wider Bay Area. The original version of the story can be found here. oncitizen parents and guardians with students enrolled in Oakland Unified School District won the right to vote in school",
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"nprByline": "Vanessa Flores and Ximena Loeza, El Tímpano",
"subhead": "A 2022 ballot measure gave noncitizen parents the right to vote for their school boards, but the city hasn’t yet moved to make their right a reality.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/\">El Tímpano\u003c/a>, a bilingual nonprofit news outlet that amplifies the voices of Latino and Mayan immigrants in Oakland and the wider Bay Area. The original version of the story can be found \u003ca href=\"https://www.eltimpano.org/education/after-two-years-of-waiting-noncitizen-parents-still-cant-vote-in-oakland-school-board-elections/\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">N\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>oncitizen parents and guardians with students enrolled in Oakland Unified School District won the right to vote in school board elections two years ago. But they won’t be casting their ballots anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland ballot Measure S, passed in 2022, allows noncitizen parents, including those lacking permanent legal status, green card holders and asylum seekers, to vote in school board elections. But the city has yet to begin creating a process for people to register and cast ballots as noncitizens, El Tímpano found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The delay has disappointed immigrant parents like Maria Cordova, a 47-year-old immigrant from El Salvador. Her 12-year-old daughter is in fifth grade at Fruitvale Elementary, and she said she was looking forward to voting. “I want to be able to vote because we can decide who can offer better opportunities for the children,” Cordova said. “So that we all, as parents and our children, have the opportunity to have a better life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A coalition of groups that support immigrants and their families in Oakland also \u003ca href=\"https://www.oaklandca.gov/news/councilmembers-vote-to-send-non-citizen-voting-ballot-measure-for-ousd-school-board-elections-to-november-general-election-ballot\">supported\u003c/a> Measure S, including The Unity Council and Homies Empowerment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The failure of an \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/New-court-order-means-noncitizen-parents-can-vote-17430973.php\">appeals court case\u003c/a> challenging a similar ordinance in San Francisco cleared the way for Measure S to move forward without facing potential legal complications in late 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland City Council supported the \u003ca href=\"https://cao-94612.s3.amazonaws.com/documents/RESO-89281-Non-Citizen-Vote-filed-materials_2022-07-30-033334_eazb.pdf\">resolution\u003c/a> from councilmembers Treva Reid and Dan Kalb to include Measure S on the 2022 general election ballot. The measure allowed the city to amend the Oakland city charter and permit undocumented residents who are the parents, legal guardians or legally recognized caregivers of a child residing in Oakland to vote in elections for Oakland Unified School District. Most Oaklanders — \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland,_California,_Measure_S,_Noncitizen_Residents_Voting_Measure_(November_2022)\">66%\u003c/a> of voters — approved the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The hope is that parents of school-aged children should be able to decide who runs the [Oakland] school system,” Councilmember Kalb told El Tímpano. “Those parents, whether they’re citizens or not, shouldn’t be a factor [in voting], and so we want that to be a reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizens make up 14% of Oakland’s population, and there are more than 13,000 noncitizen parents who send their children to school in Oakland, the resolution noted. Including immigrant parents in conversations about curriculum, staff and language used in class could lead to better academic outcomes for students, it stated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalb attributed the delay in implementing Measure S to another measure passed in 2020, Measure QQ, allowing 16 and 17-year-old students in Oakland Unified School District to vote in school board elections. That process has now been created, and 16 and 17-year-old students can vote in the upcoming elections for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kalb, the Oakland city clerk recommended pausing Measure S until after the 2024 election, as they were still managing the complexities of rolling out the youth vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, Measure S has no timeline for implementation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kalb said he intends to meet with the city clerk after the November elections to set in motion the process of allowing noncitizen parents to vote. “The hope is that the council will pass an ordinance sometime in the next few months or next six months,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland’s city clerk referred El Tímpano’s questions about implementing Measure S to an Oakland public information officer, who did not comment on the record for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12012234\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12012234 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1200\" height=\"798\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1.jpeg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-800x532.jpeg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-1020x678.jpeg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/10.28.2024_MeasureS-03-scaled-1-160x106.jpeg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Councilmember Dan Kalb attributed the delay in implementing Measure S to another measure passed in 2020, Measure QQ, allowing 16 and 17-year-old students in Oakland Unified School District to vote in school board elections. That process has now been created, and 16 and 17-year-old students can vote in the upcoming elections for the first time. \u003ccite>(Hiram Alejandro Durán for El Tímpano/CatchLight Local/Report for America corps member)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Creating a new category of voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"https://www.newsweek.com/immigrants-are-getting-right-vote-cities-across-america-664467\">other cities\u003c/a> have already made noncitizen voting a reality. In 2016, San Francisco voters approved Proposition N, which extended voting rights to noncitizens at the school board level. The law took effect in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board members have several key responsibilities that directly affect the district’s quality of education and student experience. They include overseeing the district’s budget, developing and approving policies, negotiating teacher and staff contracts and other key decisions that shape the educational landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Parents who voted in San Francisco’s school board election said the experience motivated them to become more involved with their children’s school, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://caasf.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/23-CAA-ImmigrationVotingReport-F2.pdf\">report\u003c/a> by Chinese for Affirmative Action, which supported giving noncitizens the right to vote in school board elections. One parent said they were inspired to volunteer and assume leadership positions in school committees and councils after voting for the first time in a school board election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Protecting noncitizen voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voting rights for noncitizens come as part of a long push-back against anti-immigrant sentiment. Proposition 187, passed in 1993, mobilized immigrant organizations to create and back measures that expanded rights and access to services, said Ron Hayduk, a political science professor at San Francisco State University and co-author of the study “Immigrant Voting and the Movement for Inclusion in San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California went from being worse on immigrant rights to first on immigrant rights in a lot of ways,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Figuring out how to better protect immigrants can make a difference in how or if they want to participate in local elections. The number of noncitizen voters in San Francisco has fluctuated between small and nearly nonexistent: 59 parents voted in the \u003ca href=\"https://abc7news.com/noncitizen-voting-san-francisco-recall-election-rights-jose/11556464/\">2018 election\u003c/a>, but only two noncitizens voted in \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/why-more-noncitizens-arent-voting-in-sf-school-races/article_be7cd5b4-37d1-11ee-bc57-97bd1533bffd.html\">2019\u003c/a>. The low turnout was attributed mainly to fear, though language barriers and a need for better voter mobilization likely also contributed to the low initial turnout, according to the report from Chinese for Affirmative Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 300 noncitizen parents voted in a \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2022/09/16/sf-noncitizen-parents/\">2022 recall election\u003c/a>, but no noncitizen parents voted in 2023 because of a pending court challenge to the law’s constitutionality. Because the law has now been ruled constitutional, noncitizen parents can resume voting, starting with the 2024 school board election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Noncitizen voting has become a flashpoint amid unfounded accusations that people lacking permanent legal status have been voting in federal and state elections. Multiple news outlets have noted that former president Donald Trump’s 2024 campaign has spread \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/12/nx-s1-5147789/voting-election-2024-noncitizen-fact-check-trump\">misinformation\u003c/a> about noncitizen voting to set the stage for \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2024-election/trump-election-results-2024-noncitizens-voting-big-lie-rcna175552\">challenging\u003c/a> the \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/oct/03/trump-republicans-non-citizen-voters-myth-stolen-election\">legitimacy\u003c/a> of the presidential election if Trump loses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People lacking permanent legal status may be reluctant to call attention to their status by registering to vote as noncitizens in local elections, Hayduk said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some folks have looked into whether or not people’s names could be protected like victims of domestic violence or police officers — they can register to vote, but their names don’t appear on a public voter registration list,” he said. “So, why not for immigrants? But that change needs to happen at the state level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, despite the fear, there are parents who still want to vote in Oakland’s school board elections and are disappointed that they cannot vote in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It frustrates me,” OUSD parent Cordova said. “It feels like we are not taken into account just because we are immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "bird-flu-jumped-from-cows-to-people-now-advocates-want-more-farmworkers-tested",
"title": "Bird Flu Jumped From Cows to People. Now Advocates Want More Farmworkers Tested",
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"headTitle": "Bird Flu Jumped From Cows to People. Now Advocates Want More Farmworkers Tested | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the heart of California’s dairy country, workers kitted in respirators, face shields and gloves are grappling with one of the largest bird flu outbreaks in history. California has reported 16 human cases of bird flu this month, and worker advocates say the state isn’t doing enough to protect dairy workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 39 people have been tested for H5N1, the strain of bird flu ravaging herds of cattle, according to the California Department of Public Health. California’s confirmed cases of sick workers account for almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/bird-flu/situation-summary/index.html\">all of the country’s cattle-to-human transmissions\u003c/a>, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Human cases in California have been mild, with no hospitalizations, officials say. Sick workers have reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/pages/Bird-Flu.aspx\">flu-like symptoms in addition to pink eye\u003c/a>. There have been no documented cases of human-to-human transmission, state health officials say, and the general public’s risk is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bird flu surveillance strategy places the majority of the responsibility on farmers to self-report disease among animals and employees, which is problematic, said Elizabeth Strater, a spokesperson for United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are actively avoiding testing, I can assure you,” Strater said. “We have heard directly from farmworker communities and veterinarians that they can see that there are workers out there who are sick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers, who often have low income, can’t afford the 10-day isolation period with no pay if they are positive, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of poultry have been slaughtered since the virus first took hold in California farms two years ago, and this year, the highly transmissible virus jumped to cattle, posing a new threat to those who work with the animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities have confirmed bird flu infections at 178 California dairies since it first emerged in August, according to the state Department of Food and Agriculture, and there is no sign of infections among cows slowing. The transmission from cows to humans is thought to occur through close and prolonged contact with sick animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most concerning data we have is how little data we have,” Strater said. “Hundreds of herds have tested positive, and the number of people tested is in the dozens — that’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Erica Pan, chief epidemiologist with the state health department, said about 20 to 30 people are screened weekly for various influenza variants, including bird flu, in the course of routine flu monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between testing for bird flu and COVID-19, which requires widespread surveillance, Pan said, is that the eye needs to be swabbed, which must be done by a clinician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about looking for symptoms and then testing for them instead of testing people without symptoms,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California distributes PPE for bird flu\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and local health departments are focusing on distributing protective gear and educating workers on how to use it, Pan said. More than 3.3 million pieces of PPE have been distributed to local health departments and farms, according to the state health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also deployed 5,000 doses of seasonal flu vaccine for farm workers. Although that vaccine won’t protect against bird flu, it reduces the chances of a severe coinfection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/bird-flu-farmworkers-emails-tracking-human-cases-obstacles-california/\">KFF Health News\u003c/a> reported that farmers in other states have refused to cooperate with local health departments and disease investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tricia Stever Blattler, executive director of the Tulare County Farm Bureau, said she has not heard of any instances of local employers refusing to cooperate with authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://tchhsa.org/eng/public-health/avian-influenza-h5n1-bird-flu/\">Tulare County\u003c/a>, the nation’s largest milk producer, has been the epicenter of the outbreak among cattle and dairy workers, reporting the state’s first human cases in early October. Cases have since been reported in surrounding counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in October, when temperatures soared above 100 degrees, it was difficult to get workers to don additional protective equipment, said Stever Blattler, but that concern has abated with cooling temperatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dairies surprised by bird flu\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The severity of the disease for cattle and its rapid spread among herds caught the industry off-guard, Stever Blattler said, and has had “a huge economic ripple.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our dairies are really trying to fast-track their learning on the situation,” Stever Blattler said. “They’re trying to create an appropriate and safe workplace, and they’re also trying to increase the care and monitoring of the cattle itself.”[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12007854,news_11990735,news_11993547\"]Carrie Monteiro, a spokesperson for Tulare public health, said farmers in the county have cooperated with efforts to mitigate the spread of the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really are reporting and making sure we’re getting the care to their workers and the medication to help their employees recover from this illness,” Monteiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has increased its testing capacity to include 15 community doctors, although they are still relying on people with symptoms coming forward. If someone tests positive, they and their household are monitored for 10 days and given antiviral flu medication, Monteiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Strater said she’d like to see the state do more to assure farmworkers, who often work grueling jobs for low pay, that they will be compensated if they get sick on the job. Doing so would encourage workers to come forward if they are sick. The federal government has committed \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2024/10/24/usda-hhs-fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-new-action-halt-spread-bird-flu-california-washington.html\">financial assistance to farmers\u003c/a> to help pay for lost milk, PPE and measures to prevent infection, but no such offerings have been made to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Department of Industrial Relations, workers who get sick with bird flu qualify for workers’ compensation regardless of immigration status. Employers are required to give employees a workers’ compensation claim form, and they are also \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/avian-flu/For-Employers.html\">required to report cases to the local health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see public health agencies working together with (industrial relations) and doing a push to reassure people to get tested,” Strater said. “If you test positive, all of your lost wages should be compensated by workers comp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A strain of bird flu that imperiled California poultry and cattle has jumped to people. In humans, the symptoms are mild and the virus has not been transmitted among people.",
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"title": "Bird Flu Jumped From Cows to People. Now Advocates Want More Farmworkers Tested | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the heart of California’s dairy country, workers kitted in respirators, face shields and gloves are grappling with one of the largest bird flu outbreaks in history. California has reported 16 human cases of bird flu this month, and worker advocates say the state isn’t doing enough to protect dairy workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only 39 people have been tested for H5N1, the strain of bird flu ravaging herds of cattle, according to the California Department of Public Health. California’s confirmed cases of sick workers account for almost \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/bird-flu/situation-summary/index.html\">all of the country’s cattle-to-human transmissions\u003c/a>, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Human cases in California have been mild, with no hospitalizations, officials say. Sick workers have reported \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CID/DCDC/pages/Bird-Flu.aspx\">flu-like symptoms in addition to pink eye\u003c/a>. There have been no documented cases of human-to-human transmission, state health officials say, and the general public’s risk is low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bird flu surveillance strategy places the majority of the responsibility on farmers to self-report disease among animals and employees, which is problematic, said Elizabeth Strater, a spokesperson for United Farm Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Workers are actively avoiding testing, I can assure you,” Strater said. “We have heard directly from farmworker communities and veterinarians that they can see that there are workers out there who are sick.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers, who often have low income, can’t afford the 10-day isolation period with no pay if they are positive, Strater said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Millions of poultry have been slaughtered since the virus first took hold in California farms two years ago, and this year, the highly transmissible virus jumped to cattle, posing a new threat to those who work with the animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities have confirmed bird flu infections at 178 California dairies since it first emerged in August, according to the state Department of Food and Agriculture, and there is no sign of infections among cows slowing. The transmission from cows to humans is thought to occur through close and prolonged contact with sick animals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most concerning data we have is how little data we have,” Strater said. “Hundreds of herds have tested positive, and the number of people tested is in the dozens — that’s a problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Erica Pan, chief epidemiologist with the state health department, said about 20 to 30 people are screened weekly for various influenza variants, including bird flu, in the course of routine flu monitoring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference between testing for bird flu and COVID-19, which requires widespread surveillance, Pan said, is that the eye needs to be swabbed, which must be done by a clinician.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is about looking for symptoms and then testing for them instead of testing people without symptoms,” Pan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California distributes PPE for bird flu\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and local health departments are focusing on distributing protective gear and educating workers on how to use it, Pan said. More than 3.3 million pieces of PPE have been distributed to local health departments and farms, according to the state health department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state also deployed 5,000 doses of seasonal flu vaccine for farm workers. Although that vaccine won’t protect against bird flu, it reduces the chances of a severe coinfection.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, \u003ca href=\"https://kffhealthnews.org/news/article/bird-flu-farmworkers-emails-tracking-human-cases-obstacles-california/\">KFF Health News\u003c/a> reported that farmers in other states have refused to cooperate with local health departments and disease investigators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tricia Stever Blattler, executive director of the Tulare County Farm Bureau, said she has not heard of any instances of local employers refusing to cooperate with authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://tchhsa.org/eng/public-health/avian-influenza-h5n1-bird-flu/\">Tulare County\u003c/a>, the nation’s largest milk producer, has been the epicenter of the outbreak among cattle and dairy workers, reporting the state’s first human cases in early October. Cases have since been reported in surrounding counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in October, when temperatures soared above 100 degrees, it was difficult to get workers to don additional protective equipment, said Stever Blattler, but that concern has abated with cooling temperatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Dairies surprised by bird flu\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The severity of the disease for cattle and its rapid spread among herds caught the industry off-guard, Stever Blattler said, and has had “a huge economic ripple.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our dairies are really trying to fast-track their learning on the situation,” Stever Blattler said. “They’re trying to create an appropriate and safe workplace, and they’re also trying to increase the care and monitoring of the cattle itself.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Carrie Monteiro, a spokesperson for Tulare public health, said farmers in the county have cooperated with efforts to mitigate the spread of the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They really are reporting and making sure we’re getting the care to their workers and the medication to help their employees recover from this illness,” Monteiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county has increased its testing capacity to include 15 community doctors, although they are still relying on people with symptoms coming forward. If someone tests positive, they and their household are monitored for 10 days and given antiviral flu medication, Monteiro said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Strater said she’d like to see the state do more to assure farmworkers, who often work grueling jobs for low pay, that they will be compensated if they get sick on the job. Doing so would encourage workers to come forward if they are sick. The federal government has committed \u003ca href=\"https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2024/10/24/usda-hhs-fact-sheet-biden-harris-administration-new-action-halt-spread-bird-flu-california-washington.html\">financial assistance to farmers\u003c/a> to help pay for lost milk, PPE and measures to prevent infection, but no such offerings have been made to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the state Department of Industrial Relations, workers who get sick with bird flu qualify for workers’ compensation regardless of immigration status. Employers are required to give employees a workers’ compensation claim form, and they are also \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/avian-flu/For-Employers.html\">required to report cases to the local health department\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to see public health agencies working together with (industrial relations) and doing a push to reassure people to get tested,” Strater said. “If you test positive, all of your lost wages should be compensated by workers comp.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Supported by the California Health Care Foundation (CHCF), which works to ensure that people have access to the care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Visit www.chcf.org to learn more.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "new-land-of-gold-film-digs-deep-into-californias-troubled-gold-rush-origins",
"title": "New ‘Land of Gold’ Film Digs Deep Into California’s Troubled Gold Rush Origins",
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"headTitle": "New ‘Land of Gold’ Film Digs Deep Into California’s Troubled Gold Rush Origins | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Emmy Award-winning filmmaker and MacArthur fellow \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jon_H._Else\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jon Else\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is known for films like \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Day_After_Trinity\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he Day After Trinity: J. Robert Oppenheimer and the Atomic Bomb\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0098693/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yosemite\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fate of Heaven\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cadillac_Desert_(film)\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cadillac Desert\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Else’s new film, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Land of Gold\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is a behind-the-scenes documentary about what it takes to bring an opera to the stage. It’s also the complicated story of \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Girls of the Golden West\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, an opera whose plot hinges on the true story of Josefa Segovia, a Mexican American woman who killed a gold miner in self-defense in 1851. On July 4th of that year, an angry mob lynched Segovia over the Yuba River in Downieville. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha, sat down with filmmaker Jon Else to talk about \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wnet/gperf/land-of-gold-about/15923/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Land of Gold\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which premieres on the PBS series \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Great Performances\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011552\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Behind the scenes in the making of \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On deciding to make \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003ci>Land of Gold\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Jon Else\u003c/strong>: I had done films before with the composer John Adams, and John contacted me and said, “I’m going to do an opera about the Gold Rush. Do you want to make a movie about it?” I was not interested! I grew up in Sacramento in Gold Rush country. I was heavily schooled in the cleansed version of the Gold Rush. I thought I knew it all — kind of been there, done that — and I was just not interested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Adams, composer for \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then John said, “Well, we’re basing it on a diary by a woman named Louise Clappe, who was one of the very few women in the gold fields during the Gold Rush in a hardscrabble, rough-and-tumble little mining settlement called Rich Bar.” John said, “Why don’t you read the diary?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011688\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011688\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED.jpg 821w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Excerpt from Louise Clappe’s letter explaining the drama that occurred in Rich Bar: ‘In the short space of 24 days we have had murders, fearful accidents, bloody deaths, a mob, whippings, a hanging, an attempt at suicide and a fatal duel.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I read the diary, and I was flabbergasted. It was all the history I had not been taught in my public school in Sacramento. It turns out it was hell for most of the people involved who were not white Anglos. It was terrible for women. It was terrible, of course, for Native Americans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011560\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011560\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1536x972.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1920x1214.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Illustration of gold washing from Thomas C. Russell’s 1922 reprinting of Louise Clappe’s letter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, what was new to me was the notion that the Gold Rush was this tremendously diverse migration. Miners came from Polynesia, they came from France, from Germany, from Mexico, from China. There were a lot of Canadians. There were freed slaves. The California gold fields were this huge rainbow of folks. Now, it was not a rainbow of equity. The white guys were in charge, and it was very, very tough on everyone else. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, I read the diary, and I called John Adams back, and I said, “Wow, when do we start?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On the drama of Girls of the Golden West\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011555\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">J’Nai Bridges practicing for her role as Josefa Segovia in the opera \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The film and the opera both track a collision course between Josefa Segovia and this fellow Joe Cannon, who’s a mean drunk, a demonic loser, 49-er miner. You can just feel Joe getting more and more unhinged as the opera goes on. You know this is going to end badly. You know that Joe and Josefa are going to collide at the end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1536x1003.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1920x1254.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Illustration of a mining saloon from Thomas C. Russell’s 1922 reprinting of Louise Clappe’s letter. The woman at the bar in the background is armed and wearing pants; Clappe mentions seeing Mexican women dressed like this in her letters. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There actually was a woman named \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Josefa_Segovia\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Josefa Segovia\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who [stabbed a miner in self-defense and was then] lynched from a bridge by a mob [of angry men] in Downieville, California, on July 4, 1851. She’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-12-05/downieville-california-mexican-woman-hanging\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">only woman ever lynched in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On releasing this film just before the 2024 election\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t know whether it’s ironic or tragic, but we were editing [the scene of Josefa’s lynching by the Downieville mob] on the day that the mob assaulted the Capitol. What was happening in America changed drastically during the making of this film. We never imagined that a mob of miners would resonate with a mob of real American men assaulting the Capitol. I mean, who knew? History caught up with history.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I never imagined when we started this film almost ten years ago that it would be airing on the eve of what is the most contested election in my lifetime by the most divided population in my time. If people can look back at the struggles that America went through more than 100 years ago and say, “Listen, let’s not do this again. Didn’t we learn something from the havoc of the Gold Rush?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For me, the main political message of this film is to look at these incredible, diverse young people in the present who are trying to make sense out of this horrible history in the past — and succeeding! That’s the lesson for me. That’s what gave me joy and hope every time I went to work with these guys. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011554\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011554\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Julia Bullock (left), a soprano who plays Louise Clappe, practices with J’Nai Bridges (right), a mezzo-soprano who plays Josefa Segovia in the opera \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>.\u003c/span> \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the surface, the film is about the making of an opera. It is also about the actual history behind the opera and the excavation of this darker, grotesquely flamboyant side of the Gold Rush that I never knew. But it’s also a story of a hundred and some years later, these incredible young people coming together and having a great creative time telling this history. The more time we spent with the artists, the more I realized that what’s important here is the contradiction between the darkness of the history that they’re playing and the exuberance and hope and joy of the people who are doing it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On what the opera’s story tells us about California\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011681\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-800x413.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"413\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-800x413.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1020x526.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-160x83.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1536x793.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1920x991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED.jpg 2025w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Excerpt of the song Ho! for California!, composed in 1849 for gold miners heading to California overland. The verse about plenty of gold on the banks of the Sacramento may have been adopted by sailors transporting gold miners by boat, which is why the song Banks of Sacramento is a sea shanty about gold mining. \u003ccite>(The Hutchinson’s Family Book of Words)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think this story tells us a lot about present-day California. The DNA of California was spawned in the Gold Rush. I came to California as a 5-year-old and drove out across the Great Plains from New York with my parents. We sang 49-er songs in the car when I was a little kid. We sang some of the songs that are in this documentary, actually, such as “\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Plenty of gold. So I’ve been told on the banks of the Sacramento.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The ethos of the Gold Rush was very much part of the national sensibility about California. It’s very often cited in reference to Silicon Valley. And I think the parallels were very much in our mind when we were doing this film about Silicon Valley. I mean, Silicon Valley, in many ways, is the Gold Rush without the violence. It’s a lot of mostly young, mostly white men making a lot of money really fast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The curse and the blessing of California is that it’s the land of unlimited opportunity. You can do what you want. There was no law in California in the Gold Rush. And I think a lot of that spirit has lived on in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A new documentary from filmmaker Jon Else examines the harsh realities for women and people of color during California’s famed Gold Rush through the lens of an opera centering on the only woman to be lynched in state history. ",
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"title": "New ‘Land of Gold’ Film Digs Deep Into California’s Troubled Gold Rush Origins | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Emmy Award-winning filmmaker and MacArthur fellow \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jon_H._Else\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Jon Else\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> is known for films like \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Day_After_Trinity\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">he Day After Trinity: J. Robert Oppenheimer and the Atomic Bomb\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0098693/\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Yosemite\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">: \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Fate of Heaven\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> and \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cadillac_Desert_(film)\">\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Cadillac Desert\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">. Else’s new film, \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Land of Gold\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, is a behind-the-scenes documentary about what it takes to bring an opera to the stage. It’s also the complicated story of \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Girls of the Golden West\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, an opera whose plot hinges on the true story of Josefa Segovia, a Mexican American woman who killed a gold miner in self-defense in 1851. On July 4th of that year, an angry mob lynched Segovia over the Yuba River in Downieville. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha, sat down with filmmaker Jon Else to talk about \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wnet/gperf/land-of-gold-about/15923/\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Land of Gold\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">, which premieres on the PBS series \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Great Performances\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> this week.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011552\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011552\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-BEHIND-THE-SCENES-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Behind the scenes in the making of \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On deciding to make \u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003ci>Land of Gold\u003c/i>\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cstrong>Jon Else\u003c/strong>: I had done films before with the composer John Adams, and John contacted me and said, “I’m going to do an opera about the Gold Rush. Do you want to make a movie about it?” I was not interested! I grew up in Sacramento in Gold Rush country. I was heavily schooled in the cleansed version of the Gold Rush. I thought I knew it all — kind of been there, done that — and I was just not interested. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011556\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011556\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JOHN-ADAMS-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">John Adams, composer for \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Then John said, “Well, we’re basing it on a diary by a woman named Louise Clappe, who was one of the very few women in the gold fields during the Gold Rush in a hardscrabble, rough-and-tumble little mining settlement called Rich Bar.” John said, “Why don’t you read the diary?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011688\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011688\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-800x800.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-800x800.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED-160x160.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-19-PAGE-261-KQED.jpg 821w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Excerpt from Louise Clappe’s letter explaining the drama that occurred in Rich Bar: ‘In the short space of 24 days we have had murders, fearful accidents, bloody deaths, a mob, whippings, a hanging, an attempt at suicide and a fatal duel.’ \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I read the diary, and I was flabbergasted. It was all the history I had not been taught in my public school in Sacramento. It turns out it was hell for most of the people involved who were not white Anglos. It was terrible for women. It was terrible, of course, for Native Americans. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011560\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011560\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-800x506.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1536x972.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED-1920x1214.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-SHIRLEY-LETTER-GOLD-WASHING-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Illustration of gold washing from Thomas C. Russell’s 1922 reprinting of Louise Clappe’s letter. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Also, what was new to me was the notion that the Gold Rush was this tremendously diverse migration. Miners came from Polynesia, they came from France, from Germany, from Mexico, from China. There were a lot of Canadians. There were freed slaves. The California gold fields were this huge rainbow of folks. Now, it was not a rainbow of equity. The white guys were in charge, and it was very, very tough on everyone else. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">So, I read the diary, and I called John Adams back, and I said, “Wow, when do we start?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On the drama of Girls of the Golden West\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011555\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011555\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-PRACTICES-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">J’Nai Bridges practicing for her role as Josefa Segovia in the opera \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The film and the opera both track a collision course between Josefa Segovia and this fellow Joe Cannon, who’s a mean drunk, a demonic loser, 49-er miner. You can just feel Joe getting more and more unhinged as the opera goes on. You know this is going to end badly. You know that Joe and Josefa are going to collide at the end. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-800x522.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-160x104.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1536x1003.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED-1920x1254.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-SHIRLEY-LETTER-SALOON-PIC-PAGE323-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Illustration of a mining saloon from Thomas C. Russell’s 1922 reprinting of Louise Clappe’s letter. The woman at the bar in the background is armed and wearing pants; Clappe mentions seeing Mexican women dressed like this in her letters. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Harvard Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">There actually was a woman named \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Josefa_Segovia\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Josefa Segovia\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> who [stabbed a miner in self-defense and was then] lynched from a bridge by a mob [of angry men] in Downieville, California, on July 4, 1851. She’s the \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-12-05/downieville-california-mexican-woman-hanging\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">only woman ever lynched in California\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On releasing this film just before the 2024 election\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I don’t know whether it’s ironic or tragic, but we were editing [the scene of Josefa’s lynching by the Downieville mob] on the day that the mob assaulted the Capitol. What was happening in America changed drastically during the making of this film. We never imagined that a mob of miners would resonate with a mob of real American men assaulting the Capitol. I mean, who knew? History caught up with history.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I never imagined when we started this film almost ten years ago that it would be airing on the eve of what is the most contested election in my lifetime by the most divided population in my time. If people can look back at the struggles that America went through more than 100 years ago and say, “Listen, let’s not do this again. Didn’t we learn something from the havoc of the Gold Rush?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">For me, the main political message of this film is to look at these incredible, diverse young people in the present who are trying to make sense out of this horrible history in the past — and succeeding! That’s the lesson for me. That’s what gave me joy and hope every time I went to work with these guys. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011554\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011554\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-JNAI-JULIA-PRACTICING-TOGETHER-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">\u003cspan style=\"margin: 0px;padding: 0px\">Julia Bullock (left), a soprano who plays Louise Clappe, practices with J’Nai Bridges (right), a mezzo-soprano who plays Josefa Segovia in the opera \u003cem>Girls of the Golden West\u003c/em>.\u003c/span> \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jon Else)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">On the surface, the film is about the making of an opera. It is also about the actual history behind the opera and the excavation of this darker, grotesquely flamboyant side of the Gold Rush that I never knew. But it’s also a story of a hundred and some years later, these incredible young people coming together and having a great creative time telling this history. The more time we spent with the artists, the more I realized that what’s important here is the contradiction between the darkness of the history that they’re playing and the exuberance and hope and joy of the people who are doing it. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cb>On what the opera’s story tells us about California\u003c/b>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011681\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-800x413.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"413\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-800x413.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1020x526.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-160x83.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1536x793.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED-1920x991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-bookofwordsofhut00hutc_banks_of_sacremento-KQED.jpg 2025w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Excerpt of the song Ho! for California!, composed in 1849 for gold miners heading to California overland. The verse about plenty of gold on the banks of the Sacramento may have been adopted by sailors transporting gold miners by boat, which is why the song Banks of Sacramento is a sea shanty about gold mining. \u003ccite>(The Hutchinson’s Family Book of Words)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">I think this story tells us a lot about present-day California. The DNA of California was spawned in the Gold Rush. I came to California as a 5-year-old and drove out across the Great Plains from New York with my parents. We sang 49-er songs in the car when I was a little kid. We sang some of the songs that are in this documentary, actually, such as “\u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Plenty of gold. So I’ve been told on the banks of the Sacramento.\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The ethos of the Gold Rush was very much part of the national sensibility about California. It’s very often cited in reference to Silicon Valley. And I think the parallels were very much in our mind when we were doing this film about Silicon Valley. I mean, Silicon Valley, in many ways, is the Gold Rush without the violence. It’s a lot of mostly young, mostly white men making a lot of money really fast. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The curse and the blessing of California is that it’s the land of unlimited opportunity. You can do what you want. There was no law in California in the Gold Rush. And I think a lot of that spirit has lived on in California.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "after-ballot-box-fires-elsewhere-bay-area-elections-officials-urge-trust-in-the-vote",
"title": "After Ballot Box Fires Elsewhere, Bay Area Elections Officials Urge Trust in the Vote",
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"headTitle": "After Ballot Box Fires Elsewhere, Bay Area Elections Officials Urge Trust in the Vote | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.[aside postID=news_12011743 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.[aside postID=news_12011896 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-02-KQED-1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After three \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/28/nx-s1-5168404/oregon-washington-arizona-ballots-drop-boxes-fires\">ballot boxes were set on fire\u003c/a> in the Pacific Northwest in recent weeks, raising concerns about voting safety, local elections officials are seeking to reassure voters that they can trust the protections in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area, registrars have enhanced security measures to ensure that, even in this tense time, voters and poll workers can participate in a safe and fair election cycle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several officials said they anticipated increased risks ahead of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">this election\u003c/a>, which could be the result of the last four years of stoked fears around voting — including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">former President Donald Trump\u003c/a> and running mate JD Vance’s refusal to accept the outcome of the 2020 election, and the 2021 insurrection on the day Congress certified its result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve become increasingly aware of the security risks to the voting process,” said Matt Moreles, Santa Clara County’s acting registrar of voters. “We’ve been taking steps going into this year and into this election to try to strengthen the security so that we can provide all of our voters with a safe and secure election process that’s free from any interference and intimidation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Santa Clara, that included adding security to high-turnout polling places and increasing collaboration with local law enforcement to develop escalation and incident response plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If anything happens, we have direct lines out to all of our partners,” he said. “We’ve got plans for how to respond so that we can ensure continuity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballot drop boxes are a particular area of concern for voters after the recent fires. On Oct. 8, the first was lit in Vancouver, Washington. On Monday, another fire was set at one of the city’s ballot drop-off locations, as well as at another in Portland, Oregon.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Authorities believe the incidents are related. The \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/29/us/ballot-box-fires-oregon-washington-gaza.html\">New York Times\u003c/a>\u003c/em> has reported that at all three sites, devices placed outside the drop boxes had “Free Gaza” written on them, though investigators are trying to determine whether the suspect was a pro-Palestinian activist or using the phrase to sow division.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a September bulletin from the Department of Homeland Security, \u003ca href=\"https://propertyofthepeople.org/document-detail/?doc-id=25255596\">obtained by the watchdog group Property of the People\u003c/a>, plans to destroy ballot drop boxes had been swirling on social media for about six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some social media users are discussing and encouraging various methods of sabotaging ballot drop boxes and avoiding detection, likely heightening the potential for targeting of this election infrastructure through the 2024 election cycle,” it reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulletin specifically said that people on forums frequented by “domestic violence extremists” discussed methods to destroy the boxes with petroleum fuel, road flares and fireworks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew going into this election that drop boxes were going to be an area of concern for security,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California requires local elections officials to pick up ballots from boxes every other day in the 10 days before the election, but Santa Clara County has increased the frequency of pickups at its 109 drop-off locations to every day, and as Nov. 5 gets closer, Moreles said they will be picking up three to four times a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elections workers have been instructed to inspect the boxes on pickup runs to make sure nothing has been tampered with and that all of their seals are in place, and local law enforcement agencies have been asked to increase patrols near the boxes when possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lynda Roberts, Marin County’s chief election officer, said that the county is installing fire suppression equipment to its 26 drop box locations. It is also increasing patrols in the areas, and is closing ballot boxes at polling places overnight, though they have traditionally been accessible 24 hours a day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 14 drop boxes that are still open at all times are all in the vicinity of government and law enforcement agencies’ buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Bay Area counties plan to activate their emergency operation centers to centralize communication with voting locations and law enforcement officials, Roberts said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kristin Connelly, Contra Costa County’s registrar of voters, said she couldn’t comment on specifics, she said that the elections office had been in communication with local law enforcement and was doing “everything we can to keep a safe and secure election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many registrars are telling voters to sign up for \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ballot-status/wheres-my-ballot\">ballot tracking\u003c/a> so that they can see when their ballot has been received.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The best thing that voters can do is to sign up for ballot tracks,” Roberts said. “It’s a free ballot tracking service through the Secretary of State that will tell the voter when we’ve received their ballot… Then they can have that assurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most counties in the Bay Area have details about their work to ensure a safe election, along with information on deadlines for mail-in ballots and the link to ballot tracking on their websites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moreles said that one of the best ways to ensure your ballot arrives safely is to vote early and track its progress. Santa Clara County, which has a little over a million registered voters, has already received 275,000 ballots. If your ballot hasn’t arrived after two to three days, he said it might be time to reach out to your elections office to see about a replacement or go to an in-person vote center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to all three of the officials, their counties are in good positions to have safe and secure elections next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve been working tirelessly with all of our local, state and even federal partners to make sure that we have good plans in place to ensure a secure election,” Moreles said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The end of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide\">2024 election season\u003c/a> is just days away, bringing — for better or worse — a conclusion to the uncertainty over who will hold the offices of power come next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another ray of light awaits us just beyond the horizon: the unceasing avalanche of campaign flyers will finally stop. But in the meantime, where do they all end up?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When I check my mail lately, I’m confronted by a mass of colorful ads praising one candidate or measure or condemning another. And although I already know who I’m voting for, the flyers keep coming. They clog my mailbox and litter the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And I know I’m not alone in this. Campaigns and political groups are sending out tons of these mailers, especially in San Francisco, where a contentious \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">mayoral race\u003c/a> has become the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010904/whos-pouring-millions-into-san-franciscos-expensive-mayors-race\">city’s most expensive in recent history\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the last two weeks of October alone, Supervisor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012016/aaron-peskin-sees-boost-in-final-stretch-for-sf-mayor-can-he-keep-momentum-up\">Aaron Peskin’s mayoral campaign\u003c/a> sent out over 225,000 mailers, according to public filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission. They cost his campaign roughly $175,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aaron Peskin gets things done,” reads the mailer, showing the Board of Supervisors president shaking hands and smiling. The flip side includes quotes from notable supporters singing his praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who live with roommates, as I do, it’s common to see duplicates of the same flyer addressed to each voting-age member of the household.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Needless to say, all of the mailers I receive end up in the recycling bin, off to parts unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Robert Reed, spokesperson for Recology, San Francisco’s recycling company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest season for campaign mailers … so, yes, we’re seeing more of them here,” Reed said during a recent tour of Recycle Central, a processing facility on Pier 96.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011992\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011992\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-Recycling-Campaign-Flyers-JCL-03-KQED-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">At Recology, hundreds of tons of recycling is loaded daily onto conveyor belts where the materials are sorted. \u003ccite>(Juan Carlos Lara/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Every day, Recology trucks bring roughly 450 tons of recycling to the site. Those materials are then loaded onto conveyor belts, where nonrecyclable materials are pulled out, and the rest are separated into categories through a mix of by-hand and machine sorting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the conveyor belt, the boldly colored mailers stood out, dotting the blur of moving waste.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed explained that, as far as paper goes, recyclers are happy to get campaign mailers because they’re printed on high-grade stuff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These oversized postcards are printed on a paper called cardstock, and it has a long fiber, and it’s a heavy paper,” Reed said. “You can feel the quality of it. It is high-quality paper, and we want to make sure that it gets recycled.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reed reached into the bunch and quickly plucked out a few.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They included one supporting \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12001601/city-hall-outsider-daniel-lurie-wants-to-clean-up-local-government\">Daniel Lurie’s campaign for mayor\u003c/a>, another denouncing Lurie as the “trust fund guy” — referencing the fact that he is heir to the Levi Strauss fortune — and another in support of Supervisor Catherine Stefani’s run for the California Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the paper products are isolated, they’re compressed into large bales and moved by forklift onto shipping containers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We sort and bale over 100 bales of mixed paper here at Recycle Central every day. On a good day, it’s 130 bales,” Reed said. “They then go to a paper mill where they’re made into new paper products like cereal boxes. And that’s good. That saves trees.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And who knows, maybe after a few cycles of paper reincarnation, that discarded paper will come back as a new mailer for the next election.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been about a year since Angela Vergara anxiously opened an email in her Oakland Tech guidance counselor’s office that would change her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was venting to her counselor about the stress of waiting for college decisions when the message from Northeastern University Oakland arrived in her inbox — she had gotten into a new partner program between the university and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a> offering admission and funding for four years of college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cried when I saw it. I had to take a lap around the school; I could not believe it,” Vergara said this week, walking past her dorm room and the grassy, secluded campus’ mental health center. “I called my mom right away, like, ‘Mom, you won’t believe it,’ and she also cried — we all cried. It was just a really, really amazing opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara, who moved to Oakland from the Philippines in middle school, is one of seven OUSD students who started at Northeastern’s Bay Area campus this fall through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program. They are the first class to enroll in the scholarship program since Northeastern University opened on the former site of Mills College in 2022 after the two merged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara applied to many schools, but she was considering going to a community college for two years to lessen the financial burden on her parents, who are already putting her two sisters — all of them first-generation college students — through school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program, she will be able to graduate without debt or straining her parents’ finances. Students — who must qualify for a Pell Grant, which is awarded to students with \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/understand-aid/types/grants/pell\">great financial need\u003c/a> — receive free tuition, room and board for four years of education, which comes out to more than $340,000 each, according to OUSD spokesperson John Sasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011589\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011589\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The campus of Northeastern University, formerly Mills College, on Oct. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The program is an extension of a similar one on Northeastern University’s Boston campus. Officials hope to expand the Oakland program from seven to 10 students in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seemed natural when we came to Oakland to bring that kind of program here, where we’re equally invested in growing and supporting the greater Oakland community,” Northeastern Oakland Dean Daniel Sachs told KQED. “One of those ways, of course, is by supporting the youth and the students in the public school system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland public schools have had more than their share of problems. Amid steadily declining enrollment, the district faces a huge budget deficit that could lead to a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011731/oakland-school-closures-are-back-on-the-table-less-than-2-years-after-plan-was-axed\">shutter some campuses\u003c/a>, and a persistent lead contamination issue plaguing many of its schools is likely to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007326/lead-problems-in-oakland-schools-drinking-water-could-cost-over-50-million-to-fix\">cost tens of millions of dollars to fix\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students who come up through the embattled Oakland school district don’t end up in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, only about 44% of OUSD graduates enrolled in a four-year university or community college. That’s far below the 72% of Bay Area graduates who went to college that year, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011731 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/GettyImages-1382772776.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s figures showed improvement, with about 35% of OUSD’s graduating seniors enrolling in four-year universities and 20% more in two-year programs, but Oakland is still behind the curve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scholarship model like the Oakland Opportunity program, though, helps students not only get into college but earn a degree, said Tolani Britton, a professor at UC Berkeley’s School of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what the research tells us is that it’s not simply that students need more information to get to and through college. They need wraparound services,” she said. “Students are actually guaranteed housing, food, tuition and fees so that they can put their energies in many ways towards succeeding in that environment as opposed to trying to figure out how they stay there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scholarship students applied through the general Northeastern application and selected the Oakland campus as their top choice for their first year. Most were nominated by a counselor or another staff member at their high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the OUSD students complete their first year in Oakland, they can choose to stay in the Bay Area or transfer to any of Northeastern’s 13 campuses in three countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If more local students attend college close to home and potentially join the workforce there after they graduate, it benefits the whole community economically, Britton said. But whether they stay in the area or not, it can also affect future generations of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to the resources you’re bringing after you graduate to your family, there’s also, I absolutely believe, a role model factor, particularly if you’re still local,” Britton said. “You may have that younger cousin who didn’t necessarily see four-year college as a possibility. That younger cousin then sees you graduate and the opportunity that you had. It means something about what is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011587\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011587\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angela Vergara is one of seven OUSD students who started at Northeastern’s Bay Area campus this fall through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vergara, who is studying politics, philosophy and economics, plans to transfer to Boston next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m definitely making the most out of my opportunity,” she said. “My plan is [that] after this year, I’m going to transition to Boston and then hopefully London and as many campuses as I can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s most excited about the opportunity to do one of Northeastern’s cooperative education programs, which connect students with semester-long, full-time work experiences. Vergara isn’t 100% sure what she wants to pursue after graduation, but she said she hopes to explore law during her co-op semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus is in the heart of Boston, which opens you up to so many opportunities,” she said. “There’s lots of law firms there that [Northeastern] has connections with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she’s in Oakland, though, she’s already taking full advantage of the school’s resources. She’s a part of the campus’ Trailblazer Program, which connects first-generation students before they begin their first year and provides them with additional advising and monthly meetings to learn about campus resources.[aside postID=news_12007326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240827-OUSD-LEAD-FOLO-MD-03-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara took a school-sponsored trip to Lake Tahoe this fall and has joined clubs on campus, like the Women’s Interdisciplinary Society of Entrepreneurship, whose tech networking event she was headed to with her roommate Tuesday afternoon. Then, she was rushing over to economics office hours and studying for midterms later in the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said navigating the first few weeks of freshman year has been challenging but exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At first, it was overwhelming because I’m new to campus; I didn’t know anything,” she said. “But I just remember we’re all in the same boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been about a year since Angela Vergara anxiously opened an email in her Oakland Tech guidance counselor’s office that would change her life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was venting to her counselor about the stress of waiting for college decisions when the message from Northeastern University Oakland arrived in her inbox — she had gotten into a new partner program between the university and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a> offering admission and funding for four years of college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I cried when I saw it. I had to take a lap around the school; I could not believe it,” Vergara said this week, walking past her dorm room and the grassy, secluded campus’ mental health center. “I called my mom right away, like, ‘Mom, you won’t believe it,’ and she also cried — we all cried. It was just a really, really amazing opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara, who moved to Oakland from the Philippines in middle school, is one of seven OUSD students who started at Northeastern’s Bay Area campus this fall through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program. They are the first class to enroll in the scholarship program since Northeastern University opened on the former site of Mills College in 2022 after the two merged.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara applied to many schools, but she was considering going to a community college for two years to lessen the financial burden on her parents, who are already putting her two sisters — all of them first-generation college students — through school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program, she will be able to graduate without debt or straining her parents’ finances. Students — who must qualify for a Pell Grant, which is awarded to students with \u003ca href=\"https://studentaid.gov/understand-aid/types/grants/pell\">great financial need\u003c/a> — receive free tuition, room and board for four years of education, which comes out to more than $340,000 each, according to OUSD spokesperson John Sasaki.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011589\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011589\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-26-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The campus of Northeastern University, formerly Mills College, on Oct. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The program is an extension of a similar one on Northeastern University’s Boston campus. Officials hope to expand the Oakland program from seven to 10 students in future years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seemed natural when we came to Oakland to bring that kind of program here, where we’re equally invested in growing and supporting the greater Oakland community,” Northeastern Oakland Dean Daniel Sachs told KQED. “One of those ways, of course, is by supporting the youth and the students in the public school system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland public schools have had more than their share of problems. Amid steadily declining enrollment, the district faces a huge budget deficit that could lead to a proposal to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011731/oakland-school-closures-are-back-on-the-table-less-than-2-years-after-plan-was-axed\">shutter some campuses\u003c/a>, and a persistent lead contamination issue plaguing many of its schools is likely to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007326/lead-problems-in-oakland-schools-drinking-water-could-cost-over-50-million-to-fix\">cost tens of millions of dollars to fix\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students who come up through the embattled Oakland school district don’t end up in college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, only about 44% of OUSD graduates enrolled in a four-year university or community college. That’s far below the 72% of Bay Area graduates who went to college that year, according to the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year’s figures showed improvement, with about 35% of OUSD’s graduating seniors enrolling in four-year universities and 20% more in two-year programs, but Oakland is still behind the curve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scholarship model like the Oakland Opportunity program, though, helps students not only get into college but earn a degree, said Tolani Britton, a professor at UC Berkeley’s School of Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of what the research tells us is that it’s not simply that students need more information to get to and through college. They need wraparound services,” she said. “Students are actually guaranteed housing, food, tuition and fees so that they can put their energies in many ways towards succeeding in that environment as opposed to trying to figure out how they stay there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The scholarship students applied through the general Northeastern application and selected the Oakland campus as their top choice for their first year. Most were nominated by a counselor or another staff member at their high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the OUSD students complete their first year in Oakland, they can choose to stay in the Bay Area or transfer to any of Northeastern’s 13 campuses in three countries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If more local students attend college close to home and potentially join the workforce there after they graduate, it benefits the whole community economically, Britton said. But whether they stay in the area or not, it can also affect future generations of students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In addition to the resources you’re bringing after you graduate to your family, there’s also, I absolutely believe, a role model factor, particularly if you’re still local,” Britton said. “You may have that younger cousin who didn’t necessarily see four-year college as a possibility. That younger cousin then sees you graduate and the opportunity that you had. It means something about what is possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011587\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011587\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-OAKLANDSCHOLARSHIPSTUDENTS-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Angela Vergara is one of seven OUSD students who started at Northeastern’s Bay Area campus this fall through the Oakland Opportunity Scholarship Program. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Vergara, who is studying politics, philosophy and economics, plans to transfer to Boston next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m definitely making the most out of my opportunity,” she said. “My plan is [that] after this year, I’m going to transition to Boston and then hopefully London and as many campuses as I can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She’s most excited about the opportunity to do one of Northeastern’s cooperative education programs, which connect students with semester-long, full-time work experiences. Vergara isn’t 100% sure what she wants to pursue after graduation, but she said she hopes to explore law during her co-op semester.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The campus is in the heart of Boston, which opens you up to so many opportunities,” she said. “There’s lots of law firms there that [Northeastern] has connections with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While she’s in Oakland, though, she’s already taking full advantage of the school’s resources. She’s a part of the campus’ Trailblazer Program, which connects first-generation students before they begin their first year and provides them with additional advising and monthly meetings to learn about campus resources.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vergara took a school-sponsored trip to Lake Tahoe this fall and has joined clubs on campus, like the Women’s Interdisciplinary Society of Entrepreneurship, whose tech networking event she was headed to with her roommate Tuesday afternoon. Then, she was rushing over to economics office hours and studying for midterms later in the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said navigating the first few weeks of freshman year has been challenging but exciting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At first, it was overwhelming because I’m new to campus; I didn’t know anything,” she said. “But I just remember we’re all in the same boat.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jerry Reyes is about to vote in his first presidential election. Even though his parents were undocumented farmworkers from Mexico, the 24-year-old Fresno resident plans to cast his ballot for former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making America great again is something that has so much power,” Reyes told Andrés Cediel, a professor at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and producer of a new documentary on PBS called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/show/voces-latino-vote-2024/\">VOCES: Latino Vote 2024.\u003c/a> The Trump campaign slogan, Reyes said, is about “making sure that the person living in America is put first. It’s for the betterment of you.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=02Drg98q0tI\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his family disagrees with his decision —and his mother has stopped speaking to him — because of Donald Trump’s inflammatory comments about immigrants and the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Reyes and other first-time Latino voters from across California are profiled in a video series that accompanies the larger film. VOCES takes an in-depth look at Latino voters around the country to understand what issues will drive their turnout — especially in hotly contested battleground districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cediel shared some of the project’s main takeaways — about the diversity and influence of Latino voters — during an interview with The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Fne1p4yRB5U&list=PLzkQfVIJun2LVVPCmLf5uXWSVRf9ryINk\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On how Latino voters may shape the election:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrés Cediel\u003c/strong>: Latinos are now the second largest electorate in the country [after white ‘non-Hispanic’ voters] and also have large populations in battleground states. That includes Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania, even Georgia. And it’s not just the presidential election. Latinos have the power to flip the balance of power in Congress. In California’s Central Valley, there are predominantly Latino districts that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/nx-s1-5159709/the-stakes-for-the-house-are-enormous-as-a-purple-district-in-california-votes\">could flip\u003c/a> because of the Latino vote. This could change the balance of power in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On why the Latino community is not a monolith:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We come in all shades, all races. While the majority of Latinos in California and across the country are of Mexican descent, Latinos on the East Coast predominantly come from Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. This also includes Afro-Latinos — a community, which tends to be more educated than the rest of the Latino population but also suffers from greater poverty levels and receives less coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the Latino evangelical vote:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latino evangelical Christians are in an interesting position because, in a lot of ways, their political leanings are very similar to white evangelicals, who overwhelmingly are voting for Trump. But the key difference is this issue of immigration. Many Latinos are not comfortable with Trump’s rhetoric and what he’s said about their community, creating a split among Latino evangelical leaders about who they are going to support. At the same time, one of the Latino evangelical Christian leaders that we spoke to was Pastor Samuel Rodriguez, who leads a megachurch in Sacramento. He became friends with Trump and actually gave an invocation at Trump’s inauguration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A scene from Rev. Gabriel Salguero’s church, The Gathering, in Orlando. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Bernardo Ruiz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On gender divides:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As an electorate, Latinos and Latinas tend to be much younger than the rest of the population. And for a lot of young Latina women, reproductive freedom issues are very important. Latinas are also often more educated than their male counterparts and more politically active. We found that issues like abortion and reproductive freedom are top of mind across the board, regardless of where they are in the country or what their religious affiliation is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011565\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011565\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Organizer Audrey Peral and son, Francisco, while canvassing in East Las Vegas, Nevada in 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On first-time Latinx voters in California:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We partnered with the \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/\">California Local News Fellowship\u003c/a> to work with newsrooms across the state to find those stories that didn’t make it into the larger film. We profile a first-time voter in Oakland who’s a Mam speaker from Guatemala or a young voter in Santa Ana who’s registering his classmates to vote. And it was important for us to include an Afro-Latino voice in this project, so we spoke with Keyanna Ortiz-Cedeño about why she’s planning to vote for Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dPnWbdprEAY\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On Latino voters who want tougher border control:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many second and third-generation Latinos increasingly don’t identify with the immigrant experience. One thing that’s important to note with immigration trends now is we’re seeing many more Venezuelans, Colombians, Haitians, and even Chinese and Russians coming in through the southern border. Folks whose families may have come here a couple of generations ago don’t necessarily identify with these new immigrants, and they don’t have that same feeling of wanting to welcome everybody. And sometimes, they want to shut the border, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On working on a film celebrating agency and political power:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/rape-on-the-night-shift/\">reporting in the Latino community\u003c/a> has been about heartache, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/trafficked-in-america/\">abuse\u003c/a>, suffering. So, it was really gratifying for this project to be able to go out and talk to people about their hopes and dreams, to hear the political agency that they have and what they want us to do with that power. There is a lot of power in the Latino vote, and people can feel it. And they’re starting to wake up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011564\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Team members of Make the Road Action Nevada, who work to organize in immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jerry Reyes is about to vote in his first presidential election. Even though his parents were undocumented farmworkers from Mexico, the 24-year-old Fresno resident plans to cast his ballot for former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Making America great again is something that has so much power,” Reyes told Andrés Cediel, a professor at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism and producer of a new documentary on PBS called \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/show/voces-latino-vote-2024/\">VOCES: Latino Vote 2024.\u003c/a> The Trump campaign slogan, Reyes said, is about “making sure that the person living in America is put first. It’s for the betterment of you.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/02Drg98q0tI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/02Drg98q0tI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>He said his family disagrees with his decision —and his mother has stopped speaking to him — because of Donald Trump’s inflammatory comments about immigrants and the border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Reyes and other first-time Latino voters from across California are profiled in a video series that accompanies the larger film. VOCES takes an in-depth look at Latino voters around the country to understand what issues will drive their turnout — especially in hotly contested battleground districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cediel shared some of the project’s main takeaways — about the diversity and influence of Latino voters — during an interview with The California Report Magazine’s host, Sasha Khokha.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Below are excerpts from their conversation. For the full interview on The California Report Magazine, listen to the audio at the top of this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Fne1p4yRB5U'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Fne1p4yRB5U'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>On how Latino voters may shape the election:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Andrés Cediel\u003c/strong>: Latinos are now the second largest electorate in the country [after white ‘non-Hispanic’ voters] and also have large populations in battleground states. That includes Arizona, Nevada, Pennsylvania, even Georgia. And it’s not just the presidential election. Latinos have the power to flip the balance of power in Congress. In California’s Central Valley, there are predominantly Latino districts that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/24/nx-s1-5159709/the-stakes-for-the-house-are-enormous-as-a-purple-district-in-california-votes\">could flip\u003c/a> because of the Latino vote. This could change the balance of power in the House.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On why the Latino community is not a monolith:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We come in all shades, all races. While the majority of Latinos in California and across the country are of Mexican descent, Latinos on the East Coast predominantly come from Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Puerto Rico, and Cuba. This also includes Afro-Latinos — a community, which tends to be more educated than the rest of the Latino population but also suffers from greater poverty levels and receives less coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the Latino evangelical vote:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latino evangelical Christians are in an interesting position because, in a lot of ways, their political leanings are very similar to white evangelicals, who overwhelmingly are voting for Trump. But the key difference is this issue of immigration. Many Latinos are not comfortable with Trump’s rhetoric and what he’s said about their community, creating a split among Latino evangelical leaders about who they are going to support. At the same time, one of the Latino evangelical Christian leaders that we spoke to was Pastor Samuel Rodriguez, who leads a megachurch in Sacramento. He became friends with Trump and actually gave an invocation at Trump’s inauguration in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011563\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011563\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1-1920x1080.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_1.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A scene from Rev. Gabriel Salguero’s church, The Gathering, in Orlando. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Bernardo Ruiz)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On gender divides:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As an electorate, Latinos and Latinas tend to be much younger than the rest of the population. And for a lot of young Latina women, reproductive freedom issues are very important. Latinas are also often more educated than their male counterparts and more politically active. We found that issues like abortion and reproductive freedom are top of mind across the board, regardless of where they are in the country or what their religious affiliation is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011565\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011565\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Organizer Audrey Peral and son, Francisco, while canvassing in East Las Vegas, Nevada in 2020. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>On first-time Latinx voters in California:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We partnered with the \u003ca href=\"https://fellowships.journalism.berkeley.edu/cafellows/\">California Local News Fellowship\u003c/a> to work with newsrooms across the state to find those stories that didn’t make it into the larger film. We profile a first-time voter in Oakland who’s a Mam speaker from Guatemala or a young voter in Santa Ana who’s registering his classmates to vote. And it was important for us to include an Afro-Latino voice in this project, so we spoke with Keyanna Ortiz-Cedeño about why she’s planning to vote for Kamala Harris.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/dPnWbdprEAY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/dPnWbdprEAY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003ch2>On Latino voters who want tougher border control:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many second and third-generation Latinos increasingly don’t identify with the immigrant experience. One thing that’s important to note with immigration trends now is we’re seeing many more Venezuelans, Colombians, Haitians, and even Chinese and Russians coming in through the southern border. Folks whose families may have come here a couple of generations ago don’t necessarily identify with these new immigrants, and they don’t have that same feeling of wanting to welcome everybody. And sometimes, they want to shut the border, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On working on a film celebrating agency and political power:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of my \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/rape-on-the-night-shift/\">reporting in the Latino community\u003c/a> has been about heartache, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/frontline/documentary/trafficked-in-america/\">abuse\u003c/a>, suffering. So, it was really gratifying for this project to be able to go out and talk to people about their hopes and dreams, to hear the political agency that they have and what they want us to do with that power. There is a lot of power in the Latino vote, and people can feel it. And they’re starting to wake up to it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011564\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12011564\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241029-LATINO-VOTERS-2-WAY-KQED_2.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Team members of Make the Road Action Nevada, who work to organize in immigrant communities. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Roberto (Bear) Guerra)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding?",
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"headTitle": "Can Tough-on-Crime Proposition 36 Solve Theft, Drug Use and Homelessness, Despite No New Funding? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”[aside postID='elections_1915' label='2024 Voter Guide: California Propositions' hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png' herolink='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california']At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12005230,forum_2010101907188,news_12009603\"]“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Proposition 36 promises to address California’s crime and fentanyl challenges. However, with no new funding, experts warn it could actually reduce money for existing programs while increasing prison populations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Backers of Proposition 36, appearing before voters on next week’s ballot, promise their tough-on-crime measure will create “real accountability” for retail theft, fentanyl use and homelessness. But with no funding for drug treatment, police hiring or housing, experts say the measure could instead reduce money for existing rehabilitation programs if it passes as is widely expected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would make it easier for prosecutors to send repeat shoplifters and drug users to jail or prison — and aims to use those felony charges to pressure drug addicts into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would do that by rolling back provisions of a ballot initiative passed by state voters in 2014, known as Proposition 47. Proposition 47 downgraded low-level thefts and drug possession to misdemeanors, and it diverted state savings from incarcerating fewer people into programs, including mental health and drug treatment, school truancy and dropout prevention and victim services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Proposition 47’s passage, the state has rerouted approximately $800 million to those programs through grants — funding that could diminish significantly if Proposition 36 passes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfunded and unfortunately, it may impact some existing drug treatment and mental health services,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a news conference on Oct. 28 when asked about his opposition to Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While critics, including the governor, frame the measure as a return to the tough-on-crime policies of the 1980s and 1990s, which led to overcrowded prisons, backers, including Napa County District Attorney Allison Haley, argue the ballot measure is “reasoned and thoughtful, designed to narrowly address issues that are reducing the quality of life of Californians.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>At a Sept. 10 hearing in the state Capitol, Haley identified those issues as rising homelessness and retail theft and “a startling proliferation of opioid-related deaths.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prop. 36 incentivizes drug treatment for addicts by giving them choices, by giving them determinative agency in their own lives. … It allows prosecutors to treat an offender with a single theft differently than someone who is a serial offender,” she said. “And it allows prosecutors to treat fentanyl-like the scourge that it is.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But experts say those promises may be difficult to keep without a huge influx of resources, given the state’s limited drug treatment capacity, its shortage of police officers and the ongoing housing crisis. Meanwhile, the ballot measure is likely to drive up jail and prison spending, \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=36&year=2024\">according to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst Office. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The LAO estimates Proposition 36 would cost taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars a year, partly by increasing the state prison population “by around a few thousand people,” roughly the capacity of one state prison. It would also increase the number of people in local jails and on probation supervision and decrease the money from Proposition 47 for treatment programs by tens of millions of dollars each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this comes as the state, as well as many local governments, are facing \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985932/newsoms-solution-to-a-45-billion-budget-deficit\">budget shortfalls\u003c/a>. San Diego County supervisors recently declined to endorse Proposition 36 after conducting an analysis that concluded the ballot measure would cost the county $58 million a year, could push its jail population beyond its system capacity and would reduce funding for Proposition 47 programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Law enforcement staffing \u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 36 argue that by making shoplifting and other low-level thefts misdemeanors, it has undercut police officers’ ability to hold people accountable for those crimes. But there’s nothing preventing police from arresting misdemeanor offenders now — except, according to many in law enforcement, their own resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper, a former lawmaker and longtime critic of criminal justice reforms, told lawmakers at the September hearing that his department doesn’t “have the resources to go after every misdemeanor offender” — and that when faced with a decision between responding to a violent offense or a property crime, they will choose the more serious incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have the resources for the misdemeanor stuff, the day in and day out stuff because of Prop. 47,” he said. “We only have so much capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cooper blamed Proposition 47 for limiting police response to minor crimes. However, that measure didn’t directly impact police staffing, \u003ca href=\"https://porac.org/wp-content/uploads/PORAC-Police-Staffing-Brief-2023-Updates.pdf\">which hit a 30-year low in California\u003c/a>, with 3,600 officers lost between 2020–2022, according to the Police Officers Research Association of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 wouldn’t change that staffing crisis said Tom Hoffman, who headed the state’s parole department from 2006–2009 and spent over 30 years as a police officer. The measure does not include any new money for police agencies — and in most cases, police officers will have no way of knowing when a shoplifting call comes in whether it will qualify as a felony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These cases are the lowest priority,” he said, adding that they should be. “There are 35,000 (misdemeanor) warrants for people in Sacramento County alone for violations of these crimes. And the sheriff freely admits he’s not going to go find them, he’s not going to arrest them, and he won’t accept them being booked into his jail. And [Proposition] 36 isn’t going to change that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Joaquin Probation Chief Steve Jackson supports Proposition 36, saying it would “return balance” to the criminal justice system by allowing more severe penalties for repeat offenders. But he acknowledged that some of its promises may not be easy to achieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money written into it to fund any of this,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A solution to fentanyl and homelessness?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 backers are leaning heavily on the ballot measure’s provisions related to drug possession and use — and what they frame as a connection to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They note that since Proposition 47 passed, there’s been a sharp decline in participation in drug courts and other diversion programs, which offer someone facing a criminal charge the option of participating in treatment and having those charges dropped. They connect that decline to the rise in homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve had a massive explosion in drug addiction, particularly fentanyl, in the last ten years in California since Prop. 47 passed. And that’s associated also with a massive increase in homelessness,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped craft Proposition 36, said at an Oct. 23 news conference.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There are lots of reasons for people being homeless, but one of the reasons we know very well is serious addiction,” he added. “And because of Prop. 47, they can use fentanyl and heroin every single day, multiple times a day. And it’s a ticket. There’s literally no incentive for them to get help.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 36 would let prosecutors charge someone with a felony if they’re caught possessing “hard drugs” like fentanyl more than twice — and offer them court-mandated drug treatment to avoid that felony. Reisig said this would fix what he sees as one of Proposition 47’s major shortcomings: that because drug possession was lowered to a misdemeanor, people have no reason to agree to treatment when they’re arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975692/prop-47s-impact-on-californias-criminal-justice-system#courts\">A KQED analysis\u003c/a> of more than a dozen counties shows he’s right that drug court participation is down sharply since Proposition 47’s passage — but drug treatment programs are still widely utilized, said Gary McCoy, vice president of policy at HealthRIGHT 360, which provides substance use disorder treatment, mental health services and other health care to over 49,000 Californians annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that in San Francisco, which has some of the most robust treatment networks in the state, \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">fewer than 40 residential treatment beds are available\u003c/a> out of the city’s 575 total. And in some rural counties, the options are even slimmer, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no money to expand treatment in the proposition,” he said, noting that if someone can’t get into treatment and is facing a felony charge, they will likely be kept in jail. “It’s promising to incarcerate people again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig rejects this argument, saying that Proposition 36 isn’t “reinventing the wheel” but simply bringing back programs that existed prior to 2014. Jackson, the probation chief, said some counties may struggle to find treatment space, but he believes many, including San Joaquin County, do have space available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue the measure’s only impact on homelessness would come through increased incarceration, noting it contains no provisions or funding for housing or shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proponents point to recent state laws and initiatives to expand mental health and drug treatment options, including Proposition 1 in March, which Newsom wrote. Proposition 1 was a $6.4 billion bond to increase mental health and substance abuse services and build supportive housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said that the ballot measure was carefully crafted to help people with chronic mental illness get off the streets — and that Proposition 36 will increase demand for treatment beds and staff that wasn’t anticipated as part of the multiyear process that led to Proposition 1.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So I guess what they’re trying to say is, well, we’ll just attach Prop. 1 dollars,” Newsom said. “It’s a very lazy response to a very serious issue and a complicated issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman, the former parole chief, called it “absurd to suggest that there is a solution to any one of those super complicated social, economic, political and criminal problems” in one ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is going to be impacted, fixed by Prop. 36. Really?” he asked. “For me, it just seems beyond logical.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "despite-election-rhetoric-illegal-border-crossings-sit-at-4-year-low",
"title": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low",
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"headTitle": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]I[/dropcap]n the final days of the presidential campaign, immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border remains one of the most heated topics of the election. Former President Donald Trump calls it an “invasion,” crudely disparages immigrants and threatens mass deportations. Vice President Kamala Harris, in tacit recognition of the Biden administration’s border challenges, also vows tougher enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet illegal border crossings have \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/fy2024-us-border-encounters-plunge\">plunged to the lowest level in four years\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">new data\u003c/a> released by U.S. Customs and Border Protection. To understand how that fact squares with the fraught political rhetoric, KQED looked at the current dynamics of migration at California’s border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Pacific Ocean crashed against the beach nearby, Customs and Border Patrol spokesman Michael Scappechio stood on a well-maintained road flanked by a pair of formidable fences — 18-feet and 30-feet high — dividing the streets of Tijuana from a deserted state park in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in the last two months, this region has seen an approximate 50% decline in illegal entries,” Scappechio said. “Nationwide numbers have declined as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government first began erecting a metal fence along the border here 30 years ago this fall. Today, it’s more fortified than ever, with lighting, motion detectors, cameras, drones and other technology — as well as manpower — augmenting the fence. It’s all been reinforced under both Trump and President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iom.int/news/world-migration-report-2024-reveals-latest-global-trends-and-challenges-human-mobility\">global migration crisis\u003c/a> grew, the Biden administration confronted rising numbers of people arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. Monthly Border Patrol migrant encounters \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">hit a record high\u003c/a> of nearly 250,000 last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the administration ramped up a set of tough measures meant to deter unauthorized border crossings, reversing course from the more compassionate approach of the early years of Biden’s presidency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results have been striking. In September, Border Patrol encounters fell to 54,000 nationally, just 22% of December’s peak. The San Diego sector had the largest share of those encounters, with 13,000, but that too was down from a peak of 37,000 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors are contributing to the turnaround. For one, since the beginning of the year, Mexico has cracked down on migrants heading for the U.S. border. And in June, Biden issued an executive order barring access to the asylum process for those who enter illegally when crossings are high. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Scappechio said, a sharp \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">increase in expedited removals\u003c/a> and repatriation flights — or flying people to their home country — is sending a message to would-be migrants before they make the journey “that the borders are, in fact, not open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Partnerships with Mexico have enhanced. Policies have changed,” he said. “Messaging, I think, plays a key role because a lot of migration is oftentimes fueled by misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Smartphone app aids in vetting migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Boniface of the Haitian Bridge Alliance assists Gregory Montilla, a migrant from Venezuela, at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to preventing unauthorized border crossings, the Biden administration has also created a process for migrants without a visa to come in lawfully. They can make an appointment using a smartphone app called CBP One, get vetted at a port of entry and then enter with a temporary \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/use-parole-under-immigration-law\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates strongly criticize the CBP One app as unreliable, and \u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\">they’ve sued to block its use\u003c/a>, saying asylum seekers who lack appointments have wrongly been turned away from ports of entry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, since it began in January 2023, the process has provided more than 850,000 migrants a way to reach the U.S. legally. The parole status lasts just two years, but parolees are eligible for a work permit and can apply for asylum or another form of legal status once on U.S. soil. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appointments are scarce — 1,450 per day nationwide — compared to the number of migrants who want them. And advocates say people often spend months of insecurity in Mexican shelters, trying daily to schedule a slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Diego airport one recent afternoon, about a dozen families who entered through the CBP One process — most from Haiti, Venezuela and Honduras — sat quietly in a designated area near the baggage claim. Volunteers from the Haitian Bridge Alliance handed out snacks and helped people make travel arrangements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011963 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera, right, and Josie Mejia from Honduras wait with their two children for an evening flight at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were paroled into the U.S. after a screening scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel Herrera and his wife, Josie Mejía, entertained their two small children, ages 6 and 3, with markers and cell phone video games. They’d spent the night in the airport after they were granted permission to enter the U.S. the day before. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, 33, said they’d waited seven months, mostly in Mexico City, for their turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God we’ve arrived, and this country is giving us an opportunity. We should all appreciate the effort they’re making to receive us,” he said in a voice that expressed strain as well as relief. “We’re here because we really, really need it — not to make money, but to live where there’s safety and justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejía, 28, said they were going to Charleston, South Carolina, where her sister lives. They have an appointment to appear in immigration court next March, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband said the odyssey that led them here began more than two years earlier, when his business partner’s wife was murdered after their auto repair shop in Tegucigalpa failed to pay the monthly extortion fee demanded by a criminal group. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took off for Spain with people who promised them jobs, said Herrera, but found themselves in the hands of labor traffickers who threatened them and took their pay. It took a year to escape, he said, but as soon as they made it back to Honduras, they faced threats again. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only hope was to get to the U.S.,” Herrera said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011953\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera sits with his daughter at San Diego International Airport, Sept. 16, 2024. He, his wife and two children were traveling to unite with family after being paroled into the U.S. at a border interview scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But on the journey north through Guatemala and Mexico, Herrera said they were repeatedly robbed and mistreated — by both criminals and law enforcement. In one Guatemalan town, police stripped his 6-year-old daughter naked and touched her body, he said, leaving the girl traumatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here so we could live without fear,” he said. “I want my daughter to finally be able to go to school and make friends. To have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011941\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011941 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum seekers Gabriel Herrera and Josie Mejia head to their flight with their two children at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were traveling to unite with family after entering the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Herrera and Mejía packed up the markers and helped the children into their small jackets. It was time for their flight to Charleston. Carrying their belongings in one daypack each, they took their kids by the hand and headed up the escalator to the security line.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego as a national model: ‘It’s about dignity’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011951\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011951 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play outside at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stories like Herrera’s are common, said Dana Toppel, the CEO of Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which runs a shelter serving about 1,200 migrants a week — mostly families who entered using the CBP One app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To us, it’s about dignity. It’s really about centering the individual and being very trauma-informed,” she said, as a bus pulled up at the shelter with dozens of migrants that JFS staff had met at the San Ysidro port of entry. “They’ve gone through a lot on their journey. So anything we can do to make it easy, to make it understandable and calm, is our focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, everyone received meals, a warm bed and a place for the children to play. The shelter also provided a medical screening and help refilling prescriptions, a legal orientation about the asylum process and help applying for a work permit, and assistance making travel plans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of migrants don’t stay in San Diego long, most spending no more than a night or two at the JFS shelter before traveling on to other parts of the country to reunite with family members, Toppel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011950\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011950 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants collect luggage after arriving on a bus at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Groups like JFS and the Haitian Bridge Alliance are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://rapidresponsesd.org\">robust network of local nonprofits\u003c/a> responding to the needs of immigrants in the border region. Though they’re always looking for more resources, they say the San Diego community has stepped up and the region is not facing a migrant crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011935\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011935 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent drives east between the primary and secondary fences at the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Nora Vargas said the county has become a national model for reducing Border Patrol releases of migrants onto the streets and treating asylum seekers with dignity. The county recently won nearly $20 million from the federal Shelter and Services Program for a migrant transition center, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a lot of work to be done, but we’ve been able to allocate resources from the federal government specifically for this,” she said. “The partnership with Governor Newsom and the Biden administration has really been one that we have not had before from previous administrations.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toppel added that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state legislature have been stalwart in providing funds for her group and others, including backfilling with state dollars when federal grants have gotten tied up in red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are so lucky to be in the state of California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the humanitarian work of welcoming asylum seekers is at risk, Toppel said, as Trump has centered his campaign on the message that immigrants are criminal “animals” who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RKPFjAhd3KQ\">“poisoning the blood”\u003c/a> of the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the election coming up and the narrative that’s out there, it’s all getting mixed up,” she said. “As we head up towards November, I would say that it has created an opportunity to tell the stories of the people that we’re serving, to try to change hearts and minds around who’s actually coming and that these folks are not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s more difficult to travel across Mexico’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011949\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011949 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy Betance walks to dinner with her two daughters at a migrant shelter in Tijuana, Sept. 18, 2024. Migrants who hope to enter the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app often wait months for an appointment. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Across the border in Tijuana, the number of migrants waiting for their CBP One appointments or preparing to cross the border illegally has also diminished. Roughly 2,000 of the city’s shelter beds were available in September, according to Enrique Lucero, who recently stepped down as Tijuana’s head of migrant affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because migrants can now \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">access the CBP One app\u003c/a> from central and southern Mexico. Appointments are set 21 days in advance, giving people time to reach the U.S. border. And the Mexican government will issue a 20-day transit permit to those with proof of a CBP One appointment, Lucero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and harder to get to the north if you don’t have an appointment or a visa,” he said. “Tijuana’s not getting the foreign migrants we used to because it’s more difficult to travel across Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difficulty is largely due to the fact that Mexican authorities are transporting non-Mexican migrants south to the state of Tabasco and containing them in southern Mexico, said Lucero. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s pressure, or at least a request, from the United States to help put the brakes on the number of migrants reaching the border. It’s a political question, with an election underway,” Lucero said. “We need migration controls because we can’t turn a blind eye to the smuggling operations. And also it affects the binational relationship.” \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fewer people navigate the harsh terrain to reach the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011948 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Salinas of Grupo Beta (L) sits with Irving Ortiz, as he calls his mother, on Sept. 17, 2024. Ortiz was picked up and offered assistance by Grupo Beta when he was walking along Highway 2D between Tijuana and Tecate. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alejandro Salinas, the head of the Baja California office of Grupo Beta, the Mexican immigration agency’s search and rescue arm, said that when his teams go out to locate migrants in distress, they encounter fewer people trying to sneak into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing fewer migrants trying to cross the mountains or the desert,” he said. “But, unfortunately, we’ve had four deaths this year from heat stroke, just in Baja California.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving east from Tijuana along Highway 2 with the border fence in sight, Salinas said he’s seen more policing underway by his counterparts in the enforcement arm of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gob.mx/inm/que-hacemos\">Mexico’s National Immigration Institute\u003c/a>, or INM. Though they’re both part of the same agency, he emphasized that Grupo Beta’s work is strictly humanitarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011945\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011945 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A member of the Mexican army keeps watch outside a camp along the U.S.-Mexico border in Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. The camps were established along the border earlier this year to deter migrant crossings. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his team stopped at one of several bases that the INM established in rural stretches along the border earlier this year. With soldiers from the Mexican Armed Forces to protect against criminal smuggling organizations, INM agents patrol the remote rural areas to intercept non-Mexicans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INM enforcement agent Abraham Basurto said they had been out before dawn and encountered an Uzbek man with a broken ankle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided first aid and transferred him to Tijuana,” Basurto said. “We make sure migrants are okay. After that, the most important thing is to check whether they’re in the country legally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011937 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S.-Mexico border fence runs west between the eastern outskirts of Tijuana and the Otay Mountain Wilderness, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the patrols commonly encounter groups of 10 to 20 migrants. And they’re coming from countries outside the hemisphere. Those migrants often cross the border illegally and turn themselves in to Border Patrol agents to request asylum, but in recent months, the number of people from those nationalities reaching the U.S. has dropped dramatically. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people out here from many countries — Uzbekistan, Mauritania, China, Cameroon, Tajikistan — but not from Latin America,” he said. “With groups like this, we obviously have to check what they’re doing out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Grupo Beta team drove on to La Rumorosa, a forbidding mountainous region at 4,000 feet elevation, studded with boulders and cactus and known for its howling winds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011947\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011947 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally frequently travel through the rugged and dangerous terrain in La Rumorosa, Mexico, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his three colleagues, in their trademark orange jackets, left their trucks on a highway turnout and started down through the rocks. It’s a common smuggling route, so they typically hike through there every couple of days on the lookout for stranded migrants. They’ve even marked certain boulders with large numerals to help navigate the bleak terrain where migrants are often abandoned.\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>“The smuggler just points north — toward a U.S. wind farm or the border fence — and they say, ‘Just walk and you’ll reach the United States,’” he said. “But they don’t say that you have to descend this mountain and climb the next one. They don’t say how dangerous it is or how easily a person can get lost out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011964\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011964 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perla Godínez from Grupo Beta looks out across the rugged terrain of La Rumorosa, a desolate area traversed by migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To emphasize the point, one of the other agents, Perla Godínez, pulled out her phone and opened up a video of a recent rescue. In it, a man is sobbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took a long time to find this group. There were five of them, including a child,” she said. “The rescue took 18 hours because we had no cell phone signal, so we went from one place to another, looking. They were really weak when we found them, and one guy was crying because he thought they were going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godínez said she first learned about Grupo Beta when she worked as a 911 dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took the calls from migrants who were lost, and I passed the reports to Grupo Beta,” she said. “I decided to change jobs because I wanted to know that the migrants who called for help were being found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011943\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maribel Moreno, left, and Carlos Parra from a Grupo Beta search and rescue team walk along old train tracks that are a common route for migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All the fencing and the policing by both countries, the asylum restrictions and the lawful pathways to humanitarian parole have vastly reduced the number of people entering the U.S. illegally. But they don’t get at the root causes of why people migrate, so some will keep trying, said Lucero, the former Tijuana migrant affairs director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as if things are all better in Venezuela, or the war in Ukraine is over, or there’s no more poverty in southern Africa,” he said. “This calm that we’re seeing may be temporary. We don’t know how long it’s going to last.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Border Patrol encounters with unauthorized migrants at the U.S.-Mexico border are the lowest in four years, while San Diego emerges as a national model for aiding those seeking refuge.",
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"title": "Despite Election Rhetoric, Illegal Border Crossings Sit at 4-Year Low | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">I\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n the final days of the presidential campaign, immigration at the U.S.-Mexico border remains one of the most heated topics of the election. Former President Donald Trump calls it an “invasion,” crudely disparages immigrants and threatens mass deportations. Vice President Kamala Harris, in tacit recognition of the Biden administration’s border challenges, also vows tougher enforcement. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet illegal border crossings have \u003ca href=\"https://www.migrationpolicy.org/news/fy2024-us-border-encounters-plunge\">plunged to the lowest level in four years\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">new data\u003c/a> released by U.S. Customs and Border Protection. To understand how that fact squares with the fraught political rhetoric, KQED looked at the current dynamics of migration at California’s border with Mexico.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Pacific Ocean crashed against the beach nearby, Customs and Border Patrol spokesman Michael Scappechio stood on a well-maintained road flanked by a pair of formidable fences — 18-feet and 30-feet high — dividing the streets of Tijuana from a deserted state park in San Diego.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Just in the last two months, this region has seen an approximate 50% decline in illegal entries,” Scappechio said. “Nationwide numbers have declined as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. government first began erecting a metal fence along the border here 30 years ago this fall. Today, it’s more fortified than ever, with lighting, motion detectors, cameras, drones and other technology — as well as manpower — augmenting the fence. It’s all been reinforced under both Trump and President Joe Biden.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet, in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.iom.int/news/world-migration-report-2024-reveals-latest-global-trends-and-challenges-human-mobility\">global migration crisis\u003c/a> grew, the Biden administration confronted rising numbers of people arriving at the U.S.-Mexico border. Monthly Border Patrol migrant encounters \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/southwest-land-border-encounters\">hit a record high\u003c/a> of nearly 250,000 last December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, the administration ramped up a set of tough measures meant to deter unauthorized border crossings, reversing course from the more compassionate approach of the early years of Biden’s presidency. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results have been striking. In September, Border Patrol encounters fell to 54,000 nationally, just 22% of December’s peak. The San Diego sector had the largest share of those encounters, with 13,000, but that too was down from a peak of 37,000 in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several factors are contributing to the turnaround. For one, since the beginning of the year, Mexico has cracked down on migrants heading for the U.S. border. And in June, Biden issued an executive order barring access to the asylum process for those who enter illegally when crossings are high. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, Scappechio said, a sharp \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/national-media-release/cbp-releases-september-2024-monthly-update\">increase in expedited removals\u003c/a> and repatriation flights — or flying people to their home country — is sending a message to would-be migrants before they make the journey “that the borders are, in fact, not open.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Partnerships with Mexico have enhanced. Policies have changed,” he said. “Messaging, I think, plays a key role because a lot of migration is oftentimes fueled by misinformation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Smartphone app aids in vetting migrants\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011958\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011958 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">David Boniface of the Haitian Bridge Alliance assists Gregory Montilla, a migrant from Venezuela, at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to preventing unauthorized border crossings, the Biden administration has also created a process for migrants without a visa to come in lawfully. They can make an appointment using a smartphone app called CBP One, get vetted at a port of entry and then enter with a temporary \u003ca href=\"https://www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org/research/use-parole-under-immigration-law\">humanitarian parole\u003c/a>. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immigrant advocates strongly criticize the CBP One app as unreliable, and \u003ca href=\"https://cgrs.uclawsf.edu/our-work/litigation/al-otro-lado-and-haitian-bridge-alliance-v-mayorkas\">they’ve sued to block its use\u003c/a>, saying asylum seekers who lack appointments have wrongly been turned away from ports of entry. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, since it began in January 2023, the process has provided more than 850,000 migrants a way to reach the U.S. legally. The parole status lasts just two years, but parolees are eligible for a work permit and can apply for asylum or another form of legal status once on U.S. soil. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the appointments are scarce — 1,450 per day nationwide — compared to the number of migrants who want them. And advocates say people often spend months of insecurity in Mexican shelters, trying daily to schedule a slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the San Diego airport one recent afternoon, about a dozen families who entered through the CBP One process — most from Haiti, Venezuela and Honduras — sat quietly in a designated area near the baggage claim. Volunteers from the Haitian Bridge Alliance handed out snacks and helped people make travel arrangements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011963\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011963 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-19-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera, right, and Josie Mejia from Honduras wait with their two children for an evening flight at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were paroled into the U.S. after a screening scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Gabriel Herrera and his wife, Josie Mejía, entertained their two small children, ages 6 and 3, with markers and cell phone video games. They’d spent the night in the airport after they were granted permission to enter the U.S. the day before. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Herrera, 33, said they’d waited seven months, mostly in Mexico City, for their turn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thank God we’ve arrived, and this country is giving us an opportunity. We should all appreciate the effort they’re making to receive us,” he said in a voice that expressed strain as well as relief. “We’re here because we really, really need it — not to make money, but to live where there’s safety and justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mejía, 28, said they were going to Charleston, South Carolina, where her sister lives. They have an appointment to appear in immigration court next March, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her husband said the odyssey that led them here began more than two years earlier, when his business partner’s wife was murdered after their auto repair shop in Tegucigalpa failed to pay the monthly extortion fee demanded by a criminal group. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They took off for Spain with people who promised them jobs, said Herrera, but found themselves in the hands of labor traffickers who threatened them and took their pay. It took a year to escape, he said, but as soon as they made it back to Honduras, they faced threats again. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only hope was to get to the U.S.,” Herrera said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011953\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011953 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-17-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriel Herrera sits with his daughter at San Diego International Airport, Sept. 16, 2024. He, his wife and two children were traveling to unite with family after being paroled into the U.S. at a border interview scheduled through the CBP One smartphone app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But on the journey north through Guatemala and Mexico, Herrera said they were repeatedly robbed and mistreated — by both criminals and law enforcement. In one Guatemalan town, police stripped his 6-year-old daughter naked and touched her body, he said, leaving the girl traumatized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came here so we could live without fear,” he said. “I want my daughter to finally be able to go to school and make friends. To have a normal life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011941\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011941 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Asylum seekers Gabriel Herrera and Josie Mejia head to their flight with their two children at San Diego International Airport on Sept. 16, 2024. They were traveling to unite with family after entering the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Then Herrera and Mejía packed up the markers and helped the children into their small jackets. It was time for their flight to Charleston. Carrying their belongings in one daypack each, they took their kids by the hand and headed up the escalator to the security line.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Diego as a national model: ‘It’s about dignity’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011951\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011951 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-16-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play outside at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Stories like Herrera’s are common, said Dana Toppel, the CEO of Jewish Family Service of San Diego, which runs a shelter serving about 1,200 migrants a week — mostly families who entered using the CBP One app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To us, it’s about dignity. It’s really about centering the individual and being very trauma-informed,” she said, as a bus pulled up at the shelter with dozens of migrants that JFS staff had met at the San Ysidro port of entry. “They’ve gone through a lot on their journey. So anything we can do to make it easy, to make it understandable and calm, is our focus.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside, everyone received meals, a warm bed and a place for the children to play. The shelter also provided a medical screening and help refilling prescriptions, a legal orientation about the asylum process and help applying for a work permit, and assistance making travel plans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of migrants don’t stay in San Diego long, most spending no more than a night or two at the JFS shelter before traveling on to other parts of the country to reunite with family members, Toppel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011950\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011950 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-15-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants collect luggage after arriving on a bus at the Jewish Family Service shelter for migrants in San Diego, Sept. 19, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Groups like JFS and the Haitian Bridge Alliance are part of a \u003ca href=\"https://rapidresponsesd.org\">robust network of local nonprofits\u003c/a> responding to the needs of immigrants in the border region. Though they’re always looking for more resources, they say the San Diego community has stepped up and the region is not facing a migrant crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011935\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011935 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A U.S. Border Patrol agent drives east between the primary and secondary fences at the U.S.-Mexico border in San Diego, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Diego County Supervisor Nora Vargas said the county has become a national model for reducing Border Patrol releases of migrants onto the streets and treating asylum seekers with dignity. The county recently won nearly $20 million from the federal Shelter and Services Program for a migrant transition center, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a lot of work to be done, but we’ve been able to allocate resources from the federal government specifically for this,” she said. “The partnership with Governor Newsom and the Biden administration has really been one that we have not had before from previous administrations.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toppel added that Gov. Gavin Newsom and the state legislature have been stalwart in providing funds for her group and others, including backfilling with state dollars when federal grants have gotten tied up in red tape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are so lucky to be in the state of California,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the humanitarian work of welcoming asylum seekers is at risk, Toppel said, as Trump has centered his campaign on the message that immigrants are criminal “animals” who are \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RKPFjAhd3KQ\">“poisoning the blood”\u003c/a> of the country. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the election coming up and the narrative that’s out there, it’s all getting mixed up,” she said. “As we head up towards November, I would say that it has created an opportunity to tell the stories of the people that we’re serving, to try to change hearts and minds around who’s actually coming and that these folks are not dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘It’s more difficult to travel across Mexico’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011949\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011949 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-14-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Wendy Betance walks to dinner with her two daughters at a migrant shelter in Tijuana, Sept. 18, 2024. Migrants who hope to enter the U.S. lawfully using the CBP One app often wait months for an appointment. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Across the border in Tijuana, the number of migrants waiting for their CBP One appointments or preparing to cross the border illegally has also diminished. Roughly 2,000 of the city’s shelter beds were available in September, according to Enrique Lucero, who recently stepped down as Tijuana’s head of migrant affairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s partly because migrants can now \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/about/mobile-apps-directory/cbpone\">access the CBP One app\u003c/a> from central and southern Mexico. Appointments are set 21 days in advance, giving people time to reach the U.S. border. And the Mexican government will issue a 20-day transit permit to those with proof of a CBP One appointment, Lucero said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and harder to get to the north if you don’t have an appointment or a visa,” he said. “Tijuana’s not getting the foreign migrants we used to because it’s more difficult to travel across Mexico.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That difficulty is largely due to the fact that Mexican authorities are transporting non-Mexican migrants south to the state of Tabasco and containing them in southern Mexico, said Lucero. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s pressure, or at least a request, from the United States to help put the brakes on the number of migrants reaching the border. It’s a political question, with an election underway,” Lucero said. “We need migration controls because we can’t turn a blind eye to the smuggling operations. And also it affects the binational relationship.” \u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fewer people navigate the harsh terrain to reach the U.S.\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011948\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011948 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-13-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alejandro Salinas of Grupo Beta (L) sits with Irving Ortiz, as he calls his mother, on Sept. 17, 2024. Ortiz was picked up and offered assistance by Grupo Beta when he was walking along Highway 2D between Tijuana and Tecate. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Alejandro Salinas, the head of the Baja California office of Grupo Beta, the Mexican immigration agency’s search and rescue arm, said that when his teams go out to locate migrants in distress, they encounter fewer people trying to sneak into the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing fewer migrants trying to cross the mountains or the desert,” he said. “But, unfortunately, we’ve had four deaths this year from heat stroke, just in Baja California.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving east from Tijuana along Highway 2 with the border fence in sight, Salinas said he’s seen more policing underway by his counterparts in the enforcement arm of \u003ca href=\"https://www.gob.mx/inm/que-hacemos\">Mexico’s National Immigration Institute\u003c/a>, or INM. Though they’re both part of the same agency, he emphasized that Grupo Beta’s work is strictly humanitarian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011945\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011945 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-11-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A member of the Mexican army keeps watch outside a camp along the U.S.-Mexico border in Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. The camps were established along the border earlier this year to deter migrant crossings. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his team stopped at one of several bases that the INM established in rural stretches along the border earlier this year. With soldiers from the Mexican Armed Forces to protect against criminal smuggling organizations, INM agents patrol the remote rural areas to intercept non-Mexicans. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INM enforcement agent Abraham Basurto said they had been out before dawn and encountered an Uzbek man with a broken ankle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We provided first aid and transferred him to Tijuana,” Basurto said. “We make sure migrants are okay. After that, the most important thing is to check whether they’re in the country legally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011937\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011937 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-05-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The U.S.-Mexico border fence runs west between the eastern outskirts of Tijuana and the Otay Mountain Wilderness, Sept. 16, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He said the patrols commonly encounter groups of 10 to 20 migrants. And they’re coming from countries outside the hemisphere. Those migrants often cross the border illegally and turn themselves in to Border Patrol agents to request asylum, but in recent months, the number of people from those nationalities reaching the U.S. has dropped dramatically. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people out here from many countries — Uzbekistan, Mauritania, China, Cameroon, Tajikistan — but not from Latin America,” he said. “With groups like this, we obviously have to check what they’re doing out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the Grupo Beta team drove on to La Rumorosa, a forbidding mountainous region at 4,000 feet elevation, studded with boulders and cactus and known for its howling winds. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011947\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011947 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-12-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Migrants attempting to cross the U.S.-Mexico border illegally frequently travel through the rugged and dangerous terrain in La Rumorosa, Mexico, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Salinas and his three colleagues, in their trademark orange jackets, left their trucks on a highway turnout and started down through the rocks. It’s a common smuggling route, so they typically hike through there every couple of days on the lookout for stranded migrants. They’ve even marked certain boulders with large numerals to help navigate the bleak terrain where migrants are often abandoned.\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>\u003cb>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/b>“The smuggler just points north — toward a U.S. wind farm or the border fence — and they say, ‘Just walk and you’ll reach the United States,’” he said. “But they don’t say that you have to descend this mountain and climb the next one. They don’t say how dangerous it is or how easily a person can get lost out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011964\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011964 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-20-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Perla Godínez from Grupo Beta looks out across the rugged terrain of La Rumorosa, a desolate area traversed by migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border illegally, on Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To emphasize the point, one of the other agents, Perla Godínez, pulled out her phone and opened up a video of a recent rescue. In it, a man is sobbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It took a long time to find this group. There were five of them, including a child,” she said. “The rescue took 18 hours because we had no cell phone signal, so we went from one place to another, looking. They were really weak when we found them, and one guy was crying because he thought they were going to die.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Godínez said she first learned about Grupo Beta when she worked as a 911 dispatcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took the calls from migrants who were lost, and I passed the reports to Grupo Beta,” she said. “I decided to change jobs because I wanted to know that the migrants who called for help were being found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011943\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011943 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241031-BORDER-CROSSINGS-ZM-09-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maribel Moreno, left, and Carlos Parra from a Grupo Beta search and rescue team walk along old train tracks that are a common route for migrants crossing the U.S.-Mexico border outside Tecate, Sept. 17, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zoë Meyers for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>All the fencing and the policing by both countries, the asylum restrictions and the lawful pathways to humanitarian parole have vastly reduced the number of people entering the U.S. illegally. But they don’t get at the root causes of why people migrate, so some will keep trying, said Lucero, the former Tijuana migrant affairs director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 Bay Area Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/bayarea,Learn about every single race and measure across the nine Bay Area counties' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Bay-Area-Voter-Guide-2024-Primary-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.[aside postID=science_1995033 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2024/10/Claremont-Canyon-by-Fred-Rowe-East-Bay-Regional-Park-District-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11764070]“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We’re almost there, folks. Two years of nonstop campaigning for the White House will finally come to a close this Tuesday, Nov. 5, on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008419/ballot-drop-off-location-near-me-early-voting-site-election-2024\">Election Day\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the Pew Research Center found that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/\">65% of Americans say they always or often feel “exhausted” when thinking about politics\u003c/a>. And that was before all the dramatic twists and turns of 2024 that have given us the present circumstances: Vice President Kamala Harris and former president Donald Trump \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/10/25/us/politics/poll-harris-trump-times-siena.html\">deadlocked in the polls of every single swing state\u003c/a>, leaving even the most experienced political analysts with little clue of who will be the next president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But besides election exhaustion, there are other feelings felt across the political spectrum, from anxiety and frustration to straight-up fear. Among many undocumented and mixed-status immigrant families, for example, there’s a lot of nervousness about Trump enacting what he calls “\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtpORNvI26w\">the largest deportation program in American history\u003c/a>.” After the former president survived a public assassination attempt in July at a Pennsylvania campaign rally, a large number of his most ardent supporters \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/after-the-assassination-attempt-against-trump-anger-and-anxiety-loom-over-the-republican-convention\">fear that Trump could be targeted again\u003c/a>. And as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011576/what-do-young-voters-care-about-most-in-this-presidential-election\">millions of Gen Z Americans prepare to cast their votes for the first time\u003c/a>, many have shared \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967133/charli-xcx-fans-election-2024-harris-trump\">their frustration that neither candidate may do enough to protect the lives of Palestinians in Gaza\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’re feeling these big emotions, you’re not alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s normalize [feeling] anxious because it is a very high-stakes election,” said Kelli McLean, a California marriage and family therapist who works on issues relating to trauma, anxiety and depression with her clients. “This is anxiety-provoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of times when we’re feeling a certain type of way about something, it comes out in other ways we don’t expect,” said Ioanna Angelakis, a licensed marriage and family therapist based in San Francisco. “So it’s really important to be honest and truthful with yourself and others about what’s going on and to formulate a plan, so you have something to fall back on — should the worst thing happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for expert advice on the things you can do before, on and after Nov. 5 to help manage anxiety about the 2024 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Try to consume less election news\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When something is very important to us, it’s normal for us to keep checking on it as much as we can. In a presidential election as unpredictable as this one, we may have the TV on all the time or be constantly checking social media to see if there’s any tiny piece of new information that will give us hope that things will “go our way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But seeking out this feeling of control — in a situation that frankly cannot be controlled by any one single individual — can lead to us feeling even more helpless, McClean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a direct correlation between how much anxiety people are feeling to what they’re watching,” she said. “The election is everywhere, and people are inundating themselves with this. It’s information overload.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One recommendation McLean has been sharing with her clients is to stay away from social media as much as they can — or as much as they can bear — for the next few days. “They’re limiting their exposure to these 24-hour news cycles, which can be anxiety-provoking for people,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Remember, polls aren’t crystal balls\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/lowdown/3825/what-is-the-electoral-college-and-is-it-time-to-get-rid-of-it\">seven swing states that are key to winning the election\u003c/a>, polls have switched back and forth between a Trump lead and a Harris lead for weeks now. While you may look for any sliver of hope in new polls, keep in mind that most recent polls \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/harris-trump-poll-pennsylvania-29-10-2024/\">have only changed by 1 or 2 percentage points\u003c/a>, which is within a poll’s margin of error — the window of uncertainty your poll results may have. For example, in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-harris-poll-gender-gap/\">Oct. 28 CBS News/YouGov poll of registered voters in Pennsylvania\u003c/a>, Harris and Trump are tied 49%–49%, but the margin of error is 2.6%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls are, after all, surveys of smaller groups meant to reflect a larger population. While Harris and Trump are tied among the smaller group surveyed, that doesn’t mean that in all of Pennsylvania, there’s a perfect tie among those who plan to vote for Harris and Trump. The margin of error tells us that the candidates’ numbers could actually be a little higher or a little lower — within that 2.6% range.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of this goes to say that it’s probably a good idea to limit how much we look at polls. Remember: the 2016 and 2020 elections delivered many electoral surprises that polls didn’t predict. Since then, \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/2024-elections/370649/trust-polls-2016-2020-election-2024-pollster-polling-miss\">pollsters have refined their methods\u003c/a> — but even they say that polls are not “perfectly predictive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why therapists like Angelakis are reminding their clients to accept the uncertainty in this major event and work from there. “The future is unpredictable and unknown — it’s a mystery,” she said. “All we can do is just stay grounded.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Enjoy the weekend before Election Day as much as you can\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yes, the first Tuesday of November could be historic for the country. But let’s not forget that the first \u003cem>weekend\u003c/em> of November is quite special in its own right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diwali, the Hindu festival that celebrates light triumphing over darkness, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/entertainment/article/diwali-deepavali-hindu-festival-19854481.php\">begins this year in the early hours of Thursday, Oct. 31\u003c/a>, and lasts until the next morning. Halloween is also on Thursday — a perfect excuse for families and friends to get together ahead of the weekend.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, Nov. 1 and Saturday, Nov. 2, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/dia-de-los-muertos\">Día de los Muertos\u003c/a> will be celebrated across California, with cities like \u003ca href=\"https://www.dayofthedeadsf.org/\">San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://unitycouncil.org/program/diaoakland/\">Oakland\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://diasanjose.com/\">San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://boyleheightsbeat.com/your-guide-to-free-dia-de-los-muertos-events-on-the-eastside/\">Los Angeles \u003c/a>hosting community-led celebrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Enjoy your weekend,” Angelakis said. “Don’t let these fears take you over because they’re just fears right now … they’re not your reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13967439/merlin-the-pig-northern-california-animals-house-pig-mina-alali-davis\">some joyful things going on to distract you\u003c/a>, and most importantly, find ways to laugh with your loved ones, she recommended. Even try to “poke fun at your fears,” Angelakis said, “and you can let out steam that way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can also read our guide to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995033/12-bay-area-hikes-for-escaping-the-election-even-for-a-few-hours\">the outdoor spots in the Bay Area that might bring you a little calm and peace\u003c/a> in the run-up to Election Day and beyond.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Parents and caregivers: Keep in mind the needs of your little ones\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even if your family doesn’t talk too much about politics at the dinner table, there’s still a chance that your child may be hearing about the election from their friends or classmates. Whether they share this directly with you or not, they may be absorbing the anxiety of others around them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids are the spokespeople of their parents and their family’s fears,” Angelakis said. “When your child is acting out, or when your child is isolating, these are signs that your child is worried about something.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is when it’s very important to have \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11764070/how-to-talk-with-kids-after-a-traumatic-event\">age-appropriate conversations about what’s happening out in the world\u003c/a>, McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If you’re dealing with a small child, know that a lot of this is too much for them to fully take in, and it can be traumatizing,” she said. “You can explain to them the process without going into scary details: ‘Two people are competing and they have different beliefs. People can get very mad and nervous about it. But you’re still going to be safe in this home with your parents.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t want to lie to them or over-promise, but just not expose them to things that are not appropriate on the news or social media,” McLean said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/mindshift/59143/war-crisis-tragedy-how-to-talk-with-kids-when-the-news-is-scary\">\u003cem>Read KQED’s bilingual guide on how to talk to kids during difficult or scary major moments.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Watch your anxiety levels on Election Day itself …\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It’s Nov. 5. You — or those around — have already voted. And results of the presidential election start coming in at 5 p.m. Pacific Time, when the polls close on the East Coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every major TV network will have nonstop coverage of the results throughout the night, and it’s very likely that most restaurants, bars and community spaces with a television will be showing this coverage. But remember: you can choose how much of this coverage you consume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you know that waiting hours into the early morning for the results of each swing state — which just a few thousand votes could decide — will really set your anxiety spiraling, take breaks from watching. What might be even better for you is making a plan with family or friends to do something completely different on Nov. 5.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of how much (or little) news you consume on Tuesday, remember: there will still be results at the end of the vote count — which could take days, like it did in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>… and focus on your breathing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Another strategy that Angelakis recommends is giving yourself time for breathing exercises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Take two breaths in and one breath out,” she said, adding that you can do as many of these exercises until you start feeling a little more grounded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you try that breathing, it feels really good,” Angelakis said. “It calms your nervous system down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She especially recommends doing these breathing exercises if anxious thoughts start coming in throughout Election Night. When you feel these thoughts rising, “visualize the best possible outcome in a day of your life,” she said, “from every last detail that you wake up until the moment you go to bed at night.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why: By bringing back our focus to our own lives and our own actions, we remind ourselves what is in our own control — and let go of worries about things out of our control.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t forget the power you have in your own community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The results of this general election will not impact everyone equally — and this is true far beyond the presidential race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When talking to folks from communities that are most vulnerable to policy shifts, McLean hears how folks sometimes feel disconnected from the decisions happening in Washington, D.C. “They feel powerless,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But ultimately, “we are not powerless,” McClean said. “Getting involved in grassroots activism, something local in your own community, can help with these feelings of powerlessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>And remember that even if you can’t vote — whether it’s because of your immigration status, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009162/election-2024-what-are-the-voting-rights-of-current-and-formerly-incarcerated-californians\">criminal record\u003c/a> or age — you still have a lot of power. In the Bay Area, for example, the labor rights organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/about\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a> (TUWU) has helped undocumented workers organize themselves for years to demand and gain higher wages, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11946661/ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits\">labor protections\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005037/sf-proposes-relief-fund-to-aid-wage-theft-victims-left-unpaid-by-employers\">social services\u003c/a> at the local and state level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are multi-year fights. They don’t happen overnight,” said Samuel Romero, organizing director of TUWU. “So many of these things wouldn’t have been able to pass without the support of the community that we organize with, the majority being folks that aren’t even eligible to vote.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as you work with your community to make change, don’t forget that a big part of that is also what happens in your home. “It is a huge election, and there is a lot at stake,” McClean said. “But it is important for people to ground themselves in their own lives and really take care of themselves first.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Bay Area Air District Hits Valero's Benicia Refinery With 'Historic' $82 Million Fine",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:35 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regional and state air pollution regulators have hit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/valero-refinery\">oil company Valero\u003c/a> with a penalty of $82 million for at least 15 years of unreported toxic emissions and other alleged air quality violations by its refinery in the Solano County town of Benicia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The penalty, part of a settlement involving the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area-air-quality-management-district\">Bay Area Air Quality Management District\u003c/a>, the California Air Resources Board and Texas-based Valero, is the largest ever levied by the district and is among the biggest imposed nationwide as the result of refinery operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement calls for $64 million of the settlement amount to be used for projects that will address the refinery’s air pollution impacts in Benicia, a city of 26,000 on the northern shore of the Carquinez Strait. The air district said those projects would be chosen in a process involving residents, community groups, advocates and elected officials. Some $16 million of the penalty will be devoted to projects in other Bay Area communities identified by regulators as “overburdened” by air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This penalty sends a strong message; adherence to air quality standards is both necessary and expected, and failure to do so can lead to significant fines,” Steve Young, Benicia mayor and member of the air district board, said in a statement. “Benicia residents need to know that air quality violations are taken seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25260383/valero-baaqmd-carb_agreement-241024.pdf\">32-page settlement \u003c/a>(PDF) released Thursday details dozens of alleged violations of air district regulations and state law, including a long history of unreported emissions of toxic chemicals that began in 2003 or earlier but were not discovered by the air district until 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district said the refinery systems that generate and channel hydrogen throughout the facility emitted substances, including organic compounds that worsen smog and particulate pollution, as well as benzene, toluene and other compounds that cause cancer, reproductive harm and other health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators also accused the refinery of releasing an estimated 8,400 tons of these substances between 2003 and 2019. That’s about 2.7 tons for each day on which violations occurred, or 360 times the legal limit, the district said, adding that refinery management knew for years that its system contained the harmful contaminants “but did not report them or take any steps to prevent them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero said in the settlement document that it aimed to avoid litigation and that it “does not admit or necessarily agree with” the allegations against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.beniciarefinery.com/air-district-settlement\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an online statement\u003c/a>, the company said it had “endeavored to comply with federal rules associated with the hydrogen system; however, the district has much more stringent regulations.” The company characterized the releases as “trace levels of organic compounds” and added that the air district’s own health risk assessment found they posed only “negligible” health risks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905065/first-i-had-heard-of-it-valeros-benicia-refinery-secretly-released-toxic-chemicals-for-years\">As first reported by KQED in 2022\u003c/a>, the air district aroused the anger of Benicia residents and elected officials by failing to alert the community about the emissions for nearly three years after they became aware of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12010828 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/GETTYIMAGES-2053492564-KQED-e1729796821581-1020x683.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Philip Fine, the air district’s executive officer, called the settlement “historic” and said it shows “the air district’s unwavering commitment to holding polluters accountable and safeguarding the health of those living in refinery communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district’s initial failure to alert Benicia residents to the refinery’s unreported emissions was “frustrating and disturbing,” Mayor Young said in an interview Thursday. The Valero settlement “will go a long way to rebuilding that faith and trust in the air district’s operations going forward,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the monetary penalties, the settlement gives Valero 30 months to design, get permits for and install systems to prevent toxic releases from its hydrogen units. The company also agreed to train key employees on the air district regulations for the refinery’s various processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Valero settlement is the latest in a series of high-profile enforcement actions the district has undertaken against Bay Area refineries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the agency hit Chevron with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975650/bay-air-district-hails-decisive-victory-in-battle-to-cut-refinery-pollution\">$20 million in penalties\u003c/a> for 678 violations of air district regulations at its Richmond refinery. The district also won an agreement from the oil company to drop its opposition to new regulations that require refineries to clean up particulate emissions. Chevron could face further penalties — more than $80 million — if it fails to implement measures to meet particulate emission standards within four years of a 2026 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the agency fined the Marathon Martinez refinery \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/100224-ymarathon-penalty\">$5 million\u003c/a> for 59 air quality violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11:35 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regional and state air pollution regulators have hit \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/valero-refinery\">oil company Valero\u003c/a> with a penalty of $82 million for at least 15 years of unreported toxic emissions and other alleged air quality violations by its refinery in the Solano County town of Benicia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The penalty, part of a settlement involving the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area-air-quality-management-district\">Bay Area Air Quality Management District\u003c/a>, the California Air Resources Board and Texas-based Valero, is the largest ever levied by the district and is among the biggest imposed nationwide as the result of refinery operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement calls for $64 million of the settlement amount to be used for projects that will address the refinery’s air pollution impacts in Benicia, a city of 26,000 on the northern shore of the Carquinez Strait. The air district said those projects would be chosen in a process involving residents, community groups, advocates and elected officials. Some $16 million of the penalty will be devoted to projects in other Bay Area communities identified by regulators as “overburdened” by air pollution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This penalty sends a strong message; adherence to air quality standards is both necessary and expected, and failure to do so can lead to significant fines,” Steve Young, Benicia mayor and member of the air district board, said in a statement. “Benicia residents need to know that air quality violations are taken seriously.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25260383/valero-baaqmd-carb_agreement-241024.pdf\">32-page settlement \u003c/a>(PDF) released Thursday details dozens of alleged violations of air district regulations and state law, including a long history of unreported emissions of toxic chemicals that began in 2003 or earlier but were not discovered by the air district until 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district said the refinery systems that generate and channel hydrogen throughout the facility emitted substances, including organic compounds that worsen smog and particulate pollution, as well as benzene, toluene and other compounds that cause cancer, reproductive harm and other health concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regulators also accused the refinery of releasing an estimated 8,400 tons of these substances between 2003 and 2019. That’s about 2.7 tons for each day on which violations occurred, or 360 times the legal limit, the district said, adding that refinery management knew for years that its system contained the harmful contaminants “but did not report them or take any steps to prevent them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valero said in the settlement document that it aimed to avoid litigation and that it “does not admit or necessarily agree with” the allegations against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://www.beniciarefinery.com/air-district-settlement\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">an online statement\u003c/a>, the company said it had “endeavored to comply with federal rules associated with the hydrogen system; however, the district has much more stringent regulations.” The company characterized the releases as “trace levels of organic compounds” and added that the air district’s own health risk assessment found they posed only “negligible” health risks. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905065/first-i-had-heard-of-it-valeros-benicia-refinery-secretly-released-toxic-chemicals-for-years\">As first reported by KQED in 2022\u003c/a>, the air district aroused the anger of Benicia residents and elected officials by failing to alert the community about the emissions for nearly three years after they became aware of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Philip Fine, the air district’s executive officer, called the settlement “historic” and said it shows “the air district’s unwavering commitment to holding polluters accountable and safeguarding the health of those living in refinery communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The air district’s initial failure to alert Benicia residents to the refinery’s unreported emissions was “frustrating and disturbing,” Mayor Young said in an interview Thursday. The Valero settlement “will go a long way to rebuilding that faith and trust in the air district’s operations going forward,” he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to the monetary penalties, the settlement gives Valero 30 months to design, get permits for and install systems to prevent toxic releases from its hydrogen units. The company also agreed to train key employees on the air district regulations for the refinery’s various processes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Valero settlement is the latest in a series of high-profile enforcement actions the district has undertaken against Bay Area refineries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the agency hit Chevron with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975650/bay-air-district-hails-decisive-victory-in-battle-to-cut-refinery-pollution\">$20 million in penalties\u003c/a> for 678 violations of air district regulations at its Richmond refinery. The district also won an agreement from the oil company to drop its opposition to new regulations that require refineries to clean up particulate emissions. Chevron could face further penalties — more than $80 million — if it fails to implement measures to meet particulate emission standards within four years of a 2026 deadline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, the agency fined the Marathon Martinez refinery \u003ca href=\"https://www.baaqmd.gov/en/news-and-events/page-resources/2024-news/100224-ymarathon-penalty\">$5 million\u003c/a> for 59 air quality violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "as-recall-vote-nears-alameda-county-da-says-shes-faced-resistance-her-entire-term",
"title": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term",
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"headTitle": "As Recall Vote Nears, Alameda County DA Says She’s Faced Resistance Her Entire Term | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12009700 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-11_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12001150 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240821-ANTIRECALL-AF-05-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-Alameda-County-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "An Oakland Chamber of Commerce poll found that more than half of Oakland voters support recalling Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a tough few weeks for Alameda County District Attorney Price, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda/races#district-attorney-recall\">faces a recall election\u003c/a> Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall has been endorsed by her longtime political opponent, former Alameda County District Attorney \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010683/former-alameda-county-da-nancy-omalley-endorses-recall-pamela-price\">Nancy O’Malley\u003c/a>, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/opinion/editorials/article/endorsement-pamela-price-recall-alameda-da-19831707.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/10/25/alameda-county-district-attorney-recall-pamela-price-editorial/\">\u003cem>East Bay Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Dublin), who represents southeastern Alameda County, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007542/recall-targeting-alameda-county-da-is-endorsed-by-east-bay-congressman\">supports the recall\u003c/a> and is \u003ca href=\"https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/g5dfnv45ya1mpn74zxf8l/SWALWELL-Price-Ltr-FINAL.pdf?rlkey=ytiyanej1fmu9o486crarpuww&e=1&st=mcxu8m10&dl=0\">threatening to sue\u003c/a> Price for defamation after her anti-recall campaign suggested in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=845953397720684&set=a.159982962984401\">Facebook post\u003c/a> that Swalwell engaged in misconduct during his time as a deputy district attorney under O’Malley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to a poll released last week by the Oakland Chamber of Commerce, 56% of Oakland voters support the recall. Oakland is the county’s largest city and was home to much of her \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2022/12/23/berkeley-vote-california-alameda-county-election-2022-maps\">base\u003c/a> in 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, about 16% of Alameda County voters have returned their ballots, according to Political Data, Inc. That could mean the vast majority of voters are still making up their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Price’s inauguration in January 2023, KQED spoke to her about her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11935709/change-is-hard-alameda-da-elect-pamela-price-talks-about-the-road-ahead\">vision for the office\u003c/a>. In an Oct. 24 conversation with KQED, Price described the challenges of leading the office through a transition, responded to criticism and outlined what she will do if she defeats the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The interview has been edited for brevity and clarity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Making big transitions in any office is hard, especially when some of the people who are in office don’t want that change. What have you prioritized?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>My first priority was to stabilize the workforce. We had to calm everybody down and make sure that we were addressing what people’s fears were, what their needs were and that they had a decent place to work. There’s a lot of trauma in the office, and it may be that it’s secondary trauma from the work that we do. So, we amplified the mental health resources. We did a lot of improvements to the physical plant and started majorly working on the technology because the office was, as my IT person says, literally in the Stone Age in terms of how they use the technology. A lot of training needed to happen and still needs to happen to get people to use the technology, and then also to be able to work more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What are some things that you had to let go of?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are practices in this office that I think I know are not serving this community, but it’s how we’ve always done it. This issue around arrest warrants in this county — we mail out notifications to people that they have a court date. And if they don’t come to a court date, a bench warrant may be issued, but we don’t communicate that very well. Bail is another problem in this community. We had to say, “OK, what is the long-term impact of changing money bail, and how does that interact with our other partners in the criminal justice system?” It’s been a longer discussion around how we fix money bail out in Alameda County. It’s also been a longer discussion about how we address some of the in-custody deaths at Santa Rosa County Jail. Very serious issues, but we just kind of scratched the surface. My sense is that we’ve done amazing things, but we would have been able to move faster if we did not have so much resistance both within and without.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How do you think the last two years would have been different if you hadn’t had to focus on responding to a recall effort?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think the anxiety that people in office are feeling now would not have ever risen to this level, and it would have allowed them to be more open about the challenges that they were facing. I think that once the people who no longer wanted to be here found an opportunity and got support for having a recall, it undermined the stability of the people who were here. That they were under pressure. We have 422 employees. These folks come to work every day committed to do their job the best that they can do. And on the outside, all that they are hearing over and over again — that they’re doing a terrible job. That the DA is creating a hostile work environment. It demoralizes my team. I think that we would have been able to heal and reduce some of the anxiety that people felt about change and the transition if we had not had a lot of fomenting from the outside and people trying to destabilize the office. There’s a lot to do, and we’ve stayed focused, and we have done a lot. I don’t know that we would have done more, but I think it just would have been a lot easier for us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955803\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955803\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A Black woman wearing a dark, sleeveless floral-printed dress, stands with her hands together in an office filled with books.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/230715-PAMELA-PRICE-JY-016-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price at her office in Oakland on July 16, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Your administration has had some caustic exchanges, sometimes on social media, with the county sheriff’s office, the governor, the California Highway Patrol, and the former district attorney you replaced, Nancy O’Malley. Why do you think there have been so many disagreements between high-level officials and your administration?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Law enforcement has for decades controlled the decision-making and the conversation about what justice looks like in district attorney’s offices. In November of 2022, the voters said we want to have a different conversation. It was driven by our efforts in 2018 to show people that the district attorney’s office is an elected office, and that it belongs to this community, and that we should have a voice in determining what kind of justice we’re going to be receiving from our district attorney’s office. The conversation became more intense nationally in the George Floyd period. For the most part, law enforcement and police unions weren’t really part of that conversation. Not in Alameda County. So it was only after we won that suddenly they woke up and said, “Wait a minute, somebody else who we don’t control is now leading that conversation.” I think that that’s part of the backlash and what people have to anticipate when you have a change as dramatic as the one that we’ve had in Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> Price unsuccessfully ran against O’Malley in 2018.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Critics have accused you of nepotism, in part because of the hiring of Antwon Cloird, with whom you have a personal relationship. They’ve also accused you of hiring unqualified employees. In response, you’ve pointed out that O’Malley hired her sister and said you are being held to a double standard. Do you think it’s unfair for the public to want those practices to stop?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I don’t know that the public is requesting that it not happen anymore. I think that the critics are political operatives and have made this a political issue. My predecessor hired far more family members than just her sister. Her predecessor hired the family members of judges in this county. That was a way of creating the kind of familial relationships between this office and the Alameda County bench that continue to exist. I have 11 employees whose parents were either judges or they worked in this office. This was a legacy office for many, many decades. The branch head of our East County Hall of Justice is Jim Meehan. His father hired him 38 years ago. So it’s not something that just recently happened. The county has never had an anti-nepotism policy. So, I think that to the extent that some people have expressed concerns about my hiring practices, I just find it interesting that no one was concerned about the hiring practices until the Black woman became the district attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> John J. Meehan, the father of Jim Meehan, served as Alameda County District Attorney between 1981-1994. KQED could not confirm that an additional 10 employees in the office are related to judges or have family members who are current or former employees.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989848\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989848\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240608_PriceRecallKickoff_GC-35_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Brenda Grisham and Carl Chan, leaders of the campaign to recall Alameda County District Attorney Pamela Price, join demonstrators as they yell chants during a kickoff rally outside the René C. Davidson Courthouse in Oakland on June 8, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The San Francisco Chronicle reported that more than 1,000 misdemeanor crimes will go unevaluated and uncharged after your office allows the statute of limitations on them to expire. You’ve acknowledged there is a backlog and an unknown number of police reports have now passed the statute of limitations. Why should Alameda County residents who may become the victims of crime trust your office will evaluate their case?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because that is what we do every day. We receive over 12,000 police reports from 22 different police agencies. The problem that was identified and highlighted at the Wiley W. Manuel Courthouse apparently has existed for decades, and it was only revealed to us when we began asking questions about certain cases. We started digging into it, and what I found is that a backlog of unreviewed reports had become normalized because of the workload. It was normalized for people to be overwhelmed in the work that they were doing. And they didn’t have the kind of systems in place to support them in their work. What the public should know is that now we understand what the problem is, and we’ve done a deep dive. The team that I said I would put on to this problem on Monday, Oct. 21, actually has started. We now have four and five lawyers who are going to address the backlog. My IT team successfully modified the computer system Wednesday, Oct. 23. We’ve determined it’s not a thousand cases [that passed the statute of limitations], but it appears to be under 600. We will clean this up by Dec. 31, if not sooner. We fix the problem as we find problems, as we have been doing for the past two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> In August, the California Highway Patrol said in a statement to KQED that 72% of cases referred to the Alameda County DA since February 2024 hadn’t been acted on. Price told KQED that the CHP complaint is what tipped her off to the problem in her office’s law enforcement report review process at Wiley W. Manuel. At a press conference on Oct. 16, Price told reporters she was expanding the number of attorneys working to address the backlog and updating the office’s case management software to better track how long attorneys have to charge a case before the statute of limitations kicks in.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"link1": "https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/alameda,Alameda County: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Looking forward, what do you think a well-functioning criminal justice system in Alameda County would look like?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A well-running criminal justice system in Alameda County, number one, would respect the people who we impact, both victims and defendants. Victims are not well treated in this system. My office will do more to make sure we bring an online text messaging system so that people don’t show up at court and there’s no court, or they show up at court and the court date gets continued. We want to expand the number of victim-witness advocates. My goal is to have 50. We only have 33 who are hands-on, trauma-informed right now. The other 11 are claims people. So, for me, a fully functional, well-running criminal justice system would have at least 100 advocates, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would have a full, robust, collaborative court program that has a full menu of options for young people ages 18 to 26. Right now, we have two, maybe 1 1/2 courts that actually address the needs or really respond to criminal activity by transitional-aged youth. We need far more than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other thing that I think will reflect a fully functioning, appropriate criminal justice system for this community will be a fully functioning restorative justice process that is embedded in the DA’s office. A restorative justice process is about healing for victims. It’s not about the defendant. The defendant ultimately is going to be held accountable, whatever that looks like. But it really is an opportunity for the victims to not just be tools and witnesses and people who come to court and see something — then they have got to go out and fix their own lives. They actually get to participate in the process. And at some point, if the process is successful, they get to ask the person, “Why did you kill my loved one?” And it’s starting to happen. We’ve got one case I can’t really talk about, but it’s happening. In five years, we hope we will have a fully functioning restorative justice practice inside the DA’s office. And 10 years from now, people will look back and say, “How come they didn’t have restorative justice back then?” It will be normalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"order": 9
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
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"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
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"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
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"source": "American Public Media"
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
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"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"order": 11
},
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"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
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"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
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},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
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"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
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"planet-money": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
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},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
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"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/political-breakdown/feed/podcast"
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
"meta": {
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
"subscribe": {
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
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