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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.[aside label='More Election Coverage' tag='election-2024']While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "A Far-Right California County Appointed Him Registrar. Now His Election Views Have Changed | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">F\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>or years, only a couple of people would show up to observe staff at the Shasta County Elections office on election night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, after November 2020, the office saw a dramatic increase in observers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the night of the June 2022 primary, then-registrar of voters Cathy Darling Allen and her staff experienced bullying and interference from a group of residents who claimed they wanted to protect against election fraud, \u003ca href=\"https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/Cathy%20Darling%20Allen%20-%20Shasta%20County,%20CA.pdf\">according to prepared testimony she submitted to the Senate Judiciary Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee held a hearing entitled Protecting Our Democracy’s Frontline Workers, which featured testimony from elections officials across the country who had experienced threats and harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen wrote that some poll workers had canceled or simply not shown up for work, possibly due to the behavior of observers who had attended a recent training. At one point in the night, someone attached a trail camera in the alley behind the elections office to surveil the back entrance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Election observation in Shasta County has become weaponized,” Darling Allen wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010906\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010906\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-Diptych-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Cathy Darling Allen at the Lake Redding Boat Ramp in Redding. Right: Joanna Francescut displays a ballot envelope during a training session for an elections employee. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Since then, Shasta County has been a hotbed of election denialism, with a vocal minority of residents and the board of supervisors’ far-right majority encouraging distrust in California’s voting systems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen retired earlier this year due to a heart failure diagnosis, citing a need to avoid work-related stress. To take her place, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991539/shasta-countys-new-registrar-of-voters-has-no-experience-running-elections\">the board appointed Tom Toller, a former county prosecutor with no experience running elections\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller, who came into the office with his own concerns about election integrity, said his perspective has changed after several months of working inside the office. Now, as he prepares for one of the most fraught elections in recent history, he finds himself pushing back on a tide of skepticism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m constantly sent emails from people suggesting that I need to stop using this technology or I need to start implementing this other procedure,” Toller said. “My universal response has been, I don’t see any evidence of this. But if you can give me credible evidence that it’s happening here in Shasta County, I will definitely look into it. And if there’s a problem, I will resolve it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010881\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1760px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010881\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1760\" height=\"1173\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01.jpg 1760w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1760px) 100vw, 1760px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tom Toller is appointed the new Shasta County clerk and registrar of voters by the county’s Board of Supervisors on June 19, 2024, in Redding. \u003ccite>(Roman Battaglia/JPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To accommodate the increase in observers, the county elections office in downtown Redding has been remodeled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A black metal gate accessible only via key card separates the front entrance from an area where elections staff have been preparing to tabulate votes on Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Upstairs, observers can watch staff on four wall-mounted TV monitors. The county’s vote counting machines, set up in a room nicknamed “the bat cave,” are also visible through a window in the wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011738\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011738\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-86-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, opens a metal doorway at the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011702\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011702\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-17-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Video cameras monitor the interior of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On election night, the office will be completely full with observers, assistant registrar Joanna Francescut said. But being here isn’t always enough to allay their fears.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The majority of those people have been sitting here with us for multiple elections,” said Francescut, who worked for 16 years under Darling Allen and was passed over for the registrar job. “But they’re also not listening to what we have to say about what we’re actually doing. They’re trusting other things, other media that is going after them that has their attention in a different way. They’re trusting what’s being said on YouTube or Truth Social or whatever website they’re looking at.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ballots come in, observers will be allowed to view ballot tabulation and results reporting. Certain activities, like challenging signatures on vote-by-mail ballots, won’t be permitted, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.shastacounty.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/09/11052024-Observer-Guidelines.pdf\">according to the elections office website (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller is facing pushback for not making more changes, with some of the strongest criticisms coming from Supervisor Patrick Jones, one of three members of the board who voted to appoint him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s been some people that are being placed at six feet apart, six feet from meaningful observation. It needs to be three. If that was his decision, then that is a bad decision,” Jones said. “The further you push people back, the further you’re trying to cover something up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘A black box’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shasta County has been in conflict with the state of California over how to conduct its elections since at least 2023. That’s when the board of supervisors voted to end the county’s contract with Dominion Voting Systems, whose machines were the target of conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was rigged. Supervisors voted to hand count ballots instead but were thwarted when Gov. Gavin Newsom signed AB 969, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/09/08/1198395036/shasta-county-hand-counting-ballots-california-legislation\">urgent legislation that banned hand counting\u003c/a> except in narrow circumstances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011741\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1866px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011741\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1866\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed.jpg 1866w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-800x571.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1020x729.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-160x114.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240923-ShastaCountyElections-01-BL_qed-1536x1097.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1866px) 100vw, 1866px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Photos of the Shasta County Board of Supervisors hang in the board offices in Redding. \u003ccite>(Alex Hall/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Despite the law, calls for the county to use hand counting persist. At a board meeting in late September, security guards wearing tactical vests flanked the dais as people approached the podium during public comment. Several insisted that the county use hand counting in this year’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One speaker detailed amateur sleuthing, which she said had uncovered voter registration tied to nonexistent addresses. Another read a letter calling on the county sheriff to launch a criminal investigation of Francescut for alleged perjury.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A day earlier, some of the same speakers had attended a meeting of the Shasta County Elections Commission, a panel Jones \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/resources/pdf/7e2ed968-3bfb-466b-b53b-054ffb022ebe-c4_ordinance_no._scc_202307.pdf\">pushed to create last year\u003c/a> to advise the board on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics, including a commissioner who resigned in March, have called the panel a \u003ca href=\"https://krcrtv.com/news/local/shasta-county-election-commission-criticized-disbandment-called-for-at-supervisors-meeting\">waste of time\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.actionnewsnow.com/news/former-shasta-county-elections-commissioner-resigns-claiming-it-was-a-waste-of-time-and-money/article_97c5a0a8-eb0a-11ee-949b-0b9f7ab7c413.html\">money\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission has recommended that the county not only hand count ballots but also return to limited absentee voting and one-day elections — all of which would violate California law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think their attitude is that even if something is futile legally, it has some type of symbolic value,” Toller said about the commission. “And I understand why they’re doing what they’re doing. I just don’t think it’s going to bear much fruit. And it may have unintended consequences that would not necessarily be positive for our county.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the board has not acted on the recommendations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an October board meeting, commissioner Patty Plumb, a Jones appointee, expressed disappointment in Toller’s leadership of the elections office so far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing has really taken place to change our system of voting even though we did get a new [registrar of voters],” Plumb said. “We had our hopes that things would be changed. Nothing has really changed to make our voting system and our process transparent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011737\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011737\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-40-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots known as a ‘test deck’ at theShasta County Elections offices. The test ballots go through the ballot counting system to test the accuracy of the vote count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011736\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011736\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-ShastaCountyElections-23-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Election employees sort test ballots. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Distrust in Shasta County’s elections office had already begun to simmer in 2022, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11902718/militia-led-recall-targets-republican-supervisor-in-shasta-county\">a campaign backed by a local militia successfully recalled Supervisor Leonard Moty\u003c/a>, a moderate Republican and former Redding police chief who they felt hadn’t pushed back hard enough on COVID-19 mandates, among other complaints.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years later, after the county canceled its contract with Dominion, it signed a new contract to use voting machines from Texas-based Hart InterCivic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, skepticism about the trustworthiness of Dominion’s software and that of other voting machines lingers today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have a black box,” Kari Chilson, a Shasta County property manager, told KQED in reference to Dominion’s machines after a recent meeting of the elections commission. “They’re proprietary software. And so the public is not even allowed to audit their machines, which is a huge red flag for anybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re run by WiFi or internet,” said Antonia Palacio, who works in home care, about the machines. “It’s been proven that they can be hacked. If you don’t have an audit, hand counting, they can put in as many extra votes or whatever in there, and we would never know it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011705\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011705\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GETTYIMAGES-1244661030-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County resident Teresa Romero, right, points out to her husband Charles how the number increased by one on a Dominion voting machine to indicate that his ballot was successfully scanned after being entered into the machine on Nov. 8, 2022, at the Shasta County Elections offices \u003ccite>(Mel Melcon / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Researchers and hackers have identified vulnerabilities in voting machines, but officials with the federal Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency say that because of the decentralized nature of the United States’ elections system, it would be impossible for hackers to have a material impact on the outcome of a presidential election without being detected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Spokespeople for Hart InterCivic, Dominion and ES&S, the three companies that supply voting machines to most California counties, told KQED that their machines do not connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked when they first became skeptical of the county’s voting processes, Chilson and Palacio described reports of “abnormalities” in the 2020 election and signed affidavits alleging voter fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statements alleging irregularities or misconduct were a common element of the 64 legal cases brought by former President Donald Trump and his allies challenging the 2020 election. Plaintiffs prevailed in only one of those cases, which involved too few votes to overturn the results, according to a 2022 study.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Chilson also shared articles that had raised her suspicions from sites like The Epoch Times, One America News and The Gateway Pundit, all of which have promoted conspiracy theories about the 2020 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two Georgia election workers settled defamation lawsuits with The Gateway Pundit and OAN after each published stories falsely accusing them of ballot fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller said he spends a lot of time trying to reassure people that Shasta County’s voting machines don’t connect to the internet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s compared the machines that count ballots to the ones that count money in casinos: they sort quicker than any human could, but they’re not connected to the internet, and they don’t misreport the number of $100 bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think ultimately, probably the 80% of folks that are sort of the silent majority get that,” Toller said. “But there’s always going to be people sort of on the fringe who no amount of explanation is going to satisfy them. They simply want to return to the way it was years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also evaluated the county’s drop boxes and removed the ones that were underutilized. The elections office will replace the remaining 13 with a heavier version and a video camera that can monitor the ballot slot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011699\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011699\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-09-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A ballot drop box sits outside of the Shasta County Elections offices in Redding on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is a situation where some people understand what I’m trying to do, and they recognize that it’s a more secure situation,” Toller said. “But other people are adamant that the only solution is to eliminate the boxes entirely. And you simply can’t do that in a county like ours that’s so large geographically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta isn’t the only California county that’s responded to drop box concerns. San Benito County created a ride-along program in 2021 for members of the public to observe elections staff collect vote-by-mail ballots from drop boxes. Last year, Kern County installed surveillance cameras at its drop boxes and allowed members of the public to view the footage at the elections office during business hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she is concerned that making concessions to quell skeptics could legitimize distrust in the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We spent all of 2023 trying to beat back policy changes that were based on junk science and junk statistics and lies told around the nation about elections administration,” Darling Allen said. “We were somewhat successful, but at a pretty high cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Baptism by fire\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Toller interviewed for the job, he appeared willing to join in a potential fight over hand counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He pointed out that AB 969 hadn’t been challenged in court and should the county decide to act, he would participate in any way the board wanted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would in no way be beholden to the Secretary of State in Sacramento as if her interpretation was chapter and verse of Holy Writ,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.shastacounty.gov/sites/default/files/fileattachments/community/page/4803/rov_applications_-_redacted.pdf\">read a cover letter submitted as part of Toller’s job application\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about voting machines, Toller said he wasn’t a big fan and would consider hand counting if the law allowed it. The county has over 115,000 registered voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was good enough for years and years,” Toller said. “I think it’s a system that’s capable of being implemented and observed for transparency and fairness — and accurate. I don’t see any reason why it can’t go forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller was hired despite his lack of experience. He later told KQED that he considered himself the “compromise choice,” having beat out Francescut and Clint Curtis, a Florida attorney who appeared to be the choice of election skeptics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011701\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011701\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241004-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-15-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joanna Francescut, assistant registrar of voters, works in her office at the Shasta County Elections offices on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Now, after four months on the job, Toller said some of his perspectives have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had my baptism by fire, so to speak,” Toller said. “I’ve actually rolled up my sleeves and gotten my hands underneath the hood, into the engine, and figured out how things work,” Toller said. “And in the process of doing that, I have learned an incredible amount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the things he said he has learned: hand counting is slow and expensive, and voting machines are fast — and accurate — when used properly by trained staff.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While Toller said he personally never bought into theories of mass election rigging, he did have concerns about election integrity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, while working on a campaign to unseat Shasta County’s district attorney, Toller said the official results from election night and in the days following, compared with early tabulation data posted at the individual precincts, raised questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now believes problems that cropped up in past elections were almost entirely due to the kind of mistakes that happen in a high-stress environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the biggest switch I’ve made is rather than try to assume that there was any malfeasance or intentional activity with respect to election results, that most of the problems are a result of human error,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Toller told KQED he will make no major changes to how elections are administered in Shasta County prior to Tuesday, and so far, he hasn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not pleasing his critics, including Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011698\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011698\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-08-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supervisor Patrick Jones in his family’s gun shop, Jones’ Fort, in Redding, on Oct. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If we wanted to do things the same, we would have picked Joanna,” Jones said. “He knows the vast majority of us are looking for more transparency, meaningful observation, chain of custody. Will he deliver? That’s up to him. There will be a lot of criticism if he doesn’t live up to what he knows the public wants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A gut feeling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Toller and his office face pressure to successfully pull off the November election, the future of the board’s conservative majority, which has steered many of Shasta County’s recent decisions on elections, is unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Jones will be replaced by Matt Plummer, a young moderate who ran on a platform of reducing homelessness, cutting crime and fixing Shasta County’s roads. Plummer said he knocked on over 9,000 doors while campaigning and those were the issues people brought up over and over again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011700\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011700\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241003-SHASTACOUNTYELECTIONS-34-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Shasta County Supervisor-elect Matt Plummer stands on the Diestelhorst Bridge in Redding. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The other thing was, like, just stop the chaos and stop the craziness, which has kind of characterized our county board over the last three to four years,” Plummer said at a Redding ice cream shop one evening in September.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shasta County election data show Jones lost his bid for reelection to Plummer in the primary by nearly 20%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jones alleged he won the election and will be stepping down because there was cheating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing is the effort does not match the result,” Jones said. “And your gut feeling is something’s not right when you outdo your opponent, and yet you did not prevail. And that’s just a gut feeling from the candidate that only the candidate would know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A November runoff between Supervisor Mary Rickert, a moderate incumbent, and Corkey Harmon, a political newcomer, could also shift the board’s makeup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The MAGA movement here is fading away faster than they ever thought it would be,” said Supervisor Tim Garman, who is stepping down at the end of his term because of redistricting. “Not as fast as I think some of us would like it to go, but it is fading away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the meantime, Jones is already casting doubt on the results of Tuesday’s election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No matter what happens this November, there will be no trust,” Jones said. “And what the public will do, I don’t know. Hopefully, all goes well, but we have not fixed our elections, and people are getting mad. They’re getting upset. Because we’re selecting people, we’re not voting them incorrectly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Darling Allen said she believes Shasta County elections staff will be criticized, regardless of the outcome of any of the races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Jones] is going to say the election was a failure,” Darling Allen predicted. “Especially if he actually comes to believe that Mr. Toller is not going to carry the water for him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I hope Mr. Toller continues to stand strong and continues to defend the process and follow the law,” she said. “And maybe Shasta County can become less well known for election problems or the attention on elections.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011319 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-07-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>More than 80 people were arrested Wednesday night after striking \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel workers marched through downtown to demand their employers invest in staff and reverse pandemic-era service cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel workers and their allies held a sit-in on the Powell Street cable car tracks in front of the Westin St. Francis hotel. San Francisco police arrested 85 people for the demonstration, according to a spokesperson for the union representing the workers, Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After more than \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011319/sf-hotel-worker-strike-enters-sixth-week-no-deal-in-sight\">a month on the picket line and with no deal in sight\u003c/a>, workers said they felt they had to escalate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think we need to make pressure on management and the big companies for them to see that we need our contract to be signed,” said Elena Duran, one of the striking workers on the cable car tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Duran said she and the others on the tracks were prepared to face arrest, and police arrested them one by one, including Duran. Loud cheers erupted as each person was taken to a police bus parked around the corner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 2,000 striking workers and their supporters took to the streets outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on O’Farrell Street and marched to the Westin St. Francis, two locations where workers are on strike. Monday marked week six of the picket demanding wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living and arguing that the service cuts have left them overworked when there are surges of guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The strike includes 2,000 housekeepers, servers, bartenders, cooks, dishwashers, bellhops, doormen and more at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels around Union Square.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was short-staffed on a shift and helping one guest, another guest’s bag was stolen right in front of the hotel,” said Jacov Awoke, a doorman at Hilton San Francisco Union Square for 35 years. “I’m on strike because I want my hotel to invest in the city and the workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011852\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12011852\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241030-DowntownHotelStrikersMarch-23-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lizzy Tapia (center), president of Unite Here Local 2, sits alongside hotel workers and their allies in front of the Westin St. Francis in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024, during a protest demanding that employers invest in hotel staff and restore guest services. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unite Here said they offered during August negotiations to make their own compensation contingent on future hotel profits. They also offered to forgo most other guaranteed wage increases, but a deal with the hotels remains elusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the hotel is waiting on the union to resume bargaining.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are disappointed that UNITE HERE Local 2 continues to strike while Hyatt remains willing to continue bargaining in good faith,” D’Angelo said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hilton and Marriott did not immediately respond to requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco strikers aren’t alone: 2,000 Hilton workers in Honolulu have maintained a picket line for over a month, while hundreds of workers in Boston reached a tentative deal with Hilton on Tuesday after three weeks on strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, workers also ask their employers to take proactive measures to end the “doom loop” and bring foot traffic back to downtown. Additionally, workers are advocating for wage increases, better pensions and employee health benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hotel workers love San Francisco and want to help our city recover,” said Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The march began at the Hilton near Union Square at 4 p.m. The last time the city’s hotel workers joined the picket line was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11696561/marriott-hotel-workers-in-san-francisco-walk-off-the-job\">six years ago\u003c/a>, a strike that lasted two months before workers ratified a new contract with Marriott hotels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was updated at 9:30 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "oakland-school-closures-are-back-on-the-table-less-than-2-years-after-plan-was-axed",
"title": "Oakland School Closures Are Back on the Table, Less Than 2 Years After Plan Was Axed",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a> could soon consider a list of schools to close or merge, less than two years after a controversial plan to do so was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937906/oakland-school-board-halts-controversial-closure-plan-sparing-5-elementary-schools\">overturned by the school board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board president Sam Davis said he expects board members to be briefed next week on the superintendent’s proposal to close the district’s $174 million budget deficit, which could include plans to close or merge school sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like in San Francisco, where a similar plan to shutter schools \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">was recently paused\u003c/a>, Oakland has grappled with declining public school enrollment, leading to less funds for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only option is to cut costs, and so this is part of a very big package and the goal is not to strip every school of all the resources and shutter a whole bunch,” Davis said. “It’s about having better-resourced campuses, but in order to have better-resourced campuses and not be spread too thin, we have to have fewer of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A first reading of “recommended school changes” is expected on Nov. 13, and a vote on the list could come as soon as Dec. 11, Davis said in last week’s Board of Education meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all of the district directors believe a closure list will make it to the board. Director Mike Hutchinson said he was confident that Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell would not bring forward a plan this year that includes school consolidations, apart from the possible mergers of five pairs of schools that already share campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything beyond that should not be coming forward,” he told KQED. “We have not done the work as a district yet to produce any plans further than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD spokesperson John Sasaki said district staffers plan to bring several cost reduction options to the board in November, which will likely include plans to decrease the number of school sites. The specifics are still being decided, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost 85% of our funds go to pay teachers, school staff, and all support staff across the district,” Sasaki said via email. “Because so much of the budget is dedicated to people, there are limited other options for closing the gap, which is one reason this situation is so challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility of closing schools isn’t new for Oakland Unified. In 2021, a plan to close 11 campuses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905982/how-dare-you-oakland-school-closure-decision-inspires-new-opposition-efforts\">spurred a hunger strike\u003c/a> and led to outrage from many parents and educators, who believed it would have disproportionately affected low-income and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942006/reversal-of-oakland-school-closures-renews-hope-of-reparations-for-black-students\">underrepresented student\u003c/a>s. The plan was approved in February 2022 but overturned by a newly elected school board — led by then-President Hutchinson — in January 2023. Davis and Board Director Clifford Thompson voted against rescinding the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district ended up closing two schools, merging one and eliminating middle-school grades at another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD’s budget challenges are also ongoing. The district was taken over by the state in 2003, though it is expected to regain full local control in two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have said it needs to “reduce its footprint” because it has far fewer students than it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment has been declining in Oakland schools since 2002 when the district had more than 50,000 students. It now has just over 34,000, and earlier this month, the district projected it could lose 20% of its students between 2022 and 2032.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12007326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/240827-OUSD-LEAD-FOLO-MD-03-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the board approved a budget-balancing resolution, which called for the development of possible cuts as well as “restructuring schools” in alignment with a new state law that requires districts facing financial challenges to perform an equity impact analysis before proposing any possible closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis said this analysis was requested by the board in June and is still underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very first time it was on our agenda was actually my first meeting as president [at the start of the year],” he told KQED. “It’s been something we’ve been talking about all year long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district currently has 77 school sites. Though an analysis geared only toward efficiency suggested the district should only operate 46, Davis said the true number that OUSD should maintain, considering equity and other factors, likely falls somewhere in the middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the budget this year and reducing the number of schools OUSD operates could allow the board to focus more on curriculum and other educational advancements, Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a board member, I feel like our board meetings are budget, budget, budget, austerity, austerity, austerity,” he said. “At some point, that’s not what any of us got elected to [and] want to do. We want to be able to talk about the future and planning for the future and student outcomes and instructional strategies. Until we get past this, we’re not going to be able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 11 a.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-unified-school-district\">Oakland Unified School District\u003c/a> could soon consider a list of schools to close or merge, less than two years after a controversial plan to do so was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11937906/oakland-school-board-halts-controversial-closure-plan-sparing-5-elementary-schools\">overturned by the school board\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School board president Sam Davis said he expects board members to be briefed next week on the superintendent’s proposal to close the district’s $174 million budget deficit, which could include plans to close or merge school sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like in San Francisco, where a similar plan to shutter schools \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12011347/sf-schools-wont-close-yet-but-the-city-still-has-questions-about-huge-budget-cuts\">was recently paused\u003c/a>, Oakland has grappled with declining public school enrollment, leading to less funds for the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our only option is to cut costs, and so this is part of a very big package and the goal is not to strip every school of all the resources and shutter a whole bunch,” Davis said. “It’s about having better-resourced campuses, but in order to have better-resourced campuses and not be spread too thin, we have to have fewer of them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A first reading of “recommended school changes” is expected on Nov. 13, and a vote on the list could come as soon as Dec. 11, Davis said in last week’s Board of Education meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all of the district directors believe a closure list will make it to the board. Director Mike Hutchinson said he was confident that Superintendent Kyla Johnson-Trammell would not bring forward a plan this year that includes school consolidations, apart from the possible mergers of five pairs of schools that already share campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anything beyond that should not be coming forward,” he told KQED. “We have not done the work as a district yet to produce any plans further than that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD spokesperson John Sasaki said district staffers plan to bring several cost reduction options to the board in November, which will likely include plans to decrease the number of school sites. The specifics are still being decided, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Almost 85% of our funds go to pay teachers, school staff, and all support staff across the district,” Sasaki said via email. “Because so much of the budget is dedicated to people, there are limited other options for closing the gap, which is one reason this situation is so challenging.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The possibility of closing schools isn’t new for Oakland Unified. In 2021, a plan to close 11 campuses \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11905982/how-dare-you-oakland-school-closure-decision-inspires-new-opposition-efforts\">spurred a hunger strike\u003c/a> and led to outrage from many parents and educators, who believed it would have disproportionately affected low-income and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11942006/reversal-of-oakland-school-closures-renews-hope-of-reparations-for-black-students\">underrepresented student\u003c/a>s. The plan was approved in February 2022 but overturned by a newly elected school board — led by then-President Hutchinson — in January 2023. Davis and Board Director Clifford Thompson voted against rescinding the closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district ended up closing two schools, merging one and eliminating middle-school grades at another.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>OUSD’s budget challenges are also ongoing. The district was taken over by the state in 2003, though it is expected to regain full local control in two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have said it needs to “reduce its footprint” because it has far fewer students than it used to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enrollment has been declining in Oakland schools since 2002 when the district had more than 50,000 students. It now has just over 34,000, and earlier this month, the district projected it could lose 20% of its students between 2022 and 2032.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In February, the board approved a budget-balancing resolution, which called for the development of possible cuts as well as “restructuring schools” in alignment with a new state law that requires districts facing financial challenges to perform an equity impact analysis before proposing any possible closures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis said this analysis was requested by the board in June and is still underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The very first time it was on our agenda was actually my first meeting as president [at the start of the year],” he told KQED. “It’s been something we’ve been talking about all year long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district currently has 77 school sites. Though an analysis geared only toward efficiency suggested the district should only operate 46, Davis said the true number that OUSD should maintain, considering equity and other factors, likely falls somewhere in the middle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Addressing the budget this year and reducing the number of schools OUSD operates could allow the board to focus more on curriculum and other educational advancements, Davis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a board member, I feel like our board meetings are budget, budget, budget, austerity, austerity, austerity,” he said. “At some point, that’s not what any of us got elected to [and] want to do. We want to be able to talk about the future and planning for the future and student outcomes and instructional strategies. Until we get past this, we’re not going to be able to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/president,Learn about the U.S. Presidential Election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-Presidential-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former California Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/arnold-schwarzenegger\">Arnold Schwarzenegger\u003c/a> is endorsing Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> for president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Schwarzenegger/status/1851627802027758005\">a long post on social media platform X\u003c/a>, the Republican said he hates politics and wants to tune out, but he can’t because of what former President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\">Donald Trump\u003c/a> has done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rejecting the results of an election is as un-American as it gets,” Schwarzenegger said. “To someone like me who talks to people all over the world and still knows America is the shining city on a hill, calling America … a trash can for the world is so unpatriotic, it makes me furious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And I will always be an American before I am a Republican,” he continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger held up the idea of bipartisanship and noted that his time as governor taught him “to love policy and ignore politics.” He said that while he isn’t pleased with either party, a second Trump administration would only leave the country “angrier, more divided, and more hateful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A candidate who won’t respect your vote unless it is for him, a candidate who will send his followers to storm the Capitol while he watches with a Diet Coke, a candidate who has shown no ability to work to pass any policy besides a tax cut that helped his donors and other rich people like me but helped no one else … a candidate who thinks Americans who disagree with him are the bigger enemies than China, Russia, or North Korea — that won’t solve our problems,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schwarzenegger continued that it’s time “to close the door on this chapter of American history” and move forward as a country — and that even though he has plenty of disagreements with their platform, the only way to do that is with Harris and running mate Tim Walz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vote this week,” he said. “Turn the page and put this junk behind us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After he posted his statement, Schwarzenegger reposted a handful of comments from people who disagreed with him, citing them as examples of respectful political discourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former bodybuilder and movie star \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11886134/the-schwarzenegger-effect-how-californias-recall-effort-worked-out-for-republicans-last-time-around\">was elected governor\u003c/a> in 2003 when voters recalled Democratic Gov. Gray Davis from office, and his reelection in 2006 marked the last time a Republican won statewide office in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He now chairs the USC Schwarzenegger Institute for State and Global Policy, which seeks to move past the partisan divide to advance public policy, and where he said in his statement, “We fight for clean air and stripping the power from the politicians who rig the system against the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bwatt\">Brian Watt\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/jservantez\">Jared Servantez\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]O[/dropcap]n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"2024 California Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide,Learn everything you need to cast an informed ballot for the 2024 general election' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Voter-Guide-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_12009870,news_12008793\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "With control of the House at stake, California’s 47th Congressional District has become a battleground for the national partisan divide. Shifting demographics and a gap in college education levels are reshaping the Orange County electorate.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">O\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>n a Sunday evening in early October, dozens of people mingled in a backyard overlooking a canyon in the posh Turtle Rock neighborhood of Irvine for a local Democratic club fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine is the largest city in the 47th Congressional District, one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/10/23/nx-s1-5155122/which-party-controls-the-house-could-be-determined-by-deeply-blue-california\">House swing seats in California that could decide control of Congress in November\u003c/a>. But on this balmy evening, conversation over wine and hors d’oeuvres drifted to the topic of the district’s second-largest city, just up the 405: Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One local school board member told of a recent trip to a Huntington Beach pickleball court, where she was alarmed to find a vendor selling Make America Great Again hats. Democratic elected officials warned those gathered of the conservative policies gaining traction in Huntington Beach: flag bans, voter ID law and lawsuits over transgender identity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re lucky to live in Irvine, where we don’t have the craziness,” Dave Min, the Democrat \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009870/dave-min-scott-baugh-vie-for-competitive-orange-county-house-seat\">running for Congress in the 47th District\u003c/a>, told the crowd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Democrats and Republicans are evenly registered in the 47th District, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12008793/how-the-diploma-divide-is-shaping-a-toss-up-house-race-in-orange-county\">a stark political divide exists between its two largest cities\u003c/a>. In the 2022 election, incumbent Democrat Katie Porter carried Irvine by a margin of 63% to 37% on her way to victory over Republican Scott Baugh, a former state legislator. But in Huntington Beach, Baugh won 55% to 45%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To win the district this year, Min and Baugh will need to find a way to bridge the gap — or increase their margins in the polarized communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Irvine, like Orange County as a whole, has moved leftward since the emergence of Donald Trump as the Republican Party’s standard bearer — reflecting suburban opposition to the former president and the GOP’s rightward move on issues like abortion. Huntington Beach appears to be moving in the opposite direction: the city is a hub for conservative activism and local voters have recently backed conservative councilmembers and ballot measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘This tale of two cities’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The split between the two cities could be explained by a gap in educational attainment, which Jon Gould, dean of the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, called the most important demarcation in OC politics. Over 72% of Irvine residents hold college degrees, compared to around 44% in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re seeing happening here in Orange County is the real divide of left to right, Democrat to Republican, is college education versus non-college education,” said Gould, who heads the UC Irvine poll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The so-called “diploma divide” has helped shift Orange County from a GOP stronghold to a political battleground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It used to be that the college-educated would typically be more Republican,” Gould added. “What we’re seeing right now in the Trump era is the college-educated are much more strongly Democratic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling conducted by Gould shows the education trend beginning to extend across racial and ethnic groups in a county where just 37% of residents are white. A UC Irvine poll of county voters in April found support for President Joe Biden’s reelection stood at 41% with both white and non-white voters without a college degree. Meanwhile, support for Biden among white and non-white voters with a diploma stood at 55% and 54%, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing this diploma divide actually overtake, in many instances, race and ethnicity as driving behavior,” said Mike Madrid, a longtime California political consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This education gap, along with divergent trends in population growth and housing policy, has left Irvine and Huntington Beach at loggerheads: two communities embodying a larger divide in national politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s why you’ve got this tale of two cities,” said Tammy Kim, an Irvine city council member.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>With growth, Irvine moves to the left\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Irvine’s story is one of rapid growth. A master-planned community built on the Irvine Company Ranch, the city wasn’t officially incorporated until 1971. Since 1990, the city’s population has nearly tripled as city leaders have approved ambitious developments to house new residents, including many arriving from Asia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are building the most, not in terms of just market priced homes, but we are actually the regional leader in affordable housing,” said Kim, a native of Korea who is running to be Irvine’s next mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we are growing, we’re growing to be more diverse and more progressive,” Kim added. “We have the largest Persian community anywhere in Orange County. We have the largest Chinese, Taiwanese, Korean communities here in Irvine.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/homeless-housing/story/2024-08-16/the-nations-hottest-housing-market-irvine\">According to the \u003cem>Los Angeles Times\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, Irvine has added more residents than any other California city in the past three years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those new arrivals is Ren Kondo, who moved from Austin this summer to a house just down the street from the Turtle Rock fundraiser.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I chose Irvine because I think Irvine is a very advanced and chill community for Asians,” said Kondo, who met the hosts of the Democratic gathering at his own housewarming party the week before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Kim, what unites Irvine’s diverse residents is their shared emphasis on education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very highly educated people that make their way to Irvine,” she added. “They choose to have their home in Irvine, and they come here because of the education system so their children can also have access to the best education system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011656\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011656 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852-1920x1278.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1058414852.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students wait in line to cast their ballot at a polling station on the campus of the University of California, Irvine, on Nov. 6, 2018, in Irvine, California, on Election Day. (Robyn Beck/Getty Contributor)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC Irvine is the political heart of the congressional district for Democrats. Both Porter and Min were UC Irvine professors before launching campaigns for office. And Democratic success in the area can often hinge on whether candidates are able to drive a large enough turnout among student voters on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Irvine is this hot spot of youth voters who are really, really passionate about politics,” said Khushi Patel, activism director for the Orange County Young Democrats. “A lot of the voter percentage here is Democratic, so it’s really important that we’re making sure not only that everyone is registered to vote, but they’re educated on where to vote and also how to vote and all the issues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans see Huntington Beach as their counterweight to Irvine in the 47th District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to offset the votes that go against Scott Baugh in Irvine, that we make sure we win dramatically here in Huntington Beach to get him across the finish line,” said Tony Strickland, a Huntington Beach city councilmember.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A working-class beach community\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before Huntington Beach was Surf City, it was Oil City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A century ago, oil derricks lined the coastline and drew workers from petroleum states like Texas and Oklahoma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city’s working-class roots are still visible, from the oil drilling platforms on the horizon to the city’s high school mascot: the Oilers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely a working-class community,” Strickland said. “It’s different than any other beach community, especially here in Orange County. It’s not Newport Beach. It’s not overwhelmingly wealthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Huntington Beach was once one of the fastest-growing cities in California. In the 1960s, it expanded from 11,492 to 115,962 residents after the city annexed surrounding farmland and greenlit housing projects in seaside wetlands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mike Ali arrived in town in the late ’60s. He came with “a few thousand dollars and a ‘65 Impala and a young wife,” and for years has run a beachside concession stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I moved to Huntington Beach, 95% of the population were middle-class working white people,” Ali said. “A lot of the people who came down here and bought houses in the ‘60s and the ‘70s are dying or selling their home, and [they] go somewhere else, and the kids take over.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While more recent population growth has brought racial diversity to cities like Irvine, white residents still make up a majority in Huntington Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Huntington Beach’s population growth has leveled off, city leaders have vehemently resisted efforts to plan for new housing. That has resulted in a series of legal clashes with Gov. Gavin Newsom, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943154/they-asked-for-this-california-sues-huntington-beach-for-flouting-laws-meant-to-ease-housing-crisis\">who has called the city “Exhibit A” among municipalities\u003c/a> failing to address housing affordability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s almost like a small town where people know each other, they watch for each other, there’s Neighborhood Watch,” Strickland said. “And even though we have 200,000 people, it has a suburban coastal community and kind of a neighborhood feel, unlike Irvine, which is…a lot of high-rise, high-density apartment buildings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A hub for conservative activism\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Decades ago, Huntington Beach developed a reputation for right-wing extremism. A 1993\u003cem> Los Angeles Times\u003c/em> \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1993-07-25-me-16750-story.html\">headline asked whether\u003c/a> it was the “Skinhead Capital of the County” and described the city as a gathering place for groups of white supremacists. Just last month, a man accused of leading a white supremacist group in the city pled guilty to a charge of inciting a riot during a political rally in the city in 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many locals point to the pandemic as an inflection point for its role as a hub for conservative activism. The Huntington Beach waterfront and pier became a gathering spot for protests against beach and business closures and curfews that often doubled as rallies in support of Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12011663\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12011663 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/GettyImages-1229732397.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Huntington Beach, California, Saturday, Nov. 21, 2020. As COVID-19 cases reached record numbers in the U.S. and California, hundreds gathered at the pier and Pacific Coast Highway to protest a State-mandated curfew of 10 p.m. (Robert Gauthier/ Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As opposed to, say, Newport Beach, where the Republicans there are what we would have previously called the ‘business Republicans’ or the ‘country club Republicans,’ there is a larger percentage of the Republicans in Huntington Beach who would be the Trump true believers who want to own the libs, who want to focus on particular social issues,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cecilia Garcia joined the protests in Huntington Beach after losing her job as a cook during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After four months of waiting for the restaurant to reopen, she gathered her savings and started something new: a Trump merchandise stand with homemade hats and T-shirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her stand now is a fixture at local rallies and Republican meetings — where she sells shirts like “MAGA Fight Club,” “Felon and Hillbilly 2024,” and her favorite, which depicts the biblical angel Gabriel draped over Trump during this year’s assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My values are family, marriage between a woman and a man, having kids, no abortion,” she said. “And I believe in God, so [Trump] represents everything that I believe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That spirit of MAGA activism has infused the Huntington Beach city council. In 2022, conservatives won a majority on the local board and made headlines for laws \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/health/covid-mandate-ban\">banning local vaccine and mask requirements\u003c/a> — and more recently a \u003ca href=\"https://laist.com/news/education/huntington-beach-sues-the-state-over-parental-notification-ban\">“notification” ordinance requiring city staff to alert parents\u003c/a> about a child’s sexual orientation, gender identity or gender expression.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Competing for the 47th District\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many local Democrats believe the rightward swing in Huntington Beach is more fleeting than the consolidation of liberal strength in Irvine. They point to the close divide on the Huntington Beach city council (split four to three in favor of conservatives) and the Republican turnout edge in the 2022 midterms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Strickland is confident the council majority has the backing of Surf City residents. After all, when proposals to restrict flags such as the Pride flag from city buildings and enact a local requirement for voter ID were put before voters in March, they both were approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When people said we were out of step with our city, we put it to the vote,” Strickland said. “And overwhelmingly, the flag ordinance passed, I believe, by 14%. And even after all the money and everything was spent on the other side, voter ID passed by, I think, a healthy 7%.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Madrid predicts the diploma divide between communities like Irvine and Huntington Beach will continue to push cultural issues to the forefront of political campaigns, intensifying fights over changing gender and identity norms that “Democrats, in large part because of a function of the college education, are more comfortable with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024 and beyond, Madrid said he is watching to see if these education dividing lines begin to chip away at the longstanding ethnic, partisan loyalties that have defined politics in the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This becomes the existential battle that you’re seeing in the 47th District or Orange County more broadly,” Madrid said. “And the country.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "lawsuit-from-napa-neighbors-could-block-much-needed-child-care-expansion",
"title": "Lawsuit From Napa Neighbors Could Block Much-Needed Child Care Expansion",
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"headTitle": "Lawsuit From Napa Neighbors Could Block Much-Needed Child Care Expansion | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or every 10 babies in Napa County, there’s \u003ca href=\"https://crcnapa.org/child-care-expansion-report/\">just one licensed infant care slot\u003c/a>. The demand for day care is so high that parents get on waitlists as soon as they’re pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenae Royal found that out the hard way when she went back to work as a vineyard operations manager two months after giving birth to her son, King. She needed to oversee an event, and her partner couldn’t afford to take time off his job as chef of a hotel restaurant. So she brought her baby to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were warned that finding child care could be challenging, but I just didn’t give it the weight it deserved,” Royal said. “I had no idea it was to that degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the harvest season, Royal paid a nanny $30 an hour to care for King while she worked long hours to oversee the grape picking. However, the nanny eventually left for a higher-paying job as a night nurse, leaving the couple to juggle work and caregiving until they found an opening at Le Petit Elephant, the largest nursery and preschool in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le Petit Elephant’s owner, Milli Pintacsi, has a plan to move into a bigger facility and double her capacity, allowing her to serve more families like Royal’s, but a lawsuit from neighbors is threatening the expansion. The story playing out in this small Napa neighborhood highlights just how difficult it is to tackle the child care shortage that is putting the squeeze on families across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le Petit Elephant cares for 128 children out of a former Christian school in a densely packed neighborhood of apartment buildings, businesses and homes. The lease for this property will end in December 2025. Last year, Pintacsi was awarded $2.8 million in federal and state grants, meant to help the child care industry recover from the pandemic, to move into a bigger, more permanent space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pintacsi found a vacant church in Alta Heights, a hillside neighborhood of single-family homes, and outbid a few developers to buy it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a property that is perfect for this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20,000-square-foot church has a large parking lot, a lawn that could become a play yard and 18 rooms that could be converted into infant- and toddler-care rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008438\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">15 Chapel Hill Dr., the site of a city-approved proposal to convert a Mormon church to the town’s largest childcare center in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The church also has a multipurpose room, complete with a basketball court, stage and kitchen. Pintacsi wants to rent it out for after-school care, day camps, birthday parties, puppet shows and other kid-oriented activities. The revenue would help cover child care costs for some families who receive financial aid and provide a livable wage for their teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be able to have things for families to do in Napa, and we’d be able to raise money for more scholarships and teachers to be paid better so they can afford to live in Napa,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, longtime residents of Alta Heights oppose the project, saying that having such a big day care with multiple uses would increase noise and traffic, which may affect evacuations during a wildfire. They packed a planning commission meeting to voice their concerns, and after the panel approved the project, they appealed the decision to the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the council meeting, they waved signs that said, “Safety First Alta Heights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the preschool waved their own signs that declared: “Babies Over NIMBYS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council rejected their appeal in May after finding that it wouldn’t significantly impact traffic and placing a limit on the types and size of events that would be allowed in the multipurpose room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Milli Pintacsi, Founder of Le Petit Elephant Nursery and Preschool, shows KQED reporter Daisy Nguyen a blueprint for 15 Chapel Hill Dr. in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the project has been held up since three neighbors filed a lawsuit under the California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, demanding the city rescind approval of the project until a more thorough environmental impact review is conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs declined to be interviewed, citing ongoing settlement talks and being the target of disparaging remarks. They were singled out in a website created by a group of parents who are supporters of both Le Petit Elephant and It Takes A Village, a nonprofit group raising funds for the preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers established CEQA in 1970 to better protect the environment from development. But in recent years, the statute has drawn criticism as it’s been used as a tool to block housing and infrastructure projects. Developers are often compelled to do costly environmental impact studies, scale back their projects or face long delays, said Chris Elmendorf, a land use and housing expert at UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’ve got the ability to force a delay of a couple of years at an expense of a couple hundred thousand dollars onto a project, you have a lot of leverage to negotiate for any kind of side arrangement that you’d like,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='early-childhood-education-and-care']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited a lawsuit that delayed the construction of a much-needed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989237/uc-berkeley-can-start-building-on-peoples-park-california-supreme-court-rules\">student housing project at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> for three years and ignited a fierce debate over CEQA. Two neighborhood groups sought to argue under the environmental law that noise generated by future student residents would be a form of pollution and demanded that the university study the impacts on neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pintacsi hopes to reach a deal so she can begin renovating the classrooms. Already, the legal fees have drained her financial aid fund, and she’s running out of time to renovate the classrooms or find another facility before her lease ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the church is the best option she found in her yearslong search for a suitable and affordable site for her preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no buildings that I can just jump to if this neighborhood doesn’t accept us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not easy to find a facility in a high-rent and well-developed city like Napa that meets zoning and licensing requirements for child care, said Daniel Sanchez, who’s in charge of Napa County’s distribution of federal pandemic aid to child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a huge amount of buildings turning over or going for sale, much less a huge amount of appropriate buildings that could be used for child care,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Burton, a small business consultant who helped Pintacsi look for another site for Le Petit Elephant, said the only other viable location was near two cannabis businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Infant care is sorely lacking in the county because it’s not financially viable: providers have to meet tougher requirements than they do for toddler care, including a ratio of one adult for every four babies and a limit of four infants per home-based day care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008443\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Milli Pintacsi, Founder of Le Petit Elephant Nursery and Preschool, wipes an infant’s nose at the school in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez cited a 2022 study of the region’s child care market, which found that providers also had a hard time hiring and retaining workers. Their median salaries of $20 to $25 per hour weren’t enough to cover Napa’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are some of the reasons why larger [child care] chains won’t come here,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also found that after-hours child care was also badly needed for hospitality and restaurant employees who work night or weekend shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Royal said the full-time child care her son receives from Le Petit Elephant amounts to 25% of her salary, but she couldn’t do without it because she doesn’t have relatives close by to help her. If the preschool closes, she said she may have to move out of the region and leave behind her career in the wine industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Napa would not be Napa without the labor and the livelihoods of people who need child care,” she said. “We are raising the next generation of citizens that are going to be growing up in Napa, and Milli’s school is providing this amazing foundation [for children] who are going to contribute positively when they become young adults. And you need that to sustain a community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: A previous version of this story incorrectly stated the total amount of the government grants awarded to Pintacsi, and the group behind the website that singled out plaintiffs in the lawsuit. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Napa County has just one day care spot for every ten babies who need it. The shortage is putting pressure on working parents who help drive the local economy. ",
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"title": "Lawsuit From Napa Neighbors Could Block Much-Needed Child Care Expansion | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">F\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>or every 10 babies in Napa County, there’s \u003ca href=\"https://crcnapa.org/child-care-expansion-report/\">just one licensed infant care slot\u003c/a>. The demand for day care is so high that parents get on waitlists as soon as they’re pregnant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brenae Royal found that out the hard way when she went back to work as a vineyard operations manager two months after giving birth to her son, King. She needed to oversee an event, and her partner couldn’t afford to take time off his job as chef of a hotel restaurant. So she brought her baby to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were warned that finding child care could be challenging, but I just didn’t give it the weight it deserved,” Royal said. “I had no idea it was to that degree.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the harvest season, Royal paid a nanny $30 an hour to care for King while she worked long hours to oversee the grape picking. However, the nanny eventually left for a higher-paying job as a night nurse, leaving the couple to juggle work and caregiving until they found an opening at Le Petit Elephant, the largest nursery and preschool in Napa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le Petit Elephant’s owner, Milli Pintacsi, has a plan to move into a bigger facility and double her capacity, allowing her to serve more families like Royal’s, but a lawsuit from neighbors is threatening the expansion. The story playing out in this small Napa neighborhood highlights just how difficult it is to tackle the child care shortage that is putting the squeeze on families across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Le Petit Elephant cares for 128 children out of a former Christian school in a densely packed neighborhood of apartment buildings, businesses and homes. The lease for this property will end in December 2025. Last year, Pintacsi was awarded $2.8 million in federal and state grants, meant to help the child care industry recover from the pandemic, to move into a bigger, more permanent space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pintacsi found a vacant church in Alta Heights, a hillside neighborhood of single-family homes, and outbid a few developers to buy it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a property that is perfect for this,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20,000-square-foot church has a large parking lot, a lawn that could become a play yard and 18 rooms that could be converted into infant- and toddler-care rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008438\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008438\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-10-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">15 Chapel Hill Dr., the site of a city-approved proposal to convert a Mormon church to the town’s largest childcare center in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The church also has a multipurpose room, complete with a basketball court, stage and kitchen. Pintacsi wants to rent it out for after-school care, day camps, birthday parties, puppet shows and other kid-oriented activities. The revenue would help cover child care costs for some families who receive financial aid and provide a livable wage for their teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would be able to have things for families to do in Napa, and we’d be able to raise money for more scholarships and teachers to be paid better so they can afford to live in Napa,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, longtime residents of Alta Heights oppose the project, saying that having such a big day care with multiple uses would increase noise and traffic, which may affect evacuations during a wildfire. They packed a planning commission meeting to voice their concerns, and after the panel approved the project, they appealed the decision to the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the council meeting, they waved signs that said, “Safety First Alta Heights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the preschool waved their own signs that declared: “Babies Over NIMBYS.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council rejected their appeal in May after finding that it wouldn’t significantly impact traffic and placing a limit on the types and size of events that would be allowed in the multipurpose room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008440\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008440\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-26-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Milli Pintacsi, Founder of Le Petit Elephant Nursery and Preschool, shows KQED reporter Daisy Nguyen a blueprint for 15 Chapel Hill Dr. in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the project has been held up since three neighbors filed a lawsuit under the California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, demanding the city rescind approval of the project until a more thorough environmental impact review is conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs declined to be interviewed, citing ongoing settlement talks and being the target of disparaging remarks. They were singled out in a website created by a group of parents who are supporters of both Le Petit Elephant and It Takes A Village, a nonprofit group raising funds for the preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers established CEQA in 1970 to better protect the environment from development. But in recent years, the statute has drawn criticism as it’s been used as a tool to block housing and infrastructure projects. Developers are often compelled to do costly environmental impact studies, scale back their projects or face long delays, said Chris Elmendorf, a land use and housing expert at UC Davis School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’ve got the ability to force a delay of a couple of years at an expense of a couple hundred thousand dollars onto a project, you have a lot of leverage to negotiate for any kind of side arrangement that you’d like,” Elmendorf said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He cited a lawsuit that delayed the construction of a much-needed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11989237/uc-berkeley-can-start-building-on-peoples-park-california-supreme-court-rules\">student housing project at UC Berkeley\u003c/a> for three years and ignited a fierce debate over CEQA. Two neighborhood groups sought to argue under the environmental law that noise generated by future student residents would be a form of pollution and demanded that the university study the impacts on neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pintacsi hopes to reach a deal so she can begin renovating the classrooms. Already, the legal fees have drained her financial aid fund, and she’s running out of time to renovate the classrooms or find another facility before her lease ends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the church is the best option she found in her yearslong search for a suitable and affordable site for her preschool.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no buildings that I can just jump to if this neighborhood doesn’t accept us,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not easy to find a facility in a high-rent and well-developed city like Napa that meets zoning and licensing requirements for child care, said Daniel Sanchez, who’s in charge of Napa County’s distribution of federal pandemic aid to child care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a huge amount of buildings turning over or going for sale, much less a huge amount of appropriate buildings that could be used for child care,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nick Burton, a small business consultant who helped Pintacsi look for another site for Le Petit Elephant, said the only other viable location was near two cannabis businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Infant care is sorely lacking in the county because it’s not financially viable: providers have to meet tougher requirements than they do for toddler care, including a ratio of one adult for every four babies and a limit of four infants per home-based day care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12008443\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-12008443\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/20240930_CEQACHILDCARE_GC-41-KQED.jpg 2000w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Milli Pintacsi, Founder of Le Petit Elephant Nursery and Preschool, wipes an infant’s nose at the school in Napa on September 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Sanchez cited a 2022 study of the region’s child care market, which found that providers also had a hard time hiring and retaining workers. Their median salaries of $20 to $25 per hour weren’t enough to cover Napa’s high cost of living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are some of the reasons why larger [child care] chains won’t come here,” Sanchez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study also found that after-hours child care was also badly needed for hospitality and restaurant employees who work night or weekend shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Royal said the full-time child care her son receives from Le Petit Elephant amounts to 25% of her salary, but she couldn’t do without it because she doesn’t have relatives close by to help her. If the preschool closes, she said she may have to move out of the region and leave behind her career in the wine industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Napa would not be Napa without the labor and the livelihoods of people who need child care,” she said. “We are raising the next generation of citizens that are going to be growing up in Napa, and Milli’s school is providing this amazing foundation [for children] who are going to contribute positively when they become young adults. And you need that to sustain a community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Correction: A previous version of this story incorrectly stated the total amount of the government grants awarded to Pintacsi, and the group behind the website that singled out plaintiffs in the lawsuit. The story has been updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "pelosi-attacker-sentenced-to-life-in-prison-spouts-conspiracy-theories-in-court",
"title": "Pelosi Attacker Sentenced to Life in Prison, Spouts Conspiracy Theories in Court",
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"headTitle": "Pelosi Attacker Sentenced to Life in Prison, Spouts Conspiracy Theories in Court | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11996329 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2030/05/GettyImages-685195553.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A San Francisco judge sentenced David DePape to life in prison without parole for kidnapping and other felonies related to the 2022 attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s home.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A San Francisco judge sentenced \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/david-depape\">David Wayne DePape\u003c/a> to life in prison without the possibility of parole Tuesday morning for kidnapping and other felony charges related to the attack on then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s San Francisco home two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002363/callousness-of-paul-pelosi-attack-justifies-potential-life-sentence-judge-says\">Judge Harry Dorfman\u003c/a> ordered that DePape, 44, serve his sentence concurrently with the 30-year sentence a federal judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">handed him in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He went in to attack a leader of our federal government. I can’t ignore that fact,” Dorfman said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In court, Christine Pelosi read a statement from her father, Paul, whom DePape attacked with a hammer. She read that Oct. 28, 2022, was the last peaceful night sleep he had before being awoken in the early morning to DePape standing over him, yelling, “Where’s Nancy?” a phrase he said still echoes in his head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape, who has embraced conspiracy theories about “Russiagate” and others, told Paul Pelosi he was on “a political mission” because of the House speaker’s treatment of Donald Trump. He wanted to film a video of her confessing to crimes, but she wasn’t home. Instead, he hit Paul in the head with a hammer as Capitol police responded to the home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can’t remove the stain in the front entryway where I bled,” Paul Pelosi wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He described still dealing with dizziness, vertigo and a sense of fear shared with spouses of other elected officials since the unprecedented attack. The Pelosis don’t answer their door or phone, and Nancy Pelosi remains under 24-hour security.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The whole Pelosi family wanted the fullest punishment possible, Christine Pelosi said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987892/paul-pelosis-attacker-apologizes-at-resentencing-but-prison-term-is-unchanged\">federal sentencing\u003c/a>, DePape apologized to Paul Pelosi, who wasn’t in the courtroom then or at Tuesday’s hearing in state court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DePape took a much more conspiratorial route on Tuesday, starting with a single sentence: “9/11 was an inside job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next hour, DePape meandered through conspiracy theories involving 9/11, COVID-19 and the 2020 election, even calling those convicted and charged with crimes following Jan. 6 “political prisoners.” He claimed to have psychic abilities and said his ex-wife — fellow “9/11 truther” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990966/state-case-against-man-who-attacked-nancy-pelosis-husband-is-in-jurys-hands\">Gypsy Taub\u003c/a> — had been replaced by a body double.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman repeatedly asked DePape if he wanted to address issues related to his charges, trial or sentence, but DePape kept returning to unsubstantiated conspiracy theories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not hear any expression of remorse,” Dorfman said when DePape finished his statement. “If you tried to persuade me in your remarks, Mr. DePape, you did not persuade me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deputy Public Defender Adam Lipson said DePape suffered from schizotypal personality disorder, which affects his ability to maintain personal relationships and makes him distrustful of others. He received that diagnosis after the attack on the Pelosi home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a man who lived a very solitary life and got involved in a lot of online conspiracy theory and engagement farming, and given his mental health condition, it led him to sort of these intractable beliefs which he’s expressed and fully believes in,” Lipson told reporters after the hearing. “His condition, combined with the sort of just kind of the terrible stuff that’s out there, just seeking engagement with people, led him down this horrible path, and this is where we wound up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prior to the sentencing, Lipson again argued for a new trial, saying the ransom enhancement of the kidnapping charge that carried the mandatory life sentence was brought as part of a “vindictive prosecution” after he asked a judge to dismiss three charges, including attempted murder, which carried a mandatory sentence of life with the possibility of parole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense successfully argued that DePape was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987752/depape-faces-new-state-charges-defense-argues-double-jeopardy\">facing double jeopardy\u003c/a> — or being tried twice for the same crimes — in state court after being convicted in federal court of similar crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson argued that the timing of the kidnapping charge after the trial had already begun showed prosecutors’ vindictiveness. The defense filed its motion to have three charges dismissed on a Friday, and prosecutors filed the kidnapping charge with the harsher mandatory sentence the following Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Dorfman ruled against that argument, saying California law was “liberal” on when prosecutors can file additional charges, which includes up to when a jury begins deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11966768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11966768\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A brick house on a hill is seen from behind police caution tape.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/11/231108-DEPAPE-TRIAL-PELOSI-ATTACK-GETTY-JS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Police tape is seen in front of the home of Rep. Nancy Pelosi on Oct. 28, 2022, in San Francisco. Her husband, Paul Pelosi, was violently beaten by an intruder. Pelosi was not at home at the time of the attack. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>DePape’s defense in both the federal and local prosecution hinged on why he targeted Nancy Pelosi. His attorneys argued unsuccessfully that he was motivated not by her position as a public official but by her activities as a politician. Judges and juries in both cases rejected that distinction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The defense also argued against the ransom-related enhancement in the kidnapping charge. Lipson argued what DePape ultimately wanted — a video of the House speaker confessing to alleged crimes — had no value, while prosecutors said it did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People would pay good money to see a video of a prominent political figure confessing to crimes,” Assistant District Attorney Phoebe Maffei said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dorfman denied the defense’s request for a new trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was a kidnapping conviction in an unprecedented fashion, as he was convicted of essentially a ransom kidnapping charge where there were no ransom demands or anything of the sort,” Lipson told reporters. “So, it’s used in a very different way. It was brought at the last minute in retaliation for his asserting his federal due process rights.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lipson said those and other issues with the case will be brought up on appeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should those appeals be successful, Dorfman said he wants the appellate court to have DePape resentenced in his courtroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of the hearing, Dorfman said he had no control over DePape’s federal sentence, which he will complete before serving his life sentence on state charges, and no control over what a future president might do, implying a second Trump administration could involve a pardon for DePape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have no authority over what the president of the country can do,” Dorfman said. “I can’t predict the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Newsom Announces $830 Million in Homelessness Spending — With Strings",
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"headTitle": "Newsom Announces $830 Million in Homelessness Spending — With Strings | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly $830 million in state funding for shelter and services to address homelessness will come with new accountability and reporting requirements, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes nearly three months after the governor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> urging local governments to crack down on homeless encampments, which in turn followed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">June Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that expanded cities’ ability to fine and jail people camping outside, even when no shelter is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is set to receive a significant tranche of the new funds, which were awarded regionally. The Alameda and Santa Clara regions were awarded $56 million each, while San Francisco got $43 million. The San Mateo, Marin, Napa and Solano regions also received smaller grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allocated nearly $24 billion to housing and services between 2019 and 2023, but earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">a state audit\u003c/a> found it has little data on how well its homelessness spending is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one is naive about the public’s perception of our progress on this issue. No one is denying how angry people are, how frustrated they are, and how heartbroken they are,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funding is the latest installment of the Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention (HHAP) grant program, which can be used to build new shelters and housing and provide services to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011454 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/IMG_9984.JPG_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the money, recipients had to sign on to new transparency and compliance requirements aimed at better tracking outcomes. They’re expected to make regular reports on spending, which will be publicly available, and quarterly reports on the success of their programs. Cities, counties and coordinating agencies also had to commit to working together to lay out a plan for tackling homelessness regionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Tuesday also announced new \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/calich/\">guidance to cities\u003c/a> from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness on how to carry out homeless encampment sweeps. The recommendations include giving camp residents at least 48 hours notice, establishing clear policies for handling people’s belongings, keeping tabs on immediately available shelter options and making “every effort” to offer shelter to residents before clearing an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If no shelter is available, the guidance instructs local governments to make sure “reasonably accessible” locations are available where people can sleep without breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at the press conference on Tuesday, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass lauded the new approach, saying that “bickering and finger-pointing” between cities, counties and the state had historically bogged down the homelessness response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the type of collaboration, the type of financial support, and the type of regulatory change that we need to finally solve homelessness,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conditions include prioritizing permanent housing over temporary shelter, working to address racial inequities in homelessness and using the expertise of people with lived experience to help design programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the sixth round of HHAP funding — an additional $1 billion, for which applications are expected to open next year — will come with even more stringent accountability requirements.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly $830 million in state funding for shelter and services to address homelessness will come with new accountability and reporting requirements, Gov. Gavin Newsom announced Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The announcement comes nearly three months after the governor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997352/newsom-orders-state-agencies-to-dismantle-homeless-encampments-across-california\">issued an executive order\u003c/a> urging local governments to crack down on homeless encampments, which in turn followed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">June Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> that expanded cities’ ability to fine and jail people camping outside, even when no shelter is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is set to receive a significant tranche of the new funds, which were awarded regionally. The Alameda and Santa Clara regions were awarded $56 million each, while San Francisco got $43 million. The San Mateo, Marin, Napa and Solano regions also received smaller grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allocated nearly $24 billion to housing and services between 2019 and 2023, but earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982237/california-audit-questions-state-homelessness-spending-san-jose\">a state audit\u003c/a> found it has little data on how well its homelessness spending is working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one is naive about the public’s perception of our progress on this issue. No one is denying how angry people are, how frustrated they are, and how heartbroken they are,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funding is the latest installment of the Homeless Housing Assistance and Prevention (HHAP) grant program, which can be used to build new shelters and housing and provide services to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get the money, recipients had to sign on to new transparency and compliance requirements aimed at better tracking outcomes. They’re expected to make regular reports on spending, which will be publicly available, and quarterly reports on the success of their programs. Cities, counties and coordinating agencies also had to commit to working together to lay out a plan for tackling homelessness regionally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom on Tuesday also announced new \u003ca href=\"https://bcsh.ca.gov/calich/\">guidance to cities\u003c/a> from the California Interagency Council on Homelessness on how to carry out homeless encampment sweeps. The recommendations include giving camp residents at least 48 hours notice, establishing clear policies for handling people’s belongings, keeping tabs on immediately available shelter options and making “every effort” to offer shelter to residents before clearing an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If no shelter is available, the guidance instructs local governments to make sure “reasonably accessible” locations are available where people can sleep without breaking the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speaking at the press conference on Tuesday, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass lauded the new approach, saying that “bickering and finger-pointing” between cities, counties and the state had historically bogged down the homelessness response.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the type of collaboration, the type of financial support, and the type of regulatory change that we need to finally solve homelessness,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other conditions include prioritizing permanent housing over temporary shelter, working to address racial inequities in homelessness and using the expertise of people with lived experience to help design programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the sixth round of HHAP funding — an additional $1 billion, for which applications are expected to open next year — will come with even more stringent accountability requirements.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12008424]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/california,Learn about the California Propositions' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/09/Aside-California-Propositions-2024-General-Election-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the proponents of Prop. 33 think this will solve our housing crisis, they’re mistaken,” he said. “If the opponents of Prop. 33 think that this will result in housing armageddon, they’re mistaken as well.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If Californians vote to approve \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12007197/transcript-proposition-33-would-end-state-limits-on-rent-control\">a rent control measure on the ballot\u003c/a>, thousands of Berkeley tenants could immediately see new limits on how much their landlords can raise their rent each year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families who are living in units that aren’t right for them will have a chance to move without losing their affordability,” said Leah Simon-Weisberg, a longtime tenant lawyer and chair of the city’s rent board. “For some people, it will keep them housed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That same scenario, in which the city could cap rent increases on single-family homes and apartments more than 20 years old and units with new tenants, is a nightmare for Krista Gulbransen, who heads the Berkeley Property Owners Association, representing the city’s landlords. “We would revert back to the 1980s, and it wouldn’t just be roller skates or rainbow headbands. It would be a lot worse,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 would repeal a state housing law limiting how cities can regulate rents, letting local governments make that decision. Most California cities wouldn’t see an immediate change. However, in a few cities like Berkeley, local laws already contain language, allowing much more sweeping regulation than current state law. In those cities and in others where left-leaning elected officials have expressed public support for expanding rent control, renters could see the soonest benefit from Proposition 33 — and landlords the soonest headaches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 30 cities in California already \u003ca href=\"https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/california-rent-control-law.html\">place some limits on rent increases\u003c/a>, with caps ranging from 3% to 10% annually for covered units, some pegged to inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the state level, California caps rent increases for apartments and corporate-owned houses more than 15 years old at 10% per year — a rate that tenant advocates have said can still place a significant burden on tenants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of those local ordinances were once much stricter. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, concern about soaring housing costs led a few cities to limit rent increases even when a new tenant moves in — known as vacancy control. However, the 1995 law that Proposition 33 would repeal, known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, put a stop to that, along with any rent control on single-family homes or those built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the ban on rent control for single-family homes that most bothers Melvin Willis, a city council member in Richmond, one of the Bay Area’s few remaining solidly working-class cities. Many families in his district rent their houses, he said, and some complain to him about steep rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a hard conversation to have with someone when they say, ‘My rent increased, but we have rent control,’ ” he said. Willis recalled explaining to one family whose rent had doubled that the city’s 3% cap on rent bumps doesn’t apply to single-family homes. “I’ve had that conversation multiple times and it doesn’t feel good,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond’s rent ordinance leaves out any housing “exempt from rent control pursuant to the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.” Willis and other affordable housing advocates take that to mean that if Costa-Hawkins goes away, single-family homes and other dwellings that the state law excluded would automatically fall under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicolas Traylor, the executive director of Richmond’s rent program, was more cautious. The ordinance could be referring to units actually exempt under Costa-Hawkins, he said, or just the types of units, like single-family homes, that Costa-Hawkins excluded. If Proposition 33 passes, he said, the rent program’s general counsel would have to recommend how to move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, city supervisors avoided that ambiguity by unanimously passing legislation that would kick in if Proposition 33 passes, bringing rent control to an estimated 16,000 additional units. Mayor London Breed has said \u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/10/15/rent-control-san-francisco-prop-33-london-breed/\">she will sign it\u003c/a> if the proposition passes, the San Francisco Standard reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco belongs to a group of cities — along with Berkeley, Oakland, Los Angeles, and the southern California cities of West Hollywood and Santa Monica — with longstanding rent control that current state law especially constrains. That’s because Costa-Hawkins grandfathered in any exemptions they had for more newly built units. So, in San Francisco, apartments built after 1979 are considered “new construction” and exempt from rent control. In Los Angeles, it’s 1978.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s completely arbitrary that we can create rent control for buildings from 1978, but we can’t do it for 1980,” said Los Angeles City Council member Hugo Soto-Martínez, pointing to the city’s homelessness crisis. “Every year, we continue to lose more of our rent-stabilized housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council last week passed a resolution, authored by Soto-Martínez, endorsing Proposition 33.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those kinds of actions by cities trouble landlords, who point out that their costs for utilities and insurance are rising, in some cases, outpacing inflation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email newsletter sent to housing providers Friday, real estate firm Bornstein Law warned its clients that “there is a real possibility that Proposition 33 will pass because of the widespread belief that the rents are too damn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firm urged landlords, in preparation for the potential policy shift, “to raise the rents to market rate if landlords are able to do so” and to consider offering voluntary buyouts to tenants paying below-market rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 33 opponents have also raised concerns that cities will enact rent control so strict it will stifle new housing construction at a time when the state desperately needs it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has done so much to remove barriers to building housing and to incentivize affordable housing construction, but Proposition 33 would give NIMBY cities a really powerful weapon to do an end run around those rules,” said Nathan Click, a spokesperson for the No on 33 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, San Francisco shows that, given the flexibility to craft new policies, even cities with strong histories of tenant advocacy might opt for more modest changes to rent control that can win broad political support. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin had originally proposed that the city expand rent control to cover housing built before 2024 but walked that back to 1994, an idea that won backing from both the city government’s progressive and moderate wings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local rent control expansion “is also going to depend on not just tenant and housing organizations but other civil society organizations in those communities,” said Shanti Singh, legislative director for Tenants Together. “Are they going to be ready to or willing to push for it?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Manuel Pastor, director of the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute, said his research shows that rent stabilization without vacancy control helps prevent displacement by keeping rents more affordable while avoiding slowing new construction since there are still incentives to build.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If cities start capping rent increases when new tenants move in, he said, the effects become more difficult to predict. That’s in part because the last time California cities experimented with vacancy control was more than 30 years ago — back when more multifamily housing was being built and before the tech boom put unprecedented pressure on Northern California’s housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing that is likely, he said: California would see geographic variation, with more progressive coastal cities putting in stricter rent caps while inland cities with moderate politics seek to lure development with looser rules.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tannia Turcios Brizuela picked up a megaphone on a recent morning and joined the loud chants of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">striking workers\u003c/a> — “Contract now! Contract now!” — near the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel where she has set up banquets for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-workers took turns drumming, stocking a sidewalk tent with water and snacks, and cooking pupusas and quesadillas to sustain the picket line during six-hour shifts, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult. Today it’s cold, it’s windy. I’d rather be inside working,” Turcios Brizuela said in Spanish outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel. “But we’ve got to be strong and hold out for better benefits for us and our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">strike against three of the industry’s most iconic global brands\u003c/a> has expanded to include nearly 2,000 workers. Most are entering their sixth week on the picket line. The employees at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels near Union Square want \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010145/were-going-to-fight-more-than-100-sf-marriott-workers-go-on-strike-joining-other-hotel-walkouts-across-city\">wage increases and pensions\u003c/a> that keep up with the cost of living. Additional demands include maintaining health benefits and the reversal of COVID-era staffing cuts that exacerbate workloads when there are surges of guests, according to the hospitality union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes during a wave of strikes across the country by Unite Here members. In Honolulu, more than 1,800 Hilton staffers at Hawaii’s largest resort walked off the job more than a month ago. In Boston, a picket line by 600 workers has continued for over three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Turcios, the work stoppage poses additional challenges as her husband, Marcos, is also a Hilton employee on strike. The couple, who have two children ages 10 and 12, rely on financial aid from Unite Here Local 2, which amounts to just a fraction of their usual earnings. The family has dipped into savings to keep up with mortgage payments for their home in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s stressful to think how much longer we are going to be outside,” said Turcios, 40, who is originally from El Salvador. “We feel a little disappointed because we’ve been here for a month now, and there’s not much we’ve seen from the company of wanting to sit down, to negotiate, to offer us a fair contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In separate statements, spokespeople for Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott emphasized their commitment to negotiating fair agreements and noted that their hotels are working to minimize strike-related disruptions for guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hilton makes every effort to maintain a cooperative and productive relationship with the unions that represent some of our Team Members, including Team Members at Hilton San Francisco Union Square,” a Hilton spokesperson said. “Our hotels have contingency plans in place to ensure operations continue to run as smoothly as possible, and hotel teams are engaging with guests to ensure they are taken care of during their stay with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hyatt touted a long history of cooperating with their employees’ unions. Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the company is disappointed the walkout continues in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UNITE HERE Local 2 has not reached out to us to continue bargaining since the strike started,” he said. “We have offered competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits at the hotel that is on strike at this time, including an economic package that maintains no-cost health care for our colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2, countered that Hyatt’s proposed pay and benefits are insufficient, and the company has not yet responded to an offer made by the union in August before the strike, which included making pay increases contingent on hotel profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they’re ready to engage in real negotiations, they should reach out to us because we’re not going to waste our time if they’re just going to maintain the same — refusing to contribute to our health care plans and no real wage increases,” Tapia said, adding that the two parties remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates in the city remain lower than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue in the 2018-2019 fiscal year but just over two-thirds of that amount in 2022–2023, according to Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast looks brighter next year, with a projected increase in visitors and gains in lodging and tourism spending, according to the nonprofit San Francisco Travel Association, the city’s official tourism marketing organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Striking hotel workers use pots, buckets and metallic barrels as drums beside an entrance to the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel as part of the hotel workers strike on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most strikes tend to last less than a week, in large part because workers sacrifice some or all of their pay during the work stoppage. The longer a labor disruption continues, the more pressure can grow for employers as well, said Johnnie Kallas, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://striketracker.ilr.cornell.edu/\">Labor Action Tracker\u003c/a>, documenting work stoppages of all sizes since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers are going to have a difficult time finding replacement workers, paying for replacement workers, keeping operations going, potentially having some pressure from external stakeholders in the community or maybe potentially even from guests,” said Kallas, an assistant professor at the University of Illinois School of Labor and Employment Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12010145 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/SFHotelWorkersGetty1.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strike activity has intensified as workers contend with wages that haven’t kept up with inflation. Meanwhile, low unemployment gives unions some leverage, as it’s harder for some industries to attract and retain workers, said John Logan, who directs labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large, successful walkouts, such as the United Auto Workers against three major manufacturers last fall, have also emboldened union members, he added. The UAW strike lasted six weeks and resulted in a deal with pay increases of \u003ca href=\"https://uaw.org/uaw-members-ratify-historic-contracts-at-ford-gm-and-stellantis/\">at least 33%\u003c/a> over a four-and-a-half-year contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing an increase in the willingness of unions to threaten strikes and to go out and strike in support of major pay increases because of the cost of living,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan believes the hotel workers will likely hold out for the kind of substantial pay raises Unite Here achieved with 73 hotels in Southern California and Arizona over the last year. According to Unite Here Local 11, the intermittent strikes involving 10,000 workers secured average wage increases of $11.25 an hour over four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a new sort of confidence within the labor movement at this moment,” Logan said. “You just get a sort of feeling that, ‘This is our moment to make up for losses of the past decade, particularly since the pandemic. So if we don’t strike now to get a big pay increase, then we might not have a better opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Striking San Francisco hotel workers want wage increases and pensions that keep up with the cost of living from five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels near Union Square.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tannia Turcios Brizuela picked up a megaphone on a recent morning and joined the loud chants of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999702/san-francisco-hotel-workers-vote-yes-to-potential-strike\">striking workers\u003c/a> — “Contract now! Contract now!” — near the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> hotel where she has set up banquets for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her co-workers took turns drumming, stocking a sidewalk tent with water and snacks, and cooking pupusas and quesadillas to sustain the picket line during six-hour shifts, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really difficult. Today it’s cold, it’s windy. I’d rather be inside working,” Turcios Brizuela said in Spanish outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel. “But we’ve got to be strong and hold out for better benefits for us and our families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12005938/over-1500-san-francisco-hotel-workers-strike-in-2nd-walkout-this-month\">strike against three of the industry’s most iconic global brands\u003c/a> has expanded to include nearly 2,000 workers. Most are entering their sixth week on the picket line. The employees at five Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott hotels near Union Square want \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010145/were-going-to-fight-more-than-100-sf-marriott-workers-go-on-strike-joining-other-hotel-walkouts-across-city\">wage increases and pensions\u003c/a> that keep up with the cost of living. Additional demands include maintaining health benefits and the reversal of COVID-era staffing cuts that exacerbate workloads when there are surges of guests, according to the hospitality union Unite Here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walkout comes during a wave of strikes across the country by Unite Here members. In Honolulu, more than 1,800 Hilton staffers at Hawaii’s largest resort walked off the job more than a month ago. In Boston, a picket line by 600 workers has continued for over three weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Turcios, the work stoppage poses additional challenges as her husband, Marcos, is also a Hilton employee on strike. The couple, who have two children ages 10 and 12, rely on financial aid from Unite Here Local 2, which amounts to just a fraction of their usual earnings. The family has dipped into savings to keep up with mortgage payments for their home in Richmond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s stressful to think how much longer we are going to be outside,” said Turcios, 40, who is originally from El Salvador. “We feel a little disappointed because we’ve been here for a month now, and there’s not much we’ve seen from the company of wanting to sit down, to negotiate, to offer us a fair contract.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In separate statements, spokespeople for Hilton, Hyatt and Marriott emphasized their commitment to negotiating fair agreements and noted that their hotels are working to minimize strike-related disruptions for guests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hilton makes every effort to maintain a cooperative and productive relationship with the unions that represent some of our Team Members, including Team Members at Hilton San Francisco Union Square,” a Hilton spokesperson said. “Our hotels have contingency plans in place to ensure operations continue to run as smoothly as possible, and hotel teams are engaging with guests to ensure they are taken care of during their stay with us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010663\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010663\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hotel workers picket outside the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel on Oct. 22, 2024.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Hyatt touted a long history of cooperating with their employees’ unions. Michael D’Angelo, head of labor relations for Hyatt in the Americas, said the company is disappointed the walkout continues in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“UNITE HERE Local 2 has not reached out to us to continue bargaining since the strike started,” he said. “We have offered competitive wages, health care and retirement benefits at the hotel that is on strike at this time, including an economic package that maintains no-cost health care for our colleagues.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lizzy Tapia, president of Unite Here Local 2, countered that Hyatt’s proposed pay and benefits are insufficient, and the company has not yet responded to an offer made by the union in August before the strike, which included making pay increases contingent on hotel profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When they’re ready to engage in real negotiations, they should reach out to us because we’re not going to waste our time if they’re just going to maintain the same — refusing to contribute to our health care plans and no real wage increases,” Tapia said, adding that the two parties remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hotel occupancy rates in the city remain lower than in 2019. San Francisco collected $414 million in hotel tax revenue in the 2018-2019 fiscal year but just over two-thirds of that amount in 2022–2023, according to Ted Egan, the city’s chief economist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast looks brighter next year, with a projected increase in visitors and gains in lodging and tourism spending, according to the nonprofit San Francisco Travel Association, the city’s official tourism marketing organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12010616\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12010616\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-HOTEL-STRIKE-ONE-MONTH-MD-08-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Striking hotel workers use pots, buckets and metallic barrels as drums beside an entrance to the Hilton San Francisco Union Square hotel as part of the hotel workers strike on Oct. 22, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most strikes tend to last less than a week, in large part because workers sacrifice some or all of their pay during the work stoppage. The longer a labor disruption continues, the more pressure can grow for employers as well, said Johnnie Kallas, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://striketracker.ilr.cornell.edu/\">Labor Action Tracker\u003c/a>, documenting work stoppages of all sizes since 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers are going to have a difficult time finding replacement workers, paying for replacement workers, keeping operations going, potentially having some pressure from external stakeholders in the community or maybe potentially even from guests,” said Kallas, an assistant professor at the University of Illinois School of Labor and Employment Relations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Strike activity has intensified as workers contend with wages that haven’t kept up with inflation. Meanwhile, low unemployment gives unions some leverage, as it’s harder for some industries to attract and retain workers, said John Logan, who directs labor and employment studies at San Francisco State University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Large, successful walkouts, such as the United Auto Workers against three major manufacturers last fall, have also emboldened union members, he added. The UAW strike lasted six weeks and resulted in a deal with pay increases of \u003ca href=\"https://uaw.org/uaw-members-ratify-historic-contracts-at-ford-gm-and-stellantis/\">at least 33%\u003c/a> over a four-and-a-half-year contract.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing an increase in the willingness of unions to threaten strikes and to go out and strike in support of major pay increases because of the cost of living,” Logan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Logan believes the hotel workers will likely hold out for the kind of substantial pay raises Unite Here achieved with 73 hotels in Southern California and Arizona over the last year. According to Unite Here Local 11, the intermittent strikes involving 10,000 workers secured average wage increases of $11.25 an hour over four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s just a new sort of confidence within the labor movement at this moment,” Logan said. “You just get a sort of feeling that, ‘This is our moment to make up for losses of the past decade, particularly since the pandemic. So if we don’t strike now to get a big pay increase, then we might not have a better opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a> and her challenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>, who previously served as a city supervisor and interim mayor, allegedly misused the official seal of San Francisco, according to cease-and-desist letters the city sent to both this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the letters sent Thursday only direct the candidates to stop using the seal for any unauthorized purposes, they also point out that such misuse constitutes a misdemeanor. And although Farrell’s alleged misuse came years before his mayoral campaign, the letter to Breed said the logo was “potentially misused in a private and/or campaign capacity.” The letters come just days before polls close on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">the city’s increasingly tight mayoral race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal is a significant symbol of our City and is not for general, commercial or political use,” reads the letter sent to Breed, signed by Angela Calvillo, clerk for the Board of Supervisors. “All other uses require Board of Supervisors approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter sent to Breed, first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Josh_Koehn/status/1849662870428213735\">The Information\u003c/a>, points specifically to an email sent on Sept. 4 by the personal email address of city chief of protocol Maryam Muduroglu, which used the seal on an invitation to “An Evening of Conversation with Mayor London Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though voters would have been in attendance at the event, no donations were reportedly collected and Breed’s campaign attributed the cease-and-desist letters to petty politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"From the 2024 Voter Guide\" link1='https://www.kqed.org/voterguide/sanfrancisco,San Francisco: Your Voter Guide to Navigate the Candidates and Issues on Your Ballot' hero=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/80/2024/02/Aside-Voter-Guide-Local-Elections-San-Francisco-1200x1200-1.png]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when San Franciscans are concerned about major issues that affect their daily lives, this is a colossal waste of time,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesman for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar letter sent to Farrell and the venture capital firm he led and co-founded, Thayer Ventures, alleged the seal was misused in a private investor presentation in November 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal on this private investor presentation is not official City business, and according to my records, the Board of Supervisors has not granted approval of the use of the City Seal for the presentation,” Calvillo wrote. “Therefore, I write to request that you immediately cease and desist using the City Seal in association with your activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor presentation happened over three years after Farrell left office in 2018 and over two years before he launched his mayoral campaign in February. Farrell, who has been accused of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">misusing the San Francisco Democratic Party’s logo\u003c/a> on a ballot measure campaign mailer, denied any credit for the presentation itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not create the deck,” which is no longer in use, Farrell said in a statement. “The deck was created by a third party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third letter was also sent to Shayne Copland, the CEO of Polymarket, a cryptocurrency website where people can place bets on elections, including \u003ca href=\"https://polymarket.com/event/who-will-win-san-francisco-mayoral-election/will-london-breed-win-the-san-francisco-mayoral-election?tid=1729880695130\">the San Francisco mayor’s race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/10/mark-farrell-hit-with-cease-and-desist-letter-over-use-of-s-f-city-seal/\">Mission Local\u003c/a> reported that, in an email to the Board of Supervisors, Calvillo called Polymarket’s use of the seal “the most egregious” case of the three letters sent out this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/london-breed\">London Breed\u003c/a> and her challenger \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mark-farrell\">Mark Farrell\u003c/a>, who previously served as a city supervisor and interim mayor, allegedly misused the official seal of San Francisco, according to cease-and-desist letters the city sent to both this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the letters sent Thursday only direct the candidates to stop using the seal for any unauthorized purposes, they also point out that such misuse constitutes a misdemeanor. And although Farrell’s alleged misuse came years before his mayoral campaign, the letter to Breed said the logo was “potentially misused in a private and/or campaign capacity.” The letters come just days before polls close on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-mayor-election\">the city’s increasingly tight mayoral race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal is a significant symbol of our City and is not for general, commercial or political use,” reads the letter sent to Breed, signed by Angela Calvillo, clerk for the Board of Supervisors. “All other uses require Board of Supervisors approval.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The letter sent to Breed, first reported by \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/Josh_Koehn/status/1849662870428213735\">The Information\u003c/a>, points specifically to an email sent on Sept. 4 by the personal email address of city chief of protocol Maryam Muduroglu, which used the seal on an invitation to “An Evening of Conversation with Mayor London Breed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though voters would have been in attendance at the event, no donations were reportedly collected and Breed’s campaign attributed the cease-and-desist letters to petty politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At a time when San Franciscans are concerned about major issues that affect their daily lives, this is a colossal waste of time,” said Joe Arellano, campaign spokesman for Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar letter sent to Farrell and the venture capital firm he led and co-founded, Thayer Ventures, alleged the seal was misused in a private investor presentation in November 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City Seal on this private investor presentation is not official City business, and according to my records, the Board of Supervisors has not granted approval of the use of the City Seal for the presentation,” Calvillo wrote. “Therefore, I write to request that you immediately cease and desist using the City Seal in association with your activities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor presentation happened over three years after Farrell left office in 2018 and over two years before he launched his mayoral campaign in February. Farrell, who has been accused of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12004858/san-francisco-democratic-party-accuses-farrell-of-misleading-voters-with-prop-d-ad\">misusing the San Francisco Democratic Party’s logo\u003c/a> on a ballot measure campaign mailer, denied any credit for the presentation itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I did not create the deck,” which is no longer in use, Farrell said in a statement. “The deck was created by a third party.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third letter was also sent to Shayne Copland, the CEO of Polymarket, a cryptocurrency website where people can place bets on elections, including \u003ca href=\"https://polymarket.com/event/who-will-win-san-francisco-mayoral-election/will-london-breed-win-the-san-francisco-mayoral-election?tid=1729880695130\">the San Francisco mayor’s race\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/10/mark-farrell-hit-with-cease-and-desist-letter-over-use-of-s-f-city-seal/\">Mission Local\u003c/a> reported that, in an email to the Board of Supervisors, Calvillo called Polymarket’s use of the seal “the most egregious” case of the three letters sent out this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Embattled San José Council Member Faces Recall Push Amid Sex Crimes Investigation",
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"headTitle": "Embattled San José Council Member Faces Recall Push Amid Sex Crimes Investigation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of downtown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> residents, including a top city staffer, are beginning a campaign to recall Councilmember Omar Torres, who is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">subject of a police investigation\u003c/a> into alleged sexual misconduct involving a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents in Torres’ District 3 said Friday that they are willing to see through a potentially months-long effort to recall him from office but hope the added pressure will force him to resign immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing this because enough is enough,” Matthew Quevedo, a resident and Mayor Matt Mahan’s deputy chief of staff, said at a news conference in front of City Hall. “We are building a coalition of neighbors, parents and small-business owners to begin this recall process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, who has not been formally charged with a crime and denied any wrongdoing, has faced a backlash and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009671/san-jose-mayor-and-council-call-on-councilmember-omar-torres-to-resign-amid-sexual-misconduct-allegations\">calls for his resignation\u003c/a> from all of his council colleagues since details of the police investigation emerged this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an affidavit supporting a search warrant and GPS tracking on Torres’ car, police said they are investigating Torres on suspicion of oral copulation of a minor and abnormal interest in children, a felony and a misdemeanor, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police first started looking into claims from Torres that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man from Chicago, Terry Beeks, with whom Torres had an online sexual relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the investigation seemed to turn to focus on Torres after police found texts from Torres to Beeks in 2022 describing the genitalia of an 11-year-old boy and writing that he had performed oral sex on a 17-year-old boy while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009735\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-term San José Councilmember Omar Torres is facing increasing pressure to resign following a police investigation into text messages he sent referencing sexually explicit acts with a minor. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In another text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, according to the affidavit, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres’ attorney, Nelson McElmurry, did not deny the authenticity of the texts but previously characterized the conversations as “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has been largely absent from public view since the investigation into him was first revealed. He has missed City Council meetings, committee meetings, and meetings of other regional boards and commissions he serves on, leading the council to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">strip him of his assignments\u003c/a> this week and reassign those duties to other members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was present at the last City Council meeting because I wanted to ask Omar in person for his resignation. But he was not there,” Melissa Reyes, who owns downtown’s Mesquite & Oak restaurant, said at Friday’s press conference. “We need the representation. And he was nowhere to be found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Morris, co-owner of Spicy Roy’s Caribbean Grill downtown, said the criminal investigation has stopped Torres from participating in neighborhood or business association meetings, frustrating people looking to make progress on issues such as homelessness, public safety and parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Hall in San José, California, on Tuesday, Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard repeatedly the frustrations of no representation at council,” said Quevedo, the mayor’s deputy chief of staff. “I’ve heard the concerns of neighbors attending meetings with a council member whose attorney tried to wave off inappropriate conversations about an 11-year-old child as simply role play and fantasy. This is simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also voted this week to approve an excused absence for Torres from its Oct. 8 meeting for illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry has said previously that the council member does not intend to resign, but in a late addition to the council’s rules committee meeting on Wednesday, Torres submitted a memo requesting approval to be excused from the Oct. 22, 29, and Nov. 5 meetings for a 30-day leave of absence, citing the need to protect his health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be taking a temporary leave of absence from the San José City Council, following my doctor’s recommendation … to focus on my mental health,” Torres wrote. “The allegations made against me have significantly impacted my emotional and mental well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12011106 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/04/RS48718_037_Alameda_MarioGonzalezVigil_04212021-qut-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his office would remain “fully operational” as his staff continues to serve residents, adding that he is “committed to returning to my duties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules committee, however, did not take action on the memo, meaning it will not appear on Tuesday’s agenda to be considered by the full council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term council member, is not up for reelection next month, and his current term is set to end in December 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quevedo, the mayor’s deputy chief of staff, acknowledged that it could take until early 2025 to get a special recall election in place for District 3 residents, but he said he’d rather start this effort now in light of Torres’ declination to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quevedo also dismissed the idea that his connection to Mahan could color this effort as a political play. He said he took a vacation day from his work in Mahan’s office to help organize Friday’s press conference and was working on the recall effort separately from his work duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a San Joséan first and foremost, I’m a father. I’m a husband. I’m a resident here in the neighborhood. I’ve been doing community advocacy work for the past 15 years,” Quevedo said. “And so this is my civic duty to get involved in this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said Friday that they plan to deliver Torres a notice of intent to recall him soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some at the press conference said the criminal investigation just offers another reason to oust a council member they weren’t fond of already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Cohen, a real estate investor in downtown San José and a resident, said he wasn’t happy with Torres’ work before the investigation was revealed, alleging he didn’t do enough to care for the whole district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had good representation for 10 years,” Cohen said, calling the investigation into Torres “one more nail in the coffin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of downtown \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">San José\u003c/a> residents, including a top city staffer, are beginning a campaign to recall Councilmember Omar Torres, who is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">subject of a police investigation\u003c/a> into alleged sexual misconduct involving a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residents in Torres’ District 3 said Friday that they are willing to see through a potentially months-long effort to recall him from office but hope the added pressure will force him to resign immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are doing this because enough is enough,” Matthew Quevedo, a resident and Mayor Matt Mahan’s deputy chief of staff, said at a news conference in front of City Hall. “We are building a coalition of neighbors, parents and small-business owners to begin this recall process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, who has not been formally charged with a crime and denied any wrongdoing, has faced a backlash and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009671/san-jose-mayor-and-council-call-on-councilmember-omar-torres-to-resign-amid-sexual-misconduct-allegations\">calls for his resignation\u003c/a> from all of his council colleagues since details of the police investigation emerged this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an affidavit supporting a search warrant and GPS tracking on Torres’ car, police said they are investigating Torres on suspicion of oral copulation of a minor and abnormal interest in children, a felony and a misdemeanor, respectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police first started looking into claims from Torres that he was being extorted by a 21-year-old man from Chicago, Terry Beeks, with whom Torres had an online sexual relationship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the investigation seemed to turn to focus on Torres after police found texts from Torres to Beeks in 2022 describing the genitalia of an 11-year-old boy and writing that he had performed oral sex on a 17-year-old boy while working at a college.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009735\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009735\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241016-OMAR-TORRES-GH-1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">First-term San José Councilmember Omar Torres is facing increasing pressure to resign following a police investigation into text messages he sent referencing sexually explicit acts with a minor. \u003ccite>(Joseph Geha/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In another text exchange with Beeks about having a sexual encounter, according to the affidavit, Torres asked, “U got any homies under 18.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres’ attorney, Nelson McElmurry, did not deny the authenticity of the texts but previously characterized the conversations as “outrageous fantasy and role play.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres has been largely absent from public view since the investigation into him was first revealed. He has missed City Council meetings, committee meetings, and meetings of other regional boards and commissions he serves on, leading the council to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12010529/san-jose-council-could-limit-omar-torres-power-amid-sexual-misconduct-investigation\">strip him of his assignments\u003c/a> this week and reassign those duties to other members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was present at the last City Council meeting because I wanted to ask Omar in person for his resignation. But he was not there,” Melissa Reyes, who owns downtown’s Mesquite & Oak restaurant, said at Friday’s press conference. “We need the representation. And he was nowhere to be found.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kevin Morris, co-owner of Spicy Roy’s Caribbean Grill downtown, said the criminal investigation has stopped Torres from participating in neighborhood or business association meetings, frustrating people looking to make progress on issues such as homelessness, public safety and parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11983130\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11983130\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/20230801-SJCityHall-27-JY_qut-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">City Hall in San José, California, on Tuesday, Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard repeatedly the frustrations of no representation at council,” said Quevedo, the mayor’s deputy chief of staff. “I’ve heard the concerns of neighbors attending meetings with a council member whose attorney tried to wave off inappropriate conversations about an 11-year-old child as simply role play and fantasy. This is simply unacceptable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council also voted this week to approve an excused absence for Torres from its Oct. 8 meeting for illness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McElmurry has said previously that the council member does not intend to resign, but in a late addition to the council’s rules committee meeting on Wednesday, Torres submitted a memo requesting approval to be excused from the Oct. 22, 29, and Nov. 5 meetings for a 30-day leave of absence, citing the need to protect his health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I will be taking a temporary leave of absence from the San José City Council, following my doctor’s recommendation … to focus on my mental health,” Torres wrote. “The allegations made against me have significantly impacted my emotional and mental well-being.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said his office would remain “fully operational” as his staff continues to serve residents, adding that he is “committed to returning to my duties.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rules committee, however, did not take action on the memo, meaning it will not appear on Tuesday’s agenda to be considered by the full council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres, a first-term council member, is not up for reelection next month, and his current term is set to end in December 2026.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quevedo, the mayor’s deputy chief of staff, acknowledged that it could take until early 2025 to get a special recall election in place for District 3 residents, but he said he’d rather start this effort now in light of Torres’ declination to resign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Quevedo also dismissed the idea that his connection to Mahan could color this effort as a political play. He said he took a vacation day from his work in Mahan’s office to help organize Friday’s press conference and was working on the recall effort separately from his work duties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a San Joséan first and foremost, I’m a father. I’m a husband. I’m a resident here in the neighborhood. I’ve been doing community advocacy work for the past 15 years,” Quevedo said. “And so this is my civic duty to get involved in this today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group said Friday that they plan to deliver Torres a notice of intent to recall him soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some at the press conference said the criminal investigation just offers another reason to oust a council member they weren’t fond of already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Cohen, a real estate investor in downtown San José and a resident, said he wasn’t happy with Torres’ work before the investigation was revealed, alleging he didn’t do enough to care for the whole district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We haven’t had good representation for 10 years,” Cohen said, calling the investigation into Torres “one more nail in the coffin.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"science-friday": {
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