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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">federal trial of a former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> wrapped up closing arguments on Wednesday, capping off six days of testimony that, along with hundreds of text messages, prosecutors say prove he conspired to deprive residents of their rights by using excessive force for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Morteza Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">sweeping corruption scandal\u003c/a> implicating members of the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that shook the Bay Area — and brought questions of police culture and complacency into the limelight — in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After closing arguments, the jury will now decide whether the evidence is enough to find that Amiri conspired to violate civil rights, used unreasonable force on three specific occasions, and falsified records on one of those occasions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng said as he began the prosecution’s closing statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He rested much of the case on the testimony of Amiri’s former colleague, Eric Rombough, who pleaded guilty to separate conspiracy charges earlier this year and became a key witness for the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough told jurors that as he and Amiri became “the best of friends” on the job, their “proactive” policing style also took a “dark turn,” leading them to encourage each other’s use of excessive force — often aided by Amiri’s police K9, Purcy, and Rombough’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">40-millimeter impact round launcher\u003c/a>, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This turn was in violation of the oaths that they swore as police officers and in violation of the law,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">from February 2019 to March 2022\u003c/a>, Rombough, Amiri and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger “encouraged each other to hurt people in the community,” even when it wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You heard Mr. Rombough’s testimony about this agreement,” Cheng continued. “When he was asked, ‘What was your agreement with Mr. Amiri and Mr. Wenger?’ His response was, ‘We were all on the same page that we didn’t feel the correct punishment was being issued, and we could dish out our own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also highlighted texts sent between former officers, including Amiri, Rombough and Wenger, the latter of whom faced charges in an associated case that ended in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">a mistrial last week\u003c/a>. While Amiri’s defense has written off the vulgar messages as the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful work environment, Rombough testified otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were serious. They were not a joke. They wanted to actually use force and hurt people, even if it wasn’t necessary,” Cheng said, summarizing Rombough’s statements on the stand. “They planned on it, they talked about it, and they even set it up.”[aside postID=news_12030325 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-10-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']The messages are part of a larger trove that the FBI uncovered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974853/judge-finds-8-antioch-police-officers-tainted-by-racial-bias-reduces-criminal-charges\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> into the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that included racist memes and notes shared among officers and directed at Antioch’s Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some texts that prosecutors have read into the record throughout the trial discuss the incidents involving three men Amiri is accused of having deprived of their rights through excessive force, including Daniel Romo, who testified last week that Purcy bit him in a tent in a homeless encampment that he ran into after being chased by police in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up,” a message from Amiri to Wenger said. “Went back and did justice. Wish you were there. Inside a tent with no cams [body-worn cameras], you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri said the dog “was hungry for human lol,” to which Wenger responded, “f— yes, f— that nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what f—ing happens when you run, you acquire a tax. His tax was paid properly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also reviewed similar message exchanges related to the other two people on whom Amiri is accused of using unreasonable force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The celebration of injuries and pain show the motivation and purpose behind these uses of force, not legitimate police purposes, but f—ing people up for the sake of inflicting injury,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the prosecution rested, the defense spent the afternoon painting a starkly different picture of the hundreds of messages shared between Antioch officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Paul Goyette said that prosecutors were putting “cherry-picked messages” — pulled from many more sent in group chats with entire shift crews and others between two officers spanning 2019 to 2022 — under a microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the way the officers texted was a “coping mechanism” for dealing with seeing “the worst things humans can do to other humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette suggested that the high crime, enormous stress and desensitization officers faced contributed to an “us versus them” mentality among the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly in law enforcement, especially in the city of Antioch, but it’s also in the military,” he said. “It could be firefighters and paramedics, surgeons and ER staff, construction and industrial workers, any stressful, dangerous job. … What you’re going to get is bravado, exaggeration, dark humor, gallows humor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wenger and another former Antioch officer at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goyette told the jury that the text messages sent were not accurate, factual or an admission of excessive force — they were personal communications sent “in the heat of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also took aim at the witnesses the prosecution leaned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide that a witness has deliberately testified untruthfully about something important, you may choose not to believe anything that witness said,” Goyette told the jurors, targeting the testimony of Adrian Arroyo, who was bitten by Purcy in 2019 — a case that Amiri is accused of falsifying the police report about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arroyo, who Goyette said has a “long history of criminal activity … of drug use,” testified that federal investigators had given him puppy urine pads at one point ahead of the trial but that he had not asked for them specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the probably many things he asked for that the government provided to him,” Goyette said. “He lied to you about something like that, which you might look at and go … ‘It really doesn’t matter.’ Yes, it does because it’s a reward. It’s an incentive to come in here and testify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette also emphasized the three dog bite victims’ history of drug use. He alleged that Romo’s testimony was riddled with lies and accused the third witness, Mason Zeigler, of “role-playing with FBI this week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s called telling the witness what to say,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding the text messages, Goyette argued that while they were “not politically correct, [and] they certainly can be viewed as unprofessional,” they didn’t violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe officers need to be counseled, disciplined, maybe need to be fired … but whether you laugh or are offended by it, [they] are not a crime,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">federal trial of a former Antioch police officer\u003c/a> wrapped up closing arguments on Wednesday, capping off six days of testimony that, along with hundreds of text messages, prosecutors say prove he conspired to deprive residents of their rights by using excessive force for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Morteza Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">sweeping corruption scandal\u003c/a> implicating members of the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that shook the Bay Area — and brought questions of police culture and complacency into the limelight — in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After closing arguments, the jury will now decide whether the evidence is enough to find that Amiri conspired to violate civil rights, used unreasonable force on three specific occasions, and falsified records on one of those occasions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You saw proof beyond a reasonable doubt,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Eric Cheng said as he began the prosecution’s closing statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He rested much of the case on the testimony of Amiri’s former colleague, Eric Rombough, who pleaded guilty to separate conspiracy charges earlier this year and became a key witness for the prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough told jurors that as he and Amiri became “the best of friends” on the job, their “proactive” policing style also took a “dark turn,” leading them to encourage each other’s use of excessive force — often aided by Amiri’s police K9, Purcy, and Rombough’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">40-millimeter impact round launcher\u003c/a>, which fires a hard foam projectile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This turn was in violation of the oaths that they swore as police officers and in violation of the law,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029300/former-antioch-officers-face-trial-for-alleged-conspiracy-civil-rights-violations\">from February 2019 to March 2022\u003c/a>, Rombough, Amiri and former officer Devon Christopher Wenger “encouraged each other to hurt people in the community,” even when it wasn’t necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You heard Mr. Rombough’s testimony about this agreement,” Cheng continued. “When he was asked, ‘What was your agreement with Mr. Amiri and Mr. Wenger?’ His response was, ‘We were all on the same page that we didn’t feel the correct punishment was being issued, and we could dish out our own.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also highlighted texts sent between former officers, including Amiri, Rombough and Wenger, the latter of whom faced charges in an associated case that ended in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">a mistrial last week\u003c/a>. While Amiri’s defense has written off the vulgar messages as the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful work environment, Rombough testified otherwise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were serious. They were not a joke. They wanted to actually use force and hurt people, even if it wasn’t necessary,” Cheng said, summarizing Rombough’s statements on the stand. “They planned on it, they talked about it, and they even set it up.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The messages are part of a larger trove that the FBI uncovered in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974853/judge-finds-8-antioch-police-officers-tainted-by-racial-bias-reduces-criminal-charges\">a 2023 investigation\u003c/a> into the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments that included racist memes and notes shared among officers and directed at Antioch’s Black and Latino residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some texts that prosecutors have read into the record throughout the trial discuss the incidents involving three men Amiri is accused of having deprived of their rights through excessive force, including Daniel Romo, who testified last week that Purcy bit him in a tent in a homeless encampment that he ran into after being chased by police in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I walked out the tent and game planned how to f— him up,” a message from Amiri to Wenger said. “Went back and did justice. Wish you were there. Inside a tent with no cams [body-worn cameras], you would have loved it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri said the dog “was hungry for human lol,” to which Wenger responded, “f— yes, f— that nerd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s what f—ing happens when you run, you acquire a tax. His tax was paid properly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng also reviewed similar message exchanges related to the other two people on whom Amiri is accused of using unreasonable force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The celebration of injuries and pain show the motivation and purpose behind these uses of force, not legitimate police purposes, but f—ing people up for the sake of inflicting injury,” Cheng said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the prosecution rested, the defense spent the afternoon painting a starkly different picture of the hundreds of messages shared between Antioch officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney Paul Goyette said that prosecutors were putting “cherry-picked messages” — pulled from many more sent in group chats with entire shift crews and others between two officers spanning 2019 to 2022 — under a microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said that the way the officers texted was a “coping mechanism” for dealing with seeing “the worst things humans can do to other humans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette suggested that the high crime, enormous stress and desensitization officers faced contributed to an “us versus them” mentality among the department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly in law enforcement, especially in the city of Antioch, but it’s also in the military,” he said. “It could be firefighters and paramedics, surgeons and ER staff, construction and industrial workers, any stressful, dangerous job. … What you’re going to get is bravado, exaggeration, dark humor, gallows humor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029523\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029523\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5881-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Nicole Castronovo, defense attorney for former Antioch police officer Devon Christopher Wenger, gives her opening statement in the federal trial against Wenger and another former Antioch officer at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Goyette told the jury that the text messages sent were not accurate, factual or an admission of excessive force — they were personal communications sent “in the heat of the moment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also took aim at the witnesses the prosecution leaned on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you decide that a witness has deliberately testified untruthfully about something important, you may choose not to believe anything that witness said,” Goyette told the jurors, targeting the testimony of Adrian Arroyo, who was bitten by Purcy in 2019 — a case that Amiri is accused of falsifying the police report about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arroyo, who Goyette said has a “long history of criminal activity … of drug use,” testified that federal investigators had given him puppy urine pads at one point ahead of the trial but that he had not asked for them specifically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s one of the probably many things he asked for that the government provided to him,” Goyette said. “He lied to you about something like that, which you might look at and go … ‘It really doesn’t matter.’ Yes, it does because it’s a reward. It’s an incentive to come in here and testify.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette also emphasized the three dog bite victims’ history of drug use. He alleged that Romo’s testimony was riddled with lies and accused the third witness, Mason Zeigler, of “role-playing with FBI this week.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s called telling the witness what to say,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regarding the text messages, Goyette argued that while they were “not politically correct, [and] they certainly can be viewed as unprofessional,” they didn’t violate the law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Maybe officers need to be counseled, disciplined, maybe need to be fired … but whether you laugh or are offended by it, [they] are not a crime,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The East Bay’s city of Richmond is strengthening its sanctuary city status after a unanimous City Council vote on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council approved a proposal that bars the use of city personnel and resources in assisting federal immigration enforcement officers or asking individuals about their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, submitted by the City Attorney’s office, follows a string of the city’s immigrant protection laws that were deemed no longer sufficient to protect Richmond’s immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also suggested banning city personnel from aiding federal immigration enforcement to “gather or disseminate information regarding [the] release status of individuals or any other such personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their meeting, the council raised the point that they were already closely following the practices outlined in the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Kimberly Chen, Senior Assistant at the City Attorney’s office, said codifying the practices was crucial to have better protections and precedent in the instance that the Trump administration took retaliatory action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City and County of San Francisco vs. Trump case did hold that the president exceeded his authority and violated the separation of powers when directing administrative agencies to withhold funding from jurisdictions that adopted sanctuary policies,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although supportive of the proposal, Councilmember Jamelia Brown raised concerns about the approximately $62.3 million in federal funding that the city of Richmond receives and the possibility of the Trump administration withholding them in retaliation.[aside postID=news_12028147 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240517-BrianJonesPB-21-BL-1020x680.jpg']“We are standing with the undocumented community, but if we are putting critical funding at risk, then we’re leaving out another group of individuals who we serve daily,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of citizens attended to voice their opinions, with the majority largely in favor of the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California pays more in taxes to the federal government than it receives from the federal government,” said Elsa Stevens, a citizen who took the stand. “So if we are to be punished for being kind to new people, then maybe we should withhold funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one citizen was not in favor — he began to berate the council, the Richmond police chief, and those who showed up in support of the proposal until he was gently escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, the council moved to amend the ordinance with more data protection items, per their legal team’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fear is real,” Brown said, but I also want to acknowledge that fear can be exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The East Bay’s city of Richmond is strengthening its sanctuary city status after a unanimous City Council vote on Tuesday night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The council approved a proposal that bars the use of city personnel and resources in assisting federal immigration enforcement officers or asking individuals about their citizenship status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, submitted by the City Attorney’s office, follows a string of the city’s immigrant protection laws that were deemed no longer sufficient to protect Richmond’s immigrant population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal also suggested banning city personnel from aiding federal immigration enforcement to “gather or disseminate information regarding [the] release status of individuals or any other such personal information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their meeting, the council raised the point that they were already closely following the practices outlined in the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Kimberly Chen, Senior Assistant at the City Attorney’s office, said codifying the practices was crucial to have better protections and precedent in the instance that the Trump administration took retaliatory action against the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The City and County of San Francisco vs. Trump case did hold that the president exceeded his authority and violated the separation of powers when directing administrative agencies to withhold funding from jurisdictions that adopted sanctuary policies,” Chen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although supportive of the proposal, Councilmember Jamelia Brown raised concerns about the approximately $62.3 million in federal funding that the city of Richmond receives and the possibility of the Trump administration withholding them in retaliation.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We are standing with the undocumented community, but if we are putting critical funding at risk, then we’re leaving out another group of individuals who we serve daily,” Brown said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dozens of citizens attended to voice their opinions, with the majority largely in favor of the proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California pays more in taxes to the federal government than it receives from the federal government,” said Elsa Stevens, a citizen who took the stand. “So if we are to be punished for being kind to new people, then maybe we should withhold funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only one citizen was not in favor — he began to berate the council, the Richmond police chief, and those who showed up in support of the proposal until he was gently escorted out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, the council moved to amend the ordinance with more data protection items, per their legal team’s review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Fear is real,” Brown said, but I also want to acknowledge that fear can be exploited.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "san-bruno-deal-with-comcast-marks-end-of-an-era-for-city-owned-internet-cable-service",
"title": "San Bruno Deal With Comcast Marks End of an Era for City-Owned Internet, Cable Service",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bruno leaders have finalized an agreement for Comcast to purchase the city’s cable and internet service, marking the first time the telecommunication giant has acquired a municipally owned broadband provider in California, the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned and operated by San Bruno since 1971, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanbruno.ca.gov/160/CityNet-Services\">CityNet\u003c/a> serves about 6,000 residents, and is one of just a handful of remaining \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandnow.com/municipal-providers\">city-owned telecom services\u003c/a> in California. But in recent years, it has lacked funds needed for major infrastructure upgrades and fallen behind its larger competitors while also racking up a debt of about $21.5 million amid surging operating costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rates simply were not keeping pace with costs,” the city manager’s office wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://sanbruno.ca.gov/AgendaCenter/ViewFile/Agenda/_01282025-2273\">January report\u003c/a> to the City Council. “CityNet has grown increasingly technologically obsolete over the past decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week’s deal was inked just over a month after City Council members voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"https://www.smdailyjournal.com/news/local/san-bruno-sells-cable-service/article_0139ea3c-e20c-11ef-a02a-2b2e9558d86c.html\">sell CityNet Services to Comcast \u003c/a>for $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The landscape of modern digital media is not something that a small city like San Bruno can compete in anymore,” said Councilmember Tom Hamilton, a lifelong San Bruno resident who was all of 3 years old when CityNet first launched as a cable provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, it was cutting edge. And it was a really great amenity to have for our residents because we had complete control over it, and we weren’t subject to lots of rate increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the envy of my friends who lived in Millbrae and Burlingame because we had cable,” Hamilton added. “We had 13 channels with no fuzz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=science_1995529 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2025/02/20250127_CSUMB-Electricity_DB_00471_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with the advent of thousands of cable channels and high-speed broadband, the service became increasingly expensive for the city to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bruno had already recently paid for the installation of fiber-optic service in nearly 20% of the city — primarily in multi-family complexes. However, it would have cost roughly $20 million more to complete the citywide upgrade, which the council declined to approve in 2023. Last year, the council unanimously decided to ask the city manager to begin exploring the sale of CityNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outcome was inevitable,” Hamilton said. “I wish it had happened sooner before it had accrued so much debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that all San Bruno residents subsidize CityNet through their tax dollars, even though only about 40% of households are customers of the service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the agreement, Comcast has promised it will not increase rates for at least 12 months as it begins converting the infrastructure across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comcast, the only company to respond to the city’s request for proposals, initially offered $7 million but agreed to $8 million if certain conditions were met, including the retention of at least 5,400 CityNet customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comcast has faced its fair share of complaints over the years from customers claiming the multibillion-dollar conglomerate charged them bogus, deceptive fees. That includes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/comcast-class-action-not/\">2016 class-action lawsuit in California\u003c/a>, in which plaintiffs alleged they were charged $10 extra per month in “broadcast TV” and “regional sports” fees that the company disguised as government-imposed taxes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a six-month transition period after the sale has closed, San Bruno will continue operating CityNet while Comcast begins upgrades and starts transitioning customers to its service, City Manager Alex McIntyre told council members at last month’s meeting. For most customers, he said, the process is expected to be fairly seamless and will likely be completed by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like selling a car where they hand over the keys,” McIntyre said. “It’s a marriage of our technology into their technology. It’s more like handing off the airplane midflight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s team said it is working on a plan to transition CityNet’s 19 employees into other city departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Bruno Mayor Rico E. Medina said that the evolving demands of maintaining and upgrading the network underscored the need for a partner with more resources and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This transition will ensure that our residents and businesses continue to have access to top-tier broadband services today and well into the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Hamilton, the sale is somewhat bittersweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of a point of pride to be able to say that we have our own municipal cable enterprise,” he said. “We were one of the first in the nation to have one, and now we’re one of the last in the nation to give it up because the sun has set on cities being able to do this effectively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he has no reservations about the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that this is going to be a great solution for San Bruno,” he said. “The old solution wasn’t working. The time had come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Comcast has agreed to pay San Bruno $8 million to acquire CityNet Services, one of the first — and last — municipally owned telecommunications services in California.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 12 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bruno leaders have finalized an agreement for Comcast to purchase the city’s cable and internet service, marking the first time the telecommunication giant has acquired a municipally owned broadband provider in California, the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Owned and operated by San Bruno since 1971, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanbruno.ca.gov/160/CityNet-Services\">CityNet\u003c/a> serves about 6,000 residents, and is one of just a handful of remaining \u003ca href=\"https://broadbandnow.com/municipal-providers\">city-owned telecom services\u003c/a> in California. But in recent years, it has lacked funds needed for major infrastructure upgrades and fallen behind its larger competitors while also racking up a debt of about $21.5 million amid surging operating costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Rates simply were not keeping pace with costs,” the city manager’s office wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://sanbruno.ca.gov/AgendaCenter/ViewFile/Agenda/_01282025-2273\">January report\u003c/a> to the City Council. “CityNet has grown increasingly technologically obsolete over the past decade.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week’s deal was inked just over a month after City Council members voted unanimously to \u003ca href=\"https://www.smdailyjournal.com/news/local/san-bruno-sells-cable-service/article_0139ea3c-e20c-11ef-a02a-2b2e9558d86c.html\">sell CityNet Services to Comcast \u003c/a>for $8 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The landscape of modern digital media is not something that a small city like San Bruno can compete in anymore,” said Councilmember Tom Hamilton, a lifelong San Bruno resident who was all of 3 years old when CityNet first launched as a cable provider.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At the time, it was cutting edge. And it was a really great amenity to have for our residents because we had complete control over it, and we weren’t subject to lots of rate increases,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was the envy of my friends who lived in Millbrae and Burlingame because we had cable,” Hamilton added. “We had 13 channels with no fuzz.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, with the advent of thousands of cable channels and high-speed broadband, the service became increasingly expensive for the city to operate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Bruno had already recently paid for the installation of fiber-optic service in nearly 20% of the city — primarily in multi-family complexes. However, it would have cost roughly $20 million more to complete the citywide upgrade, which the council declined to approve in 2023. Last year, the council unanimously decided to ask the city manager to begin exploring the sale of CityNet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This outcome was inevitable,” Hamilton said. “I wish it had happened sooner before it had accrued so much debt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also noted that all San Bruno residents subsidize CityNet through their tax dollars, even though only about 40% of households are customers of the service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the agreement, Comcast has promised it will not increase rates for at least 12 months as it begins converting the infrastructure across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comcast, the only company to respond to the city’s request for proposals, initially offered $7 million but agreed to $8 million if certain conditions were met, including the retention of at least 5,400 CityNet customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Comcast has faced its fair share of complaints over the years from customers claiming the multibillion-dollar conglomerate charged them bogus, deceptive fees. That includes a \u003ca href=\"https://www.courthousenews.com/comcast-class-action-not/\">2016 class-action lawsuit in California\u003c/a>, in which plaintiffs alleged they were charged $10 extra per month in “broadcast TV” and “regional sports” fees that the company disguised as government-imposed taxes. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During a six-month transition period after the sale has closed, San Bruno will continue operating CityNet while Comcast begins upgrades and starts transitioning customers to its service, City Manager Alex McIntyre told council members at last month’s meeting. For most customers, he said, the process is expected to be fairly seamless and will likely be completed by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not like selling a car where they hand over the keys,” McIntyre said. “It’s a marriage of our technology into their technology. It’s more like handing off the airplane midflight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city manager’s team said it is working on a plan to transition CityNet’s 19 employees into other city departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, San Bruno Mayor Rico E. Medina said that the evolving demands of maintaining and upgrading the network underscored the need for a partner with more resources and expertise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This transition will ensure that our residents and businesses continue to have access to top-tier broadband services today and well into the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Hamilton, the sale is somewhat bittersweet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was kind of a point of pride to be able to say that we have our own municipal cable enterprise,” he said. “We were one of the first in the nation to have one, and now we’re one of the last in the nation to give it up because the sun has set on cities being able to do this effectively.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he has no reservations about the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m very hopeful that this is going to be a great solution for San Bruno,” he said. “The old solution wasn’t working. The time had come.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The Bay Area is in for a wet rest of the workweek as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030575/bay-area-braces-for-rain-snow-potential-flooding\">series of storms\u003c/a> promising waves of wind and rain roll into Northern California on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After early morning rain along the coast, the main weather system will hit the North Bay by late morning and spread south, hitting San Francisco around midday. The South Bay mountains and Central Coast are expected to get hit the hardest, according to Roger Gass, a meteorologist in the National Weather Service’s Bay Area office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent, heavy rainfall and strong southerly winds will make for “nasty” conditions in the early afternoon, the weather service said, before a cold front arriving in the evening changes the storm pattern across the region. It said to be prepared for downed trees and related disruptions to roadways and power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A wind advisory is in effect until 8 p.m. Wednesday, with gusts up to 45 mph in many places and up to 55 mph along the coast and on ridgelines, according to the weather service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As steady rain turns into more unstable showers, volatility will continue into Thursday, with heightened chances for thunderstorms and possibly hail. Rainfall is expected to ebb in the evening, offering a brief reprieve before more storms arrive through the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re forecasting unsettled weather conditions to persist and be generally at or below average for this time of year, but the strongest storm system is the one today,” Gass said. “We’re expecting the subsequent ones to be less impactful, and the next week will be kind of unsettled and cool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12028190 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-PropKFolo-18-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through Thursday afternoon, forecasters are expecting half an inch to an inch of rain across San Francisco. The highest totals will be in coastal ranges like the Santa Cruz Mountains, which could see up to 2 ½ inches, Gass said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm will also bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029075/california-snowpack-rebounds-amid-a-wobbly-winter-with-more-storms-on-the-way\">more snow\u003c/a> to the Sierra Nevada with colder conditions Wednesday night. It could dump 8 to 12 inches on the Lake Tahoe area overnight, according to Gass, and another few inches throughout the day Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second of three storms this week will arrive Friday, bringing more steady rain similar to Wednesday, though likely less intense, according to the National Weather Service. A third similar storm is expected to hit the Bay Area on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rainfall totals aren’t expected to threaten river \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026874/bay-area-heavy-rain-flooding-landslides-thousands-without-power\">flooding\u003c/a> like the Bay Area saw in February, according to Gass, but streams, creeks and ponding on roadways could come as repeated storms dump a few inches at a time over the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past Monday, the forecast is fairly uncertain, but the weather service said conditions continue to look “unstable,” so don’t expect spring sunshine just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not seeing much dry weather,” Gass said. “There will be breaks in between the systems, but we’re not expecting them to last long as more systems are on the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A wind advisory is in effect for the Bay Area on Wednesday, and rain will pick up by midday, with the South Bay mountains and Central Coast expected to be hit the hardest.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The Bay Area is in for a wet rest of the workweek as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030575/bay-area-braces-for-rain-snow-potential-flooding\">series of storms\u003c/a> promising waves of wind and rain roll into Northern California on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After early morning rain along the coast, the main weather system will hit the North Bay by late morning and spread south, hitting San Francisco around midday. The South Bay mountains and Central Coast are expected to get hit the hardest, according to Roger Gass, a meteorologist in the National Weather Service’s Bay Area office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consistent, heavy rainfall and strong southerly winds will make for “nasty” conditions in the early afternoon, the weather service said, before a cold front arriving in the evening changes the storm pattern across the region. It said to be prepared for downed trees and related disruptions to roadways and power lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A wind advisory is in effect until 8 p.m. Wednesday, with gusts up to 45 mph in many places and up to 55 mph along the coast and on ridgelines, according to the weather service.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As steady rain turns into more unstable showers, volatility will continue into Thursday, with heightened chances for thunderstorms and possibly hail. Rainfall is expected to ebb in the evening, offering a brief reprieve before more storms arrive through the weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re forecasting unsettled weather conditions to persist and be generally at or below average for this time of year, but the strongest storm system is the one today,” Gass said. “We’re expecting the subsequent ones to be less impactful, and the next week will be kind of unsettled and cool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Through Thursday afternoon, forecasters are expecting half an inch to an inch of rain across San Francisco. The highest totals will be in coastal ranges like the Santa Cruz Mountains, which could see up to 2 ½ inches, Gass said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm will also bring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029075/california-snowpack-rebounds-amid-a-wobbly-winter-with-more-storms-on-the-way\">more snow\u003c/a> to the Sierra Nevada with colder conditions Wednesday night. It could dump 8 to 12 inches on the Lake Tahoe area overnight, according to Gass, and another few inches throughout the day Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second of three storms this week will arrive Friday, bringing more steady rain similar to Wednesday, though likely less intense, according to the National Weather Service. A third similar storm is expected to hit the Bay Area on Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rainfall totals aren’t expected to threaten river \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026874/bay-area-heavy-rain-flooding-landslides-thousands-without-power\">flooding\u003c/a> like the Bay Area saw in February, according to Gass, but streams, creeks and ponding on roadways could come as repeated storms dump a few inches at a time over the coming days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Past Monday, the forecast is fairly uncertain, but the weather service said conditions continue to look “unstable,” so don’t expect spring sunshine just yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not seeing much dry weather,” Gass said. “There will be breaks in between the systems, but we’re not expecting them to last long as more systems are on the way.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "a-marin-school-board-questioned-the-term-toxic-masculinity-then-came-the-backlash",
"title": "A Marin School Board Questioned the Term ‘Toxic Masculinity.’ Then Came the Backlash",
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"content": "\u003cp>Mark Koerner just learned the tough lesson that questioning the term “toxic masculinity” in a liberal school district can spur a reaction that might come across as, well, a bit toxic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was pretty confrontational towards me. You can call it toxic. You can call it whatever you want,” said Koerner, vice president of the San Rafael City Schools’ Board of Education, a day after a throng of district parents vociferously panned his resolution during \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/Vxy9H6zhMxI\">a school board meeting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Offensive,” “embarrassing,” ridiculous,” “tone deaf,” “insensitive at best.” Those were just some of the jabs in the nearly hourlong fusillade of admonishments, mostly from district moms, of Koerner and his ill-fated resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure in question, titled “Recognition of the Essential Role and Needs of Young Men in Society,” sought to officially “recognize and support the needs of young men, promoting their mental, emotional, and physical health” and recognize that “the current emotional, educational, and financial state of young men is in critical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most controversially, it also criticized the use of the term “toxic masculinity,” arguing it “does not reflect the vast majority of men and can detract from constructive dialogues,” while also saying “language that implies young men need to be ‘fixed’ by women undermines mutual respect and equality and is not conducive to constructive discourse on gender dynamics in our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koerner, a tech investor and father of two teenage boys, who was previously co-CEO of Dictionary.com, said he introduced the resolution to underscore “the need to recognize young men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was was intended to highlight boys’ lower rates of academic achievement and higher rates of suicide and mental health issues, he said, noting that, on average, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/high-school-graduation-rate-boys-c7b8dff33221e0ded2d1369397d96455\">high school graduation rates for boys\u003c/a> are, on average, lower than they are for girls and that boys are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5848397/#:~:text=In%20early%20adolescence%2C%20the%20onset,are%20still%20not%20fully%20understood.\">less likely \u003c/a>to seek support for mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to ban any words. People should be able to say whatever they want,” Koerner told KQED on Tuesday. “I was suggesting that maybe [a term like toxic masculinity] is something that when young men hear that, it triggers them … even if they don’t associate with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I thought it was worth bringing up so that we would start to think about the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suffice it to say, Koerner’s effort didn’t land well. The timing of its introduction — in the middle of Women’s History Month — also didn’t help his cause, prompting one commenter at the meeting to decry it as “a mockery” of the observance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s bad timing, obviously I could have been more thoughtful about that,” Koerner admitted. “I can’t say anything more than that I missed that. … Six months ago would have been better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well before the meeting, the cascade of condemnations came flooding in, so much so that Koerner pulled the resolution hours before the board’s scheduled vote — proposing instead to use the time to convey his intentions and hear people’s concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And hear from them he did, with some two dozen parents waiting in line to air their grievances at a meeting that typically has just a handful of attendees, but on Monday drew closer to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so frustrated that this is how we’re spending our time at our school board meetings. This is embarrassing,” said Lindsey Holtaway, one of the many impassioned parents who spoke during the roughly 45-minute comment session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parents hinted that Koerner should resign, while others suggested his resolution was another salvo in the culture wars fueled by the anti-woke rhetoric and policies of the Trump administration. One commenter specifically referenced recent remarks by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedailybeast.com/jd-vance-offers-cringe-advice-to-young-men-suppressed-by-us-culture/\">Vice President J.D. Vance\u003c/a> encouraging young men to embrace their masculinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed more like a trickle-down Trumpism that’s probably infecting school boards all across the nation right now,” Olivia Vos, a mother with a second-grade student in the district and a 4-year-old son, told KRON4 before the meeting.[aside postID=forum_2010101907961 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/43/2024/11/11-26-WPI-10am-1020x574.jpg']Koerner said he found that perceived connection “disappointing because I don’t see myself as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry it upset them so much,” said Koerner, who joined the board last year. “My goals are not to be divisive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Superintendent Carmen Diaz Ghysels, who led Monday’s meeting, declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in Monday’s meeting, Morgan Agnew, president of the San Rafael Federation of Teachers, set the tone by lambasting Koerner for allegedly introducing the resolution without consulting the district’s educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have told you about the important programs we already have to support our male students: the Boys Group at Madrone, Dudes and Donuts, the Champion Men’s Zone, just to name a few,” he said. “Supporting young men and recognizing systemic gender inequalities are not mutually exclusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Koerner still thinks many people agree with the sentiment of his resolution, if not the language, and he said he would gladly hand off the issue to someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be actually happy to step aside and maybe let one of our other trustees manage that or let the educators themselves come up with something if they want to,” he said, adding that he’d even consider resigning from the board if there was a big push to “get rid of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to interject myself into it,” he said. “I’m not here to put my personal footprint on this or to be the person solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Facing intense criticism, the vice president of the San Rafael City Schools’ Board of Education on Monday withdrew his resolution, which sought to officially recognize that ‘the current emotional, educational, and financial state of young men is in critical condition.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Mark Koerner just learned the tough lesson that questioning the term “toxic masculinity” in a liberal school district can spur a reaction that might come across as, well, a bit toxic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was pretty confrontational towards me. You can call it toxic. You can call it whatever you want,” said Koerner, vice president of the San Rafael City Schools’ Board of Education, a day after a throng of district parents vociferously panned his resolution during \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/live/Vxy9H6zhMxI\">a school board meeting\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Offensive,” “embarrassing,” ridiculous,” “tone deaf,” “insensitive at best.” Those were just some of the jabs in the nearly hourlong fusillade of admonishments, mostly from district moms, of Koerner and his ill-fated resolution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure in question, titled “Recognition of the Essential Role and Needs of Young Men in Society,” sought to officially “recognize and support the needs of young men, promoting their mental, emotional, and physical health” and recognize that “the current emotional, educational, and financial state of young men is in critical condition.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most controversially, it also criticized the use of the term “toxic masculinity,” arguing it “does not reflect the vast majority of men and can detract from constructive dialogues,” while also saying “language that implies young men need to be ‘fixed’ by women undermines mutual respect and equality and is not conducive to constructive discourse on gender dynamics in our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koerner, a tech investor and father of two teenage boys, who was previously co-CEO of Dictionary.com, said he introduced the resolution to underscore “the need to recognize young men.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was was intended to highlight boys’ lower rates of academic achievement and higher rates of suicide and mental health issues, he said, noting that, on average, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/high-school-graduation-rate-boys-c7b8dff33221e0ded2d1369397d96455\">high school graduation rates for boys\u003c/a> are, on average, lower than they are for girls and that boys are \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5848397/#:~:text=In%20early%20adolescence%2C%20the%20onset,are%20still%20not%20fully%20understood.\">less likely \u003c/a>to seek support for mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to ban any words. People should be able to say whatever they want,” Koerner told KQED on Tuesday. “I was suggesting that maybe [a term like toxic masculinity] is something that when young men hear that, it triggers them … even if they don’t associate with that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added, “I thought it was worth bringing up so that we would start to think about the problem.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Suffice it to say, Koerner’s effort didn’t land well. The timing of its introduction — in the middle of Women’s History Month — also didn’t help his cause, prompting one commenter at the meeting to decry it as “a mockery” of the observance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s bad timing, obviously I could have been more thoughtful about that,” Koerner admitted. “I can’t say anything more than that I missed that. … Six months ago would have been better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well before the meeting, the cascade of condemnations came flooding in, so much so that Koerner pulled the resolution hours before the board’s scheduled vote — proposing instead to use the time to convey his intentions and hear people’s concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And hear from them he did, with some two dozen parents waiting in line to air their grievances at a meeting that typically has just a handful of attendees, but on Monday drew closer to 100.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am so frustrated that this is how we’re spending our time at our school board meetings. This is embarrassing,” said Lindsey Holtaway, one of the many impassioned parents who spoke during the roughly 45-minute comment session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parents hinted that Koerner should resign, while others suggested his resolution was another salvo in the culture wars fueled by the anti-woke rhetoric and policies of the Trump administration. One commenter specifically referenced recent remarks by \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedailybeast.com/jd-vance-offers-cringe-advice-to-young-men-suppressed-by-us-culture/\">Vice President J.D. Vance\u003c/a> encouraging young men to embrace their masculinity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just seemed more like a trickle-down Trumpism that’s probably infecting school boards all across the nation right now,” Olivia Vos, a mother with a second-grade student in the district and a 4-year-old son, told KRON4 before the meeting.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Koerner said he found that perceived connection “disappointing because I don’t see myself as that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sorry it upset them so much,” said Koerner, who joined the board last year. “My goals are not to be divisive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District Superintendent Carmen Diaz Ghysels, who led Monday’s meeting, declined KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in Monday’s meeting, Morgan Agnew, president of the San Rafael Federation of Teachers, set the tone by lambasting Koerner for allegedly introducing the resolution without consulting the district’s educators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have told you about the important programs we already have to support our male students: the Boys Group at Madrone, Dudes and Donuts, the Champion Men’s Zone, just to name a few,” he said. “Supporting young men and recognizing systemic gender inequalities are not mutually exclusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For his part, Koerner still thinks many people agree with the sentiment of his resolution, if not the language, and he said he would gladly hand off the issue to someone else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would be actually happy to step aside and maybe let one of our other trustees manage that or let the educators themselves come up with something if they want to,” he said, adding that he’d even consider resigning from the board if there was a big push to “get rid of me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal is not to interject myself into it,” he said. “I’m not here to put my personal footprint on this or to be the person solving it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Porter Enters Crowded Field for California Governor as Kamala Harris Weighs Run",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter launched her bid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> governor on Tuesday, hoping a promise of “fresh blood and new ideas” will help her overcome challenges that plagued her U.S. Senate campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027239/as-kamala-harris-mulls-a-run-for-governor-trump-republicans-do-too\">2026 field is already crowded\u003c/a> with Democratic hopefuls, including former state Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former State Controller Betty Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter carries clear advantages into the race. She has a defined image forged through a hard-fought win for the Orange County seat in 2018. In Congress, she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780944/katie-porter-on-congressional-hearings-class-with-elizabeth-warren-and-learning-to-surf\">exhibited a penchant\u003c/a> for grilling high-profile witnesses, such as JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon and former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Robert Redfield, in hearings on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Porter has demonstrated the ability to raise the enormous sums needed for a statewide campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her Senate run, Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976805/katie-porter-on-israel-hamas-war-not-taking-pac-money-and-her-expert-quilter-mother\">faced challenges\u003c/a> from the state’s political establishment and a political climate that didn’t align with her campaign’s focus. Porter’s bid for governor could depend on whether former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> decides to run for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement video, Porter argued the state is in need of “leaders with the backbone to fight for what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians,” Porter said. “We don’t have to choose between defending our values and tackling our challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, Porter’s political superpower was her ability to win a swing district as a progressive. She defeated incumbent Republican Rep. Mimi Walters in 2018 and fended off successive GOP challenges in the highly contested Irvine-area seat. Central to Porter’s appeal to independents and swing voters is her willingness to question sacred cows on both sides of the aisle, including her push to end earmarks and ban lawmakers from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has a political brand,” said Darry Sragow, who managed gubernatorial campaigns for Dianne Feinstein and John Garamendi.[aside postID=news_12027239 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2177538092-scaled.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very smart, she’s very tough, she’s very strong, she’s outspoken and she’s authentic,” Sragow added. “She says what she means and she means what she says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Porter pledged to “bring all voices to the table to hear good ideas, no matter who they come from or what else we may agree or disagree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll work with anybody, and I’ll say ‘no’ to anybody because I’ve never been for sale, and I never will be,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s independent streak and bomb-throwing style have also landed her in hot water with other Democrats at times. When she ran on a promise to “shake up the Senate,” former California Sen. Barbara Boxer said Porter was acting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-02-22/2024-california-senate-election-women-female-katie-porter-barbara-lee-dianne-feinstein\">holier-than-thou\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most elected Democrats and powerful labor groups endorsed fellow Reps. Adam Schiff and Barbara Lee. Schiff won the election easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter had to walk back comments that a pro-cryptocurrency group that spent heavily against her campaign was “spending millions to rig this election.” She was widely denounced by Democrats, who said her comments echoed the election-denying language of the Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent decades, California Democrats have coalesced around statewide candidates squarely within the party establishment, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Gov. Jerry Brown, Harris and Schiff. According to Sragow, the deep connections to the party “certainly helped Jerry Brown, it helped Gray Davis, it helped Gavin Newsom — they were all well-credentialed as people who had held office,” Sragow said.[aside postID=forum_2010101892849 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/11/GettyImages-1440583508.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Duran, a former adviser to California Democrats such as Brown, Harris and Feinstein, said the response to Trump by elected Democrats has opened up an opportunity for a candidate like Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think after seeing most of the Democratic establishment hide under a rock for the last several months, I think people will be in the mood for some strong, bold, fierce leadership,” Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To break through as California’s first female governor, Porter will also need better luck in whatever issues come to dominate the 2026 campaign. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974647/schiff-for-senate-tv-ad-has-democrats-and-republicans-crying-foul\">the Senate race\u003c/a>, Porter’s focus on fighting corruption and challenging the systems of Washington didn’t align with voters’ concerns about the re-emergence of Trump and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967845/california-democratic-senate-candidates-face-calls-for-cease-fire-at-party-convention\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Porter, who worked under Harris in the California Department of Justice, and other Democrats will remain in the race or seek other statewide offices if Harris jumped in. Duran said candidates who show that kind of deference “are not suited to be California governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tough job,” he said. “If Kamala Harris maybe getting in is enough for you to throw in the towel, then go be treasurer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Former Orange County Rep. Katie Porter launched her bid for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a> governor on Tuesday, hoping a promise of “fresh blood and new ideas” will help her overcome challenges that plagued her U.S. Senate campaign last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027239/as-kamala-harris-mulls-a-run-for-governor-trump-republicans-do-too\">2026 field is already crowded\u003c/a> with Democratic hopefuls, including former state Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins, Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, state Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Thurmond, former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and former State Controller Betty Yee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter carries clear advantages into the race. She has a defined image forged through a hard-fought win for the Orange County seat in 2018. In Congress, she \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11780944/katie-porter-on-congressional-hearings-class-with-elizabeth-warren-and-learning-to-surf\">exhibited a penchant\u003c/a> for grilling high-profile witnesses, such as JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon and former Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Robert Redfield, in hearings on Capitol Hill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And Porter has demonstrated the ability to raise the enormous sums needed for a statewide campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her Senate run, Porter \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11976805/katie-porter-on-israel-hamas-war-not-taking-pac-money-and-her-expert-quilter-mother\">faced challenges\u003c/a> from the state’s political establishment and a political climate that didn’t align with her campaign’s focus. Porter’s bid for governor could depend on whether former Vice President \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">Kamala Harris\u003c/a> decides to run for the state’s top job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement video, Porter argued the state is in need of “leaders with the backbone to fight for what is right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians,” Porter said. “We don’t have to choose between defending our values and tackling our challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, Porter’s political superpower was her ability to win a swing district as a progressive. She defeated incumbent Republican Rep. Mimi Walters in 2018 and fended off successive GOP challenges in the highly contested Irvine-area seat. Central to Porter’s appeal to independents and swing voters is her willingness to question sacred cows on both sides of the aisle, including her push to end earmarks and ban lawmakers from trading stocks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She has a political brand,” said Darry Sragow, who managed gubernatorial campaigns for Dianne Feinstein and John Garamendi.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s very smart, she’s very tough, she’s very strong, she’s outspoken and she’s authentic,” Sragow added. “She says what she means and she means what she says.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her announcement, Porter pledged to “bring all voices to the table to hear good ideas, no matter who they come from or what else we may agree or disagree on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll work with anybody, and I’ll say ‘no’ to anybody because I’ve never been for sale, and I never will be,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter’s independent streak and bomb-throwing style have also landed her in hot water with other Democrats at times. When she ran on a promise to “shake up the Senate,” former California Sen. Barbara Boxer said Porter was acting “\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-02-22/2024-california-senate-election-women-female-katie-porter-barbara-lee-dianne-feinstein\">holier-than-thou\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most elected Democrats and powerful labor groups endorsed fellow Reps. Adam Schiff and Barbara Lee. Schiff won the election easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter had to walk back comments that a pro-cryptocurrency group that spent heavily against her campaign was “spending millions to rig this election.” She was widely denounced by Democrats, who said her comments echoed the election-denying language of the Republican Party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent decades, California Democrats have coalesced around statewide candidates squarely within the party establishment, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, former Gov. Jerry Brown, Harris and Schiff. According to Sragow, the deep connections to the party “certainly helped Jerry Brown, it helped Gray Davis, it helped Gavin Newsom — they were all well-credentialed as people who had held office,” Sragow said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Duran, a former adviser to California Democrats such as Brown, Harris and Feinstein, said the response to Trump by elected Democrats has opened up an opportunity for a candidate like Porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think after seeing most of the Democratic establishment hide under a rock for the last several months, I think people will be in the mood for some strong, bold, fierce leadership,” Duran said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To break through as California’s first female governor, Porter will also need better luck in whatever issues come to dominate the 2026 campaign. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11974647/schiff-for-senate-tv-ad-has-democrats-and-republicans-crying-foul\">the Senate race\u003c/a>, Porter’s focus on fighting corruption and challenging the systems of Washington didn’t align with voters’ concerns about the re-emergence of Trump and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11967845/california-democratic-senate-candidates-face-calls-for-cease-fire-at-party-convention\">Israel-Hamas war\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Porter, who worked under Harris in the California Department of Justice, and other Democrats will remain in the race or seek other statewide offices if Harris jumped in. Duran said candidates who show that kind of deference “are not suited to be California governor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a tough job,” he said. “If Kamala Harris maybe getting in is enough for you to throw in the towel, then go be treasurer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Days Before San Francisco’s Great Highway Closure, Opponents Aim to Block It",
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"content": "\u003cp>Just three days before San Francisco plans to permanently close a two-mile stretch of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009607/turning-sfs-great-highway-park-major-ecological-benefits-report-says\"> Great Highway\u003c/a> to cars and turn the road into park space, opponents said on Tuesday that they are filing a lawsuit to block the shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of westside neighborhood advocates and business owners argue that Proposition K, which voters passed in November, violated California law governing permanent road closures and was adopted without adequate environmental review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This legal action is necessary because of the manipulation of government processes and the misleading of voters by the proponents of Proposition K and their elected proxy,” said Richard Corriea, a fourth-generation westside resident and lawyer who spoke at a news conference but is not part of the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit — which, as of Tuesday afternoon, was not yet available in the San Francisco Superior Court’s online database — is against the city and the Board of Supervisors, Corriea said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corriea told KQED that the lawsuit alleges Proposition K is invalid because the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-veh/division-11/chapter-1/article-3/section-21101/\">California Vehicle Code\u003c/a> grants local jurisdictions the authority to permanently close down highways to cars only when the local legislative body deems it “no longer needed for vehicular traffic” or an issue of public safety due to traffic or crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sandy path leads from Ocean Beach to the Great Highway and the Sunset District in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The decision should not have been in the hands of voters, Corriea said, arguing that the Board of Supervisors is the local legislative body that should have made the call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secondarily, Corriea said the city needed to create an environmental impact report for the project as part of the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court will figure that one out from a common sense point of view — imagine forcing 15,000 cars a day into a neighborhood,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president of Friends of Ocean Beach Park, a group that rose out of the Proposition K campaign, called the lawsuit “just another in a long line of attempts by park opponents to overturn the will of San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12028190 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241115-PropKFolo-18-BL-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their prior attempts to bypass democratic outcomes include another failed lawsuit and multiple unanimously rejected appeals,” said Lucas Lux, president of the group. “Meanwhile, we are excited for the park to open in April so San Franciscans can begin enjoying the coastal park they voted for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city plans to close the highway on Friday, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028190/san-franciscos-new-ocean-beach-park-on-track-for-spring-debut\">park’s opening\u003c/a> set for April 12. Plaintiffs in the lawsuit — including former District 7 candidate Matthew Boschetto, Sunset District hardware store owner Albert Chow and the transportation-focused nonprofit Livable SF — want the court to stop the closure and invalidate the results of the citywide vote on Proposition K, which passed with a 54% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the Upper Great Highway closes, it won’t create a better city — it will hurt the people who keep this city running,” Chow said. “Everyday working families will be pushed aside so a few can have a car-less road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s westside residents in districts encompassing the Richmond, Sunset and Excelsior neighborhoods \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">voted 61% against the proposition\u003c/a>. The results were nearly the opposite across the rest of the city to the east, with 64% of voters in favor of closing the Upper Great Highway to vehicle traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vin Budhai, with the new nonprofit LivableSF, said closing the highway would ignore the desires of many westside residents, even though the rest of the city outvoted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A canvasser holds a “Yes on K” sign at the Castro Farmers’ Market in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It has nothing to do with cars or the Great Highway for me personally,” he said. “Legally, it wasn’t the right approach. I feel that people should always have a say in things that impact their lives every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Budhai is also helping lead the efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">recall Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a>, who represents the Sunset and co-sponsored Proposition K. The group is collecting signatures and must turn in at least 9,900 by May 22 to qualify a recall measure for the ballot, according to Budhai.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the recall and this lawsuit, from my standpoint, go hand in hand,” Budhai said. “It’s just about holding our elected officials accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney David Chiu said in a statement that “once the lawsuit is filed and served,” his office “will review the complaint and respond in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, Engardio told KQED he has “full confidence in the City Attorney’s ability to draft legal ballot measures” and hopes “the court will quickly see this lawsuit has no merit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Just three days before San Francisco plans to permanently close a two-mile stretch of the\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009607/turning-sfs-great-highway-park-major-ecological-benefits-report-says\"> Great Highway\u003c/a> to cars and turn the road into park space, opponents said on Tuesday that they are filing a lawsuit to block the shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of westside neighborhood advocates and business owners argue that Proposition K, which voters passed in November, violated California law governing permanent road closures and was adopted without adequate environmental review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This legal action is necessary because of the manipulation of government processes and the misleading of voters by the proponents of Proposition K and their elected proxy,” said Richard Corriea, a fourth-generation westside resident and lawyer who spoke at a news conference but is not part of the lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit — which, as of Tuesday afternoon, was not yet available in the San Francisco Superior Court’s online database — is against the city and the Board of Supervisors, Corriea said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corriea told KQED that the lawsuit alleges Proposition K is invalid because the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/codes/california/code-veh/division-11/chapter-1/article-3/section-21101/\">California Vehicle Code\u003c/a> grants local jurisdictions the authority to permanently close down highways to cars only when the local legislative body deems it “no longer needed for vehicular traffic” or an issue of public safety due to traffic or crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12009726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12009726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/240214-CoastalCommission-22-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sandy path leads from Ocean Beach to the Great Highway and the Sunset District in San Francisco on Feb. 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The decision should not have been in the hands of voters, Corriea said, arguing that the Board of Supervisors is the local legislative body that should have made the call.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Secondarily, Corriea said the city needed to create an environmental impact report for the project as part of the California Environmental Quality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The court will figure that one out from a common sense point of view — imagine forcing 15,000 cars a day into a neighborhood,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The president of Friends of Ocean Beach Park, a group that rose out of the Proposition K campaign, called the lawsuit “just another in a long line of attempts by park opponents to overturn the will of San Franciscans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their prior attempts to bypass democratic outcomes include another failed lawsuit and multiple unanimously rejected appeals,” said Lucas Lux, president of the group. “Meanwhile, we are excited for the park to open in April so San Franciscans can begin enjoying the coastal park they voted for.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city plans to close the highway on Friday, with the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028190/san-franciscos-new-ocean-beach-park-on-track-for-spring-debut\">park’s opening\u003c/a> set for April 12. Plaintiffs in the lawsuit — including former District 7 candidate Matthew Boschetto, Sunset District hardware store owner Albert Chow and the transportation-focused nonprofit Livable SF — want the court to stop the closure and invalidate the results of the citywide vote on Proposition K, which passed with a 54% majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the Upper Great Highway closes, it won’t create a better city — it will hurt the people who keep this city running,” Chow said. “Everyday working families will be pushed aside so a few can have a car-less road.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s westside residents in districts encompassing the Richmond, Sunset and Excelsior neighborhoods \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">voted 61% against the proposition\u003c/a>. The results were nearly the opposite across the rest of the city to the east, with 64% of voters in favor of closing the Upper Great Highway to vehicle traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vin Budhai, with the new nonprofit LivableSF, said closing the highway would ignore the desires of many westside residents, even though the rest of the city outvoted them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241030-PropK-28-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A canvasser holds a “Yes on K” sign at the Castro Farmers’ Market in San Francisco on Oct. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It has nothing to do with cars or the Great Highway for me personally,” he said. “Legally, it wasn’t the right approach. I feel that people should always have a say in things that impact their lives every single day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Budhai is also helping lead the efforts to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">recall Supervisor Joel Engardio\u003c/a>, who represents the Sunset and co-sponsored Proposition K. The group is collecting signatures and must turn in at least 9,900 by May 22 to qualify a recall measure for the ballot, according to Budhai.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the recall and this lawsuit, from my standpoint, go hand in hand,” Budhai said. “It’s just about holding our elected officials accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City Attorney David Chiu said in a statement that “once the lawsuit is filed and served,” his office “will review the complaint and respond in court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an email, Engardio told KQED he has “full confidence in the City Attorney’s ability to draft legal ballot measures” and hopes “the court will quickly see this lawsuit has no merit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> supervisors on Tuesday declared a shelter crisis in an effort to make it easier to build temporary housing for residents in unincorporated parts of the North Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board said the move is especially needed for West Marin ranch and dairy workers, many of whom are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021426/point-reyes-ranching-will-all-but-end-under-new-deal-capping-decades-long-conflict\">poised to be displaced\u003c/a> as the vast majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/point-reyes\">Point Reyes\u003c/a> National Seashore’s ranches sunset operations in the next year and a half under a recent settlement. But temporary shelter won’t be enough, some residents say, arguing that new permanent affordable housing will be needed to keep the longstanding community of farmworkers and immigrants in West Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not enough,” said Enrique, who got emotional as he spoke on behalf of the Martinelli Ranch area of Point Reyes Station. He joined workers around the room donning the colors of the United Farm Workers flag during Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regarding this temporary housing solutions, I ask you to think of this analogy: What would you do if I were to tell you, ‘Carry this bit of ice and put this bit of ice to the fridge,’” he said. “Do you think that piece of ice will make it [in] the fridge? I ask of you a fair solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Enrique and many other speakers pressed supervisors to consider approving more long-term housing units — a longtime issue in Marin County — it was clear in the board chambers Tuesday that temporary housing is also sorely needed in West Marin. Many residents who have worked and lived on cattle and dairy ranches along the Point Reyes National Seashore for decades could lose that housing in the coming year as the ranching agreement takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003103\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Downtown Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These families represent a critical part of West Marin’s workforce, schools and community,” said Agnes Cho, who works for the Community Land Trust Association of West Marin. “If they lose their homes, they have nowhere to go. There is a longer-term need to create more affordable housing in West Marin where working families can live, and [the association] is actively working on this…. But these impacted families need housing in a matter of months, not years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors unanimously approved the crisis declaration as well as a related change to the county code, which expands the types of emergency shelters that can be set up on county-owned and leased land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current building codes require that structures have a permanent foundation, which precludes many “temporary solutions” that are easier to put in place and move, according to the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12002972 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-04-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Jones, the director of the county’s community development agency, said the change would allow mobile homes and relocatable cabins, such as tiny homes, to act as a “bridge” while the county brings more permanent units online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002972/west-marin-worker-housing-often-substandard-and-faulty-new-report-finds\">report on West Marin’s housing landscape\u003c/a> found at least 384 rental units on ranches are home to both agricultural workers and other community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even months before the settlement deal, which could eliminate some of those dwellings, the report estimated that West Marin needed to build more than 450 new housing units. The study says that upwards of 1,000 would be “more realistic to address the actual demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,090 unhoused people live in Marin County, according to its most recent point-in-time count. While about 300 currently reside in shelters, nearly 800 live on the street or in vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shelter crisis declaration and the alternate building codes are critical pieces to developing these interim housing solutions,” Cho said during public comment. “These policies will allow [the Community Land Trust Association] and the county to embrace really creative emergency housing solutions, such as using tiny homes on wheels or alternate housing structures, that are safe, quick and cost-efficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two worker housing units on a ranch in Tomales, California, on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said that the association had already identified several potential sites for such interim housing, but Tuesday’s declaration was not affiliated with any specific projects. It also doesn’t allocate funding for new temporary homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a room with a combination of despair and hope, and what you’re doing today is actually loading the gun of expectation,” former Marin County Supervisor Steve Kinsey said during public comment. He said that for the resolution to make a difference, the board would need to incentivize landowners to pursue these temporary projects and also make strides in permanent housing over the next three years.[aside postID=news_12029950 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240502-CaliforniaForever-52-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']Jones, the community development agency director, said the county is working on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/cda/housing-and-grants/creating-housing/new-and-upcoming-affordable-housing/point-reyes-coast-guard-affordable-housing-project\">affordable housing development\u003c/a> on a former U.S. Coast Guard site in Point Reyes Station. The site will create 54 housing units for families that qualify as low-income and is expected to be finished in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Marin is also preparing to amend its local coastal program to support new affordable housing along the seashore. That could include changes to allow upzoning, multiple additional dwelling units on a single property, and project streamlining, similar to policy changes made in other unincorporated parts of the county, she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones expects the amendment to come before the county planning commission next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ll be back here in two years if we don’t find a way to create permanent housing,” Kinsey said during the meeting. “And the opportunities are quite limited in West Marin, so I just want to emphasize how important it is to figure out the next step, even as you’re taking this first one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/marin-county\">Marin County\u003c/a> supervisors on Tuesday declared a shelter crisis in an effort to make it easier to build temporary housing for residents in unincorporated parts of the North Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board said the move is especially needed for West Marin ranch and dairy workers, many of whom are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12021426/point-reyes-ranching-will-all-but-end-under-new-deal-capping-decades-long-conflict\">poised to be displaced\u003c/a> as the vast majority of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/point-reyes\">Point Reyes\u003c/a> National Seashore’s ranches sunset operations in the next year and a half under a recent settlement. But temporary shelter won’t be enough, some residents say, arguing that new permanent affordable housing will be needed to keep the longstanding community of farmworkers and immigrants in West Marin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not enough,” said Enrique, who got emotional as he spoke on behalf of the Martinelli Ranch area of Point Reyes Station. He joined workers around the room donning the colors of the United Farm Workers flag during Tuesday’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regarding this temporary housing solutions, I ask you to think of this analogy: What would you do if I were to tell you, ‘Carry this bit of ice and put this bit of ice to the fridge,’” he said. “Do you think that piece of ice will make it [in] the fridge? I ask of you a fair solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Enrique and many other speakers pressed supervisors to consider approving more long-term housing units — a longtime issue in Marin County — it was clear in the board chambers Tuesday that temporary housing is also sorely needed in West Marin. Many residents who have worked and lived on cattle and dairy ranches along the Point Reyes National Seashore for decades could lose that housing in the coming year as the ranching agreement takes effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12003103\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12003103\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/09/240903-MARIN-SUBSTANDARD-AG-WORKER-HOUSING-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Downtown Point Reyes Station on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These families represent a critical part of West Marin’s workforce, schools and community,” said Agnes Cho, who works for the Community Land Trust Association of West Marin. “If they lose their homes, they have nowhere to go. There is a longer-term need to create more affordable housing in West Marin where working families can live, and [the association] is actively working on this…. But these impacted families need housing in a matter of months, not years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisors unanimously approved the crisis declaration as well as a related change to the county code, which expands the types of emergency shelters that can be set up on county-owned and leased land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Current building codes require that structures have a permanent foundation, which precludes many “temporary solutions” that are easier to put in place and move, according to the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Jones, the director of the county’s community development agency, said the change would allow mobile homes and relocatable cabins, such as tiny homes, to act as a “bridge” while the county brings more permanent units online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002972/west-marin-worker-housing-often-substandard-and-faulty-new-report-finds\">report on West Marin’s housing landscape\u003c/a> found at least 384 rental units on ranches are home to both agricultural workers and other community members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even months before the settlement deal, which could eliminate some of those dwellings, the report estimated that West Marin needed to build more than 450 new housing units. The study says that upwards of 1,000 would be “more realistic to address the actual demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1,090 unhoused people live in Marin County, according to its most recent point-in-time count. While about 300 currently reside in shelters, nearly 800 live on the street or in vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The shelter crisis declaration and the alternate building codes are critical pieces to developing these interim housing solutions,” Cho said during public comment. “These policies will allow [the Community Land Trust Association] and the county to embrace really creative emergency housing solutions, such as using tiny homes on wheels or alternate housing structures, that are safe, quick and cost-efficient.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030832\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030832\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240903-Marin-Substandard-Ag-Worker-Housing-MD-16_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Two worker housing units on a ranch in Tomales, California, on Sept. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said that the association had already identified several potential sites for such interim housing, but Tuesday’s declaration was not affiliated with any specific projects. It also doesn’t allocate funding for new temporary homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re in a room with a combination of despair and hope, and what you’re doing today is actually loading the gun of expectation,” former Marin County Supervisor Steve Kinsey said during public comment. He said that for the resolution to make a difference, the board would need to incentivize landowners to pursue these temporary projects and also make strides in permanent housing over the next three years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Jones, the community development agency director, said the county is working on an \u003ca href=\"https://www.marincounty.gov/departments/cda/housing-and-grants/creating-housing/new-and-upcoming-affordable-housing/point-reyes-coast-guard-affordable-housing-project\">affordable housing development\u003c/a> on a former U.S. Coast Guard site in Point Reyes Station. The site will create 54 housing units for families that qualify as low-income and is expected to be finished in 2027.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said Marin is also preparing to amend its local coastal program to support new affordable housing along the seashore. That could include changes to allow upzoning, multiple additional dwelling units on a single property, and project streamlining, similar to policy changes made in other unincorporated parts of the county, she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones expects the amendment to come before the county planning commission next fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ll be back here in two years if we don’t find a way to create permanent housing,” Kinsey said during the meeting. “And the opportunities are quite limited in West Marin, so I just want to emphasize how important it is to figure out the next step, even as you’re taking this first one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The fires that reduced Altadena, Pacific Palisades and other Los Angeles-area neighborhoods to rubble have also shined a harsh light on California’s raging insurance crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have proposed a variety of bills to address the issues illuminated by the disaster, plus others that predate it. Some of the legislation would be the first of its kind in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire-insurance provider of last resort\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One measure would put the state’s top two lawmakers on the governing committee of the FAIR Plan, the association of insurance companies that’s required by law to provide fire insurance to property owners who can’t find it anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FAIR Plan \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/02/homeowners-insurance-costs-rising-in-california-fair-plan/\">said last month that it was at risk of running out of money\u003c/a> due to claims from the L.A. fires and asked for a $1 billion lifeline. Its member insurance companies were on the hook for that amount, and could try to pass along up to half of the cost to their customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan has become more important over the past several years as insurance companies have stopped renewing or writing new policies in California, so state officials have a keen interest in its solvency and ability to serve a growing number of customers. But the plan is not run by the state, it is run by a management team that’s accountable to the pool of insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers hope that adding state officials to the group of people overseeing the FAIR Plan will help it run better and improve the lives of its customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The association has grown to such an extent that its financial capacity to pay claims after a catastrophic fire is unlikely,” says \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab234\">Assembly Bill 234\u003c/a>, a bill by Assemblymember Lisa Calderon, a Democrat from the Los Angeles area. “Increased transparency is imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderon’s bill calls for the speaker of the Assembly and the chairperson of the Senate Committee on Rules to immediately become non-voting members of the FAIR Plan’s governing committee. Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara, who has limited authority over the plan, backs the bill. The FAIR Plan has not taken a position on the legislation, according to plan spokesperson Hilary McLean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, California could be the first state to put lawmakers on a FAIR Plan board, although several states have insurance department representatives on boards for their own FAIR Plan equivalents, said Stephen Jablonski, president of Property Insurance Plans Service Office, a nonprofit that tracks state residual property insurance plans.[aside postID=news_12021019 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/CAWildfireSoCal4AP-1020x680.jpg']California’s FAIR Plan would not disclose the members of its governing board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerns about the FAIR Plan go beyond its financial stability. As the fire insurance provider of last resort, issues surrounding the way it serves its customers have come up again and again. Placing state officials on the plan’s board could help address some of those issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early February, Betty Ryder and her husband received a renewal notice for one policy on their Los Angeles-area home but not for their FAIR Plan policy, which is when they discovered that they did not have fire insurance on the property all of last year despite paying for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant the couple was uninsured at a time when their home was particularly vulnerable: Ryder and her husband live in Tujunga, a neighborhood that Ryder said was “right between the three fires” that burned in Los Angeles County earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryder got on the phone with her broker, her mortgage company and a representative from the FAIR Plan to figure out what happened. The agent for the FAIR Plan told her the plan had incorrectly applied someone else’s payment to her account and that it canceled her policy after that realization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she started writing letters: to the president of the FAIR Plan, to Lara, to her mortgage company, to her broker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in tears,” she said. “We’re old, we’re in our 70s,” she added, referring to herself and her husband, William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, a representative from the FAIR Plan told her they found the correct check issued by her mortgage company last year, and that the amount has been applied to her reinstated policy. A relief, but there’s a remaining problem: The Ryders have already paid into their mortgage company’s escrow account for this year’s policy. They have not received a refund for the $5,300 check her mortgage company issued to the FAIR Plan last year, so as of now they have paid double for this year’s policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryder has not heard back from the FAIR Plan about a possible refund, nor has she received a response from Lara’s insurance department. The department said it has assigned someone to her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McLean said she would not discuss individual cases with CalMatters. “In the limited instances where the California FAIR Plan is regretfully in error, it works to correct the mistake in its customer’s favor,” McLean wrote in an email. “If the FAIR Plan receives a duplicate payment, the FAIR Plan will refund the duplicate payment with interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lili Thompson, an account manager for an insurance agency in Chico, told CalMatters that the FAIR Plan often makes errors, and that she has customers who have had experiences similar to Ryder’s. When they do, it’s hard to get those issues resolved because it’s tough to get the plan to address problems in a timely manner, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have access to billing information, which is constantly incorrect,” Thompson said. “Payments aren’t applied. Or there’s a balance of 3 cents, or $4 or $10, and they cancel (policies).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Thompson submitted a complaint about the FAIR Plan to the Insurance Department in January. It read in part: “Our agency is having significant problems with the FAIR Plan as a whole. Issues with billing, renewals, cancellations have been reoccurring at an alarming rate.”[aside postID=news_12024206 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/240109-CAWindStorm-038-1020x680.jpg']In an emailed response seen by CalMatters, an insurance department compliance officer urged Thompson to tell her clients to file complaints with the department “so we can address their specific situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/california-fire-insurance-2/\">CalMatters wrote about\u003c/a> similar complaints against the FAIR Plan — delays in payments, slow response times, poor customer service — about a year ago. At the time, McLean said the plan was dealing with increased volume and had hired more staff to deal with it all. She also mentioned that the FAIR Plan had transitioned to a new software system and insurance agents and brokers were still learning it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked what the FAIR Plan has changed in the past year, and why the same types of complaints persist, McLean again pointed to the plan’s “historic growth over the past several years,” and mentioned that it has hired even more staff to deal with claims from the January Palisades and Eaton fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill that addresses the FAIR Plan’s financial stability is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab226\">Assembly Bill 226\u003c/a>, aimed at allowing it to spread out claims payments over time. It would do that by allowing the FAIR Plan to obtain bond financing through the California Infrastructure and Economic Development Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember David Alvarez, co-author of the bill with Calderon and Democrat from Chula Vista, told CalMatters: “We wanted to make sure if there was an event of (the L.A. fires’) magnitude, insurance companies wouldn’t use that as a reason to not cover California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that this legislation is just another “tool” to “maintain insurers in California, and get claims paid in a way that doesn’t cost consumers.” Alvarez also noted that the bill, which was first introduced last year, had no opposition. The FAIR Plan supports it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paying claims without full inventories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">\u003cstrong>Senate Bill 495\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, by Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat from El Segundo, would make California the only state in the nation to require insurers to pay claims in full without first seeing itemized inventories from policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also gives consumers at least 180 days, up from 60 days, to provide proof of loss to their insurance companies after a declared state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of insurance companies have already been doing this,” the senator said in an interview with CalMatters. “It’s a hassle for them to go through all the (inventory) lists, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said he has been going to town halls in his L.A.-area community and hearing from “people who have lost everything.” Getting rid of the inventory requirement “really cuts out an important barrier for a lot of people especially during a very difficult moment,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara backs the bill, and last week his department released a list of insurance companies that have agreed to pay at least 75% of contents coverage without a detailed inventory. A majority of companies operating in the state have — with some agreeing to provide 100%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance industry representatives opposed a similar bill in the 2004–05 legislative session and plan to do so again. Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, said the bill could raise costs for insurance companies, which would pass the higher costs on to consumers. “Why require overpayment and require insurers to increase rates when people are already worried about the affordability of property insurance?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Insurance premium tax write-offs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1354\">\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1354\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, by Assemblymembers Heath Flora and Greg Wallis, would allow California taxpayers to write off the rising costs of their fire insurance premiums for the next five years. Flora, of Ripon, and Wallis, of Rancho Mirage, are Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax credits would reduce the amount of personal income taxes people would pay to the state. They would be based on the difference between their current premiums and their premiums from 2023, plus any current assessments or charges.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>If passed, the tax credit would apply to individuals with annual adjusted gross incomes not exceeding $150,000, with the limit being $300,000 for joint taxpayers. Owners of individual homes and properties with four dwelling units or less, and individual condos and mobile homes, would qualify as long as their property values do not exceed $3.3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flora told CalMatters he expects premiums to rise in the short term as the insurance department’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/03/california-home-insurance-market/\">new regulations\u003c/a> are implemented, but that he hopes it all means insurers will start writing policies in the state again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our insurance industry is in shambles right now,” he said. “For the next few years it’s not going to be great. If we can allow our constituents to write off some of that increase, maybe they can get some sort of relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t yet know what it would cost the state — and its taxpayers. Flora said he plans to ask the Legislative Analyst’s Office to look into it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a hit to the general fund,” Flora acknowledged, adding that “in California, we spend a lot of money on a lot of different things. But fundamentally, people cannot buy homes without insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Bach, executive director of the consumer advocacy group United Policyholders, does not support the bill and said “if we’re going to have insurance companies benefit from taxpayer funds paid toward premiums,” the state should extract some concessions from insurance companies, including getting them to write more policies. Bach said what she is in favor of is tax credits for mitigation expenses. For example, one bill would establish \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab888\">state grants\u003c/a> for fire-rated roofs and other expenses, while another would allow for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab232\">tax-free savings accounts\u003c/a> for the purposes of mitigation or deductibles in case of a disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Heller, director of insurance at Consumer Federation of America, agreed, saying taxpayer dollars would be better used preventing catastrophe and loss in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fossil-fuel company liability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb222\">Senate Bill 222\u003c/a>, by Sen. Scott Wiener and several co-authors, would allow insurance companies and individuals to sue fossil-fuel companies over damages from climate-related disasters — part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2025/03/climate-change-california-oil-industry-legal-strategy/\">a wave of efforts\u003c/a> to hold the industry responsible for climate change. Hawaii is also considering \u003ca href=\"https://data.capitol.hawaii.gov/sessions/session2025/Bills/SB1166_SD2_.HTM\">a similar bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disasters that are so much more frequent and so much bigger in scale than five to 10 years ago (are) not random,” said Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, during a press conference. “That’s because of climate change being fueled by companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is that allowing individuals, insurers and the FAIR Plan to try to recoup some costs from disasters would provide an alternative to insurance companies simply raising their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A business group that represents insurance companies warned against the legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://centerforjobs.org/ca/special-reports/consumer-fiscal-impacts-of-sb-222\">saying it could lead to increased costs\u003c/a> for consumers. Though California Business Roundtable does not publicly disclose all its members, it does include executives from the insurance and fossil-fuel industries, said Brooke Armour, president of the California Center for Jobs & the Economy, the group’s information arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Center for Climate Integrity, a co-sponsor of Wiener’s bill, has been trying for almost a decade to hold the fossil fuel industry accountable for climate change. Iyla Shornstein, political director at the group, said if nobody holds the oil industry responsible for disaster costs, insurance rates will only continue to “skyrocket and overburden victims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The fires that reduced Altadena, Pacific Palisades and other Los Angeles-area neighborhoods to rubble have also shined a harsh light on California’s raging insurance crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have proposed a variety of bills to address the issues illuminated by the disaster, plus others that predate it. Some of the legislation would be the first of its kind in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The fire-insurance provider of last resort\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One measure would put the state’s top two lawmakers on the governing committee of the FAIR Plan, the association of insurance companies that’s required by law to provide fire insurance to property owners who can’t find it anywhere else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The FAIR Plan \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/02/homeowners-insurance-costs-rising-in-california-fair-plan/\">said last month that it was at risk of running out of money\u003c/a> due to claims from the L.A. fires and asked for a $1 billion lifeline. Its member insurance companies were on the hook for that amount, and could try to pass along up to half of the cost to their customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan has become more important over the past several years as insurance companies have stopped renewing or writing new policies in California, so state officials have a keen interest in its solvency and ability to serve a growing number of customers. But the plan is not run by the state, it is run by a management team that’s accountable to the pool of insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers hope that adding state officials to the group of people overseeing the FAIR Plan will help it run better and improve the lives of its customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The association has grown to such an extent that its financial capacity to pay claims after a catastrophic fire is unlikely,” says \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab234\">Assembly Bill 234\u003c/a>, a bill by Assemblymember Lisa Calderon, a Democrat from the Los Angeles area. “Increased transparency is imperative.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderon’s bill calls for the speaker of the Assembly and the chairperson of the Senate Committee on Rules to immediately become non-voting members of the FAIR Plan’s governing committee. Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara, who has limited authority over the plan, backs the bill. The FAIR Plan has not taken a position on the legislation, according to plan spokesperson Hilary McLean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, California could be the first state to put lawmakers on a FAIR Plan board, although several states have insurance department representatives on boards for their own FAIR Plan equivalents, said Stephen Jablonski, president of Property Insurance Plans Service Office, a nonprofit that tracks state residual property insurance plans.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California’s FAIR Plan would not disclose the members of its governing board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Concerns about the FAIR Plan go beyond its financial stability. As the fire insurance provider of last resort, issues surrounding the way it serves its customers have come up again and again. Placing state officials on the plan’s board could help address some of those issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early February, Betty Ryder and her husband received a renewal notice for one policy on their Los Angeles-area home but not for their FAIR Plan policy, which is when they discovered that they did not have fire insurance on the property all of last year despite paying for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That meant the couple was uninsured at a time when their home was particularly vulnerable: Ryder and her husband live in Tujunga, a neighborhood that Ryder said was “right between the three fires” that burned in Los Angeles County earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryder got on the phone with her broker, her mortgage company and a representative from the FAIR Plan to figure out what happened. The agent for the FAIR Plan told her the plan had incorrectly applied someone else’s payment to her account and that it canceled her policy after that realization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So she started writing letters: to the president of the FAIR Plan, to Lara, to her mortgage company, to her broker.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was in tears,” she said. “We’re old, we’re in our 70s,” she added, referring to herself and her husband, William.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A week later, a representative from the FAIR Plan told her they found the correct check issued by her mortgage company last year, and that the amount has been applied to her reinstated policy. A relief, but there’s a remaining problem: The Ryders have already paid into their mortgage company’s escrow account for this year’s policy. They have not received a refund for the $5,300 check her mortgage company issued to the FAIR Plan last year, so as of now they have paid double for this year’s policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryder has not heard back from the FAIR Plan about a possible refund, nor has she received a response from Lara’s insurance department. The department said it has assigned someone to her case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McLean said she would not discuss individual cases with CalMatters. “In the limited instances where the California FAIR Plan is regretfully in error, it works to correct the mistake in its customer’s favor,” McLean wrote in an email. “If the FAIR Plan receives a duplicate payment, the FAIR Plan will refund the duplicate payment with interest.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lili Thompson, an account manager for an insurance agency in Chico, told CalMatters that the FAIR Plan often makes errors, and that she has customers who have had experiences similar to Ryder’s. When they do, it’s hard to get those issues resolved because it’s tough to get the plan to address problems in a timely manner, Thompson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have access to billing information, which is constantly incorrect,” Thompson said. “Payments aren’t applied. Or there’s a balance of 3 cents, or $4 or $10, and they cancel (policies).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, Thompson submitted a complaint about the FAIR Plan to the Insurance Department in January. It read in part: “Our agency is having significant problems with the FAIR Plan as a whole. Issues with billing, renewals, cancellations have been reoccurring at an alarming rate.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In an emailed response seen by CalMatters, an insurance department compliance officer urged Thompson to tell her clients to file complaints with the department “so we can address their specific situation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/01/california-fire-insurance-2/\">CalMatters wrote about\u003c/a> similar complaints against the FAIR Plan — delays in payments, slow response times, poor customer service — about a year ago. At the time, McLean said the plan was dealing with increased volume and had hired more staff to deal with it all. She also mentioned that the FAIR Plan had transitioned to a new software system and insurance agents and brokers were still learning it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked what the FAIR Plan has changed in the past year, and why the same types of complaints persist, McLean again pointed to the plan’s “historic growth over the past several years,” and mentioned that it has hired even more staff to deal with claims from the January Palisades and Eaton fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another bill that addresses the FAIR Plan’s financial stability is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab226\">Assembly Bill 226\u003c/a>, aimed at allowing it to spread out claims payments over time. It would do that by allowing the FAIR Plan to obtain bond financing through the California Infrastructure and Economic Development Bank.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember David Alvarez, co-author of the bill with Calderon and Democrat from Chula Vista, told CalMatters: “We wanted to make sure if there was an event of (the L.A. fires’) magnitude, insurance companies wouldn’t use that as a reason to not cover California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added that this legislation is just another “tool” to “maintain insurers in California, and get claims paid in a way that doesn’t cost consumers.” Alvarez also noted that the bill, which was first introduced last year, had no opposition. The FAIR Plan supports it.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Paying claims without full inventories\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb495\">\u003cstrong>Senate Bill 495\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, by Sen. Ben Allen, a Democrat from El Segundo, would make California the only state in the nation to require insurers to pay claims in full without first seeing itemized inventories from policyholders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also gives consumers at least 180 days, up from 60 days, to provide proof of loss to their insurance companies after a declared state of emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of insurance companies have already been doing this,” the senator said in an interview with CalMatters. “It’s a hassle for them to go through all the (inventory) lists, too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen said he has been going to town halls in his L.A.-area community and hearing from “people who have lost everything.” Getting rid of the inventory requirement “really cuts out an important barrier for a lot of people especially during a very difficult moment,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara backs the bill, and last week his department released a list of insurance companies that have agreed to pay at least 75% of contents coverage without a detailed inventory. A majority of companies operating in the state have — with some agreeing to provide 100%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance industry representatives opposed a similar bill in the 2004–05 legislative session and plan to do so again. Rex Frazier, president of the Personal Insurance Federation of California, said the bill could raise costs for insurance companies, which would pass the higher costs on to consumers. “Why require overpayment and require insurers to increase rates when people are already worried about the affordability of property insurance?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Insurance premium tax write-offs\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab1354\">\u003cstrong>Assembly Bill 1354\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>, by Assemblymembers Heath Flora and Greg Wallis, would allow California taxpayers to write off the rising costs of their fire insurance premiums for the next five years. Flora, of Ripon, and Wallis, of Rancho Mirage, are Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax credits would reduce the amount of personal income taxes people would pay to the state. They would be based on the difference between their current premiums and their premiums from 2023, plus any current assessments or charges.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>If passed, the tax credit would apply to individuals with annual adjusted gross incomes not exceeding $150,000, with the limit being $300,000 for joint taxpayers. Owners of individual homes and properties with four dwelling units or less, and individual condos and mobile homes, would qualify as long as their property values do not exceed $3.3 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Flora told CalMatters he expects premiums to rise in the short term as the insurance department’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2024/03/california-home-insurance-market/\">new regulations\u003c/a> are implemented, but that he hopes it all means insurers will start writing policies in the state again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our insurance industry is in shambles right now,” he said. “For the next few years it’s not going to be great. If we can allow our constituents to write off some of that increase, maybe they can get some sort of relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he doesn’t yet know what it would cost the state — and its taxpayers. Flora said he plans to ask the Legislative Analyst’s Office to look into it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There will be a hit to the general fund,” Flora acknowledged, adding that “in California, we spend a lot of money on a lot of different things. But fundamentally, people cannot buy homes without insurance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amy Bach, executive director of the consumer advocacy group United Policyholders, does not support the bill and said “if we’re going to have insurance companies benefit from taxpayer funds paid toward premiums,” the state should extract some concessions from insurance companies, including getting them to write more policies. Bach said what she is in favor of is tax credits for mitigation expenses. For example, one bill would establish \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab888\">state grants\u003c/a> for fire-rated roofs and other expenses, while another would allow for \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260ab232\">tax-free savings accounts\u003c/a> for the purposes of mitigation or deductibles in case of a disaster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Douglas Heller, director of insurance at Consumer Federation of America, agreed, saying taxpayer dollars would be better used preventing catastrophe and loss in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fossil-fuel company liability\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb222\">Senate Bill 222\u003c/a>, by Sen. Scott Wiener and several co-authors, would allow insurance companies and individuals to sue fossil-fuel companies over damages from climate-related disasters — part of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2025/03/climate-change-california-oil-industry-legal-strategy/\">a wave of efforts\u003c/a> to hold the industry responsible for climate change. Hawaii is also considering \u003ca href=\"https://data.capitol.hawaii.gov/sessions/session2025/Bills/SB1166_SD2_.HTM\">a similar bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Disasters that are so much more frequent and so much bigger in scale than five to 10 years ago (are) not random,” said Wiener, a Democrat from San Francisco, during a press conference. “That’s because of climate change being fueled by companies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is that allowing individuals, insurers and the FAIR Plan to try to recoup some costs from disasters would provide an alternative to insurance companies simply raising their rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A business group that represents insurance companies warned against the legislation, \u003ca href=\"https://centerforjobs.org/ca/special-reports/consumer-fiscal-impacts-of-sb-222\">saying it could lead to increased costs\u003c/a> for consumers. Though California Business Roundtable does not publicly disclose all its members, it does include executives from the insurance and fossil-fuel industries, said Brooke Armour, president of the California Center for Jobs & the Economy, the group’s information arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Center for Climate Integrity, a co-sponsor of Wiener’s bill, has been trying for almost a decade to hold the fossil fuel industry accountable for climate change. Iyla Shornstein, political director at the group, said if nobody holds the oil industry responsible for disaster costs, insurance rates will only continue to “skyrocket and overburden victims.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>LOS ANGELES (AP) — Former Democratic U.S. House member \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/katie-porter\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> announced Tuesday that she is entering the 2026 contest for California governor, joining a crowded field of candidates that could be upended if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">former Vice President Kamala Harris\u003c/a> joins the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, who became a social media celebrity by brandishing a white board at congressional hearings while grilling CEOs, promised in a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/katieporteroc/status/1899445119218024591\">launch video\u003c/a> to be an aggressive counterweight to President Donald Trump’s administration at a time when the heavily Democratic state has clashed with the White House over issues from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024194/trump-tries-another-grab-californias-water-what-comes-next\">water management\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026443/trumps-shock-and-awe-immigration-orders-are-creating-fear-experts-say-thats-the-point\">immigrant rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Congress, I held the Trump administration’s feet to the fire when they hurt Americans. As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians — whether he’s holding up disaster relief, attacking our rights or our communities, or screwing over working families to benefit himself and his cronies,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contest to replace \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">term-limited Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> already has lured a large scrum of announced and likely candidates that would be upended if Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026900/could-kamala-harris-shake-up-californias-governor-race-democrats-weigh-in\">decides to seek the state’s top office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, a former state attorney general and U.S. senator, has not ruled out seeking the governorship since she left Washington in January after a failed presidential bid. Porter is friendly with the former vice president and has indicated she would step aside if Harris joins the race. In 2012, Harris, then California’s attorney general, appointed Porter to be the state’s independent bank monitor in a multibillion-dollar nationwide mortgage settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Harris gets in the race “there are very few politicians who would want to take her on,” said Claremont McKenna College political scientist Jack Pitney. “She’d be likely to win the Democratic nomination and Democrats are likely to win the governorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, who made an unsuccessful run for U.S. Senate last year and also is known for her small-dollar fundraising prowess, becomes one of the best-known candidates, joining former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, among others, on the Democratic side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are expected to easily hold the seat in a state where they outnumber registered Republicans by nearly 2-to-1. Republicans have not won a statewide election in California in nearly two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the GOP side, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco last month became \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-race-riverside-county-sheriff-9f251ca0f09a16344ae3902c7ffe009e\">the first major Republican\u003c/a> to announce a bid to replace Newsom, whose term runs through early January 2027. He blamed Democrats for the ongoing homelessness crisis and runaway housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12026900 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/GettyImages-2196870022-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Harris gets in the race, the state’s open primary system can be unpredictable — all candidates appear on a single ballot, regardless of party, and only the top two vote-getters advance to the November general election. Trump-aligned candidates could enter on the GOP side, generating conservative interest, or a wealthy candidate could emerge with the funds to rattle the expected order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These open primaries are hard to handicap,” said Democratic consultant Andrew Acosta. “It just makes it harder to predict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, a progressive favorite, created an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-senate-schiff-garvey-porter-democrats-b12c0742e3eca3a0784199b263ffed97\">online backlash\u003c/a> after losing the 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-politics-california-dianne-feinstein-united-states-senate-172759fa83faa0a70a2195a91dedb6f3\">Senate race\u003c/a>, when she faulted “billionaires spending millions to rig this election.” She finished third in the primary — behind Democrat and now-Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/adam-schiff\">Adam Schiff\u003c/a> and Republican Steve Garvey — and did not advance to the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some likened her words to Trump’s baseless claims of election fraud in 2020. Porter later clarified her initial statement to say she didn’t believe the California vote count or election process had been compromised but she didn’t recant her earlier remarks. Rigged, she said in a follow-up, “means manipulated by dishonest means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has been an active fundraiser since leaving her Southern California House district in January and returned to teaching at the UC Irvine School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A consumer protection attorney before her election to the House, Porter became known in Congress for her unsparing interrogations of business leaders and other committee witnesses, often using her whiteboard to break down complex figures while using plainspoken language to assail corporate greed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First elected to Congress in 2018, Porter said in her video that “I first ran for office to hold Trump accountable. I feel that same call to serve now to stop him from hurting Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>LOS ANGELES (AP) — Former Democratic U.S. House member \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/katie-porter\">Katie Porter\u003c/a> announced Tuesday that she is entering the 2026 contest for California governor, joining a crowded field of candidates that could be upended if \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">former Vice President Kamala Harris\u003c/a> joins the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, who became a social media celebrity by brandishing a white board at congressional hearings while grilling CEOs, promised in a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/katieporteroc/status/1899445119218024591\">launch video\u003c/a> to be an aggressive counterweight to President Donald Trump’s administration at a time when the heavily Democratic state has clashed with the White House over issues from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12024194/trump-tries-another-grab-californias-water-what-comes-next\">water management\u003c/a> to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026443/trumps-shock-and-awe-immigration-orders-are-creating-fear-experts-say-thats-the-point\">immigrant rights\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In Congress, I held the Trump administration’s feet to the fire when they hurt Americans. As governor, I won’t ever back down when Trump hurts Californians — whether he’s holding up disaster relief, attacking our rights or our communities, or screwing over working families to benefit himself and his cronies,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The contest to replace \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">term-limited Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> already has lured a large scrum of announced and likely candidates that would be upended if Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026900/could-kamala-harris-shake-up-californias-governor-race-democrats-weigh-in\">decides to seek the state’s top office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harris, a former state attorney general and U.S. senator, has not ruled out seeking the governorship since she left Washington in January after a failed presidential bid. Porter is friendly with the former vice president and has indicated she would step aside if Harris joins the race. In 2012, Harris, then California’s attorney general, appointed Porter to be the state’s independent bank monitor in a multibillion-dollar nationwide mortgage settlement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Harris gets in the race “there are very few politicians who would want to take her on,” said Claremont McKenna College political scientist Jack Pitney. “She’d be likely to win the Democratic nomination and Democrats are likely to win the governorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, who made an unsuccessful run for U.S. Senate last year and also is known for her small-dollar fundraising prowess, becomes one of the best-known candidates, joining former Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa and Lt. Gov. Eleni Kounalakis, among others, on the Democratic side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats are expected to easily hold the seat in a state where they outnumber registered Republicans by nearly 2-to-1. Republicans have not won a statewide election in California in nearly two decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the GOP side, Riverside County Sheriff Chad Bianco last month became \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-race-riverside-county-sheriff-9f251ca0f09a16344ae3902c7ffe009e\">the first major Republican\u003c/a> to announce a bid to replace Newsom, whose term runs through early January 2027. He blamed Democrats for the ongoing homelessness crisis and runaway housing prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even if Harris gets in the race, the state’s open primary system can be unpredictable — all candidates appear on a single ballot, regardless of party, and only the top two vote-getters advance to the November general election. Trump-aligned candidates could enter on the GOP side, generating conservative interest, or a wealthy candidate could emerge with the funds to rattle the expected order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These open primaries are hard to handicap,” said Democratic consultant Andrew Acosta. “It just makes it harder to predict.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Porter, a progressive favorite, created an \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-senate-schiff-garvey-porter-democrats-b12c0742e3eca3a0784199b263ffed97\">online backlash\u003c/a> after losing the 2024 \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/2022-midterm-elections-politics-california-dianne-feinstein-united-states-senate-172759fa83faa0a70a2195a91dedb6f3\">Senate race\u003c/a>, when she faulted “billionaires spending millions to rig this election.” She finished third in the primary — behind Democrat and now-Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/adam-schiff\">Adam Schiff\u003c/a> and Republican Steve Garvey — and did not advance to the November election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some likened her words to Trump’s baseless claims of election fraud in 2020. Porter later clarified her initial statement to say she didn’t believe the California vote count or election process had been compromised but she didn’t recant her earlier remarks. Rigged, she said in a follow-up, “means manipulated by dishonest means.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She has been an active fundraiser since leaving her Southern California House district in January and returned to teaching at the UC Irvine School of Law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A consumer protection attorney before her election to the House, Porter became known in Congress for her unsparing interrogations of business leaders and other committee witnesses, often using her whiteboard to break down complex figures while using plainspoken language to assail corporate greed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First elected to Congress in 2018, Porter said in her video that “I first ran for office to hold Trump accountable. I feel that same call to serve now to stop him from hurting Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Alameda County Child Care Providers Wait Anxiously for Long-Held Relief Funds",
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"content": "\u003cp>Since 2021, Alameda County has collected roughly $500 million in sales tax revenue to improve access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not a single dollar has been spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.first5alameda.org/our-work/strategies-initiatives/the-childrens-health-child-care-initiative-for-alameda-county/\">Voters approved\u003c/a> a half-cent sales tax increase in March 2020 to help address a growing shortage of child care, but a legal challenge by the Alameda County Taxpayers’ Association tied up the funds until last year when\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care\"> the state Supreme Court upheld the measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated child care providers were hoping county officials would release the first batch of funds after approving spending $165.8 million in emergency funding so they could finally apply for thousands of dollars in relief grants. However, the money appears to be caught up in another legal fight by the taxpayers’ group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this doesn’t pass, I don’t even know that I will open by the end of the year,” said Lisa Zarodney, who has provided child care out of her home in Livermore for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Zarodney talks to Ryden, 1, Kane, 2, and Hudson, 3, at her home in Livermore, where she runs a childcare operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zarodney said she has always operated her small business on thin margins and didn’t have much of a financial cushion when the pandemic hit and fewer kids came to her home. She received $5000 in federal pandemic recovery aid, she said, but rising costs for food, electricity and other expenses have only deepened her financial troubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When temperatures rise in Livermore, and she turns on the air conditioning to keep the kids cool, for example, her electricity bill almost doubles to $600 per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t do this business for the money because it’s not a profitable business,” she said. “You have to do it for the love of children, and that’s the whole reason why I do it, to give children and families the help that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Zarodney speaks to Hudson, 3, at her home in Livermore, where she runs a childcare operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After paying off her bills last month, Zarodney said she had just $200 to cover her own food and other expenses. She’s been drawing from her late husband’s retirement savings to get by, but she said the high taxes and penalties on those withdrawals are unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the county Board of Supervisors tentatively approved spending\u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_02_25_25/HEALTH%20CARE%20SERVICES/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/First%205%20Alameda%20County_383009.pdf\"> some of the Measure C funds\u003c/a> to prop up the county’s early childhood education and care system. Small family child care providers who serve low-income families, like Zarodney, can each qualify for $40,000 in relief grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A category of caregivers, known as license-exempt Friends, Family and Neighbors, can qualify for $4,000 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gretchen Hernandez poses for a photo at her home in Oakland on March 7, 2025. Hernandez has taken time off of her warehouse job to care for her 2-year-old granddaughter with special needs, Ava. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That could help Gretchen Hernandez, who has taken time off her job at a warehouse to look after her 2-year-old granddaughter at her home in Oakland. Hernandez said she’s been living off her savings while she cares for the toddler, who requires one-on-one care because she was born with a rare form of Down syndrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have six months left of money, and that’s it, so I have to go back to work because I have no choice,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear exactly when caregivers can apply for the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the taxpayer’s group told the supervisors at the Feb. 25 meeting that by rule, they couldn’t release the emergency funds without approving a 5-year spending plan for Measure C, which is still in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030550\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030550\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Gretchen Hernandez’s granddaughter, Ava, and communication cards posted on the refrigerator at her home in Oakland on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Voters were promised a 5-year plan and budget before expenditure of funds,” attorney Jason Bezis said. “It’s like placing the proverbial cart in front of the horse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said a proposal by First 5 Alameda County to spend 15% of the emergency funds to administer the money was “exorbitantly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors tentatively approved the emergency fund as the first phase of the 5-year spending plan but will decide when to distribute the money pending a legal review by the county Counsel Donna Ziegler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12028709 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250224_Mills-Children-School_DMB_00007-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler told the board she would offer her opinion at its next meeting on Tuesday, but the topic does not appear on the agenda. Voicemail messages to the counsel have not been returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an opportunity to transform the child care ecosystem in Alameda County,” said Mary Hekl, CEO of Hively, a referral agency with offices in Pleasanton, Livermore, Oakland, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency funds would include $1.5 million in grants for agencies like Hekl’s to help income-eligible families enroll in state-subsidized child care programs and to train the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her agency has maxed out the state funding it received this budget year for child care vouchers, but about 1,000 income-eligible families are still on its waitlist for subsidized child care. With more funding from Measure C, she said her agency can refer more families to licensed providers like Zarodney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is what people voted for in the first place, so a lot more people can have access to child care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zarodney said the longer she has to wait for funding, the harder it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t see a light at the end of the tunnel, or you see it and it gets turned off, it’s very discouraging, it’s really hard to try and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Since 2021, Alameda County has collected roughly $500 million in sales tax revenue to improve access to child care and pediatric health care for lower-income families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not a single dollar has been spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.first5alameda.org/our-work/strategies-initiatives/the-childrens-health-child-care-initiative-for-alameda-county/\">Voters approved\u003c/a> a half-cent sales tax increase in March 2020 to help address a growing shortage of child care, but a legal challenge by the Alameda County Taxpayers’ Association tied up the funds until last year when\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984169/state-court-upholds-alameda-county-tax-measure-yielding-hundreds-of-millions-for-child-care\"> the state Supreme Court upheld the measure\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frustrated child care providers were hoping county officials would release the first batch of funds after approving spending $165.8 million in emergency funding so they could finally apply for thousands of dollars in relief grants. However, the money appears to be caught up in another legal fight by the taxpayers’ group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If this doesn’t pass, I don’t even know that I will open by the end of the year,” said Lisa Zarodney, who has provided child care out of her home in Livermore for 27 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030546\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030546\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-16-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Zarodney talks to Ryden, 1, Kane, 2, and Hudson, 3, at her home in Livermore, where she runs a childcare operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Zarodney said she has always operated her small business on thin margins and didn’t have much of a financial cushion when the pandemic hit and fewer kids came to her home. She received $5000 in federal pandemic recovery aid, she said, but rising costs for food, electricity and other expenses have only deepened her financial troubles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When temperatures rise in Livermore, and she turns on the air conditioning to keep the kids cool, for example, her electricity bill almost doubles to $600 per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t do this business for the money because it’s not a profitable business,” she said. “You have to do it for the love of children, and that’s the whole reason why I do it, to give children and families the help that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030543\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030543\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-4-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lisa Zarodney speaks to Hudson, 3, at her home in Livermore, where she runs a childcare operation, on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>After paying off her bills last month, Zarodney said she had just $200 to cover her own food and other expenses. She’s been drawing from her late husband’s retirement savings to get by, but she said the high taxes and penalties on those withdrawals are unsustainable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the county Board of Supervisors tentatively approved spending\u003ca href=\"https://www.acgov.org/board/bos_calendar/documents/DocsAgendaReg_02_25_25/HEALTH%20CARE%20SERVICES/Set%20Matter%20Calendar/First%205%20Alameda%20County_383009.pdf\"> some of the Measure C funds\u003c/a> to prop up the county’s early childhood education and care system. Small family child care providers who serve low-income families, like Zarodney, can each qualify for $40,000 in relief grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A category of caregivers, known as license-exempt Friends, Family and Neighbors, can qualify for $4,000 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030549\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030549\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-31-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gretchen Hernandez poses for a photo at her home in Oakland on March 7, 2025. Hernandez has taken time off of her warehouse job to care for her 2-year-old granddaughter with special needs, Ava. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That could help Gretchen Hernandez, who has taken time off her job at a warehouse to look after her 2-year-old granddaughter at her home in Oakland. Hernandez said she’s been living off her savings while she cares for the toddler, who requires one-on-one care because she was born with a rare form of Down syndrome.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have six months left of money, and that’s it, so I have to go back to work because I have no choice,” Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s unclear exactly when caregivers can apply for the grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawyer for the taxpayer’s group told the supervisors at the Feb. 25 meeting that by rule, they couldn’t release the emergency funds without approving a 5-year spending plan for Measure C, which is still in the works.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030550\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030550\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/20250307_ALAMEDACHILDCARE_GC-32-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A photo of Gretchen Hernandez’s granddaughter, Ava, and communication cards posted on the refrigerator at her home in Oakland on March 7, 2025. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Voters were promised a 5-year plan and budget before expenditure of funds,” attorney Jason Bezis said. “It’s like placing the proverbial cart in front of the horse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also said a proposal by First 5 Alameda County to spend 15% of the emergency funds to administer the money was “exorbitantly high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>County supervisors tentatively approved the emergency fund as the first phase of the 5-year spending plan but will decide when to distribute the money pending a legal review by the county Counsel Donna Ziegler.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ziegler told the board she would offer her opinion at its next meeting on Tuesday, but the topic does not appear on the agenda. Voicemail messages to the counsel have not been returned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an opportunity to transform the child care ecosystem in Alameda County,” said Mary Hekl, CEO of Hively, a referral agency with offices in Pleasanton, Livermore, Oakland, Fremont and San Leandro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The emergency funds would include $1.5 million in grants for agencies like Hekl’s to help income-eligible families enroll in state-subsidized child care programs and to train the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said her agency has maxed out the state funding it received this budget year for child care vouchers, but about 1,000 income-eligible families are still on its waitlist for subsidized child care. With more funding from Measure C, she said her agency can refer more families to licensed providers like Zarodney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think this is what people voted for in the first place, so a lot more people can have access to child care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Zarodney said the longer she has to wait for funding, the harder it will be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you don’t see a light at the end of the tunnel, or you see it and it gets turned off, it’s very discouraging, it’s really hard to try and keep going,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "family-run-napa-winery-gets-win-long-legal-battle-with-county-not-over",
"title": "Family-Run Napa Winery Gets a Win in Long Legal Battle With County, but It’s Not Over",
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"headTitle": "Family-Run Napa Winery Gets a Win in Long Legal Battle With County, but It’s Not Over | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/napa-county\">Napa County\u003c/a>’s six-year legal battle with a family-run winery is far from over — even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020585/napa-countys-legal-battle-with-family-run-winery-sparks-a-federal-court-challenge\">Hoopes Vineyard\u003c/a> was ordered to close its doors for tastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Napa County Superior Court ordered Hoopes Vineyard to suspend on-site wine and food service and some additional operations that had been at the center of a dispute over Hoopes’ small winery exemption. According to owner Lindsay Hoopes, the winery will be able to remain open for now, after the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal granted a temporary pause Friday on the trial court’s order while it determines whether that will cause “irreparable harm” to the business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes is appealing the preliminary injunction that she says would force its closure, alleging that the county acted outside its jurisdiction by suspending functions that she believes fall under the state’s purview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our perspective, it’s an excess of the trial court’s jurisdiction in telling us that we can’t any longer do those activities,” like wine marketing and tastings, Hoopes says. “They’re taking away rights that the [Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control] already gave, and a trial court can’t do that in the state. Only the ABC [department] and the Supreme Court can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes has been fighting with Napa over the legality of Hoopes Vineyard since at least 2020, when she first received a notice from the county over an apparent violation of the small winery exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A giant welcome sign is seen in Napa Valley, California, on Oct. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her property is zoned under that old county policy, which allows small wineries to continue to operate without going through an expensive, arduous permitting process that applies to land in Napa’s highly protected agricultural preserve. But it comes with restrictions: small wineries under the exemption can’t hold public tours, events or provide wine tastings, according to the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County sued Hoopes and her winery in 2022, alleging that changes to the property’s use in recent years violated its limitations. Since 2017, Hoopes purchased the property, created “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hoopesvineyard.com/oasis-by-hoopes\">Oasis by Hoopes\u003c/a>,” which introduced wine-tasting “experiences,” and invited guests to visit an on-site animal sanctuary and lounge at two Airstream trailers brought onto the site. She also applied for, and was granted, an Alcoholic Beverage Control winery license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county says that the small winery exemption program was designed so that low-impact vineyards could continue operating small farms, grow grapes, and produce and sell wine in a retail fashion without having to jump through the same hoops as larger, commercial operations. But if those properties made changes that could have environmental consequences, like allowing more guests and expanding the footprint, it would require a use permit, says attorney Arthur Hartinger, who is representing Napa in the case.[aside postID=news_12025404 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/017_KQED_Napa_VineyardFarmWorkers_09302020_qed-1020x680.jpg']“They just can’t do these other kinds of things that bring more people onto the property and create impacts that have very serious potential consequences,” he told KQED in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County Judge Mark Boessenecker agreed in November, saying that Hoopes gained an unfair advantage by expanding its business without a use permit. “Hoopes does not have to spend the money to upgrade its systems and comply with the law, while other, law-abiding wineries do,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the court’s decision isn’t final since Hoopes’ cross-complaint is still pending, last month’s preliminary injunction would have forced the winery to shut down some operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “would functionally prohibit us from making wine and selling wine in any capacity,” Hoopes told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes appealed the injunction on Feb. 21, and last week, she asked the appellate court to pause the injunction while that appeal decision is pending. According to a filing on behalf of the winery, the injunction would force it to recall its products from the market, prevent anyone outside of the business’ employees from drinking its wines, require changing its label and branding, and cancel customer reservations and distributor meetings. It also says Hoopes would have to stop making wine altogether since the winemaker is an independent contractor who can no longer drink Hoopes’ wine — “an integral part” of the process, according to the writ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030695\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of Pinot Noir grapes ready to be picked in Napa, California, on Aug. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s written so broadly that, like, our label would have been a violation of the court order,” Hoopes says. The winery’s label features the gold silhouette of a dog jumping through a hoop, and the injunction precludes the winery from using animals, like those in its on-site sanctuary, as “an attraction, enticement, or marketing activity” related to the winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County spokesperson Linda Weinreich said the injunction addresses activities on Hoopes’ property that the trial court determined violated Napa County code and state law and that the winery is seeking to “continue to violate the law” until the case is finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about ensuring compliance with the same regulations that apply to all wineries in Napa County — regulations that protect the integrity of the Agricultural Preserve and maintain a level playing field for the industry,” Weinreich said via email. “The County remains committed to upholding these policies in accordance with the Court’s final ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes also says that the injunction makes a larger error because her winery’s sales operations fall under the jurisdiction of the state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control, which issued her a winery license in 2019. In 2021, Hoopes applied to expand the ABC-licensed premise to include an outdoor consumption area and got approval that indicated it was “not in conflict with the local zoning ordinances,” according to the court filing asking for the pause on the preliminary injunction.[aside postID=news_12029675 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/NimanRanchGetty-1020x680.jpg']“Because those permits have been issued, ABC has sole authority to regulate the scope of permissions,” it reads. “A trial court does not have jurisdiction to review the decisions of the ABC. By enjoining lawful ABC activities, the trial court exceeded its authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It argues that the retail sale of wine to be drunk on and off the site — as well as wine tastings, samplings, and food service — are within the “exclusive authority” of the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes says the injunction invades the ABC’s authority by limiting wine tasting to the defendants and employees of the winery and barring serving food or wine on the site — leaving her business in the “crosshairs” of what the state can license and the county can regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like the attorney general should intervene in helping resolve that,” she told KQED. “It shouldn’t really be the onus of a small business owner to kind of help clarify the boundaries of where land use meets liquor licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult for small wineries to do that, but the impact is huge because it impacts all wineries throughout the state of California and definitely all the wineries in Napa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new stay, Hoopes will be allowed to temporarily continue operating as it had before the injunction, while it waits for the appellate court to decide whether or not to grant a longer delay on the Superior Court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinrich said that the county is prepared to defend the preliminary injunction and that some of the information in Hoopes’ petition to the appellate court was “completely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The County is confident that once the appellate court reviews the correct factual record, it will dissolve the temporary stay of the injunction,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa can file an opposition before March 21, to which Hoopes can reply before March 28. After that, the court could issue a decision on the pause of the preliminary injunction without an oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/napa-county\">Napa County\u003c/a>’s six-year legal battle with a family-run winery is far from over — even after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12020585/napa-countys-legal-battle-with-family-run-winery-sparks-a-federal-court-challenge\">Hoopes Vineyard\u003c/a> was ordered to close its doors for tastings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, the Napa County Superior Court ordered Hoopes Vineyard to suspend on-site wine and food service and some additional operations that had been at the center of a dispute over Hoopes’ small winery exemption. According to owner Lindsay Hoopes, the winery will be able to remain open for now, after the state’s 1st District Court of Appeal granted a temporary pause Friday on the trial court’s order while it determines whether that will cause “irreparable harm” to the business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes is appealing the preliminary injunction that she says would force its closure, alleging that the county acted outside its jurisdiction by suspending functions that she believes fall under the state’s purview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s our perspective, it’s an excess of the trial court’s jurisdiction in telling us that we can’t any longer do those activities,” like wine marketing and tastings, Hoopes says. “They’re taking away rights that the [Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control] already gave, and a trial court can’t do that in the state. Only the ABC [department] and the Supreme Court can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes has been fighting with Napa over the legality of Hoopes Vineyard since at least 2020, when she first received a notice from the county over an apparent violation of the small winery exemption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020596\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020596\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/NapaCountyWineCountryGetty-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A giant welcome sign is seen in Napa Valley, California, on Oct. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Tayfun Coskun/Anadolu via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Her property is zoned under that old county policy, which allows small wineries to continue to operate without going through an expensive, arduous permitting process that applies to land in Napa’s highly protected agricultural preserve. But it comes with restrictions: small wineries under the exemption can’t hold public tours, events or provide wine tastings, according to the ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County sued Hoopes and her winery in 2022, alleging that changes to the property’s use in recent years violated its limitations. Since 2017, Hoopes purchased the property, created “\u003ca href=\"https://www.hoopesvineyard.com/oasis-by-hoopes\">Oasis by Hoopes\u003c/a>,” which introduced wine-tasting “experiences,” and invited guests to visit an on-site animal sanctuary and lounge at two Airstream trailers brought onto the site. She also applied for, and was granted, an Alcoholic Beverage Control winery license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The county says that the small winery exemption program was designed so that low-impact vineyards could continue operating small farms, grow grapes, and produce and sell wine in a retail fashion without having to jump through the same hoops as larger, commercial operations. But if those properties made changes that could have environmental consequences, like allowing more guests and expanding the footprint, it would require a use permit, says attorney Arthur Hartinger, who is representing Napa in the case.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“They just can’t do these other kinds of things that bring more people onto the property and create impacts that have very serious potential consequences,” he told KQED in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County Judge Mark Boessenecker agreed in November, saying that Hoopes gained an unfair advantage by expanding its business without a use permit. “Hoopes does not have to spend the money to upgrade its systems and comply with the law, while other, law-abiding wineries do,” he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the court’s decision isn’t final since Hoopes’ cross-complaint is still pending, last month’s preliminary injunction would have forced the winery to shut down some operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “would functionally prohibit us from making wine and selling wine in any capacity,” Hoopes told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes appealed the injunction on Feb. 21, and last week, she asked the appellate court to pause the injunction while that appeal decision is pending. According to a filing on behalf of the winery, the injunction would force it to recall its products from the market, prevent anyone outside of the business’ employees from drinking its wines, require changing its label and branding, and cancel customer reservations and distributor meetings. It also says Hoopes would have to stop making wine altogether since the winemaker is an independent contractor who can no longer drink Hoopes’ wine — “an integral part” of the process, according to the writ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030695\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030695\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1500\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Napa-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Clusters of Pinot Noir grapes ready to be picked in Napa, California, on Aug. 14, 2022. \u003ccite>(Mina Kim/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s written so broadly that, like, our label would have been a violation of the court order,” Hoopes says. The winery’s label features the gold silhouette of a dog jumping through a hoop, and the injunction precludes the winery from using animals, like those in its on-site sanctuary, as “an attraction, enticement, or marketing activity” related to the winery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa County spokesperson Linda Weinreich said the injunction addresses activities on Hoopes’ property that the trial court determined violated Napa County code and state law and that the winery is seeking to “continue to violate the law” until the case is finalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This case is about ensuring compliance with the same regulations that apply to all wineries in Napa County — regulations that protect the integrity of the Agricultural Preserve and maintain a level playing field for the industry,” Weinreich said via email. “The County remains committed to upholding these policies in accordance with the Court’s final ruling.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes also says that the injunction makes a larger error because her winery’s sales operations fall under the jurisdiction of the state Department of Alcoholic Beverage Control, which issued her a winery license in 2019. In 2021, Hoopes applied to expand the ABC-licensed premise to include an outdoor consumption area and got approval that indicated it was “not in conflict with the local zoning ordinances,” according to the court filing asking for the pause on the preliminary injunction.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Because those permits have been issued, ABC has sole authority to regulate the scope of permissions,” it reads. “A trial court does not have jurisdiction to review the decisions of the ABC. By enjoining lawful ABC activities, the trial court exceeded its authority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It argues that the retail sale of wine to be drunk on and off the site — as well as wine tastings, samplings, and food service — are within the “exclusive authority” of the ABC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoopes says the injunction invades the ABC’s authority by limiting wine tasting to the defendants and employees of the winery and barring serving food or wine on the site — leaving her business in the “crosshairs” of what the state can license and the county can regulate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really feel like the attorney general should intervene in helping resolve that,” she told KQED. “It shouldn’t really be the onus of a small business owner to kind of help clarify the boundaries of where land use meets liquor licensing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very difficult for small wineries to do that, but the impact is huge because it impacts all wineries throughout the state of California and definitely all the wineries in Napa.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the new stay, Hoopes will be allowed to temporarily continue operating as it had before the injunction, while it waits for the appellate court to decide whether or not to grant a longer delay on the Superior Court order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weinrich said that the county is prepared to defend the preliminary injunction and that some of the information in Hoopes’ petition to the appellate court was “completely inaccurate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The County is confident that once the appellate court reviews the correct factual record, it will dissolve the temporary stay of the injunction,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Napa can file an opposition before March 21, to which Hoopes can reply before March 28. After that, the court could issue a decision on the pause of the preliminary injunction without an oral argument.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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"link": "/radio/program/reveal",
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"rss": "http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
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