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"content": "\u003cp>Calling it an unorthodox business strategy is an understatement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal grand jury indicted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999844/sf-tow-operator-accused-of-scamming-drivers-pleads-not-guilty-to-federal-charges\">San Francisco tow truck operator\u003c/a> this week for allegedly orchestrating a scheme to set fire to trucks owned by his competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors charged Jose Vicente Badillo on Thursday with conspiracy to commit arson, saying he collaborated with at least four “co-conspirators” in 2023 to torch at least six tow trucks operated by other businesses. All of the incidents occurred in San Francisco, except one in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo, 29, sought to literally drive more business to his three primary Bay Area towing companies — Auto Towing, Specialty Towing and Jose’s Towing — by “impeding their competitors’ business prospects” and retaliating against “perceived wrongs,” according \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/media/1393391/dl?inline\">to the federal indictment.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is being conducted by a federal organized crime task force aimed at dismantling “the highest-level drug traffickers, money launderers, gangs, and transnational criminal organizations.” The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to explain why organized crime investigators are prosecuting Badillo’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1675\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1020x668.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1536x1005.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-2048x1340.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1920x1257.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tow truck is seen towing a vehicle to the Auto Return on 7th Street on Dec. 1, 2015, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Badillo faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison and a fine of $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is scheduled to be arraigned on March 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo, 29, also faces unrelated criminal charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999449/sf-tow-operator-faces-insurance-fraud-more-charges-after-fbi-probe\">money laundering and insurance fraud\u003c/a> in two pending federal cases, as well as one case of welfare fraud brought by the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen Sawyer, a Stockton-based attorney representing Badillo in all three cases, said his client maintains his innocence.[aside postID=news_11997360 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240724-SAMMY-HALLAQ-1-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“There’s been a catastrophic impact on his businesses from this,” Sawyer said. “He’s looking forward to working through this and getting on with his life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and his business partner, Jessica Elizabeth Najarro, were first arrested in August 2024 — on the same day that the FBI raided his San Francisco office — and charged with conspiracy and mail and wire fraud in connection with two schemes to defraud auto insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and his wife, Abigail T. Fuentes, with whom he owned his towing businesses, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002311/charges-pile-up-for-sf-tow-operator-now-accused-of-staging-accident-faking-tow\">face multiple felony charges\u003c/a> brought in 2023 by the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office in connection with an alleged welfare fraud scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say Fuentes, who worked for San Francisco’s Human Services Agency, approved Badillo’s applications for public welfare programs without disclosing her relationship to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors alleged the couple falsely claimed they were earning only $1,000 a month while actually netting $2 million a year to qualify for public benefits, including Medi-Cal and CalWorks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more.[aside postID=news_12031189 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/250303-ANTIOCHPOLICE-11-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']In early 2024, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">suspended Badillo’s towing operations\u003c/a> from bidding on or receiving city contracts after determining that its workers had illegally towed the cars of non-English speaking residents from a private commercial parking lot, restricted the times vehicles could be retrieved and pressured owners to pay in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gqvDedeuCl0\">video\u003c/a> that went viral showed one of Badillo’s Specialty Towing workers attempting to tow a car stuck in traffic on a San Francisco street as the frantic driver tried to escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Badillo’s federal indictment this week, Chiu told KQED he thinks it may be just “the tip of the iceberg” for someone who has repeatedly “demonstrated a clear pattern of predatory behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish I could say that I’m surprised, but I’m not surprised at all,” he said. “From arson to fraud to money laundering, to towing people while they’re in their cars. … We keep learning more about this guy every few months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can say is in [Badillo’s] case, truth is stranger than fiction,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Jose Vicente Badillo, the tow company operator already barred from doing business in San Francisco, allegedly plotted to set fire to trucks owned by his competitors.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Calling it an unorthodox business strategy is an understatement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal grand jury indicted a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999844/sf-tow-operator-accused-of-scamming-drivers-pleads-not-guilty-to-federal-charges\">San Francisco tow truck operator\u003c/a> this week for allegedly orchestrating a scheme to set fire to trucks owned by his competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal prosecutors charged Jose Vicente Badillo on Thursday with conspiracy to commit arson, saying he collaborated with at least four “co-conspirators” in 2023 to torch at least six tow trucks operated by other businesses. All of the incidents occurred in San Francisco, except one in East Palo Alto.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo, 29, sought to literally drive more business to his three primary Bay Area towing companies — Auto Towing, Specialty Towing and Jose’s Towing — by “impeding their competitors’ business prospects” and retaliating against “perceived wrongs,” according \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/media/1393391/dl?inline\">to the federal indictment.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investigation is being conducted by a federal organized crime task force aimed at dismantling “the highest-level drug traffickers, money launderers, gangs, and transnational criminal organizations.” The U.S. Attorney’s Office declined to explain why organized crime investigators are prosecuting Badillo’s case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997008\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997008\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1675\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-800x524.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1020x668.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-160x105.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1536x1005.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-2048x1340.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/GettyImages-1322125500-1920x1257.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A tow truck is seen towing a vehicle to the Auto Return on 7th Street on Dec. 1, 2015, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Lea Suzuki/The San Francisco Chronicle via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If convicted, Badillo faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in prison and a fine of $250,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He is scheduled to be arraigned on March 20.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo, 29, also faces unrelated criminal charges of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11999449/sf-tow-operator-faces-insurance-fraud-more-charges-after-fbi-probe\">money laundering and insurance fraud\u003c/a> in two pending federal cases, as well as one case of welfare fraud brought by the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allen Sawyer, a Stockton-based attorney representing Badillo in all three cases, said his client maintains his innocence.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“There’s been a catastrophic impact on his businesses from this,” Sawyer said. “He’s looking forward to working through this and getting on with his life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and his business partner, Jessica Elizabeth Najarro, were first arrested in August 2024 — on the same day that the FBI raided his San Francisco office — and charged with conspiracy and mail and wire fraud in connection with two schemes to defraud auto insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Badillo and his wife, Abigail T. Fuentes, with whom he owned his towing businesses, also \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12002311/charges-pile-up-for-sf-tow-operator-now-accused-of-staging-accident-faking-tow\">face multiple felony charges\u003c/a> brought in 2023 by the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office in connection with an alleged welfare fraud scheme.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors say Fuentes, who worked for San Francisco’s Human Services Agency, approved Badillo’s applications for public welfare programs without disclosing her relationship to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors alleged the couple falsely claimed they were earning only $1,000 a month while actually netting $2 million a year to qualify for public benefits, including Medi-Cal and CalWorks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there’s more.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In early 2024, San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996890/predatory-san-francisco-towing-company-barred-from-city-business-for-5-years\">suspended Badillo’s towing operations\u003c/a> from bidding on or receiving city contracts after determining that its workers had illegally towed the cars of non-English speaking residents from a private commercial parking lot, restricted the times vehicles could be retrieved and pressured owners to pay in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several months later, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gqvDedeuCl0\">video\u003c/a> that went viral showed one of Badillo’s Specialty Towing workers attempting to tow a car stuck in traffic on a San Francisco street as the frantic driver tried to escape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to Badillo’s federal indictment this week, Chiu told KQED he thinks it may be just “the tip of the iceberg” for someone who has repeatedly “demonstrated a clear pattern of predatory behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish I could say that I’m surprised, but I’m not surprised at all,” he said. “From arson to fraud to money laundering, to towing people while they’re in their cars. … We keep learning more about this guy every few months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can say is in [Badillo’s] case, truth is stranger than fiction,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 4:08 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal jury returned a split verdict \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030621/police-corruption-trial-of-ex-antioch-officer-goes-to-jury-deliberations\">against former Antioch police officer Morteza Amiri\u003c/a> on Friday afternoon, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but acquitting him of a broader charge that he and other officers engaged in a systemic conspiracy to use excessive force repeatedly over a three-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Morteza Amiri violated the oath he swore to protect the people of Antioch,” said acting U.S. District Attorney Patrick D. Robbins in a statement. “As today’s jury verdict makes clear, officers who put themselves above the law will be held accountable.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">police corruption scandal\u003c/a> that became public in 2023 and implicated members of both the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments for exchanging violently racist text messages, falsifying college coursework to bump their pay and allegedly distributing steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri and two other former Antioch officers initially faced what may have been the most serious criminal charges to emerge in the case. But one officer took a plea deal, another case ended in a mistrial, and Amiri’s conviction was far more limited than the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">broad conspiracy prosecutors had set out to prove\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s sentencing on the two guilty counts is set for June, according to his attorney, Paul Goyette. He said the jury “got it right” when it found Amiri not guilty of conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors had presented to the jury volumes of offensive text messages as evidence that Amiri and other officers were conspiring and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">encouraging one another to use excessive force\u003c/a>. Goyette called those texts “trash talking” among numerous colleagues in a dangerous profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029521\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Romo testifies on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What the text messages weren’t — they weren’t evidence of an agreement between Mr. Amiri and anybody to go out and violate anybody’s rights,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Antioch officer Eric Rombough pleaded guilty shortly before the trial began, and he was a prominent witness in the prosecution’s case, as was another former Antioch and Pittsburg officer who pleaded guilty to charges in a separate federal case — Timothy Manly-Williams. The trial took a surprising turn two weeks ago when the judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">declared a mistrial\u003c/a> against Amiri’s co-defendant, Devon Christopher Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough testified for the prosecution that he and Amiri encouraged each other to violently punish suspects. He testified that he lost respect for the civil rights of the people he was policing and felt “a huge sense of shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single use of force for which Amiri was convicted Friday of deprivation of rights and falsifying records came on July 24, 2019, when Manly-Williams was on a ride-along with Amiri, his roommate at the time. Amiri started a conflict with a man on a bicycle, and Manly-Williams released the police dog to maul the bicyclist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029173 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/Sacramento-Shove_Horiz.00_00_09_16.Still005-1020x574.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri texted colleagues that it was a “stretch” of a resisting arrest case, that he’d left information out of his official report and joked while referencing a “piece of the suspect’s flesh” hanging from the jaws of his K9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The split verdict comes after about two days of jury deliberations, which started Wednesday. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030621/police-corruption-trial-of-ex-antioch-officer-goes-to-jury-deliberations\">closing arguments\u003c/a>, the prosecution and defense presented two very different pictures of Amiri’s time at the Antioch Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecution argued that Amiri showed a pattern of repeated excessive force, aided by his police K9, Purcy, and studded with celebrations of violent incidents in private text messages with other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette argued that the vulgar messages were cherry-picked to make his client look bad and depicted the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful and desensitizing work environment. Goyette also attempted to discredit many of the prosecution’s witnesses, including people who were unhoused when they were arrested and had criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri was \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-police-officer-convicted-federal-jury-conspiracy-and-wire-fraud\">convicted last year\u003c/a>, along with five other officers, in a scheme to obtain fraudulent college degrees for a raise in pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have not indicated whether they will bring Wenger to trial again on civil rights charges. He still faces separate charges of illegally distributing steroids. A jury trial on the steroid charges is set for late April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated at 4:08 p.m. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A federal jury returned a split verdict \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030621/police-corruption-trial-of-ex-antioch-officer-goes-to-jury-deliberations\">against former Antioch police officer Morteza Amiri\u003c/a> on Friday afternoon, finding him guilty of violating one person’s rights and falsifying a police report but acquitting him of a broader charge that he and other officers engaged in a systemic conspiracy to use excessive force repeatedly over a three-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Morteza Amiri violated the oath he swore to protect the people of Antioch,” said acting U.S. District Attorney Patrick D. Robbins in a statement. “As today’s jury verdict makes clear, officers who put themselves above the law will be held accountable.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case against Amiri stems from a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958522/fbi-arrests-antioch-pittsburg-police-officers-following-indictments\">police corruption scandal\u003c/a> that became public in 2023 and implicated members of both the Antioch and Pittsburg police departments for exchanging violently racist text messages, falsifying college coursework to bump their pay and allegedly distributing steroids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri and two other former Antioch officers initially faced what may have been the most serious criminal charges to emerge in the case. But one officer took a plea deal, another case ended in a mistrial, and Amiri’s conviction was far more limited than the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030325/dog-bites-foam-bullets-and-fear-victims-testify-to-ex-antioch-officers-excessive-force\">broad conspiracy prosecutors had set out to prove\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri’s sentencing on the two guilty counts is set for June, according to his attorney, Paul Goyette. He said the jury “got it right” when it found Amiri not guilty of conspiracy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors had presented to the jury volumes of offensive text messages as evidence that Amiri and other officers were conspiring and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985781/antioch-police-targeted-black-people-with-dogs-and-40mm-launchers-suit-alleges\">encouraging one another to use excessive force\u003c/a>. Goyette called those texts “trash talking” among numerous colleagues in a dangerous profession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12029521\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12029521\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/IMG_5882-KQED-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Daniel Romo testifies on the first day of the federal trial against Morteza Amiri and Devon Christopher Wenger at the U.S. District Courthouse in Oakland on March 3, 2025. Amiri and Wenger face charges that they conspired to severely injure suspects over a period of three years. \u003ccite>(Vicki Behringer for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“What the text messages weren’t — they weren’t evidence of an agreement between Mr. Amiri and anybody to go out and violate anybody’s rights,” Goyette said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Antioch officer Eric Rombough pleaded guilty shortly before the trial began, and he was a prominent witness in the prosecution’s case, as was another former Antioch and Pittsburg officer who pleaded guilty to charges in a separate federal case — Timothy Manly-Williams. The trial took a surprising turn two weeks ago when the judge \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029643/bay-area-police-conspiracy-trial-shaken-up-by-mistrial-for-1-of-2-former-officers\">declared a mistrial\u003c/a> against Amiri’s co-defendant, Devon Christopher Wenger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rombough testified for the prosecution that he and Amiri encouraged each other to violently punish suspects. He testified that he lost respect for the civil rights of the people he was policing and felt “a huge sense of shame.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The single use of force for which Amiri was convicted Friday of deprivation of rights and falsifying records came on July 24, 2019, when Manly-Williams was on a ride-along with Amiri, his roommate at the time. Amiri started a conflict with a man on a bicycle, and Manly-Williams released the police dog to maul the bicyclist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri texted colleagues that it was a “stretch” of a resisting arrest case, that he’d left information out of his official report and joked while referencing a “piece of the suspect’s flesh” hanging from the jaws of his K9.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The split verdict comes after about two days of jury deliberations, which started Wednesday. In \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030621/police-corruption-trial-of-ex-antioch-officer-goes-to-jury-deliberations\">closing arguments\u003c/a>, the prosecution and defense presented two very different pictures of Amiri’s time at the Antioch Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The prosecution argued that Amiri showed a pattern of repeated excessive force, aided by his police K9, Purcy, and studded with celebrations of violent incidents in private text messages with other officers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goyette argued that the vulgar messages were cherry-picked to make his client look bad and depicted the “rough” way officers speak to each other in a stressful and desensitizing work environment. Goyette also attempted to discredit many of the prosecution’s witnesses, including people who were unhoused when they were arrested and had criminal records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amiri was \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndca/pr/antioch-police-officer-convicted-federal-jury-conspiracy-and-wire-fraud\">convicted last year\u003c/a>, along with five other officers, in a scheme to obtain fraudulent college degrees for a raise in pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors have not indicated whether they will bring Wenger to trial again on civil rights charges. He still faces separate charges of illegally distributing steroids. A jury trial on the steroid charges is set for late April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/kdebenedetti\">\u003cem>Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener is back with another bill to allow medium-rise apartment buildings near transit across California — his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798945/__trashed-4\">fourth attempt\u003c/a> in seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">SB 79\u003c/a> by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) would allow apartments up to seven stories tall within a quarter-mile of certain train stations. Allowable building heights would decrease farther from the train station or bus rapid transit stop, dropping to as low as four stories within a half-mile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Friday press conference outside the Daly City BART station, Wiener said the bill is aimed at boosting both housing and public transportation agencies across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will offer more housing overall, and it will support our public transportation systems with increased revenue and increased ridership,” Wiener said. “We really need more housing, more and better transit, and the two truly go hand in hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill echoes the ethos — if not all the myriad provisions — of SB 50, which failed to advance in early 2020 after an earlier iteration of the bill was held in committee the year prior. That bill built off SB 857, which was first introduced in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of SB 50 would have not only allowed four- and five-story apartment buildings near train stations, along major bus lines and in job-rich neighborhoods, but also duplexes and fourplexes in many single-family neighborhoods throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the new bill is much more focused. It only applies to areas around train and ferry stations, along with stops for bus-rapid-transit, a type of bus that has dedicated travel lanes. Height limits scale down depending on the type of transit, so heavy rail and frequent commuter trains — such as BART, LA Metro subway, CalTrain and Burbank Metrolink — would have the tallest limits. The areas around ferries and less frequent commuter-rail services, such as Capitol Corridor, would have the lowest limits.[aside postID=news_11798945 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/04/RS25468_20170515_StateCapitol_Sen_ScottWeiner_credit_BertJohnson-2-qut-1020x680.jpg']“So it’s really focusing on our highest-quality transit,” Wiener said. “And I hope that in the future we have more of that highest-quality transit.” SB 50 faced major backlash from \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-sb50-failure-single-family-homes-suburbs-20190522-story.html\">suburban homeowners\u003c/a> worried about neighborhood change and advocates who were concerned that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-housing-bill-failure-equity-groups-20180502-story.html\">lower-income residents would be evicted\u003c/a> as a result of increased development, among others. The California League of Cities took an “oppose unless amended” position because of provisions in the bill they said were too ambiguous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for the pro-housing lobbying group, CA YIMBY, said the latest iteration of the proposal is more straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main way to describe this that’s different from those that came before is that it’s a clean upzoning,” Lewis said. “It’s seven stories, and there’s no other conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, other new laws, adopted in the intervening years, have since overridden or addressed other concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 9, by former state Sen. Toni Atkins, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">signed into law in 2021\u003c/a>. It allows homeowners to subdivide their lots and add up to two duplexes in most single-family neighborhoods. Another law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB330\">SB 330\u003c/a> by former state Sen. Nancy Skinner requires developers offer tenants the right of first refusal in new apartments if they are displaced by development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lens is different now because the legislative landscape is different than it was,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, however, with advocacy group Tenants Together, said she isn’t convinced. Her organization opposed SB 50 over concerns that it would accelerate displacement of lower-income tenants. Although she hadn’t seen a draft of SB 79 when she spoke to KQED, she said the same concerns very likely still apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have any objection to going after exclusionary communities or making housing easier to build. And we’re certainly not against the idea of buildings being tall,” Singh said. “It’s when you pick a fight with our communities, who desperately need affordable housing, who are facing eviction and displacement, that’s when we get involved.”[aside postID=news_11980785 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240313-SB-9-SanJose-KSM-6_qut-1020x680.jpg']While the Legislature has, over nearly a decade, passed dozens of laws aimed at cutting regulatory red tape and boosting new construction, the bills largely \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-yimby-laws-assessment-report/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=ActiveCampaign&utm_medium=email&utm_content=Are%20CA%20s%20housing%20laws%20building%20more%20homes%3F&utm_campaign=WhatMatters\">haven’t translated into meaningful increases\u003c/a> in new homes, Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What will make a difference, she said, is investing more money into building affordable housing. A $10 billion bond to do that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">failed to make it to the November ballot\u003c/a> last year, after facing competition from competing bonds. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley) \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20250218-asm-wicks-and-sen-cabaldon-move-forward-tackle-crushing-housing-costs#:~:text=This%20year's%20bond%20proposals%20are,San%20Diego%20Mayor%20Todd%20Gloria.\">reintroduced the bond measure\u003c/a> in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue is money,” Singh said. “We just want to keep hammering that point home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills have sought to streamline housing near transit. AB 2923, signed into law in 2018, provided some minimum standards for housing near BART stations in Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco counties. While that bill has helped the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/business/tod\">develop housing\u003c/a> on land it owns, BART Director Edward Wright said it’s still too difficult to get new apartments approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lets BART do our own zoning for more homes, for more businesses,” Wright said. “And it lets us do it quickly, simply, and effectively. Not with months to process, but with a clear purpose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, perhaps even more critically, Wright said, SB 79 could help boost ridership that \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/financials/crisis#:~:text=Ridership%20Trends,%25%20of%20pre%2Dpandemic%20expectations.&text=BART%20served%2050.7%20million%20trips,2.6%20million%20trips%20in%202024.\">hasn’t recovered\u003c/a> from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It supports more homes near our stations, and that means more people taking our trains,” he said, “instead of clogging up our streets and our bridges with more cars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Sen. Scott Wiener is back with another bill to allow medium-rise apartment buildings near transit across California — his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11798945/__trashed-4\">fourth attempt\u003c/a> in seven years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB79\">SB 79\u003c/a> by state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) would allow apartments up to seven stories tall within a quarter-mile of certain train stations. Allowable building heights would decrease farther from the train station or bus rapid transit stop, dropping to as low as four stories within a half-mile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a Friday press conference outside the Daly City BART station, Wiener said the bill is aimed at boosting both housing and public transportation agencies across the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It will offer more housing overall, and it will support our public transportation systems with increased revenue and increased ridership,” Wiener said. “We really need more housing, more and better transit, and the two truly go hand in hand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill echoes the ethos — if not all the myriad provisions — of SB 50, which failed to advance in early 2020 after an earlier iteration of the bill was held in committee the year prior. That bill built off SB 857, which was first introduced in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final version of SB 50 would have not only allowed four- and five-story apartment buildings near train stations, along major bus lines and in job-rich neighborhoods, but also duplexes and fourplexes in many single-family neighborhoods throughout the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener said the new bill is much more focused. It only applies to areas around train and ferry stations, along with stops for bus-rapid-transit, a type of bus that has dedicated travel lanes. Height limits scale down depending on the type of transit, so heavy rail and frequent commuter trains — such as BART, LA Metro subway, CalTrain and Burbank Metrolink — would have the tallest limits. The areas around ferries and less frequent commuter-rail services, such as Capitol Corridor, would have the lowest limits.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“So it’s really focusing on our highest-quality transit,” Wiener said. “And I hope that in the future we have more of that highest-quality transit.” SB 50 faced major backlash from \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-california-sb50-failure-single-family-homes-suburbs-20190522-story.html\">suburban homeowners\u003c/a> worried about neighborhood change and advocates who were concerned that \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-housing-bill-failure-equity-groups-20180502-story.html\">lower-income residents would be evicted\u003c/a> as a result of increased development, among others. The California League of Cities took an “oppose unless amended” position because of provisions in the bill they said were too ambiguous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Lewis, a spokesperson for the pro-housing lobbying group, CA YIMBY, said the latest iteration of the proposal is more straightforward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main way to describe this that’s different from those that came before is that it’s a clean upzoning,” Lewis said. “It’s seven stories, and there’s no other conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, other new laws, adopted in the intervening years, have since overridden or addressed other concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 9, by former state Sen. Toni Atkins, was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980785/these-california-companies-want-to-buy-your-backyard-and-build-a-house\">signed into law in 2021\u003c/a>. It allows homeowners to subdivide their lots and add up to two duplexes in most single-family neighborhoods. Another law, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200SB330\">SB 330\u003c/a> by former state Sen. Nancy Skinner requires developers offer tenants the right of first refusal in new apartments if they are displaced by development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lens is different now because the legislative landscape is different than it was,” Lewis said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shanti Singh, however, with advocacy group Tenants Together, said she isn’t convinced. Her organization opposed SB 50 over concerns that it would accelerate displacement of lower-income tenants. Although she hadn’t seen a draft of SB 79 when she spoke to KQED, she said the same concerns very likely still apply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have any objection to going after exclusionary communities or making housing easier to build. And we’re certainly not against the idea of buildings being tall,” Singh said. “It’s when you pick a fight with our communities, who desperately need affordable housing, who are facing eviction and displacement, that’s when we get involved.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>While the Legislature has, over nearly a decade, passed dozens of laws aimed at cutting regulatory red tape and boosting new construction, the bills largely \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2025/02/california-yimby-laws-assessment-report/?utm_medium=email&utm_source=ActiveCampaign&utm_medium=email&utm_content=Are%20CA%20s%20housing%20laws%20building%20more%20homes%3F&utm_campaign=WhatMatters\">haven’t translated into meaningful increases\u003c/a> in new homes, Singh said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What will make a difference, she said, is investing more money into building affordable housing. A $10 billion bond to do that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993185/why-a-10-billion-california-housing-bond-wont-be-on-novembers-ballot\">failed to make it to the November ballot\u003c/a> last year, after facing competition from competing bonds. Assemblymember Buffy Wicks (D-Berkeley) \u003ca href=\"https://a14.asmdc.org/press-releases/20250218-asm-wicks-and-sen-cabaldon-move-forward-tackle-crushing-housing-costs#:~:text=This%20year's%20bond%20proposals%20are,San%20Diego%20Mayor%20Todd%20Gloria.\">reintroduced the bond measure\u003c/a> in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue is money,” Singh said. “We just want to keep hammering that point home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other bills have sought to streamline housing near transit. AB 2923, signed into law in 2018, provided some minimum standards for housing near BART stations in Alameda, Contra Costa and San Francisco counties. While that bill has helped the agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/business/tod\">develop housing\u003c/a> on land it owns, BART Director Edward Wright said it’s still too difficult to get new apartments approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lets BART do our own zoning for more homes, for more businesses,” Wright said. “And it lets us do it quickly, simply, and effectively. Not with months to process, but with a clear purpose.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, perhaps even more critically, Wright said, SB 79 could help boost ridership that \u003ca href=\"https://www.bart.gov/about/financials/crisis#:~:text=Ridership%20Trends,%25%20of%20pre%2Dpandemic%20expectations.&text=BART%20served%2050.7%20million%20trips,2.6%20million%20trips%20in%202024.\">hasn’t recovered\u003c/a> from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It supports more homes near our stations, and that means more people taking our trains,” he said, “instead of clogging up our streets and our bridges with more cars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California Grants State Farm’s Emergency Rate Hike After Billions in LA Fire Damages",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm policyholders in California are likely to soon see sizable increases on their bills after Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara approved the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025436/state-farm-seeks-emergency-rate-hike-california-after-la-fires\">request for an emergency rate hike\u003c/a>, state regulators announced Friday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approval comes with provisions: The insurer will have to present financial records at a public hearing on April 8 to establish its “dire financial condition” before the rate increase can take effect, the California Department of Insurance said in a statement. Additionally, Lara is asking State Farm’s California arm to pause non-renewals and ask for a $500 million infusion of capital from its parent company. State Farm has said it would continue all existing policies for “at least one year” if the rate increase is approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for certainty in the California insurance market for our customers,” State Farm General, the company’s California arm, said in a statement Friday. “The provisional nature of today’s decision does not improve that certainty but it’s a step in the right direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm requested its emergency rate hike in February, saying it was needed to avert financial disaster after January’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027578/how-we-rebuild-what-comes-after-the-la-fires\">Los Angeles County wildfires\u003c/a> forced it to process more than 2,000 claims and pay out an estimated $7 billion in losses and damages. The average increase would be 22% for homeowners insurance, 15% for condominium owners insurance, and 38% for renters insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said that although it can pay out current claims, another bad fire season could cause it to risk insolvency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One credit rating agency already \u003ca href=\"https://news.ambest.com/pr/PressContent.aspx?refnum=34559&altsrc=2\">downgraded State Farm\u003c/a> in May, and further downgrades could place people at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030811\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Insurance market problems highlighted by the Los Angeles-area fires have legislators rushing to offer up possible solutions. A house burned by the Eaton Fire in Altadena, Jan. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If that were to happen, customers with a mortgage might not be able to use State Farm General insurance as collateral backing for their mortgage,” a letter from State Farm said, requesting the emergency increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its Friday statement, State Farm said it “will continue to monitor capacity to support its risks and build sufficient capital for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm, the largest insurer in California with more than 20% of the state’s homeowners insurance market, has more aggressively been seeking sizable rate hikes in the past year, even after being granted several increases in recent years.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992399/state-farm-seeks-enormous-rate-increases-in-california-to-prevent-insolvency\"> \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992399/state-farm-seeks-enormous-rate-increases-in-california-to-prevent-insolvency\">requested increases ranging from 30% to 52%\u003c/a> to prevent insolvency, but new rates did not go into effect before the L.A.-area fires.[aside postID=news_12029129 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/0A4A3428-1020x680.jpg']The news of the emergency rate hike approval brought a sigh of relief for insurance broker Karl Susman, of Susman Insurance Agency, who was worried about the prospect of State Farm pulling out of California if it couldn’t raise rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a market in California right now able to absorb millions of policies,” he said. “The fact that they have so many policyholders means they have so much more to lose. And if they did decide that they’re not going to be able to survive [in California] without these rates, they absolutely would have left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while increased rates can help insurance companies stay afloat in the short and medium term, ultimately, there are larger problems to be solved, said Dave Jones, director of the Climate Risk Initiative at UC Berkeley’s Center for Law, Energy, and the Environment and a former California insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the long run, increased rates are being outrun by the increased risk and losses from climate change,” Jones said. “So insurance is really the climate crisis canary in the coal mine, and the canary is dying. Unless we focus on what’s actually driving this problem, it’s only going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "State Farm policyholders in California are likely to see higher bills soon after California’s insurance commissioner approved its request for an emergency rate hike — with provisions.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:30 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm policyholders in California are likely to soon see sizable increases on their bills after Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara approved the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12025436/state-farm-seeks-emergency-rate-hike-california-after-la-fires\">request for an emergency rate hike\u003c/a>, state regulators announced Friday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approval comes with provisions: The insurer will have to present financial records at a public hearing on April 8 to establish its “dire financial condition” before the rate increase can take effect, the California Department of Insurance said in a statement. Additionally, Lara is asking State Farm’s California arm to pause non-renewals and ask for a $500 million infusion of capital from its parent company. State Farm has said it would continue all existing policies for “at least one year” if the rate increase is approved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s time for certainty in the California insurance market for our customers,” State Farm General, the company’s California arm, said in a statement Friday. “The provisional nature of today’s decision does not improve that certainty but it’s a step in the right direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm requested its emergency rate hike in February, saying it was needed to avert financial disaster after January’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12027578/how-we-rebuild-what-comes-after-the-la-fires\">Los Angeles County wildfires\u003c/a> forced it to process more than 2,000 claims and pay out an estimated $7 billion in losses and damages. The average increase would be 22% for homeowners insurance, 15% for condominium owners insurance, and 38% for renters insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said that although it can pay out current claims, another bad fire season could cause it to risk insolvency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One credit rating agency already \u003ca href=\"https://news.ambest.com/pr/PressContent.aspx?refnum=34559&altsrc=2\">downgraded State Farm\u003c/a> in May, and further downgrades could place people at risk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12030811\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12030811\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/012625_Eaton-Fire-Rain_JH_CM_56-copy-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Insurance market problems highlighted by the Los Angeles-area fires have legislators rushing to offer up possible solutions. A house burned by the Eaton Fire in Altadena, Jan. 26, 2025. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If that were to happen, customers with a mortgage might not be able to use State Farm General insurance as collateral backing for their mortgage,” a letter from State Farm said, requesting the emergency increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its Friday statement, State Farm said it “will continue to monitor capacity to support its risks and build sufficient capital for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Farm, the largest insurer in California with more than 20% of the state’s homeowners insurance market, has more aggressively been seeking sizable rate hikes in the past year, even after being granted several increases in recent years.\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992399/state-farm-seeks-enormous-rate-increases-in-california-to-prevent-insolvency\"> \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the company \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992399/state-farm-seeks-enormous-rate-increases-in-california-to-prevent-insolvency\">requested increases ranging from 30% to 52%\u003c/a> to prevent insolvency, but new rates did not go into effect before the L.A.-area fires.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The news of the emergency rate hike approval brought a sigh of relief for insurance broker Karl Susman, of Susman Insurance Agency, who was worried about the prospect of State Farm pulling out of California if it couldn’t raise rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have a market in California right now able to absorb millions of policies,” he said. “The fact that they have so many policyholders means they have so much more to lose. And if they did decide that they’re not going to be able to survive [in California] without these rates, they absolutely would have left.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while increased rates can help insurance companies stay afloat in the short and medium term, ultimately, there are larger problems to be solved, said Dave Jones, director of the Climate Risk Initiative at UC Berkeley’s Center for Law, Energy, and the Environment and a former California insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the long run, increased rates are being outrun by the increased risk and losses from climate change,” Jones said. “So insurance is really the climate crisis canary in the coal mine, and the canary is dying. Unless we focus on what’s actually driving this problem, it’s only going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF School Layoffs Are Coming, But the Total Is Far From Board’s Worst-Case Plan",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:40 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> announced Thursday evening that it will issue about 170 preliminary layoff notices as it works to close a massive budget deficit by year’s end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pink slips will be sent to 34 counselors and 143 paraeducators — a sharp reduction from the hundreds of potential notices \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028317/sf-schools-brace-hundreds-layoffs-including-teachers-librarians-counselors\">the school board approved\u003c/a> in February — but the smaller list does not guarantee that staff reductions won’t be more significant next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su has said the district spends about 80% of its $1.3 billion budget on staffing and faces about a $113 million shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is very painful, it is very necessary for us to reduce our existing workforce in both our central office as well as throughout our schools,” she told reporters in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other teachers, social workers, counselors and paraeducators will leave the district through an early retirement buyout, which more than 300 agreed to in February. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Due to the overwhelming popularity of the supplemental early retirement plan, I am really grateful to say that we do not have to issue any preliminary layoff notices to our teachers across the district,” Su said at a budget town hall Thursday night. “This is really great news for us because we were hoping and trying to find a way to preserve consistency of our [classroom] teaching staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Educators of San Francisco Vice President Frank Lara said the district is also cross-referencing about 280 sunsetting temporary contracts and could opt not to replace some educators who leave the district voluntarily in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has already sent 57 assistant principals preliminary letters of release or reassignment, some of whom could be moved into classroom positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD shared a baseline staffing formula last month stating that classroom teachers, principals, clerks and janitors will be funded at its schools. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Go6kR6mU85O8bcHVZlBHntXBYvuZo-qQ/view\">new supplementary staffing guide\u003c/a>, schools will only be able to hire new social workers, nurses, librarians and counselors after those roles are covered at their campus. Schools with supplemental funding can also hire assistant principals. Hiring for some additional roles, such as English language and intervention specialists, will be on hold until 92% of classroom teaching positions across the district are filled.[aside postID=news_12028317 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241009-SFUSDCLOSURESMARCH-29-BL-KQED.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guide also disallows hiring class size reduction teachers, angering some parent-teacher associations, which have traditionally funded these roles — such as two positions at Chinese Immersion School at DeAvila — at their children’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in San Francisco, PTAs have stepped up to fill budget gaps for a variety of operating costs,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/let-parents-help-fund-sfusd-teachers\">a petition signed by more than 500 parents\u003c/a> opposing the new policy. “These PTA-funded resources have allowed schools to continue performing well academically despite inadequate funding and continued uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the notices being sent are preliminary and that it is “hopeful” final notices won’t be necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As site budgets are finalized, we will gain a clearer understanding of which positions schools will choose to fund,” an SFUSD spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:40 a.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-unified-school-district\">San Francisco Unified School District\u003c/a> announced Thursday evening that it will issue about 170 preliminary layoff notices as it works to close a massive budget deficit by year’s end.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pink slips will be sent to 34 counselors and 143 paraeducators — a sharp reduction from the hundreds of potential notices \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028317/sf-schools-brace-hundreds-layoffs-including-teachers-librarians-counselors\">the school board approved\u003c/a> in February — but the smaller list does not guarantee that staff reductions won’t be more significant next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Superintendent Maria Su has said the district spends about 80% of its $1.3 billion budget on staffing and faces about a $113 million shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While it is very painful, it is very necessary for us to reduce our existing workforce in both our central office as well as throughout our schools,” she told reporters in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other teachers, social workers, counselors and paraeducators will leave the district through an early retirement buyout, which more than 300 agreed to in February. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Due to the overwhelming popularity of the supplemental early retirement plan, I am really grateful to say that we do not have to issue any preliminary layoff notices to our teachers across the district,” Su said at a budget town hall Thursday night. “This is really great news for us because we were hoping and trying to find a way to preserve consistency of our [classroom] teaching staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>United Educators of San Francisco Vice President Frank Lara said the district is also cross-referencing about 280 sunsetting temporary contracts and could opt not to replace some educators who leave the district voluntarily in the spring.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district has already sent 57 assistant principals preliminary letters of release or reassignment, some of whom could be moved into classroom positions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SFUSD shared a baseline staffing formula last month stating that classroom teachers, principals, clerks and janitors will be funded at its schools. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the district’s \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Go6kR6mU85O8bcHVZlBHntXBYvuZo-qQ/view\">new supplementary staffing guide\u003c/a>, schools will only be able to hire new social workers, nurses, librarians and counselors after those roles are covered at their campus. Schools with supplemental funding can also hire assistant principals. Hiring for some additional roles, such as English language and intervention specialists, will be on hold until 92% of classroom teaching positions across the district are filled.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new guide also disallows hiring class size reduction teachers, angering some parent-teacher associations, which have traditionally funded these roles — such as two positions at Chinese Immersion School at DeAvila — at their children’s schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For many years in San Francisco, PTAs have stepped up to fill budget gaps for a variety of operating costs,” reads \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/let-parents-help-fund-sfusd-teachers\">a petition signed by more than 500 parents\u003c/a> opposing the new policy. “These PTA-funded resources have allowed schools to continue performing well academically despite inadequate funding and continued uncertainty.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district said the notices being sent are preliminary and that it is “hopeful” final notices won’t be necessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As site budgets are finalized, we will gain a clearer understanding of which positions schools will choose to fund,” an SFUSD spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Federal labor law enforcement is up in the air these days, thanks to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\"> the Trump administration’s\u003c/a> effort to downsize the government. But experts say there are a host of laws — federal and state — that protect the just-released memoir \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/dp/1250391237\">\u003cem>Careless People\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>: A Cautionary Tale of Power, Greed, and Lost Idealism\u003c/em>, written by a former director of global public policy at Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book by former Facebook employee Sarah Wynn-Williams makes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/10/books/review/careless-people-sarah-wynn-williams.html\">incendiary allegations\u003c/a> of sexual harassment and other potentially illegal behavior by top-level executives during her seven years at the social media giant based in Menlo Park. In a blurb on Amazon, the book promises “shocking accounts of misogyny and double standards behind the scenes,” along with depictions of “unfettered power and a rotten company culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wynn-Williams also filed\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2025/03/09/meta-china-censorship-facebook-mark-zuckerberg/\"> a whistle-blower complaint\u003c/a> to the Securities and Exchange Commission last week, claiming Meta was so desperate to operate in China and ingratiate itself with the Chinese Communist Party that it was willing to censor content and shut down political dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, an arbitrator temporarily stopped Wynn-Williams from promoting the book, siding with Meta’s argument that she had violated the non-disparagement agreement or NDA she signed when she was an employee of the company. In the \u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Arbitration-Interim-Award.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, emergency arbitrator Nicholas Gowen wrote that Meta “has established a likelihood of success on the merits of its contractual non-disparagement claim against Respondent Wynn-Williams and that immediate and irreparable loss will result in the absence of emergency relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Meta spokesperson wrote KQED, “We took immediate legal action due to the false and defamatory nature of the allegations.” They added, “This book is a mix of out-of-date and previously reported claims about the company and false accusations about our executives. Eight years ago, Sarah Wynn-Williams was fired for poor performance and toxic behavior, and an investigation at the time determined she made misleading and unfounded allegations of harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1100px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1100\" height=\"733\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg 1100w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1100px) 100vw, 1100px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Zuckerberg, CEO of Meta, testifies during the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, ‘Big Tech and the Online Child Sexual Exploitation Crisis,’ in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 31, 2024. \u003ccite>(Brendan Smialowski/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some former Meta employees are coming forward to defend the company, including Mike Rognlien, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.threads.net/@badmikeyt/post/DHHfpWQykPC?xmt=AQGz0MND3an--2-q2sfIURuFSqWVXPJHKm2FCxNZRrV_lA\">wrote on Threads\u003c/a>, “People are so thirsty for anything disparaging to Meta. I sat next to Sarah for 18 months when we both worked in the New York office and we were both working closely with Sheryl Sandberg at the time. Never a word of this was mentioned, and we talked shit about loooooots of stuff. I have recently/publicly taken meta task for everything that they’re doing to dismantle dei, but I didn’t have to make up a thing to tell the story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbitration is commonly understood to favor employers over employees, but “an arbitrator cannot violate the law,” said Catherine Fisk of UC Berkeley’s Law School, where she teaches employment and labor law. She also works as an arbitrator in labor management matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that [Wynn-Williams] is criticizing working conditions, employees have had a right to criticize working conditions under federal labor law for, lo, these 90 years. And unless — and until — Congress repeals that statute, or the [the National Labor Relations Board] overturns its decision, or the Supreme Court overturns that decision, it’s protected concerted activities,” Fisk told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11860458 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/02/1369_transform-2-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford labor law professor William Gould, who served as chair of the NLRB from 1994 to 1998, wrote in an email, “The Biden National Labor Relations Board has held that an employer cannot lawfully condition a severance arrangement upon a non disclosure non disparagement promise agreement.” While Gould acknowledged the ruling is likely to be reversed by Trump appointees, the Biden ruling remains intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law also makes it clear \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/06/973439404/it-really-is-a-gag-order-california-may-limit-nondisclosure-agreements\">workers can talk about sexual harassment\u003c/a> or gender-related misconduct without fear of reprisal from their employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisk added the arbitrator, Gowen, has no jurisdiction over the publishing company, although Meta could sue or threaten to sue the publisher for defamation. Macmillan Publishers, which published the book under its Flatiron Books imprint, posted on\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1271075701251400&set=a.820130836345891\"> Facebook\u003c/a>, “We are appalled by Meta’s tactics to silence our author through the use of a non-disparagement clause in a severance agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Meta said it would no longer force employees to\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/09/technology/facebook-arbitration-harassment.html\"> settle sexual harassment claims in private arbitration\u003c/a>. In 2022, Meta’s board of directors wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1326801/000132680122000043/meta2022definitiveproxysta.htm\">shareholder report\u003c/a>, “We do not require or encourage our personnel to remain silent about harassment or discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the NLRB ruled that it is generally illegal for companies to offer severance agreements that prohibit workers from making potentially disparaging statements about former employers, including discussing sexual harassment or sexual assault accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Federal labor law enforcement is up in the air these days, thanks to\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/donald-trump\"> the Trump administration’s\u003c/a> effort to downsize the government. But experts say there are a host of laws — federal and state — that protect the just-released memoir \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/dp/1250391237\">\u003cem>Careless People\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>: A Cautionary Tale of Power, Greed, and Lost Idealism\u003c/em>, written by a former director of global public policy at Meta.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The book by former Facebook employee Sarah Wynn-Williams makes \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/10/books/review/careless-people-sarah-wynn-williams.html\">incendiary allegations\u003c/a> of sexual harassment and other potentially illegal behavior by top-level executives during her seven years at the social media giant based in Menlo Park. In a blurb on Amazon, the book promises “shocking accounts of misogyny and double standards behind the scenes,” along with depictions of “unfettered power and a rotten company culture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wynn-Williams also filed\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2025/03/09/meta-china-censorship-facebook-mark-zuckerberg/\"> a whistle-blower complaint\u003c/a> to the Securities and Exchange Commission last week, claiming Meta was so desperate to operate in China and ingratiate itself with the Chinese Communist Party that it was willing to censor content and shut down political dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, an arbitrator temporarily stopped Wynn-Williams from promoting the book, siding with Meta’s argument that she had violated the non-disparagement agreement or NDA she signed when she was an employee of the company. In the \u003ca href=\"https://about.fb.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Arbitration-Interim-Award.pdf\">ruling\u003c/a>, emergency arbitrator Nicholas Gowen wrote that Meta “has established a likelihood of success on the merits of its contractual non-disparagement claim against Respondent Wynn-Williams and that immediate and irreparable loss will result in the absence of emergency relief.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Meta spokesperson wrote KQED, “We took immediate legal action due to the false and defamatory nature of the allegations.” They added, “This book is a mix of out-of-date and previously reported claims about the company and false accusations about our executives. Eight years ago, Sarah Wynn-Williams was fired for poor performance and toxic behavior, and an investigation at the time determined she made misleading and unfounded allegations of harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12020607\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1100px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12020607\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1100\" height=\"733\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy.jpg 1100w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/npr.brightspotcdn-copy-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1100px) 100vw, 1100px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mark Zuckerberg, CEO of Meta, testifies during the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee hearing, ‘Big Tech and the Online Child Sexual Exploitation Crisis,’ in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 31, 2024. \u003ccite>(Brendan Smialowski/AFP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some former Meta employees are coming forward to defend the company, including Mike Rognlien, who \u003ca href=\"https://www.threads.net/@badmikeyt/post/DHHfpWQykPC?xmt=AQGz0MND3an--2-q2sfIURuFSqWVXPJHKm2FCxNZRrV_lA\">wrote on Threads\u003c/a>, “People are so thirsty for anything disparaging to Meta. I sat next to Sarah for 18 months when we both worked in the New York office and we were both working closely with Sheryl Sandberg at the time. Never a word of this was mentioned, and we talked shit about loooooots of stuff. I have recently/publicly taken meta task for everything that they’re doing to dismantle dei, but I didn’t have to make up a thing to tell the story.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arbitration is commonly understood to favor employers over employees, but “an arbitrator cannot violate the law,” said Catherine Fisk of UC Berkeley’s Law School, where she teaches employment and labor law. She also works as an arbitrator in labor management matters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To the extent that [Wynn-Williams] is criticizing working conditions, employees have had a right to criticize working conditions under federal labor law for, lo, these 90 years. And unless — and until — Congress repeals that statute, or the [the National Labor Relations Board] overturns its decision, or the Supreme Court overturns that decision, it’s protected concerted activities,” Fisk told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stanford labor law professor William Gould, who served as chair of the NLRB from 1994 to 1998, wrote in an email, “The Biden National Labor Relations Board has held that an employer cannot lawfully condition a severance arrangement upon a non disclosure non disparagement promise agreement.” While Gould acknowledged the ruling is likely to be reversed by Trump appointees, the Biden ruling remains intact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law also makes it clear \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2021/03/06/973439404/it-really-is-a-gag-order-california-may-limit-nondisclosure-agreements\">workers can talk about sexual harassment\u003c/a> or gender-related misconduct without fear of reprisal from their employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fisk added the arbitrator, Gowen, has no jurisdiction over the publishing company, although Meta could sue or threaten to sue the publisher for defamation. Macmillan Publishers, which published the book under its Flatiron Books imprint, posted on\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=1271075701251400&set=a.820130836345891\"> Facebook\u003c/a>, “We are appalled by Meta’s tactics to silence our author through the use of a non-disparagement clause in a severance agreement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2018, Meta said it would no longer force employees to\u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/09/technology/facebook-arbitration-harassment.html\"> settle sexual harassment claims in private arbitration\u003c/a>. In 2022, Meta’s board of directors wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sec.gov/Archives/edgar/data/1326801/000132680122000043/meta2022definitiveproxysta.htm\">shareholder report\u003c/a>, “We do not require or encourage our personnel to remain silent about harassment or discrimination.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the NLRB ruled that it is generally illegal for companies to offer severance agreements that prohibit workers from making potentially disparaging statements about former employers, including discussing sexual harassment or sexual assault accusations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A two-mile section of San Francisco’s oceanfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/great-highway\">Great Highway\u003c/a> has closed permanently to vehicle traffic, setting it up for a transformation into park space that voters approved last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 5 a.m., Friday, the closure took effect on the Upper Great Highway between Lincoln Way and Sloat Boulevard. City crews will work to clear sand — regular maintenance work that has often forced the windblown commuter corridor to close. Traffic improvements will also continue, and public art will be installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new park is planning a grand opening celebration for April 12. It still needs a name, though. Anyone can \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfrecpark.org/1824/The-Great-Park-Naming-Contest\">submit suggestions\u003c/a> through Sunday, and the final choice will be unveiled on April 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transformation has drawn considerable backlash from westside residents, including a last-ditch lawsuit filed this week to block the closure and a recall effort targeting the local member of the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco park ranger closes the gate prohibiting vehicles on the Great Highway between Sloat Boulevard and Lincoln Way in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For more on how we got here, check out past coverage from KQED reporters:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>March 12:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030751/days-before-san-franciscos-great-highway-closure-opponents-aim-block-it\">\u003cem>Days Before San Francisco’s Great Highway Closure, Opponents Aim to Block It\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Feb. 21:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028190/san-franciscos-new-ocean-beach-park-on-track-for-spring-debut\">\u003cem>San Francisco’s New Ocean Beach Park on Track for Spring Debut\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Dec. 3, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">\u003cem>Divide Over SF’s Great Highway Closure Sparks Recall Push Against Supervisor\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 16, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">\u003cem>Proposition K Victory: Closing Part of the Great Highway Sparks Debate and Delight\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 9, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995077/yes-on-k-declares-victory-on-san-franciscos-proposition-k\">\u003cem>Yes on K Declares Victory on San Francisco’s Proposition K\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 2, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012206/12012206\">\u003cem>San Francisco Is on a Tear Opening New Parks. Is Another on the Way?\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Oct. 17, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009607/turning-sfs-great-highway-park-major-ecological-benefits-report-says\">\u003cem>Turning SF’s Great Highway Into a Park Will Have Major Ecological Benefits, Report Says\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "As of Friday morning, the Upper Great Highway between Lincoln Way and Sloat Boulevard is closed to vehicle traffic — a move that drew backlash from some westside residents.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A two-mile section of San Francisco’s oceanfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/great-highway\">Great Highway\u003c/a> has closed permanently to vehicle traffic, setting it up for a transformation into park space that voters approved last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of 5 a.m., Friday, the closure took effect on the Upper Great Highway between Lincoln Way and Sloat Boulevard. City crews will work to clear sand — regular maintenance work that has often forced the windblown commuter corridor to close. Traffic improvements will also continue, and public art will be installed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new park is planning a grand opening celebration for April 12. It still needs a name, though. Anyone can \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfrecpark.org/1824/The-Great-Park-Naming-Contest\">submit suggestions\u003c/a> through Sunday, and the final choice will be unveiled on April 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transformation has drawn considerable backlash from westside residents, including a last-ditch lawsuit filed this week to block the closure and a recall effort targeting the local member of the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/241115-PropKFolo-10-BL_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A San Francisco park ranger closes the gate prohibiting vehicles on the Great Highway between Sloat Boulevard and Lincoln Way in San Francisco on Nov. 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For more on how we got here, check out past coverage from KQED reporters:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>March 12:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030751/days-before-san-franciscos-great-highway-closure-opponents-aim-block-it\">\u003cem>Days Before San Francisco’s Great Highway Closure, Opponents Aim to Block It\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Feb. 21:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028190/san-franciscos-new-ocean-beach-park-on-track-for-spring-debut\">\u003cem>San Francisco’s New Ocean Beach Park on Track for Spring Debut\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Dec. 3, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016404/divide-over-sfs-great-highway-closure-sparks-recall-push-against-supervisor\">\u003cem>Divide Over SF’s Great Highway Closure Sparks Recall Push Against Supervisor\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 16, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995182/proposition-k-victory-closing-part-of-the-great-highway-sparks-debate-and-delight\">\u003cem>Proposition K Victory: Closing Part of the Great Highway Sparks Debate and Delight\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 9, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1995077/yes-on-k-declares-victory-on-san-franciscos-proposition-k\">\u003cem>Yes on K Declares Victory on San Francisco’s Proposition K\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Nov. 2, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012206/12012206\">\u003cem>San Francisco Is on a Tear Opening New Parks. Is Another on the Way?\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Oct. 17, 2024:\u003c/em>\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12009607/turning-sfs-great-highway-park-major-ecological-benefits-report-says\">\u003cem>Turning SF’s Great Highway Into a Park Will Have Major Ecological Benefits, Report Says\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "the-california-railroads-surprising-impact-on-food-and-civil-rights",
"title": "The California Railroad's Surprising Impact on Food and Civil Rights",
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"headTitle": "The California Railroad’s Surprising Impact on Food and Civil Rights | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For her series \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiafoodways\">California Foodways\u003c/a>, Lisa Morehouse is reporting a story about food and farming from each of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding the Amtrak’s California Zephyr \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">from the Bay Area\u003c/a> to Chicago had always been an item on passengers Jamie Thomas and Shreya Jalan’s bucket lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always took trains with my dad,” Thomas told KQED. “My fondest memories are sitting with him, chatting or getting dinner together. It was a very good place to connect with people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes strangers. The dining car, where Thomas was seated next to fellow Bay Area resident Jalan, practices “community seating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of stories we get to hear and exchange, I think it’s really beautiful,” said Jalan, who didn’t know Thomas before the trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in California, fourth graders learn about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">the transcontinental railroad\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201507271000/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers-2\">the mostly Chinese laborers\u003c/a> who laid the track eastward from Sacramento, leveling, drilling and tunneling through the Sierra Nevada to connect with the westward tracks. The so-called “Big Four” railroad tycoons behind the construction — the Central Pacific Railroad — are also well-known. However, some of this history can get overlooked, like how the railroad – and its connection to food – shaped much of California’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018787\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Place settings in a dining car on display on Dec. 18, 2024, at the California State Railroad Museum. \u003ccite>(Kelly B. Huston/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trains would go on to make the Golden State a powerhouse. But innovation went hand in hand with exploitation of land and rail workers, whose resistance against discrimination led to breakthroughs in labor and civil rights. As author and archivist, Benjamin Jenkins put it, “The railroad really revolutionizes just about every part of California’s politics, society and economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Laying The Tracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://dp.la/exhibitions/transcontinental-railroad/nation-transformed/connection-exclusion?item=967\">routes\u003c/a> of the Zephyr line parallels that of the first transcontinental railroad. One of the most beautiful train routes in the United States, Zephyr’s California path alone is stunning. Leaving Emeryville, near Oakland, it hugs the Bay before passing under the Carquinez Bridge and heading into the Delta, snaking by islands and waterways. After stopping in Sacramento, it climbs through California’s foothills, then into the Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On shorter routes, a lot of trains have cafe cars with drinks, snacks and pre-packaged food. But many of the longer Amtrak routes have dining cars like this one, with a full kitchen taking up the whole lower level. Diners mingle over white table cloths, flower vases and plastic plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029482 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/al-akbar-band-1020x686.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the Central Pacific was completed in 1869, trains with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/dining-in-transit-the-introduction-of-the-railroad\">dining cars\u003c/a> were already running out of Chicago. It would take California a while to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Big Four had big plans. They purchased a small railroad line, the Southern Pacific, and expanded it dramatically, stretching from the Bay Area down to Los Angeles and across hundreds of miles to Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the Southern Pacific, the Big Four had a near-monopoly in California. Riding the train was prohibitively expensive, but when a competing company — known as the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway — later reached Los Angeles, it caused a rate war. Tickets from Chicago to LA dropped from $125 to $1. Los Angeles went from cowtown to boomtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the train offered few amenities and people packed their own food to avoid terrible roadhouse meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people would make fried chicken and get on the train. They’d trade some of that fried chicken for pillows and [other goods],” said Lawrence Dale, who worked for the BNSF Railway Company for more than 42 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at an exhibit at the \u003ca href=\"https://barstowrailmuseums.com/\">Western American Railroad Museum\u003c/a> in Barstow, Dale explained that the further the trains went, the less practical it was for passengers to bring all of their own food on a trip. And when there’s a business vacuum, someone will try to fill it. Enter Fred Harvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018784\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018784\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawrence Dale poses near an exhibit at the Western American Railroad Museum in Barstow on Dec. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum takes up a section of what was once Barstow’s Harvey House, a restaurant designed for train passengers right off the railroad tracks. For a building that’s more than 110 years old, it’s beautiful with columns, decorative brick arches and shaded walkways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In partnership with the Santa Fe railroad, Harvey built Harvey Houses every 100 miles. They served fancy cheeses, oysters, fruit, sirloin and generous slices of pie. Another big attraction: waitresses known as “Harvey Girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Girls were young, single and almost always white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you about Harvey Girls is they were young women out of the Midwest,” said Dale. “They were brought in here by Fred Harvey and weren’t allowed to date. They weren’t allowed to do nothing except serve the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, plenty of Harvey Girls did marry and relocate to farms and ranches across the West. While they were Harvey Girls, they worked long hours, lived in dorms under the watchful eyes of house mothers and were expected to meet strict standards of decorum and image, down to their uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White gloves, white full-cover apron with a black garment underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-800x493.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1020x628.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1536x946.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1920x1183.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Harvey manager Victor Patrosso poses in front of the El Tovar Hotel in Grand Canyon National Park with a group of 20 Harvey Girls dressed in their evening uniform in 1926. \u003ccite>(National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Bow in the back of the hair,” Dale said, pointing to a display. “They were all supposed to be dressed alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For passengers, eating at a Harvey House was an elevated dining experience, but it was more efficient than leisurely. Trains called in passengers’ orders ahead by telegraph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Say a westbound train pulled into Needles, a city in San Bernardino County. The conductor would come through the cars, taking orders and contact the next Harvey House down the line in Barstow, letting staff know how many people planned to eat and what time they’d arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers disembarked, sat in the well-appointed dining room and had a limited time to eat before the train left the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Houses were a precursor to fast food and chain restaurants and they helped change the intent of train travel from something that was just utilitarian to an experience, according to Ty Smith, director of the California State Railroad Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1536x914.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1920x1142.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harvey girls and other employees pose in front of the Bright Angel Lodge in Grand Canyon National Park in 1915. \u003ccite>(T.L. Brown/National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Dining was at the heart of the transition from conveyance to experience,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento, a city rich in railroad history, is the perfect home for the museum, where kids wearing conductor’s hats and blowing train whistles mingle with adult rail buffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re two blocks from mile marker zero, where the Central Pacific Railroad started building from west to east,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, trains transported picks and shovels and other goods from the city into the foothills to the miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11910890 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2022/04/16thStreetStationOakland_02162022-qut.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodways are embedded throughout the museum, too. Smith pointed out a display that holds artifacts of a Chinese workers camp: a ginger jar, a tea cup, a rice bowl, a glazed stoneware jar that stored vinegars and sauces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chinese workers made up 90% of the labor force for the Central Pacific Railroad, they were in segregated camps, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese railroad workers didn’t get the same pay or food allowances that their Irish and other counterparts did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even this small display illustrates the racism baked into the building of the railroads: the chasm between people who owned the railroads and the people who worked on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum also has a sleeper car on a rocker to simulate the feeling of being on a train. It’s set up to show how the car would look both during the day and in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the day, the upper berths would be folded up. The lower berths serve as comfy seats,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019268\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"842\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1536x505.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Interior view of the Harvey House Hotel between 1909-1910 in Barstow, California. The decor includes ceiling lamps, a clock, a potted palm, deco stencils and wooden chairs. (left): View of the Harvey House Hotel from the railroad tracks. The building, also called Casa del Desierto, was designed by Francis Wilson and includes arcades, balconies, and corbeled brick. \u003ccite>(G. M. Hamilton/Denver Public Library Special Collections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night, porters would unfold the upper berths and convert the seats to beds. Smith pointed to a little button passengers could push to call a porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the sleeper car is a 1937 Cochiti dining car, which ran on Santa Fe’s Super Chief train between Chicago and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gives us a chance to talk about what it was like to dine on a train during the golden era of rail travel,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the narrow galley kitchen, it’s hard to imagine all the people needed to prepare three gourmet meals a day for 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The chef, people doing prep, mise-en-place,” Smith enumerated. “You’d have to find a cadence to work within the space. A lot of gleaming stainless steel-like surfaces — knives and graters and colanders and big soup pots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018775\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1626px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018775\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1626\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg 1626w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-800x984.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1020x1255.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-160x197.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1249x1536.jpg 1249w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1626px) 100vw, 1626px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Unnamed railroad chef carving turkey in the narrow kitchen galley of a Baltimore and Ohio train, undated. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Called to the dining room by chimes, passengers would sit among abundant flower arrangements and intricate Art Deco metalwork. They ate at tables with tablecloths and off of china with patterns that reflected the route: poppies in California and animal images inspired by Native American art in the Southwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Docent Allen Blum shared a menu for the Super Chief, including “ripe California colossal olives, grapefruit, orange and raisin fruit, swordfish steak, and poached salmon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menus often reflected cuisines and ingredients along the route. Blum said the Super Chief carried politicians and stars from Walt Disney to Jack Benny to Marilyn Monroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was definitely considered first class,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers on dining cars came to expect attentive service — one waiter per two tables. Smith explained that the businessman best known for railroad dining cars was George Pullman. He built and owned luxury train cars to appeal to passengers who wanted to travel in style, and he leased his cars to the railroads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said Pullman was a master at branding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-800x648.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1020x826.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1536x1244.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1920x1555.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Group photograph of the ‘Owl’ Dining Car Crew (back row, left-right): Bert Hackett, unidentified, unidentified, Henry Earl (front row, left-right): Joe C. Brown, Arthur Johnson, unidentified, steward, Charles Williams, dated 1927. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pullman is creating the romance of train travel,” he added. “To ride on a Pullman car means something, and this feeds his ability to lease these cars to the railroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pullman built his business on the backs of the Black service workers he hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a luxurious experience, but a completely racialized experience,” said Susan Anderson, history curator at the California African American Museum. “From the appointment of the sleeping area to the dining car to the cuisine and the meals, the way that you were waited on, all of that was just premium. And all of it, on the Pullman cars, was provided by Black labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Engines of resistance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>White men held positions like engineer and conductor. The servant-type jobs — porter, steward, cook, maid and waiter — were reserved for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“George Pullman and the Pullman Company were explicit about this,” Anderson said. “They wanted white people to be waited on by Black people because, in our history, racism conflated being a slave or being a servant with being Black.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018776\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018776\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-800x474.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1020x605.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1536x911.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1920x1139.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunset Limited Pullman porters standing on train platform (left-right): George Kunnard, Eddie Hayes, Sam Dungey, S. Matthews, Albert Moore, McNally Ray, 1923, African American Museum & Library at Oakland Photograph collection, MS 189, African American Museum & Library at Oakland, Oakland Public Library. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Porters who did everything from turning down beds, carrying luggage and serving food were usually not addressed by their names. They were called “George” after Pullman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the subjugation of Black workers was a direct reflection of the way the U.S. economy was organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, that’s U.S. history. But Black history is that they took these positions and they made the most out of them, and they used them to the advantage of their own people and their own families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people saw railroad jobs as opportunities to broaden their horizons, bring money back home or leave Southern states altogether and move their families elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who worked for the railroad got a lot of respect in the community,” said Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own family has a connection to railroad history. Anderson’s maternal great-grandfather was a chef on the railroad. His name was Edward Wilcox and his family was originally from Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018774\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1138\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-800x455.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1020x580.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1536x874.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1920x1092.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four Pullman porters standing on sidewalk in an undated photograph, identified on the image’s reverse as C.L. Jones, Richardson, J. Simms. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They came to West Oakland in the late 19th century,” Anderson said. “They actually established a church in West Oakland. It’s still there, Bethlehem Lutheran Church. And that enclave was partly like a labor reserve for the Southern Pacific Railroad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1926, the Pullman Company was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13931436/frances-albrier-black-red-cross-naacp-richmond-shipyard-berkeley-wwii-seniors\">the largest single employer of African American workers\u003c/a> in the country, with over 10,000 porters and 200 maids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Anderson, a lot of intellectuals worked as porters or waiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were college men who had no other employment opportunities in a racist economy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad workers left a big legacy in American civic and cultural life. In his autobiography, Malcolm X wrote about selling sandwiches on trains. Renowned photographer \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/3134060\">Gordon Parks\u003c/a> waited tables in dining cars. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresun.com/2021/03/25/pullman-porters-once-the-backbone-of-passenger-rail-service-laid-the-groundwork-for-what-became-the-civil-rights-movement/\">Thurgood Marshall\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1984/06/16/us/for-a-politician-power-and-riches-go-together.html\">Willie Brown\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1984/07/27/tom-bradley-beating-the-odds/78bf47b4-d24e-42ea-be97-dec78cae9723/\">Tom Bradley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/My-Life-as-I-See-It/Dionne-Warwick/9781439171356\">Dionne Warwick\u003c/a> had fathers who were porters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1597px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1597\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png 1597w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-800x541.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1020x690.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1536x1039.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1597px) 100vw, 1597px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delegates, 1st Porters’ national convention. At top, C. L. Dellums of Oakland’s 16th St. Station, who became the powerful Vice President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and later president. \u003ccite>(AAMLO Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Railroad workers networked with each other across the country, sharing copies of Black-owned newspapers and other literature, including \u003cem>The Messenger\u003c/em>, a political and literary magazine for Black people that was founded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/garvey-philip-randolph/\">A. Phillip Randolph\u003c/a>, an influential civil rights activist and labor organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they began the effort to organize so that they could demand better wages, better working conditions for themselves, better hours,” Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an oral history archived at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13834135/oakland-library-wins-grant-to-digitize-unused-footage-of-the-black-panther-party\">African American Museum & Library at Oakland\u003c/a>, former Oakland-based Pullman porter Cottrell Laurence (C.L.) Dellums said, “There was no limit on the number of hours. The company unilaterally set up the operation of the runs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dellums, whose late nephew, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866505/remembering-former-oakland-mayor-congressman-ron-dellums\">Ron Dellums\u003c/a>, was a California congressman and former Oakland mayor, started working for Pullman in 1924. He said the salary at the time was $60 a month. Workloads for the porters was from 300 to over 400 hours a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018773\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1342px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1342\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg 1342w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-800x1192.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1020x1520.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-160x238.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1031x1536.jpg 1031w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1342px) 100vw, 1342px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portrait of C.L. Dellums \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And they provided what we said was just enough rest between trips for the porter to be able to make one more trip,” Dellums said in the audio recording. “Anybody could take the porter’s job. Not only any kind of Pullman official — from the lowest to the highest — could take his job. Anybody traveling as a passenger, even though it might be the first trip they’ve ever been on a train, they could write him up and get him fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kept out of the American Railway Union, Black workers founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters & Maids in 1925. Dellums began signing up workers for the union despite the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never heard of a war that there weren’t battles. And never, never heard of a battle without casualties … But I will be heard from. And so I did. And sure enough, of course, they did discharge me,” Dellums said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually became one of the union’s vice presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years, but the Brotherhood became the first Black union to be recognized by the American Federation of Labor. In 1937, they got a contract with Pullman, the first in history between a Black union and a large U.S. company. The union established an eight-hour work day, regulated work schedules and increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brotherhood influenced much more than service work on railroads. They were on the ground for many efforts during the civil rights movement, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How railroads changed what and how we eat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along the California Zephyr’s route through the outskirts of Sacramento, intricate irrigation systems and crops in perfect rows reveal the railroad’s impact on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1020x402.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1536x606.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1920x757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Two men loading boxes of chopped spinach into PFE mechanical reefer. (left): Preco mechanical car icer in operation in LA. \u003ccite>(Preco/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Archivist Benjamin Jenkins has written about the railroad’s impact on what we eat in his book, \u003cem>Octopus’s Garden: How Railroads and Citrus Transformed Southern California\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first entire railroad car full of oranges left Los Angeles for the Midwest in 1877, Jenkins told KQED. The oranges traveled on a refrigerator car packed with ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had to be re-iced 10 times going across the desert and the Badlands to make sure that the fruit didn’t spoil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s produce industry took off a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But once it starts, it really never looks back,” Jenkins said. “So the explosion of new people, new crops as a result of the railroad bringing them in, and then shipping the goods out is just utterly transformative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads built “spur lines” off the main lines to access huge parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12027942 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/image4-e1740093867875-1020x1015.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever the railroad goes, land values start to increase,” Jenkins said. “And so they are able to sell land at a premium.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins explained that in many states, the government had given the railroads loans and gifted them enormous tracts of land. The idea was that after the tracks were built, the railroads could sell off much of the land at a profit to farmers who would build packing houses right on the tracks. There were fewer land grants of this kind in California, but railroad companies still secured rights of way — sometimes over Native reservations — and became major landowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities tried to entice railroads to come their way as “citrus cities” began forming in the late 1800s along tracks, especially in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads shipped out more than just produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Full-color advertising starts to appear in the late 19th and early 20th centuries selling a packaged California lifestyle,” Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Pacific Railroad launched Sunset Magazine as a part of this campaign to draw people out west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wooden packing crates got loaded onto trains, sporting labels with illustrations of almost comically perfect produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these images show a perpetually sunny Golden State, the fruits of paradise being grown underneath these purple snow-capped mountains,” said Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad even circulated California postcards, advertising the state as what Jenkins called a “new Eden,” an image that endured well beyond the heyday of train travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of California Foodways with support from the Food and Environment Reporting Network and California Humanities, a nonprofit partner of National Endowment for the Humanities. Big thanks also go to the African American Museum and Library at Oakland, the library and archives at the California State Railroad Museum and Rachel Reinhard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>For her series \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/californiafoodways\">California Foodways\u003c/a>, Lisa Morehouse is reporting a story about food and farming from each of California’s 58 counties.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Riding the Amtrak’s California Zephyr \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/bay-area\">from the Bay Area\u003c/a> to Chicago had always been an item on passengers Jamie Thomas and Shreya Jalan’s bucket lists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I always took trains with my dad,” Thomas told KQED. “My fondest memories are sitting with him, chatting or getting dinner together. It was a very good place to connect with people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This includes strangers. The dining car, where Thomas was seated next to fellow Bay Area resident Jalan, practices “community seating.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The number of stories we get to hear and exchange, I think it’s really beautiful,” said Jalan, who didn’t know Thomas before the trip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Growing up in California, fourth graders learn about \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11910890/how-oaklands-16th-street-train-station-helped-build-west-oakland-and-the-modern-civil-rights-movement\">the transcontinental railroad\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/201507271000/stanford-project-unearths-personal-histories-of-chinese-railroad-workers-2\">the mostly Chinese laborers\u003c/a> who laid the track eastward from Sacramento, leveling, drilling and tunneling through the Sierra Nevada to connect with the westward tracks. The so-called “Big Four” railroad tycoons behind the construction — the Central Pacific Railroad — are also well-known. However, some of this history can get overlooked, like how the railroad – and its connection to food – shaped much of California’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018787\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018787\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM-Roster-Cochiti-Dining_2024-03-27_A7R5393_HighRes-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Place settings in a dining car on display on Dec. 18, 2024, at the California State Railroad Museum. \u003ccite>(Kelly B. Huston/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trains would go on to make the Golden State a powerhouse. But innovation went hand in hand with exploitation of land and rail workers, whose resistance against discrimination led to breakthroughs in labor and civil rights. As author and archivist, Benjamin Jenkins put it, “The railroad really revolutionizes just about every part of California’s politics, society and economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Laying The Tracks\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the \u003ca href=\"https://dp.la/exhibitions/transcontinental-railroad/nation-transformed/connection-exclusion?item=967\">routes\u003c/a> of the Zephyr line parallels that of the first transcontinental railroad. One of the most beautiful train routes in the United States, Zephyr’s California path alone is stunning. Leaving Emeryville, near Oakland, it hugs the Bay before passing under the Carquinez Bridge and heading into the Delta, snaking by islands and waterways. After stopping in Sacramento, it climbs through California’s foothills, then into the Sierra Nevada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On shorter routes, a lot of trains have cafe cars with drinks, snacks and pre-packaged food. But many of the longer Amtrak routes have dining cars like this one, with a full kitchen taking up the whole lower level. Diners mingle over white table cloths, flower vases and plastic plates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time the Central Pacific was completed in 1869, trains with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/dining-in-transit-the-introduction-of-the-railroad\">dining cars\u003c/a> were already running out of Chicago. It would take California a while to catch up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Big Four had big plans. They purchased a small railroad line, the Southern Pacific, and expanded it dramatically, stretching from the Bay Area down to Los Angeles and across hundreds of miles to Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the early days of the Southern Pacific, the Big Four had a near-monopoly in California. Riding the train was prohibitively expensive, but when a competing company — known as the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway — later reached Los Angeles, it caused a rate war. Tickets from Chicago to LA dropped from $125 to $1. Los Angeles went from cowtown to boomtown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, the train offered few amenities and people packed their own food to avoid terrible roadhouse meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of the people would make fried chicken and get on the train. They’d trade some of that fried chicken for pillows and [other goods],” said Lawrence Dale, who worked for the BNSF Railway Company for more than 42 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Standing at an exhibit at the \u003ca href=\"https://barstowrailmuseums.com/\">Western American Railroad Museum\u003c/a> in Barstow, Dale explained that the further the trains went, the less practical it was for passengers to bring all of their own food on a trip. And when there’s a business vacuum, someone will try to fill it. Enter Fred Harvey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018784\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018784\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/DSC08157-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Lawrence Dale poses near an exhibit at the Western American Railroad Museum in Barstow on Dec. 18, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The museum takes up a section of what was once Barstow’s Harvey House, a restaurant designed for train passengers right off the railroad tracks. For a building that’s more than 110 years old, it’s beautiful with columns, decorative brick arches and shaded walkways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In partnership with the Santa Fe railroad, Harvey built Harvey Houses every 100 miles. They served fancy cheeses, oysters, fruit, sirloin and generous slices of pie. Another big attraction: waitresses known as “Harvey Girls.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Girls were young, single and almost always white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I can tell you about Harvey Girls is they were young women out of the Midwest,” said Dale. “They were brought in here by Fred Harvey and weren’t allowed to date. They weren’t allowed to do nothing except serve the people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, plenty of Harvey Girls did marry and relocate to farms and ranches across the West. While they were Harvey Girls, they worked long hours, lived in dorms under the watchful eyes of house mothers and were expected to meet strict standards of decorum and image, down to their uniform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White gloves, white full-cover apron with a black garment underneath.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018770\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018770\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1232\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-800x493.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1020x628.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-160x99.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1536x946.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18350-1920x1183.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fred Harvey manager Victor Patrosso poses in front of the El Tovar Hotel in Grand Canyon National Park with a group of 20 Harvey Girls dressed in their evening uniform in 1926. \u003ccite>(National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Bow in the back of the hair,” Dale said, pointing to a display. “They were all supposed to be dressed alike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For passengers, eating at a Harvey House was an elevated dining experience, but it was more efficient than leisurely. Trains called in passengers’ orders ahead by telegraph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Say a westbound train pulled into Needles, a city in San Bernardino County. The conductor would come through the cars, taking orders and contact the next Harvey House down the line in Barstow, letting staff know how many people planned to eat and what time they’d arrive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers disembarked, sat in the well-appointed dining room and had a limited time to eat before the train left the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Houses were a precursor to fast food and chain restaurants and they helped change the intent of train travel from something that was just utilitarian to an experience, according to Ty Smith, director of the California State Railroad Museum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018769\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018769\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1190\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-800x476.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1020x607.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1536x914.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/18207-1920x1142.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Harvey girls and other employees pose in front of the Bright Angel Lodge in Grand Canyon National Park in 1915. \u003ccite>(T.L. Brown/National Park Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Dining was at the heart of the transition from conveyance to experience,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento, a city rich in railroad history, is the perfect home for the museum, where kids wearing conductor’s hats and blowing train whistles mingle with adult rail buffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re two blocks from mile marker zero, where the Central Pacific Railroad started building from west to east,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the Gold Rush, trains transported picks and shovels and other goods from the city into the foothills to the miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Foodways are embedded throughout the museum, too. Smith pointed out a display that holds artifacts of a Chinese workers camp: a ginger jar, a tea cup, a rice bowl, a glazed stoneware jar that stored vinegars and sauces.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even though Chinese workers made up 90% of the labor force for the Central Pacific Railroad, they were in segregated camps, according to Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Chinese railroad workers didn’t get the same pay or food allowances that their Irish and other counterparts did,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even this small display illustrates the racism baked into the building of the railroads: the chasm between people who owned the railroads and the people who worked on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The museum also has a sleeper car on a rocker to simulate the feeling of being on a train. It’s set up to show how the car would look both during the day and in the evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“During the day, the upper berths would be folded up. The lower berths serve as comfy seats,” said Smith.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019268\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019268\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"842\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-800x263.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1020x335.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1536x505.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-2048x673.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/11001768.TIF_duo-1920x631.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Interior view of the Harvey House Hotel between 1909-1910 in Barstow, California. The decor includes ceiling lamps, a clock, a potted palm, deco stencils and wooden chairs. (left): View of the Harvey House Hotel from the railroad tracks. The building, also called Casa del Desierto, was designed by Francis Wilson and includes arcades, balconies, and corbeled brick. \u003ccite>(G. M. Hamilton/Denver Public Library Special Collections)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>At night, porters would unfold the upper berths and convert the seats to beds. Smith pointed to a little button passengers could push to call a porter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Next to the sleeper car is a 1937 Cochiti dining car, which ran on Santa Fe’s Super Chief train between Chicago and Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That gives us a chance to talk about what it was like to dine on a train during the golden era of rail travel,” Smith said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the narrow galley kitchen, it’s hard to imagine all the people needed to prepare three gourmet meals a day for 50 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The chef, people doing prep, mise-en-place,” Smith enumerated. “You’d have to find a cadence to work within the space. A lot of gleaming stainless steel-like surfaces — knives and graters and colanders and big soup pots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018775\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1626px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018775\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1626\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328.jpg 1626w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-800x984.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1020x1255.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-160x197.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1328-1249x1536.jpg 1249w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1626px) 100vw, 1626px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Unnamed railroad chef carving turkey in the narrow kitchen galley of a Baltimore and Ohio train, undated. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Called to the dining room by chimes, passengers would sit among abundant flower arrangements and intricate Art Deco metalwork. They ate at tables with tablecloths and off of china with patterns that reflected the route: poppies in California and animal images inspired by Native American art in the Southwest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Docent Allen Blum shared a menu for the Super Chief, including “ripe California colossal olives, grapefruit, orange and raisin fruit, swordfish steak, and poached salmon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Menus often reflected cuisines and ingredients along the route. Blum said the Super Chief carried politicians and stars from Walt Disney to Jack Benny to Marilyn Monroe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This was definitely considered first class,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Passengers on dining cars came to expect attentive service — one waiter per two tables. Smith explained that the businessman best known for railroad dining cars was George Pullman. He built and owned luxury train cars to appeal to passengers who wanted to travel in style, and he leased his cars to the railroads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said Pullman was a master at branding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018772\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018772\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1620\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-800x648.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1020x826.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-160x130.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1536x1244.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1314-1920x1555.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Group photograph of the ‘Owl’ Dining Car Crew (back row, left-right): Bert Hackett, unidentified, unidentified, Henry Earl (front row, left-right): Joe C. Brown, Arthur Johnson, unidentified, steward, Charles Williams, dated 1927. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Pullman is creating the romance of train travel,” he added. “To ride on a Pullman car means something, and this feeds his ability to lease these cars to the railroads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Pullman built his business on the backs of the Black service workers he hired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a luxurious experience, but a completely racialized experience,” said Susan Anderson, history curator at the California African American Museum. “From the appointment of the sleeping area to the dining car to the cuisine and the meals, the way that you were waited on, all of that was just premium. And all of it, on the Pullman cars, was provided by Black labor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Engines of resistance\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>White men held positions like engineer and conductor. The servant-type jobs — porter, steward, cook, maid and waiter — were reserved for Black people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“George Pullman and the Pullman Company were explicit about this,” Anderson said. “They wanted white people to be waited on by Black people because, in our history, racism conflated being a slave or being a servant with being Black.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018776\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018776\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1186\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-800x474.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1020x605.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-160x95.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1536x911.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1997-1920x1139.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunset Limited Pullman porters standing on train platform (left-right): George Kunnard, Eddie Hayes, Sam Dungey, S. Matthews, Albert Moore, McNally Ray, 1923, African American Museum & Library at Oakland Photograph collection, MS 189, African American Museum & Library at Oakland, Oakland Public Library. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Porters who did everything from turning down beds, carrying luggage and serving food were usually not addressed by their names. They were called “George” after Pullman.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson said the subjugation of Black workers was a direct reflection of the way the U.S. economy was organized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, that’s U.S. history. But Black history is that they took these positions and they made the most out of them, and they used them to the advantage of their own people and their own families,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Black people saw railroad jobs as opportunities to broaden their horizons, bring money back home or leave Southern states altogether and move their families elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People who worked for the railroad got a lot of respect in the community,” said Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her own family has a connection to railroad history. Anderson’s maternal great-grandfather was a chef on the railroad. His name was Edward Wilcox and his family was originally from Louisiana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018774\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018774\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1138\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-800x455.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1020x580.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-160x91.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1536x874.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1322-1920x1092.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Four Pullman porters standing on sidewalk in an undated photograph, identified on the image’s reverse as C.L. Jones, Richardson, J. Simms. \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“They came to West Oakland in the late 19th century,” Anderson said. “They actually established a church in West Oakland. It’s still there, Bethlehem Lutheran Church. And that enclave was partly like a labor reserve for the Southern Pacific Railroad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 1926, the Pullman Company was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13931436/frances-albrier-black-red-cross-naacp-richmond-shipyard-berkeley-wwii-seniors\">the largest single employer of African American workers\u003c/a> in the country, with over 10,000 porters and 200 maids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Anderson, a lot of intellectuals worked as porters or waiters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There were college men who had no other employment opportunities in a racist economy,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad workers left a big legacy in American civic and cultural life. In his autobiography, Malcolm X wrote about selling sandwiches on trains. Renowned photographer \u003ca href=\"https://www.jstor.org/stable/3134060\">Gordon Parks\u003c/a> waited tables in dining cars. \u003ca href=\"https://www.baltimoresun.com/2021/03/25/pullman-porters-once-the-backbone-of-passenger-rail-service-laid-the-groundwork-for-what-became-the-civil-rights-movement/\">Thurgood Marshall\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/1984/06/16/us/for-a-politician-power-and-riches-go-together.html\">Willie Brown\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/lifestyle/1984/07/27/tom-bradley-beating-the-odds/78bf47b4-d24e-42ea-be97-dec78cae9723/\">Tom Bradley\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/My-Life-as-I-See-It/Dionne-Warwick/9781439171356\">Dionne Warwick\u003c/a> had fathers who were porters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031165\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1597px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031165\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1597\" height=\"1080\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP.png 1597w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-800x541.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1020x690.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-160x108.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/BSCP-1536x1039.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1597px) 100vw, 1597px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Delegates, 1st Porters’ national convention. At top, C. L. Dellums of Oakland’s 16th St. Station, who became the powerful Vice President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters and later president. \u003ccite>(AAMLO Collection)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Railroad workers networked with each other across the country, sharing copies of Black-owned newspapers and other literature, including \u003cem>The Messenger\u003c/em>, a political and literary magazine for Black people that was founded by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/garvey-philip-randolph/\">A. Phillip Randolph\u003c/a>, an influential civil rights activist and labor organizer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they began the effort to organize so that they could demand better wages, better working conditions for themselves, better hours,” Anderson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an oral history archived at the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13834135/oakland-library-wins-grant-to-digitize-unused-footage-of-the-black-panther-party\">African American Museum & Library at Oakland\u003c/a>, former Oakland-based Pullman porter Cottrell Laurence (C.L.) Dellums said, “There was no limit on the number of hours. The company unilaterally set up the operation of the runs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dellums, whose late nephew, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866505/remembering-former-oakland-mayor-congressman-ron-dellums\">Ron Dellums\u003c/a>, was a California congressman and former Oakland mayor, started working for Pullman in 1924. He said the salary at the time was $60 a month. Workloads for the porters was from 300 to over 400 hours a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12018773\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1342px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12018773\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1342\" height=\"2000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320.jpg 1342w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-800x1192.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1020x1520.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-160x238.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/MS189_1320-1031x1536.jpg 1031w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1342px) 100vw, 1342px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Portrait of C.L. Dellums \u003ccite>(African American Museum and Library at Oakland)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“And they provided what we said was just enough rest between trips for the porter to be able to make one more trip,” Dellums said in the audio recording. “Anybody could take the porter’s job. Not only any kind of Pullman official — from the lowest to the highest — could take his job. Anybody traveling as a passenger, even though it might be the first trip they’ve ever been on a train, they could write him up and get him fired.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kept out of the American Railway Union, Black workers founded the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters & Maids in 1925. Dellums began signing up workers for the union despite the risks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I never heard of a war that there weren’t battles. And never, never heard of a battle without casualties … But I will be heard from. And so I did. And sure enough, of course, they did discharge me,” Dellums said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He eventually became one of the union’s vice presidents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It took years, but the Brotherhood became the first Black union to be recognized by the American Federation of Labor. In 1937, they got a contract with Pullman, the first in history between a Black union and a large U.S. company. The union established an eight-hour work day, regulated work schedules and increased pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Brotherhood influenced much more than service work on railroads. They were on the ground for many efforts during the civil rights movement, including the Montgomery Bus Boycott and the March on Washington.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How railroads changed what and how we eat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Along the California Zephyr’s route through the outskirts of Sacramento, intricate irrigation systems and crops in perfect rows reveal the railroad’s impact on agriculture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12019265\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12019265\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"789\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-800x316.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1020x402.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-160x63.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1536x606.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/12/CSRM_40274_p-2_duo-1920x757.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(right): Two men loading boxes of chopped spinach into PFE mechanical reefer. (left): Preco mechanical car icer in operation in LA. \u003ccite>(Preco/California State Railroad Museum)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Archivist Benjamin Jenkins has written about the railroad’s impact on what we eat in his book, \u003cem>Octopus’s Garden: How Railroads and Citrus Transformed Southern California\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first entire railroad car full of oranges left Los Angeles for the Midwest in 1877, Jenkins told KQED. The oranges traveled on a refrigerator car packed with ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It had to be re-iced 10 times going across the desert and the Badlands to make sure that the fruit didn’t spoil,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s produce industry took off a decade later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But once it starts, it really never looks back,” Jenkins said. “So the explosion of new people, new crops as a result of the railroad bringing them in, and then shipping the goods out is just utterly transformative for California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads built “spur lines” off the main lines to access huge parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wherever the railroad goes, land values start to increase,” Jenkins said. “And so they are able to sell land at a premium.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins explained that in many states, the government had given the railroads loans and gifted them enormous tracts of land. The idea was that after the tracks were built, the railroads could sell off much of the land at a profit to farmers who would build packing houses right on the tracks. There were fewer land grants of this kind in California, but railroad companies still secured rights of way — sometimes over Native reservations — and became major landowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Communities tried to entice railroads to come their way as “citrus cities” began forming in the late 1800s along tracks, especially in Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Railroads shipped out more than just produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Full-color advertising starts to appear in the late 19th and early 20th centuries selling a packaged California lifestyle,” Jenkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Southern Pacific Railroad launched Sunset Magazine as a part of this campaign to draw people out west.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wooden packing crates got loaded onto trains, sporting labels with illustrations of almost comically perfect produce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of these images show a perpetually sunny Golden State, the fruits of paradise being grown underneath these purple snow-capped mountains,” said Jenkins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The railroad even circulated California postcards, advertising the state as what Jenkins called a “new Eden,” an image that endured well beyond the heyday of train travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced as part of California Foodways with support from the Food and Environment Reporting Network and California Humanities, a nonprofit partner of National Endowment for the Humanities. Big thanks also go to the African American Museum and Library at Oakland, the library and archives at the California State Railroad Museum and Rachel Reinhard.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area mountain tops could see snow on Thursday morning after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030924/bay-area-storms-bring-days-wind-rain-unsettled-weather\">cold front arrived in the region\u003c/a> overnight. While the powder dusting won’t reach San Francisco or San José, the wider Bay Area could be hit with hail and thunderstorms before a break in the rain late in the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulk of the rainfall from the storm that rolled through Wednesday has passed, according to the National Weather Service, but lingering moisture-rich clouds and low temperatures could create the perfect conditions for short, heavy downpours and thunderstorms throughout the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brayden Murdock, a meteorologist at the weather service’s Bay Area office, said hail is likely to accompany any thunder, but the chance is slim — just about 15% across the region. The South and East Bay have the highest chances for pea-sized pellets of ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temperatures across the region will be 8 to 15 degrees below seasonal averages throughout the day, with San Francisco and San José’s highs at 55 and 56 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chilly air blown in by Wednesday’s winds is more likely to drop snow on the North and South Bay’s mountains. Snow levels will descend to about 3,000 feet, according to the weather service, which includes Mount Diablo, Mount Hamilton, and some of the Santa Lucias’ highest peaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12029553 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/08/cleaner-1180x787.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s probably going to be what we call wetter snow, so not exactly like individual flakes, but dusting will be possible,” Murdock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chances will be short-lived, though, as rain peters out this evening before the next in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030575/bay-area-braces-for-rain-snow-potential-flooding\">a series of storms\u003c/a> this week moves in. Murdock said that that system, arriving overnight, will bring warmer air with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This next system is not going to be as cold, so we’re probably not looking at another chance for snow again in this part of the forecast,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heaviest rain on Friday will hit in the morning, and showers are expected throughout the day. Saturday looks fairly dry before a third storm is expected Sunday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That storm is shaping up to hit the North Bay hardest, but the rest of the Bay Area shouldn’t see rainfall totals greater than an inch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast into next week is still uncertain, but the first day of spring could be a wet one since the weather service said it’s picking up another potential storm late in the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Northern California should see a break in rain by Thursday evening, but in the meantime, there will be a chance of some thunderstorms and snow as low as 3,000 feet. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bay Area mountain tops could see snow on Thursday morning after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030924/bay-area-storms-bring-days-wind-rain-unsettled-weather\">cold front arrived in the region\u003c/a> overnight. While the powder dusting won’t reach San Francisco or San José, the wider Bay Area could be hit with hail and thunderstorms before a break in the rain late in the day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bulk of the rainfall from the storm that rolled through Wednesday has passed, according to the National Weather Service, but lingering moisture-rich clouds and low temperatures could create the perfect conditions for short, heavy downpours and thunderstorms throughout the morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brayden Murdock, a meteorologist at the weather service’s Bay Area office, said hail is likely to accompany any thunder, but the chance is slim — just about 15% across the region. The South and East Bay have the highest chances for pea-sized pellets of ice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Temperatures across the region will be 8 to 15 degrees below seasonal averages throughout the day, with San Francisco and San José’s highs at 55 and 56 degrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chilly air blown in by Wednesday’s winds is more likely to drop snow on the North and South Bay’s mountains. Snow levels will descend to about 3,000 feet, according to the weather service, which includes Mount Diablo, Mount Hamilton, and some of the Santa Lucias’ highest peaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s probably going to be what we call wetter snow, so not exactly like individual flakes, but dusting will be possible,” Murdock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chances will be short-lived, though, as rain peters out this evening before the next in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12030575/bay-area-braces-for-rain-snow-potential-flooding\">a series of storms\u003c/a> this week moves in. Murdock said that that system, arriving overnight, will bring warmer air with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This next system is not going to be as cold, so we’re probably not looking at another chance for snow again in this part of the forecast,” he told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The heaviest rain on Friday will hit in the morning, and showers are expected throughout the day. Saturday looks fairly dry before a third storm is expected Sunday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That storm is shaping up to hit the North Bay hardest, but the rest of the Bay Area shouldn’t see rainfall totals greater than an inch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast into next week is still uncertain, but the first day of spring could be a wet one since the weather service said it’s picking up another potential storm late in the week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>If you think of your car as a smartphone on wheels, it’s easy to grasp how the auto industry can sell and profit from personal data. Many newer vehicles constantly communicate with car makers, thanks to features like location sharing, smartphone integration, and cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are legally entitled to opt out of the sale and sharing of their personal data, but Honda was making that too difficult, according to the California Privacy Protection Agency, which was established in 2020 when voters approved the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a>. It’s the nation’s first and, so far, only state agency charged with protecting consumer data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the agency issued a $632,500 fine against American Honda Motor Company as part of the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/announcements/2023/20230731.html\">first investigation\u003c/a> since it gained enforcement powers in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether that information comes from the car, whether it comes from the website, whether it comes from elsewhere, it is protectable, but only if people assert their rights,” said Michael Macko, the CPPA’s head of enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency alleges that Honda violated Californians’ privacy rights, in part, by requiring Californians to provide “excessive” personal information in order to opt out of the sale or sharing of data; and by sharing consumers’ personal information with ad tech companies without producing contracts that contain the necessary terms to protect privacy.[aside postID=news_11771923 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/09/RS38899_Bugcrowd-Bug-Bash-1-qut-1020x680.jpg']In a statement, American Honda Motor Co., Inc. acknowledged it has agreed to pay the fine and simplify its opt-out process. “We have cooperated fully with the CPPA throughout their investigation and have already begun implementing the changes to our processes required by the order,” spokesman Chris Martin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the size of the fine, Macko says the company’s promise to change its behavior is more important. “Businesses are usually more reluctant to change their practices than they are to write a check.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates welcomed the CPPA ruling. “My hope is that enforcement actions like this generally incentivize companies to take consumer privacy more seriously across their products and services,” wrote Meghan Land, Executive Director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/tech-and-telecom-law/general-motors-settles-with-ftc-over-sharing-private-driver-data\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> and other states like \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/texas-ag-probing-connected-cars-data-and-privacy-practices\">Texas\u003c/a> have also investigated the sharing and sale of personal data from vehicles, including driving habits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>If you think of your car as a smartphone on wheels, it’s easy to grasp how the auto industry can sell and profit from personal data. Many newer vehicles constantly communicate with car makers, thanks to features like location sharing, smartphone integration, and cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians are legally entitled to opt out of the sale and sharing of their personal data, but Honda was making that too difficult, according to the California Privacy Protection Agency, which was established in 2020 when voters approved the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11844163/proposition-24-californians-say-yes-to-expanding-on-nations-toughest-data-privacy-law\">California Privacy Rights Act\u003c/a>. It’s the nation’s first and, so far, only state agency charged with protecting consumer data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week, the agency issued a $632,500 fine against American Honda Motor Company as part of the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://cppa.ca.gov/announcements/2023/20230731.html\">first investigation\u003c/a> since it gained enforcement powers in 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a statement, American Honda Motor Co., Inc. acknowledged it has agreed to pay the fine and simplify its opt-out process. “We have cooperated fully with the CPPA throughout their investigation and have already begun implementing the changes to our processes required by the order,” spokesman Chris Martin wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the size of the fine, Macko says the company’s promise to change its behavior is more important. “Businesses are usually more reluctant to change their practices than they are to write a check.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Privacy advocates welcomed the CPPA ruling. “My hope is that enforcement actions like this generally incentivize companies to take consumer privacy more seriously across their products and services,” wrote Meghan Land, Executive Director of the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/tech-and-telecom-law/general-motors-settles-with-ftc-over-sharing-private-driver-data\">Federal Trade Commission\u003c/a> and other states like \u003ca href=\"https://news.bloomberglaw.com/privacy-and-data-security/texas-ag-probing-connected-cars-data-and-privacy-practices\">Texas\u003c/a> have also investigated the sharing and sale of personal data from vehicles, including driving habits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "californias-tough-on-crime-shift-hits-roadblock-who-will-pay-for-prop-36",
"title": "California’s Tough-on-Crime Shift Hits Roadblock: Who Will Pay for Proposition 36?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hate to say we told you so, but we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 36, I wrote a story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012013/can-tough-on-crime-prop-36-solve-theft-drug-use-and-homelessness-despite-no-new-funding\">detailing the concerns of opponents\u003c/a> of the tough-on-crime measure who said its supporters were making a lot of promises — such as holding drug users accountable and providing them treatment — they didn’t have the money to back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even three months after the initiative took effect, there’s evidence on the ground that more resources are needed. San Francisco sheriff’s officials said last month that they reopened two dormitories at one of the city’s jails to accommodate an 8% increase in inmates compared to the same time last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, Kunal Modi, San Francisco’s new chief of health, homelessness and family services, \u003ca href=\"http://x.com/kunalmodi/status/1895977354079715715\">wrote on X\u003c/a> that treatment capacity is one of the major challenges the city is facing as it rolls out a pilot program to improve conditions on Sixth Street in the South of Market neighborhood, one of the city’s most challenging areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What worked well: improved street conditions, cross-department collaboration, service placements and arrests,” Modi wrote. “What didn’t work as well: ran out of shelter/treatment bed capacity daily, struggled with journey home completions, displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a burgeoning debate in Sacramento about the best way to fund Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies while also offering the option of treatment.[aside postID=news_12012013 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/10/241022-Prop36-07-BL_qed.jpg']The ballot measure is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article300956714.html\">implemented unevenly\u003c/a> in the state’s 58 counties, with some district attorneys filing dozens of felony cases in recent months while others have filed practically none at all. Still, at a recent hearing at the state Capitol, judicial officials told lawmakers that they expect tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/prop-36-funding-newsletter/\">new felony cases\u003c/a> this year — cases that will require not only jail beds or spots in treatment programs but also more court and probation resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason Democratic Orange County state Sen. Tom Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB38\">authored legislation\u003c/a> that would open up existing state grant funding to the drug courts and probation programs envisioned under Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I know is that this must get funded. It’s something passed overwhelmingly by voters,” Umberg said, adding that the grant money is only “one part of the puzzle,” and lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom also need to identify other funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This does not fulfill the Legislature’s obligation to fund Prop. 36. This is a step in funding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony is that the grant funds Umberg wants to tap come from Proposition 47 — the ballot measure Proposition 36 targeted — and that funding pool will likely shrink in the years ahead.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg']That’s because Proposition 47, which Proposition 36 amended, resulted in far fewer people going to prison and jail for drug and theft crimes. The measure redirected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">money saved from incarcerating fewer people\u003c/a> to fund community programs like drug treatment. Now, with more people facing felonies under Proposition 36, the savings are expected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Matthews, communications director for Californians for Safety and Justice, the nonprofit that wrote Proposition 47, said the funding battle highlights the central tension in the debate: People want less drug use and theft and for offenders to be held accountable, but the more the state spends on incarceration, the less money is available for treatment and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lays bare the truth, which is that the only way we are going to free up the necessary resources for treat-and-prevention infrastructure that this state has needed for generations is by reducing the size and scope of the prison system, by reducing the number of people flowing into the system,” he said. “We know what works, and we know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Proposition 36, voters threw their support behind letting prosecutors lock more people up if they refuse to get help. Voters did not, however, give state leaders a roadmap, which means there are going to be some tough conversations ahead in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "No money, more problems: California's rollout of Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies, poses challenges for local governments. \r\n",
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"title": "California’s Tough-on-Crime Shift Hits Roadblock: Who Will Pay for Proposition 36? | KQED",
"description": "No money, more problems: California's rollout of Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies, poses challenges for local governments. \r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>[This column was reported for Political Breakdown, a bi-monthly newsletter offering analysis and context on Bay Area and California political news. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Click here to subscribe\u003c/a>.]\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We hate to say we told you so, but we did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before voters overwhelmingly approved Proposition 36, I wrote a story \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12012013/can-tough-on-crime-prop-36-solve-theft-drug-use-and-homelessness-despite-no-new-funding\">detailing the concerns of opponents\u003c/a> of the tough-on-crime measure who said its supporters were making a lot of promises — such as holding drug users accountable and providing them treatment — they didn’t have the money to back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not even three months after the initiative took effect, there’s evidence on the ground that more resources are needed. San Francisco sheriff’s officials said last month that they reopened two dormitories at one of the city’s jails to accommodate an 8% increase in inmates compared to the same time last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On March 1, Kunal Modi, San Francisco’s new chief of health, homelessness and family services, \u003ca href=\"http://x.com/kunalmodi/status/1895977354079715715\">wrote on X\u003c/a> that treatment capacity is one of the major challenges the city is facing as it rolls out a pilot program to improve conditions on Sixth Street in the South of Market neighborhood, one of the city’s most challenging areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What worked well: improved street conditions, cross-department collaboration, service placements and arrests,” Modi wrote. “What didn’t work as well: ran out of shelter/treatment bed capacity daily, struggled with journey home completions, displacement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a burgeoning debate in Sacramento about the best way to fund Proposition 36, which makes it easier for prosecutors to charge repeat drug users and alleged thieves with felonies while also offering the option of treatment.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The ballot measure is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article300956714.html\">implemented unevenly\u003c/a> in the state’s 58 counties, with some district attorneys filing dozens of felony cases in recent months while others have filed practically none at all. Still, at a recent hearing at the state Capitol, judicial officials told lawmakers that they expect tens of thousands of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletter/prop-36-funding-newsletter/\">new felony cases\u003c/a> this year — cases that will require not only jail beds or spots in treatment programs but also more court and probation resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s part of the reason Democratic Orange County state Sen. Tom Umberg \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260SB38\">authored legislation\u003c/a> that would open up existing state grant funding to the drug courts and probation programs envisioned under Proposition 36.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I know is that this must get funded. It’s something passed overwhelmingly by voters,” Umberg said, adding that the grant money is only “one part of the puzzle,” and lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom also need to identify other funding sources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This does not fulfill the Legislature’s obligation to fund Prop. 36. This is a step in funding it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The irony is that the grant funds Umberg wants to tap come from Proposition 47 — the ballot measure Proposition 36 targeted — and that funding pool will likely shrink in the years ahead.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>That’s because Proposition 47, which Proposition 36 amended, resulted in far fewer people going to prison and jail for drug and theft crimes. The measure redirected \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded\">money saved from incarcerating fewer people\u003c/a> to fund community programs like drug treatment. Now, with more people facing felonies under Proposition 36, the savings are expected to decline.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Will Matthews, communications director for Californians for Safety and Justice, the nonprofit that wrote Proposition 47, said the funding battle highlights the central tension in the debate: People want less drug use and theft and for offenders to be held accountable, but the more the state spends on incarceration, the less money is available for treatment and rehabilitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It lays bare the truth, which is that the only way we are going to free up the necessary resources for treat-and-prevention infrastructure that this state has needed for generations is by reducing the size and scope of the prison system, by reducing the number of people flowing into the system,” he said. “We know what works, and we know what we need to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with Proposition 36, voters threw their support behind letting prosecutors lock more people up if they refuse to get help. Voters did not, however, give state leaders a roadmap, which means there are going to be some tough conversations ahead in Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Over a hundred students from at least two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/richmond\">Richmond\u003c/a> high schools walked out of class on Wednesday and marched to the school district’s office to protest millions of dollars in budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action came just a day after students at John F. Kennedy High School walked out, calling on the West Contra Costa Unified School District to halt $13 million in cuts over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, we’re fighting for the future,” Julissa Blandon, a senior at Kennedy High, told KQED. “I’m going to be leaving, and I’m going to see all my fellow lowerclassmen suffer. That just doesn’t stand with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The West Contra Costa school board voted last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029232/west-contra-costa-compromises-on-eliminating-staff-but-student-services-could-face-cuts\">move forward with cuts\u003c/a> to over 150 positions as part of its multi-year plan to maintain local control of its finances. The vote saved eight positions but left the district in further fiscal uncertainty, requiring more than $1 million in alternative cuts, interim Superintendent Kim Moses said in a Feb. 27 statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12031026 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students from Richmond’s John F. Kennedy High School stage a walkout and rally in front of the West Contra Costa Unified School District offices to protest impending layoffs as part of cuts to the district’s budget in Richmond on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, students from Kennedy and Richmond High schools marched over two miles in the rain from Kennedy on Cutting Boulevard to district offices on Bissell Avenue, receiving honks of approval from passing cars and drawing residents out of their homes. Students and former Richmond City Councilmember Melvin Willis led chants while some held signs saying “Our Education Matters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuts would be especially harmful to Kennedy, Blandon said. The school is over 90% students of color, and many have low income, according to state data. She said the cuts would eliminate almost 20 teachers from the school’s college and career pathways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials have also said the reductions, which have already resulted in $19 million being cut for this school year, are unnecessary and “a direct attack on our classrooms, our educators, and our students’ future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students from Richmond’s John F. Kennedy High School rally outside the West Contra Costa Unified School District offices in Richmond on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The United Teachers of Richmond, which represents educators throughout the district, said last month during a Richmond City Council \u003ca href=\"https://ccpulse.org/2025/02/27/teachers-union-asks-richmond-to-look-at-wccusd-finances-richmond-honors-black-nine-officers/\">meeting\u003c/a> that WCCUSD was “stockpiling reserves” instead of funding schools. Moses said at a Feb. 5 meeting on UTR’s reserves comments that their numbers were “not an accuracy in our reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Wednesday statement, the district said it was aware of the walkout and respects students’ right to express themselves and issues they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, our top priority is ensuring their safety,” the statement said. “This walkout is not a school-sponsored event, and we have encouraged students to remain on campus, where we have provided safe spaces for discussion. We urge students to engage in peaceful and safe forms of expressions that do not put themselves or others at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Over a hundred students from at least two \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/richmond\">Richmond\u003c/a> high schools walked out of class on Wednesday and marched to the school district’s office to protest millions of dollars in budget cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The action came just a day after students at John F. Kennedy High School walked out, calling on the West Contra Costa Unified School District to halt $13 million in cuts over the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, we’re fighting for the future,” Julissa Blandon, a senior at Kennedy High, told KQED. “I’m going to be leaving, and I’m going to see all my fellow lowerclassmen suffer. That just doesn’t stand with me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The West Contra Costa school board voted last month to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12029232/west-contra-costa-compromises-on-eliminating-staff-but-student-services-could-face-cuts\">move forward with cuts\u003c/a> to over 150 positions as part of its multi-year plan to maintain local control of its finances. The vote saved eight positions but left the district in further fiscal uncertainty, requiring more than $1 million in alternative cuts, interim Superintendent Kim Moses said in a Feb. 27 statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031128\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2500\" height=\"833\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13.jpg 2500w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-800x267.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1020x340.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1536x512.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-2048x682.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/Copy-of-KQED-side-by-side-downpage-image-13-1920x640.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2500px) 100vw, 2500px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12031026 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-09-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students from Richmond’s John F. Kennedy High School stage a walkout and rally in front of the West Contra Costa Unified School District offices to protest impending layoffs as part of cuts to the district’s budget in Richmond on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, students from Kennedy and Richmond High schools marched over two miles in the rain from Kennedy on Cutting Boulevard to district offices on Bissell Avenue, receiving honks of approval from passing cars and drawing residents out of their homes. Students and former Richmond City Councilmember Melvin Willis led chants while some held signs saying “Our Education Matters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuts would be especially harmful to Kennedy, Blandon said. The school is over 90% students of color, and many have low income, according to state data. She said the cuts would eliminate almost 20 teachers from the school’s college and career pathways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Union officials have also said the reductions, which have already resulted in $19 million being cut for this school year, are unnecessary and “a direct attack on our classrooms, our educators, and our students’ future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12031023\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12031023\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/03/240312-RICHMOND-WALKOUT-MD-02-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students from Richmond’s John F. Kennedy High School rally outside the West Contra Costa Unified School District offices in Richmond on March 12, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The United Teachers of Richmond, which represents educators throughout the district, said last month during a Richmond City Council \u003ca href=\"https://ccpulse.org/2025/02/27/teachers-union-asks-richmond-to-look-at-wccusd-finances-richmond-honors-black-nine-officers/\">meeting\u003c/a> that WCCUSD was “stockpiling reserves” instead of funding schools. Moses said at a Feb. 5 meeting on UTR’s reserves comments that their numbers were “not an accuracy in our reality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a Wednesday statement, the district said it was aware of the walkout and respects students’ right to express themselves and issues they care about.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“However, our top priority is ensuring their safety,” the statement said. “This walkout is not a school-sponsored event, and we have encouraged students to remain on campus, where we have provided safe spaces for discussion. We urge students to engage in peaceful and safe forms of expressions that do not put themselves or others at risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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