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"content": "\u003cp>Even if Hillary Clinton does win the White House on Tuesday, the tightening of the presidential race in the final week has been the most detrimental to Democrats' down-ballot hopes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, Clinton's campaign looked like it would easily cruise to a win. Then, rising ObamaCare premiums hit, along with possible new emails that surfaced related to her private server. Subsequently, polls across the board began to show closer races. Even though FBI Director James Comey said Sunday afternoon that the FBI's original decision \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/11/06/500929164/comey-we-have-not-changed-our-conclusions-as-fbi-finishes-clinton-email-review\">not to recommend charges\u003c/a> against Clinton stands, any momentum Democrats hoped to get in House races from a big Clinton victory has now likely dissipated. And a fairly on-message, disciplined Trump in the final days has helped Republicans as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In our initial rankings of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/10/24/499082622/house-top-40-flipping-control-still-a-tough-task-for-democrats\">top 40 competitive congressional districts\u003c/a> two weeks ago, we wrote that a good night for Democrats would be flipping 20 districts. However, that still left them shy of the 30 seats they need to win back the House majority. Now, 12 to 15 seats would be a very good night, back to pretty much where it was when the cycle started. Democrats, though, hope the latest news in the FBI saga — again clearing Clinton — could boost them on Election Day. But even fewer Democratic gains are possible, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats' biggest problems remain that there simply aren't enough districts ripe for them to flip, and likely won't be until the next round of redistricting before the 2022 elections. And in some of the places where they have to pick up seats — like upstate New York, Iowa and more blue-collar areas of Michigan and Wisconsin — Trump remains relatively popular and isn't necessarily the drag on GOP candidates he is elsewhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump does complicate GOP hopes in districts with heavy Hispanic populations in places like Florida, Texas and California. And several longtime Republican incumbents have simple been caught asleep at the wheel, not taking their races — and the impact of Trump in their district — seriously until too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans' \"check and balance\" argument also seems to be resonating with voters. The GOP hopes that even if Clinton wins, voters who may not like either candidate will split their tickets and make sure there is a check on a possible Clinton administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a rundown of the particulars in many of these races, the summaries we did two weeks ago remain relatively unchanged. We have a guide below of which races to watch on Election Night, and have reranked the pickup targets for each party in likelihood of which districts are most probable to flip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\n[LikelyToFlip]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, Democrats will likely already net a total of at least two districts due to mid-decade court-ordered redistricting — two, possibly three, in Florida and one in Virginia. Republicans will also net one district in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the big themes in congressional races and types of districts to keep an eye on Tuesday night:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. GOP Veterans in Trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the Republican incumbents most likely to lose may have themselves mostly to blame. Florida Rep. John Mica, for example, didn't take his redrawn seat with plenty of new territory into account, coupled with possible Trump backlash in a district with a growing Hispanic population. But he also didn't have the fundamental basics of a campaign either, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/john-mica-reelection-fight-230530\">admitted\u003c/a> just two weeks ago that he doesn't have a campaign manager or a full-time communications director. National Republicans have been forced to spend heavily to try and save the former House Transportation Committee chairman, but even that may not be enough. And even though his opponent, Stephanie Murphy, a college professor and national security consultant, got a late start in the race, she's proved to be a very formidable candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former House Oversight Committee Chairman Darrell Issa also didn't look like he was taking his race seriously until very late either. The California Republican is the wealthiest member of Congress and could have spent unlimited amounts to save himself early on, but \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/article/politics-and-government/11125809/political-vet-in-surprisingly-tough-race-with-a-political-unknown\" target=\"_blank\">now he finds himself in a dogfight\u003c/a> against retired Marine Col. Doug Applegate. His district is a volatile one anyway — Obama narrowly won it in 2008 but then Mitt Romney carried it by almost 7 points — and its stretch from parts of Orange County to northern San Diego is certainly not Trump country. Issa's even been pointing out areas where he's agreed with Obama, which the president \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/10/obama-issa-darrell-230218\">said\u003c/a> was the \"definition of chutzpah\" from the dogged former chief House investigator who went after his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11163895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11163895\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-800x513.jpg\" alt=\"California Rep. Darrell Issa arrives for a U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in 2014. \" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-800x513.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-1180x757.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-960x616.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-375x241.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-520x334.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Rep. Darrell Issa arrives for a U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in 2014. \u003ccite>(Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New Jersey Republican Scott Garrett also finds himself in hot water because of comments he reportedly made last cycle disparaging the National Republican Congressional Committee for supporting gay candidates. That's hurt his ability to fundraise from his usual top financial firms. Meanwhile, his Democratic opponent, former Microsoft executive Josh Gottheimer, has outraised him and allowed him to point to Garrett's very conservative record that many voters weren't aware of. Democrats like their chances a lot here, while Republicans don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there's New Hampshire Rep. Frank Guinta, who's facing off against former Democratic Rep. Carol Shea Porter for the fourth time. They've traded this district back and forth since 2010, and last year Guinta found himself embroiled in a campaign finance scandal. He narrowly won his primary, and Republicans really wish he hadn't. He was still doing surprisingly well at one point, but probably won't hang on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Hispanic District Headaches for Republicans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of Republicans' strongest incumbents come from districts with rising Latino populations, which makes this a nightmare year for them to try and overcome the top of the ticket. Florida Rep. Carlos Curbelo is a rising GOP star, and in a normal year would again probably beat former Democratic Rep. Joe Garcia, who has plenty of damaging baggage. Curbelo isn't supporting Trump, but it still might not be enough for him in his Miami district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same is true for Texas Rep. Will Hurd, one of just two African-American Republicans in the House. Hurd has also denounced Trump. The former CIA operative represents an expansive district, which reaches from El Paso to San Antonio along over 800 miles of the Mexican border. Former Democratic Rep. Pete Gallego is hoping Hispanic voters who didn't show up two years ago will help him win this seat back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several California seats are giving Republicans headaches, too. Rep. Jeff Denham wasn't a top worry earlier in the year, especially given that he beat his Democratic challenger Michael Eggman by 10 points just two years ago. But now their rematch in this 40 percent Hispanic district is much tighter than anyone thought it would be. However, this district also doesn't have a large share of college-educated voters either, so Republicans hope Trump won't be enough of a drag to hurt Denham. Still, there's no race at the top of the ticket in California to motivate GOP voters who may not like Trump to turn out anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11163953\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11163953\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-800x940.jpg\" alt=\"Republican California Rep. Jeff Denham is battling Democratic challenger Michael Eggman in a rematch that's much tighter than anyone thought it would be.\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-800x940.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-160x188.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-1020x1199.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-1180x1387.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-960x1128.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-240x282.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-375x441.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-520x611.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican California Rep. Jeff Denham is battling Democratic challenger Michael Eggman in a rematch that's much tighter than anyone thought it would be. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And Rep. David Valadao represents a Central Valley district that's over 70 percent Hispanic, which should make him ripe for a loss. The strong incumbent looked to be safe for a long time, especially since he was running against a weak challenger in Emilio Huerta, son of famed labor leader Dolores Huerta, who barely survived the primary and has also barely any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic superPAC House Majority PAC went in here late, hoping it was becoming more competitive, but it's still a long shot. It also illustrates that some of these contests could be much more competitive for Democrats with better candidates in some districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nevada could be the real place that gives Democrats at least one, maybe two, prime pickups, especially with encouraging turnout numbers for Democrats and Latinos on the final day of early voting. Veteran Nevada political analyst Jon Ralston \u003ca href=\"http://www.rgj.com/story/news/politics/2016/11/05/ralston-how-deep-does-blue-wave-go/93349220/\">analyzed\u003c/a> the early numbers and predicted that freshman Rep. Cresent Hardy is likely toast. The open seat of GOP Rep. Joe Heck, who's running for Senate, may be as well, even though that one's more favorable for Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. The Election Night Bellwethers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Look at these districts to see just how big Democratic pickups will be on Tuesday night. We profiled the race in Virginia's 10th District, maybe one of the best bellwethers in the country to see whether Democrats' efforts to tie Republican incumbents to Trump will be effective and if real estate developer LuAnn Bennett can win this suburban Northern Virginia district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Philadelphia suburbs have also been challenging for Trump and for GOP Sen. Pat Toomey. Both parties think the 8th District open seat race between Brian Fitzpatrick, who's running to succeed his retiring brother Mike, and Democratic state Rep. Steve Santarsiero, could be one of the closest in the country on Election Night. Both these Virginia and Pennsylvania seats are the types of ones that Democrats can't afford to lose if they want to make significant gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demographics and partisan breakdown alone show that GOP Rep. Mike Coffman, representing Aurora and the Denver suburbs, should be in trouble in Colorado, should be in trouble. But the four-term congressman worked to separate himself early on from Trump, and this one is harder for Democrats and challenger Morgan Carroll because of his strengths. Still, if Democrats flip this one, it's a good sign other races around the country may follow, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. Trump Coattails?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest problems for Democrats is that in some of the seats they need to win to even try and get to 30 seats, Trump isn't really that toxic. Take freshman Rep. Rod Blum — Obama won his northeastern Iowa district by 14 points four years ago, and he's a member of the very conservative Freedom Caucus to boot. But the race is still very much in play in a place Democrats thought would be a relatively easy pickup. Trump is doing very well in the Hawkeye State and will likely win it. This is a heavily white district where less than a quarter of people have college degrees. Priorities USA, the main superPAC backing Clinton, made their \u003ca href=\"http://www.rollcall.com/news/politics/priorities-usa-steps-into-iowa-house-race\">only foray\u003c/a> into congressional races here, and the fact they're spending in what should be a Democratic district shows it's far from a done deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, New York districts should be ripe for Democratic pickups, too. There are five districts there held by Republicans that Obama carried in 2012, but Democrats would be lucky to even win one of them. Polls have shown freshman Republicans Lee Zeldin (Long Island) and John Katko (Syracuse) holding on. And late polls show Republican John Faso leading Democrat Zephyr Teachout in an open GOP-held seat in the Hudson Valley, too. Democrats' best chance for a pickup is in the open Utica-based 22nd District, and even then a victory would be largely because of a three-way race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic targets in Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota are also much harder than they expected, because these are blue-collar, largely white districts where trade, one of the central issues Trump has seized on, is resonating and helping GOP candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. Wave Districts to Watch\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Democrats continue to hope that some other suburban GOP-held districts could go their way if Trump collapses there, though at this juncture that looks increasingly unlikely. Keep an eye on Minnesota Rep. Erik Paulsen in the Twin Cities suburbs. Recent polls showed Clinton leading comfortably there, but so was Paulsen. Democrats have hoped to flip this one for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Rep. Scott Tipton's massive western Colorado district is another GOP seat Democrats think could go their way if Clinton does incredibly well in the state, but that's again another long shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Kevin Yoder's Kansas City district is another one to keep an eye on. Democrats have hammered him on unpopular education cuts and tied him to Republican Gov. Sam Brownback, whose approval ratings have cratered. Romney carried this district pretty comfortably, but John McCain only barely carried it in 2008. There are growing pockets of Latino populations here, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6. Republican Offensive Opportunities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The GOP is almost entirely playing offense this year, which makes sense because they largely maxed out their conference with 247 seats after the 2014 midterms, hitting their largest post-World War II majority ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few Democratic-held seats that Republicans could flip as well on Tuesday. Atop that list is the northern Palm Beach County district being vacated by Rep. Patrick Murphy, who's running for Senate. This one performs better for the GOP in presidential years anyway, and Republicans have a great candidate in Army veteran Brian Mast, who lost both of his legs in Afghanistan and was awarded the Purple Heart. Meanwhile, Democratic nominee Randy Perkins, who owns an environmental cleanup company, has proven to be a very volatile and polarizing candidate, and most Democrats concede they'll probably lose this seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no other completely clear-cut wins, but some races are still in play. Nebraska Blue Dog Rep. Brad Ashford's own polling shows he's still winning this district, but Republicans have hope that retired Air Force Brigadier Gen. Don Bacon could pull the upset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinton isn't popular in Minnesota's Iron Range, which makes Republicans optimistic about Republican Stewart Mills' chances in his rematch with Democratic Rep. Rick Nolan after he lost by just over 3,700 votes in 2014. Trump can certainly help Mills here, but Nolan survived in a good GOP year and remains relatively popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Even if Hillary Clinton does win the White House on Tuesday, the tightening of the presidential race in the final week has been the most detrimental to Democrats' down-ballot hopes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In mid-October, Clinton's campaign looked like it would easily cruise to a win. Then, rising ObamaCare premiums hit, along with possible new emails that surfaced related to her private server. Subsequently, polls across the board began to show closer races. Even though FBI Director James Comey said Sunday afternoon that the FBI's original decision \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/11/06/500929164/comey-we-have-not-changed-our-conclusions-as-fbi-finishes-clinton-email-review\">not to recommend charges\u003c/a> against Clinton stands, any momentum Democrats hoped to get in House races from a big Clinton victory has now likely dissipated. And a fairly on-message, disciplined Trump in the final days has helped Republicans as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In our initial rankings of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2016/10/24/499082622/house-top-40-flipping-control-still-a-tough-task-for-democrats\">top 40 competitive congressional districts\u003c/a> two weeks ago, we wrote that a good night for Democrats would be flipping 20 districts. However, that still left them shy of the 30 seats they need to win back the House majority. Now, 12 to 15 seats would be a very good night, back to pretty much where it was when the cycle started. Democrats, though, hope the latest news in the FBI saga — again clearing Clinton — could boost them on Election Day. But even fewer Democratic gains are possible, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats' biggest problems remain that there simply aren't enough districts ripe for them to flip, and likely won't be until the next round of redistricting before the 2022 elections. And in some of the places where they have to pick up seats — like upstate New York, Iowa and more blue-collar areas of Michigan and Wisconsin — Trump remains relatively popular and isn't necessarily the drag on GOP candidates he is elsewhere in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump does complicate GOP hopes in districts with heavy Hispanic populations in places like Florida, Texas and California. And several longtime Republican incumbents have simple been caught asleep at the wheel, not taking their races — and the impact of Trump in their district — seriously until too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Republicans' \"check and balance\" argument also seems to be resonating with voters. The GOP hopes that even if Clinton wins, voters who may not like either candidate will split their tickets and make sure there is a check on a possible Clinton administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a rundown of the particulars in many of these races, the summaries we did two weeks ago remain relatively unchanged. We have a guide below of which races to watch on Election Night, and have reranked the pickup targets for each party in likelihood of which districts are most probable to flip.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\n[LikelyToFlip]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember, Democrats will likely already net a total of at least two districts due to mid-decade court-ordered redistricting — two, possibly three, in Florida and one in Virginia. Republicans will also net one district in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the big themes in congressional races and types of districts to keep an eye on Tuesday night:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. GOP Veterans in Trouble\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of the Republican incumbents most likely to lose may have themselves mostly to blame. Florida Rep. John Mica, for example, didn't take his redrawn seat with plenty of new territory into account, coupled with possible Trump backlash in a district with a growing Hispanic population. But he also didn't have the fundamental basics of a campaign either, and \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/john-mica-reelection-fight-230530\">admitted\u003c/a> just two weeks ago that he doesn't have a campaign manager or a full-time communications director. National Republicans have been forced to spend heavily to try and save the former House Transportation Committee chairman, but even that may not be enough. And even though his opponent, Stephanie Murphy, a college professor and national security consultant, got a late start in the race, she's proved to be a very formidable candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former House Oversight Committee Chairman Darrell Issa also didn't look like he was taking his race seriously until very late either. The California Republican is the wealthiest member of Congress and could have spent unlimited amounts to save himself early on, but \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/article/politics-and-government/11125809/political-vet-in-surprisingly-tough-race-with-a-political-unknown\" target=\"_blank\">now he finds himself in a dogfight\u003c/a> against retired Marine Col. Doug Applegate. His district is a volatile one anyway — Obama narrowly won it in 2008 but then Mitt Romney carried it by almost 7 points — and its stretch from parts of Orange County to northern San Diego is certainly not Trump country. Issa's even been pointing out areas where he's agreed with Obama, which the president \u003ca href=\"http://www.politico.com/story/2016/10/obama-issa-darrell-230218\">said\u003c/a> was the \"definition of chutzpah\" from the dogged former chief House investigator who went after his administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11163895\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11163895\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-800x513.jpg\" alt=\"California Rep. Darrell Issa arrives for a U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in 2014. \" width=\"800\" height=\"513\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-800x513.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-160x103.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-1020x655.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-1180x757.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-960x616.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-375x241.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Issa-520x334.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Rep. Darrell Issa arrives for a U.S. House Oversight and Government Reform Committee hearing in 2014. \u003ccite>(Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>New Jersey Republican Scott Garrett also finds himself in hot water because of comments he reportedly made last cycle disparaging the National Republican Congressional Committee for supporting gay candidates. That's hurt his ability to fundraise from his usual top financial firms. Meanwhile, his Democratic opponent, former Microsoft executive Josh Gottheimer, has outraised him and allowed him to point to Garrett's very conservative record that many voters weren't aware of. Democrats like their chances a lot here, while Republicans don't.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there's New Hampshire Rep. Frank Guinta, who's facing off against former Democratic Rep. Carol Shea Porter for the fourth time. They've traded this district back and forth since 2010, and last year Guinta found himself embroiled in a campaign finance scandal. He narrowly won his primary, and Republicans really wish he hadn't. He was still doing surprisingly well at one point, but probably won't hang on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Hispanic District Headaches for Republicans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some of Republicans' strongest incumbents come from districts with rising Latino populations, which makes this a nightmare year for them to try and overcome the top of the ticket. Florida Rep. Carlos Curbelo is a rising GOP star, and in a normal year would again probably beat former Democratic Rep. Joe Garcia, who has plenty of damaging baggage. Curbelo isn't supporting Trump, but it still might not be enough for him in his Miami district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same is true for Texas Rep. Will Hurd, one of just two African-American Republicans in the House. Hurd has also denounced Trump. The former CIA operative represents an expansive district, which reaches from El Paso to San Antonio along over 800 miles of the Mexican border. Former Democratic Rep. Pete Gallego is hoping Hispanic voters who didn't show up two years ago will help him win this seat back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several California seats are giving Republicans headaches, too. Rep. Jeff Denham wasn't a top worry earlier in the year, especially given that he beat his Democratic challenger Michael Eggman by 10 points just two years ago. But now their rematch in this 40 percent Hispanic district is much tighter than anyone thought it would be. However, this district also doesn't have a large share of college-educated voters either, so Republicans hope Trump won't be enough of a drag to hurt Denham. Still, there's no race at the top of the ticket in California to motivate GOP voters who may not like Trump to turn out anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11163953\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11163953\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-800x940.jpg\" alt=\"Republican California Rep. Jeff Denham is battling Democratic challenger Michael Eggman in a rematch that's much tighter than anyone thought it would be.\" width=\"800\" height=\"940\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-800x940.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-160x188.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-1020x1199.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-1180x1387.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-960x1128.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-240x282.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-375x441.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/Denham-520x611.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Republican California Rep. Jeff Denham is battling Democratic challenger Michael Eggman in a rematch that's much tighter than anyone thought it would be. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And Rep. David Valadao represents a Central Valley district that's over 70 percent Hispanic, which should make him ripe for a loss. The strong incumbent looked to be safe for a long time, especially since he was running against a weak challenger in Emilio Huerta, son of famed labor leader Dolores Huerta, who barely survived the primary and has also barely any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Democratic superPAC House Majority PAC went in here late, hoping it was becoming more competitive, but it's still a long shot. It also illustrates that some of these contests could be much more competitive for Democrats with better candidates in some districts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Nevada could be the real place that gives Democrats at least one, maybe two, prime pickups, especially with encouraging turnout numbers for Democrats and Latinos on the final day of early voting. Veteran Nevada political analyst Jon Ralston \u003ca href=\"http://www.rgj.com/story/news/politics/2016/11/05/ralston-how-deep-does-blue-wave-go/93349220/\">analyzed\u003c/a> the early numbers and predicted that freshman Rep. Cresent Hardy is likely toast. The open seat of GOP Rep. Joe Heck, who's running for Senate, may be as well, even though that one's more favorable for Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. The Election Night Bellwethers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Look at these districts to see just how big Democratic pickups will be on Tuesday night. We profiled the race in Virginia's 10th District, maybe one of the best bellwethers in the country to see whether Democrats' efforts to tie Republican incumbents to Trump will be effective and if real estate developer LuAnn Bennett can win this suburban Northern Virginia district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Philadelphia suburbs have also been challenging for Trump and for GOP Sen. Pat Toomey. Both parties think the 8th District open seat race between Brian Fitzpatrick, who's running to succeed his retiring brother Mike, and Democratic state Rep. Steve Santarsiero, could be one of the closest in the country on Election Night. Both these Virginia and Pennsylvania seats are the types of ones that Democrats can't afford to lose if they want to make significant gains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Demographics and partisan breakdown alone show that GOP Rep. Mike Coffman, representing Aurora and the Denver suburbs, should be in trouble in Colorado, should be in trouble. But the four-term congressman worked to separate himself early on from Trump, and this one is harder for Democrats and challenger Morgan Carroll because of his strengths. Still, if Democrats flip this one, it's a good sign other races around the country may follow, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. Trump Coattails?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the biggest problems for Democrats is that in some of the seats they need to win to even try and get to 30 seats, Trump isn't really that toxic. Take freshman Rep. Rod Blum — Obama won his northeastern Iowa district by 14 points four years ago, and he's a member of the very conservative Freedom Caucus to boot. But the race is still very much in play in a place Democrats thought would be a relatively easy pickup. Trump is doing very well in the Hawkeye State and will likely win it. This is a heavily white district where less than a quarter of people have college degrees. Priorities USA, the main superPAC backing Clinton, made their \u003ca href=\"http://www.rollcall.com/news/politics/priorities-usa-steps-into-iowa-house-race\">only foray\u003c/a> into congressional races here, and the fact they're spending in what should be a Democratic district shows it's far from a done deal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On paper, New York districts should be ripe for Democratic pickups, too. There are five districts there held by Republicans that Obama carried in 2012, but Democrats would be lucky to even win one of them. Polls have shown freshman Republicans Lee Zeldin (Long Island) and John Katko (Syracuse) holding on. And late polls show Republican John Faso leading Democrat Zephyr Teachout in an open GOP-held seat in the Hudson Valley, too. Democrats' best chance for a pickup is in the open Utica-based 22nd District, and even then a victory would be largely because of a three-way race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic targets in Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota are also much harder than they expected, because these are blue-collar, largely white districts where trade, one of the central issues Trump has seized on, is resonating and helping GOP candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>5. Wave Districts to Watch\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Democrats continue to hope that some other suburban GOP-held districts could go their way if Trump collapses there, though at this juncture that looks increasingly unlikely. Keep an eye on Minnesota Rep. Erik Paulsen in the Twin Cities suburbs. Recent polls showed Clinton leading comfortably there, but so was Paulsen. Democrats have hoped to flip this one for some time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado Rep. Scott Tipton's massive western Colorado district is another GOP seat Democrats think could go their way if Clinton does incredibly well in the state, but that's again another long shot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. Kevin Yoder's Kansas City district is another one to keep an eye on. Democrats have hammered him on unpopular education cuts and tied him to Republican Gov. Sam Brownback, whose approval ratings have cratered. Romney carried this district pretty comfortably, but John McCain only barely carried it in 2008. There are growing pockets of Latino populations here, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>6. Republican Offensive Opportunities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The GOP is almost entirely playing offense this year, which makes sense because they largely maxed out their conference with 247 seats after the 2014 midterms, hitting their largest post-World War II majority ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a few Democratic-held seats that Republicans could flip as well on Tuesday. Atop that list is the northern Palm Beach County district being vacated by Rep. Patrick Murphy, who's running for Senate. This one performs better for the GOP in presidential years anyway, and Republicans have a great candidate in Army veteran Brian Mast, who lost both of his legs in Afghanistan and was awarded the Purple Heart. Meanwhile, Democratic nominee Randy Perkins, who owns an environmental cleanup company, has proven to be a very volatile and polarizing candidate, and most Democrats concede they'll probably lose this seat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no other completely clear-cut wins, but some races are still in play. Nebraska Blue Dog Rep. Brad Ashford's own polling shows he's still winning this district, but Republicans have hope that retired Air Force Brigadier Gen. Don Bacon could pull the upset.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinton isn't popular in Minnesota's Iron Range, which makes Republicans optimistic about Republican Stewart Mills' chances in his rematch with Democratic Rep. Rick Nolan after he lost by just over 3,700 votes in 2014. Trump can certainly help Mills here, but Nolan survived in a good GOP year and remains relatively popular.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Too Many California Ballot Measures? Just Explain Them in Song",
"title": "Too Many California Ballot Measures? Just Explain Them in Song",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Americans will decide more than 150 state ballot measures on Tuesday — up slightly from two years ago. That puts a lot of pressure on voters to study up on everything from marijuana legalization to gun control to the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians in particular have a lot of homework to do. With 17 measures, their state has the longest ballot in the country this year. On top of that, there are 650 local measures around the state to decide on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters are coming up with some creative ways to keep track of it all — like resident Deborah Barron, who had a \"Proposition Party\" at her home in San Francisco's Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like any good host, she had snacks and drinks ready. But she also had hand-outs for the 17 state ballot measures and for the 25 local measures facing San Francisco voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11157987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11157987\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Deborah Barron, third from left, hosts a proposition party on Oct. 30 at her home in San Francisco's Mission District.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d.jpg 1596w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Barron, third from left, hosts a proposition party on Oct. 30 at her home in San Francisco's Mission District. \u003ccite>(Ben Adler/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The half-dozen adults at her house divvied up the prep work and took turns leading the discussion – starting with Proposition 51, the $9 billion statewide school bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I mean, I don't know,\" says Barron, a 43-year-old attorney in private practice. \"Normally, I am 'Yes' on education ones, but...\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm kind of 'No' on this too,\" chimes in 43-year-old Eric Quandt of Berkeley, who works in the San Francisco Public Defender's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's how I feel,\" adds Jane Ivory Ernstthal. \"But I feel so wrong!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group laughs. \"Are you voting against the education of our youth?\" Barron quips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But party-goers quickly get frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everybody's got college educations. All of us work in things that are impacted by this,\" Barron says. \"Numerous of us are attorneys, who read law for a living. And we still can't figure out how to vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if it's this hard for people who've been voting for years, imagine what it's like for first-time voters. Carlos Hurtado, a junior at the University of California, Davis, is feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just a lot, a lot to deal with,\" Hurtado says. \"I gotta take some time on the weekend to look over everything.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he planned to vote on all of the ballot measures, Hurtado replies: \"The ones that I feel strongly about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'll probably just scan it, see what interests me,\" says Julietta Zuvia, another student at UC-Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a strategy that might make some long-time voters cringe, but not Kim Alexander with the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I worry that people look at these 17 propositions and mistakenly think they have to vote on every single one of them – which they don't,\" Alexander says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it's far better to leave something blank than to do what voters typically do, which is vote 'No.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For voters who are overwhelmed by all those ballot measures, Alexander offers a California election tradition from her and her colleagues – the Proposition Song. She contributes on vocals and ukelele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yizO7L2J7LU\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tune uses music — think Schoolhouse Rock — to explain each of the state's 17 measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the chorus:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>\"It's the Proposition Song.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You should all be singing along.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>'Cause the ballot is too darn long.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And a lyric:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>\"Proposition 56 would enact\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>a new tobacco tax.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If it passes smokers pay two more bucks per pack.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Of course, the song isn't the only way voters can learn about all the ballots. There's the state's \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">official voter information guide \u003c/a>and also a myriad of online guides – \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.capradio.org/\" target=\"_blank\">professional\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://seepolitical.com/#/props\" target=\"_blank\">amateur\u003c/a>, with graphics, videos and even \u003ca href=\"https://ballot.fyi/\" target=\"_blank\">mock text message chats\u003c/a>. And then, there are \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sbc0NfVjK0aEdSUnY5ZG5yWWc/view\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition Haiku\u003c/a>, from Los Angeles Democratic Party activist Damian Carroll. Here's a taste of that:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 59\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Asks to overturn\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Citizens United, But\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shucks, it's non-binding\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Kim Alexander, of the California Voter Foundation, says all those ballot measures do have a benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Love it or hate it, California voters get to make law directly when we vote,\" Alexander says. \"And that's a huge amount of power – especially when you're talking about California, because we are a very influential state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is indeed a huge amount of power, vested in 18 million California voters — many of whom aren't quite sure what to do with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 Capital Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Americans will decide more than 150 state ballot measures on Tuesday — up slightly from two years ago. That puts a lot of pressure on voters to study up on everything from marijuana legalization to gun control to the death penalty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians in particular have a lot of homework to do. With 17 measures, their state has the longest ballot in the country this year. On top of that, there are 650 local measures around the state to decide on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters are coming up with some creative ways to keep track of it all — like resident Deborah Barron, who had a \"Proposition Party\" at her home in San Francisco's Mission District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like any good host, she had snacks and drinks ready. But she also had hand-outs for the 17 state ballot measures and for the 25 local measures facing San Francisco voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11157987\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11157987\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Deborah Barron, third from left, hosts a proposition party on Oct. 30 at her home in San Francisco's Mission District.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-800x600.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-160x120.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-960x720.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-240x180.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-375x281.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d-520x390.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/img_5375-3c6994343d6c3fad664c68cc7b04939811593b9d.jpg 1596w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Deborah Barron, third from left, hosts a proposition party on Oct. 30 at her home in San Francisco's Mission District. \u003ccite>(Ben Adler/Capital Public Radio)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The half-dozen adults at her house divvied up the prep work and took turns leading the discussion – starting with Proposition 51, the $9 billion statewide school bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I mean, I don't know,\" says Barron, a 43-year-old attorney in private practice. \"Normally, I am 'Yes' on education ones, but...\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm kind of 'No' on this too,\" chimes in 43-year-old Eric Quandt of Berkeley, who works in the San Francisco Public Defender's office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"That's how I feel,\" adds Jane Ivory Ernstthal. \"But I feel so wrong!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group laughs. \"Are you voting against the education of our youth?\" Barron quips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But party-goers quickly get frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Everybody's got college educations. All of us work in things that are impacted by this,\" Barron says. \"Numerous of us are attorneys, who read law for a living. And we still can't figure out how to vote.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if it's this hard for people who've been voting for years, imagine what it's like for first-time voters. Carlos Hurtado, a junior at the University of California, Davis, is feeling the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's just a lot, a lot to deal with,\" Hurtado says. \"I gotta take some time on the weekend to look over everything.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if he planned to vote on all of the ballot measures, Hurtado replies: \"The ones that I feel strongly about.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'll probably just scan it, see what interests me,\" says Julietta Zuvia, another student at UC-Davis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a strategy that might make some long-time voters cringe, but not Kim Alexander with the California Voter Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I worry that people look at these 17 propositions and mistakenly think they have to vote on every single one of them – which they don't,\" Alexander says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says it's far better to leave something blank than to do what voters typically do, which is vote 'No.'\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For voters who are overwhelmed by all those ballot measures, Alexander offers a California election tradition from her and her colleagues – the Proposition Song. She contributes on vocals and ukelele.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/yizO7L2J7LU'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/yizO7L2J7LU'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>The tune uses music — think Schoolhouse Rock — to explain each of the state's 17 measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the chorus:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>\"It's the Proposition Song.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>You should all be singing along.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>'Cause the ballot is too darn long.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>And a lyric:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cem>\"Proposition 56 would enact\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>a new tobacco tax.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>If it passes smokers pay two more bucks per pack.\"\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Of course, the song isn't the only way voters can learn about all the ballots. There's the state's \u003ca href=\"http://voterguide.sos.ca.gov/\" target=\"_blank\">official voter information guide \u003c/a>and also a myriad of online guides – \u003ca href=\"http://votersedge.capradio.org/\" target=\"_blank\">professional\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://seepolitical.com/#/props\" target=\"_blank\">amateur\u003c/a>, with graphics, videos and even \u003ca href=\"https://ballot.fyi/\" target=\"_blank\">mock text message chats\u003c/a>. And then, there are \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B_sbc0NfVjK0aEdSUnY5ZG5yWWc/view\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition Haiku\u003c/a>, from Los Angeles Democratic Party activist Damian Carroll. Here's a taste of that:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Proposition 59\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Asks to overturn\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Citizens United, But\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Shucks, it's non-binding\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Kim Alexander, of the California Voter Foundation, says all those ballot measures do have a benefit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Love it or hate it, California voters get to make law directly when we vote,\" Alexander says. \"And that's a huge amount of power – especially when you're talking about California, because we are a very influential state.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is indeed a huge amount of power, vested in 18 million California voters — many of whom aren't quite sure what to do with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 Capital Public Radio. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org\">Capital Public Radio\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts/\">California Counts\u003c/a> is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The city of Oakland was the first to regulate and tax medical marijuana dispensaries. Now, some city leaders see the industry’s profits and are proposing to take a bigger piece of the action: The Oakland City Council is voting Tuesday night on a pot profit-taking plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.shopharborside.com/\">Harborside Health Center\u003c/a> in Oakland is the largest medical marijuana dispensary in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its executive director, Steve DeAngelo, says his dispensary brings in about $30 million in annual revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve created over a 150 well-paying jobs and we’re the second largest retail taxpayer in the city,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeAngelo says Harborside pays about $1.5 million in taxes every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11155471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Steve DeAngelo (shown in 2014) is co-founder and executive director of Harborside Health Center in Oakland, the country's largest medical marijuana dispensary.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11155471\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve DeAngelo (shown in 2014) is co-founder and executive director of Harborside Health Center in Oakland, the country’s largest medical marijuana dispensary. \u003ccite>(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His operation is one of eight licensed dispensaries in Oakland. But there are scores of other pot businesses that operate semi-legally, meaning they pay taxes but they are not fully licensed. And now the city wants to license them, too, but at a price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exploding cannabis industry has the city rethinking how much the dispensaries should pay the city to operate and who gets those licenses. City Councilwoman Desley Brooks is leading that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at this industry across the United States and in Oakland, the vast majority of people who are making money in this industry are white males,” she said during a recent city hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harborside’s DeAngelo says he’s sympathetic with effort to diversify the industry. But he has problems with Brooks’ other plan to charge dispensaries 25 percent of their profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the courts have really been very, very consistent in ruling that a government agency is not allowed to take private property in that fashion,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over whether they city should demand medical marijuana profits comes as it is still grappling with how to promote diversity in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/500264056/500264057\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, the City Council voted to expand the industry by giving preferences for licenses to pot entrepreneurs who did jail time for marijuana offenses or for those who live in certain East Oakland neighborhoods — like Brooks’ district — that are predominantly black and Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that there is equity in this industry and we need to make sure that Oaklanders have an opportunity,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, under current rules, drug felons applying for a cannabis license have to own at least 50 percent of their business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dale Geringer, director of the California chapter of National Organization for Reform of Marijuana Laws, or NORML, opposes the preference program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11155472\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Super Skunk is one of the many different kinds of marijuana sold at Harborside Health Center.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11155472\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1180x884.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Super Skunk is one of the many different kinds of marijuana sold at Harborside Health Center. \u003ccite>(Richard Gonzales/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These rules go well beyond what any other legal industry has to put up with and they are supposedly addressed at equity problems which are not even caused by this industry but rather by the laws that prohibited it,” Geringer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a few people around the city worry that the controversy over profits and preferences could drive away the medical marijuana industry from Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terryn Buxton is among them. He’s an entrepreneur who sits on a commission that advises the city on how to deal with the marijuana business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m from Oakland and I’m born and raised here. I’d like my business to be here,” he says. “But I do not know if we’re going to have an environment our business can survive in.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The city of Oakland was the first to regulate and tax medical marijuana dispensaries. Now, some city leaders see the industry’s profits and are proposing to take a bigger piece of the action: The Oakland City Council is voting Tuesday night on a pot profit-taking plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.shopharborside.com/\">Harborside Health Center\u003c/a> in Oakland is the largest medical marijuana dispensary in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its executive director, Steve DeAngelo, says his dispensary brings in about $30 million in annual revenues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve created over a 150 well-paying jobs and we’re the second largest retail taxpayer in the city,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DeAngelo says Harborside pays about $1.5 million in taxes every year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11155471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"Steve DeAngelo (shown in 2014) is co-founder and executive director of Harborside Health Center in Oakland, the country's largest medical marijuana dispensary.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11155471\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1920x1281.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-960x641.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gettyimages-567367357_cc_custom-fa9bde16e73ab45fde44f9f091230abb0d7881ad-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Steve DeAngelo (shown in 2014) is co-founder and executive director of Harborside Health Center in Oakland, the country’s largest medical marijuana dispensary. \u003ccite>(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His operation is one of eight licensed dispensaries in Oakland. But there are scores of other pot businesses that operate semi-legally, meaning they pay taxes but they are not fully licensed. And now the city wants to license them, too, but at a price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exploding cannabis industry has the city rethinking how much the dispensaries should pay the city to operate and who gets those licenses. City Councilwoman Desley Brooks is leading that effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at this industry across the United States and in Oakland, the vast majority of people who are making money in this industry are white males,” she said during a recent city hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harborside’s DeAngelo says he’s sympathetic with effort to diversify the industry. But he has problems with Brooks’ other plan to charge dispensaries 25 percent of their profits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And the courts have really been very, very consistent in ruling that a government agency is not allowed to take private property in that fashion,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate over whether they city should demand medical marijuana profits comes as it is still grappling with how to promote diversity in the industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://www.npr.org/player/embed/500264056/500264057\" width=\"100%\" height=\"290\" frameborder=\"0\" scrolling=\"no\" title=\"NPR embedded audio player\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, the City Council voted to expand the industry by giving preferences for licenses to pot entrepreneurs who did jail time for marijuana offenses or for those who live in certain East Oakland neighborhoods — like Brooks’ district — that are predominantly black and Latino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that there is equity in this industry and we need to make sure that Oaklanders have an opportunity,” Brooks said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, under current rules, drug felons applying for a cannabis license have to own at least 50 percent of their business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dale Geringer, director of the California chapter of National Organization for Reform of Marijuana Laws, or NORML, opposes the preference program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11155472\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Super Skunk is one of the many different kinds of marijuana sold at Harborside Health Center.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11155472\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1920x1439.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-1180x884.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae-520x390.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/11/gonzales_marijuana1_custom-47931b13e69cd2569236a4ed456605e25b744fae.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Super Skunk is one of the many different kinds of marijuana sold at Harborside Health Center. \u003ccite>(Richard Gonzales/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“These rules go well beyond what any other legal industry has to put up with and they are supposedly addressed at equity problems which are not even caused by this industry but rather by the laws that prohibited it,” Geringer says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than a few people around the city worry that the controversy over profits and preferences could drive away the medical marijuana industry from Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Terryn Buxton is among them. He’s an entrepreneur who sits on a commission that advises the city on how to deal with the marijuana business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m from Oakland and I’m born and raised here. I’d like my business to be here,” he says. “But I do not know if we’re going to have an environment our business can survive in.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Early 20th Century Earthquakes May Have Been Caused by Calif. Oil Boom",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new study suggests some Los Angeles-area earthquakes in the 1920s and 1930s could have been caused by the oil boom at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper, scheduled to be published online Tuesday in the Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, presents evidence that drilling around Los Angeles between 1915 and 1932 could have been associated with damaging earthquakes in the area, including the magnitude 6.4 \u003ca href=\"http://scedc.caltech.edu/significant/longbeach1933.html\">Long Beach quake\u003c/a> in 1933 that killed 120 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the modern practice of hydraulic fracturing \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2012/01/05/144694550/man-made-quakes-blame-fracking-and-drilling\">has been tied to small man-made earthquakes\u003c/a>, right off the bat, the study authors — Susan E. Hough and Morgan Page of the U.S. Geological Survey — make clear this is not a study to draw lessons from today. The authors write in the opening paragraph:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Our results suggest that significant earthquakes in Southern California during the early twentieth century might have been associated with industry practices that are no longer employed (i.e., production without water reinjection), and do not necessarily imply a high likelihood of induced earthquakes at the present time.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/la-me-ln-oil-drilling-earthquake-20161031-story.html\">As the Los Angeles Times points out\u003c/a>, \"Nowadays, water is carefully used to replace the pumped-out oil, which prevents land from sinking and also helps extract more oil,\" something that was not being done in the '20s and '30s in the oil fields of the Los Angeles basin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than a model for the present, the new paper is a lens through which to view the seismic past of Southern California, using scientific history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors note that earthquake-sensing technology was neither as sensitive nor as widespread in the early 20th century as it is today. Most earthquakes in the Los Angeles basin in the first third of the century \"caused light shaking reported by at most a few witnesses,\" they write.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"BvmOABNkgIDRb1fvZeotadFCTcHW6Zv3\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few witnesses are not the most reliable source of data, so Hough and Page limited themselves only to the 22 biggest, most widely felt earthquakes of the period, and compared those quakes to oil industry records from the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those earthquakes, they found 13 possibly or likely were associated with \"oil production activities,\" including the drilling of deeper and deeper oil wells near \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3211401-Shaw-Et-Al-1996-Journal-of-Geophysical-Research.html\">hidden faults that are known to cause earthquakes\u003c/a>. The authors based their findings on the best information available about when and where the earthquakes and drilling occurred and the kind of drilling being conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pubs.er.usgs.gov/publication/70159467\">Last year, Hough and Page published evidence\u003c/a> that midcentury earthquakes in Oklahoma were triggered by the injection of wastewater during oil production in that part of the country. That historical finding was more relevant to today's oil production activities than the California data. \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/03/29/472232829/u-s-geology-maps-reveal-areas-vulnerable-to-man-made-quakes\">The USGS announced earlier this year\u003c/a> that pumping wastewater underground during oil production has caused parts of Oklahoma to be as seismically active as parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hough and Page used a similar historical record analysis for the Oklahoma and California papers, but Thomas Heaton, director of the Earthquake Engineering Research Laboratory at the California Institute of Technology, told NPR he thought the Oklahoma research was more convincing than the new California findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is a long history of earthquakes being triggered by increased fluid pressure,\" he wrote in an email after reviewing the new paper. \"Although we don't understand [the association] very well, it's as close as our community gets to consensus that fluid induction triggers earthquakes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The tricky part of the equation in California is that earthquakes occur regularly without fluid injection,\" he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did not go so far as to call into question the associations suggested by the paper — he thought it's certainly possible that oil drilling played a part in some or all of the earthquakes Hough and Page identified. But it's hard to be sure about the reason for any one quake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It would be no surprise to discover that some of our California earthquakes were triggered by oil production,\" Heaton wrote. \"What would be surprising would be to discover that a team of scientists was able to present a compelling case that it had occurred in any particular example (e.g. 1933 Long Beach).\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A new study suggests some Los Angeles-area earthquakes in the 1920s and 1930s could have been caused by the oil boom at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paper, scheduled to be published online Tuesday in the Bulletin of the Seismological Society of America, presents evidence that drilling around Los Angeles between 1915 and 1932 could have been associated with damaging earthquakes in the area, including the magnitude 6.4 \u003ca href=\"http://scedc.caltech.edu/significant/longbeach1933.html\">Long Beach quake\u003c/a> in 1933 that killed 120 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the modern practice of hydraulic fracturing \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/2012/01/05/144694550/man-made-quakes-blame-fracking-and-drilling\">has been tied to small man-made earthquakes\u003c/a>, right off the bat, the study authors — Susan E. Hough and Morgan Page of the U.S. Geological Survey — make clear this is not a study to draw lessons from today. The authors write in the opening paragraph:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Our results suggest that significant earthquakes in Southern California during the early twentieth century might have been associated with industry practices that are no longer employed (i.e., production without water reinjection), and do not necessarily imply a high likelihood of induced earthquakes at the present time.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/la-me-ln-oil-drilling-earthquake-20161031-story.html\">As the Los Angeles Times points out\u003c/a>, \"Nowadays, water is carefully used to replace the pumped-out oil, which prevents land from sinking and also helps extract more oil,\" something that was not being done in the '20s and '30s in the oil fields of the Los Angeles basin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather than a model for the present, the new paper is a lens through which to view the seismic past of Southern California, using scientific history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors note that earthquake-sensing technology was neither as sensitive nor as widespread in the early 20th century as it is today. Most earthquakes in the Los Angeles basin in the first third of the century \"caused light shaking reported by at most a few witnesses,\" they write.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few witnesses are not the most reliable source of data, so Hough and Page limited themselves only to the 22 biggest, most widely felt earthquakes of the period, and compared those quakes to oil industry records from the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those earthquakes, they found 13 possibly or likely were associated with \"oil production activities,\" including the drilling of deeper and deeper oil wells near \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/3211401-Shaw-Et-Al-1996-Journal-of-Geophysical-Research.html\">hidden faults that are known to cause earthquakes\u003c/a>. The authors based their findings on the best information available about when and where the earthquakes and drilling occurred and the kind of drilling being conducted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://pubs.er.usgs.gov/publication/70159467\">Last year, Hough and Page published evidence\u003c/a> that midcentury earthquakes in Oklahoma were triggered by the injection of wastewater during oil production in that part of the country. That historical finding was more relevant to today's oil production activities than the California data. \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/03/29/472232829/u-s-geology-maps-reveal-areas-vulnerable-to-man-made-quakes\">The USGS announced earlier this year\u003c/a> that pumping wastewater underground during oil production has caused parts of Oklahoma to be as seismically active as parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hough and Page used a similar historical record analysis for the Oklahoma and California papers, but Thomas Heaton, director of the Earthquake Engineering Research Laboratory at the California Institute of Technology, told NPR he thought the Oklahoma research was more convincing than the new California findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There is a long history of earthquakes being triggered by increased fluid pressure,\" he wrote in an email after reviewing the new paper. \"Although we don't understand [the association] very well, it's as close as our community gets to consensus that fluid induction triggers earthquakes.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The tricky part of the equation in California is that earthquakes occur regularly without fluid injection,\" he wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did not go so far as to call into question the associations suggested by the paper — he thought it's certainly possible that oil drilling played a part in some or all of the earthquakes Hough and Page identified. But it's hard to be sure about the reason for any one quake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It would be no surprise to discover that some of our California earthquakes were triggered by oil production,\" Heaton wrote. \"What would be surprising would be to discover that a team of scientists was able to present a compelling case that it had occurred in any particular example (e.g. 1933 Long Beach).\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "How Is a 1,600-Year-Old Tree Weathering California's Drought?",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s been a brutal forest fire season in California. But there’s actually a greater threat to California’s trees — the state’s record-setting drought. The lack of water has killed at least 60 million trees in the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists are struggling to understand which trees are most vulnerable to drought and how to keep the survivors alive. To that end, they’re sending human climbers and flying drones into the treetops, in a novel biological experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a distance, the forests of the Sierra Nevada look blotchy, with patches of dead trees standing right next to healthy green ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.werc.usgs.gov/person.aspx?personid=138\">Nate Stephenson\u003c/a>, an ecologist with the U.S. Geological Survey, says the drought and high heat combine to do things he hasn’t seen before. “We don’t really understand a lot of things,” he says, “like exactly how a drought kills a tree, or what’s going on underground. Where is the water flowing in areas we can’t see?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson and his team of ecologists pull into a designated spot in the mountains, near Sequoia National Park, with truckloads of equipment they’ll have to carry in. Their mission: to find out what separates the surviving trees from the dead. Their ultimate destination is down a steep slope — through a blanket of pine needles, rotting tree limbs and a few yellow-jacket nests they are careful not to walk on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walk is worth it. Looming above is Odin, a green and thriving \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/seki/learn/nature/bigtrees.htm\">giant sequoia\u003c/a> that’s more than 1,600 years old. The top is 250 feet up. Its base is as wide as a city street. Odin was a sapling when Rome was still an empire and, for some reason, it and many other sequoias are resisting this drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hopes of finding clues to Odin’s survival, \u003ca href=\"https://ib.berkeley.edu/people/directory/detail/5622/\">Cameron Williams\u003c/a>, a researcher with the University of California, Berkeley, is heading up to the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider myself a forest canopy biologist,” Williams says as he buckles on a climbing harness festooned with clips, carabiners, and an ascender — a kind of a clamp attached to the rope he will use to climb up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He practices his emergency communication system: “Aaaaaaaaahhhhhhhhhhhhhhh,” he yells, then laughs. Williams can joke because he’s done this so many times. He and his climbing partner, \u003ca href=\"https://nature.berkeley.edu/dawsonlab/people/rikke-reese-naesborg/\">Rikke Naesborg\u003c/a>, also a research scientist at UC Berkeley, have spent hundreds of hours up in this tree. They take meticulous measurements, limb by limb, as though studying a patient etherized on a table. “Every single branch,” says Naesborg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She takes notes dangling from the rope. “You get used to it,” she says. They check the tree’s growth rate, and how much moisture is in each branch and in the needles and cones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very laborious,” Williams says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ib.berkeley.edu/people/faculty/dawsont\">Todd Dawson\u003c/a>, the plant ecologist from UC Berkeley who is in charge of the expedition, says what’s happening to these forests is shocking and abnormal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot more dead trees in this forest than I’ve ever seen since we’ve been working here — since 2008,” Dawson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1112768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1112768\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Dawson's team is experimenting with drones, which capture images of light reflected off the canopy. This light helps scientists get a sense of how stressed the tree is. Right: Rikke Naesborg (left) and Cameron Williams have spent hundred of hours in Odin's branches, taking measurements. \" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-768x431.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-375x210.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-520x292.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Dawson’s team is experimenting with drones, which capture images of light reflected off the canopy. This light helps scientists get a sense of how stressed the tree is. Right: Rikke Naesborg (left) and Cameron Williams have spent hundred of hours in Odin’s branches, taking measurements. \u003ccite>(Chris Joyce/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dawson is like an epidemiologist — studying disease in a large population. In this case, the patients are trees. There are far too many to be able to climb each one, so while some members of the team take Odin’s measurements, Dawson is going to experiment with another approach. He’ll fly a drone around the giant sequoia — carefully avoiding branches on every side — and take detailed images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time for all of us,” says drone jockey Tom Jennings, who works for a company called \u003ca href=\"http://www.cloudd8ta.com/author/tomcloudd8ta-com/\">CloudD8TA\u003c/a>. “So we’re taking our time and trying to be very cautious. We’re dealing with the canopy, and that’s a new hazard that I’m not used to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drones will fly to the top of the tree and then down around it in a spiral, taking many different sorts of images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the team hopes to do is compare what the climbers see with what the drones reveal. If drones can diagnose a tree as well as a climber can, they could cover a whole forest much faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The black drone rises from the ground, equipped with sophisticated cameras. It’s about 3-feet square and looks like something Darth Vader would have on his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It records, basically, the reflected light off the canopy,” Dawson explains. “And that reflected light give us the health of the crown itself — water content and other chemicals like chlorophyll content, which is related to photosynthesis and nitrogen content.” These readings reflect how stressed the tree is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the drone slowly descends from the top of Odin, Williams pulls himself up the tree, on a rope the size of his pinky finger. He narrates his climb into a microphone clipped to his shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we just reached 160ish feet above the ground,” Williams says. “Looks like a long way down there, and I can hear a drone overhead. Sounds like a giant bee’s nest. Looking around the landscape you can really see a lot of dead trees. Wow. There are hundreds — potentially thousands — of dead trees I can see in this one view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, from these sorts of measurements, Dawson has found that forests at low and mid-elevations — pine trees, fir, cedar — are suffering the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1112772\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1112772\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom.jpg\" alt=\"A patch of brown, dying trees stands out against the sky and treeline of Sequoia National Park. \" width=\"400\" height=\"299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-240x179.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-375x280.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A patch of brown, dying trees stands out against the sky and treeline of Sequoia National Park. \u003ccite>(Chris Joyce/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Drought and heat can choke a tree to death, scientists have found, by causing gas bubbles to form in the trunk, and block the flow of water. The stressed trees also close their stomata — the pores they respire through in the leaves and needles. That conserves moisture, but at a high cost. They can’t take in the carbon dioxide they need to survive. In other cases, beetles detect the weak trees and single them out — like predators taking wounded prey on the Serengeti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how are giant sequoias like Odin different? It could be that sequoias tend grow where there’s more groundwater, Dawson says. Or maybe it’s the way they shed needles when stressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understanding how different species of trees respond is already helping scientists focus their rescue efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For starters, you might thin the forest in places, removing some small trees and underbrush, Stephenson says. Having fewer straws sucking water out of the ground, means more water, more light and more nutrients for the biggest trees in the landscape, he says. And that would help the survivors weather future environmental stresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current drought is disaster, but also a huge natural experiment, the forest ecologists say. Any lessons they can glean from studying Odin — going strong despite the drought — could help them save the rest of the forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=How+Is+A+1%2C600-Year-Old+Tree+Weathering+California%27s+Drought%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Four years of too little water is killing millions of trees in the Sierra, yet some giant sequoias still thrive. Tree-climbing scientists are exploring sequoias branch by branch to find their secret.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s been a brutal forest fire season in California. But there’s actually a greater threat to California’s trees — the state’s record-setting drought. The lack of water has killed at least 60 million trees in the past four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scientists are struggling to understand which trees are most vulnerable to drought and how to keep the survivors alive. To that end, they’re sending human climbers and flying drones into the treetops, in a novel biological experiment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From a distance, the forests of the Sierra Nevada look blotchy, with patches of dead trees standing right next to healthy green ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.werc.usgs.gov/person.aspx?personid=138\">Nate Stephenson\u003c/a>, an ecologist with the U.S. Geological Survey, says the drought and high heat combine to do things he hasn’t seen before. “We don’t really understand a lot of things,” he says, “like exactly how a drought kills a tree, or what’s going on underground. Where is the water flowing in areas we can’t see?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stephenson and his team of ecologists pull into a designated spot in the mountains, near Sequoia National Park, with truckloads of equipment they’ll have to carry in. Their mission: to find out what separates the surviving trees from the dead. Their ultimate destination is down a steep slope — through a blanket of pine needles, rotting tree limbs and a few yellow-jacket nests they are careful not to walk on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The walk is worth it. Looming above is Odin, a green and thriving \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/seki/learn/nature/bigtrees.htm\">giant sequoia\u003c/a> that’s more than 1,600 years old. The top is 250 feet up. Its base is as wide as a city street. Odin was a sapling when Rome was still an empire and, for some reason, it and many other sequoias are resisting this drought.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In hopes of finding clues to Odin’s survival, \u003ca href=\"https://ib.berkeley.edu/people/directory/detail/5622/\">Cameron Williams\u003c/a>, a researcher with the University of California, Berkeley, is heading up to the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I consider myself a forest canopy biologist,” Williams says as he buckles on a climbing harness festooned with clips, carabiners, and an ascender — a kind of a clamp attached to the rope he will use to climb up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He practices his emergency communication system: “Aaaaaaaaahhhhhhhhhhhhhhh,” he yells, then laughs. Williams can joke because he’s done this so many times. He and his climbing partner, \u003ca href=\"https://nature.berkeley.edu/dawsonlab/people/rikke-reese-naesborg/\">Rikke Naesborg\u003c/a>, also a research scientist at UC Berkeley, have spent hundreds of hours up in this tree. They take meticulous measurements, limb by limb, as though studying a patient etherized on a table. “Every single branch,” says Naesborg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She takes notes dangling from the rope. “You get used to it,” she says. They check the tree’s growth rate, and how much moisture is in each branch and in the needles and cones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s very, very laborious,” Williams says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ib.berkeley.edu/people/faculty/dawsont\">Todd Dawson\u003c/a>, the plant ecologist from UC Berkeley who is in charge of the expedition, says what’s happening to these forests is shocking and abnormal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are a lot more dead trees in this forest than I’ve ever seen since we’ve been working here — since 2008,” Dawson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1112768\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1112768\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Dawson's team is experimenting with drones, which capture images of light reflected off the canopy. This light helps scientists get a sense of how stressed the tree is. Right: Rikke Naesborg (left) and Cameron Williams have spent hundred of hours in Odin's branches, taking measurements. \" width=\"800\" height=\"449\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-768x431.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-375x210.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-duo2-520x292.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Dawson’s team is experimenting with drones, which capture images of light reflected off the canopy. This light helps scientists get a sense of how stressed the tree is. Right: Rikke Naesborg (left) and Cameron Williams have spent hundred of hours in Odin’s branches, taking measurements. \u003ccite>(Chris Joyce/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Dawson is like an epidemiologist — studying disease in a large population. In this case, the patients are trees. There are far too many to be able to climb each one, so while some members of the team take Odin’s measurements, Dawson is going to experiment with another approach. He’ll fly a drone around the giant sequoia — carefully avoiding branches on every side — and take detailed images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the first time for all of us,” says drone jockey Tom Jennings, who works for a company called \u003ca href=\"http://www.cloudd8ta.com/author/tomcloudd8ta-com/\">CloudD8TA\u003c/a>. “So we’re taking our time and trying to be very cautious. We’re dealing with the canopy, and that’s a new hazard that I’m not used to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drones will fly to the top of the tree and then down around it in a spiral, taking many different sorts of images.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What the team hopes to do is compare what the climbers see with what the drones reveal. If drones can diagnose a tree as well as a climber can, they could cover a whole forest much faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The black drone rises from the ground, equipped with sophisticated cameras. It’s about 3-feet square and looks like something Darth Vader would have on his desk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It records, basically, the reflected light off the canopy,” Dawson explains. “And that reflected light give us the health of the crown itself — water content and other chemicals like chlorophyll content, which is related to photosynthesis and nitrogen content.” These readings reflect how stressed the tree is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the drone slowly descends from the top of Odin, Williams pulls himself up the tree, on a rope the size of his pinky finger. He narrates his climb into a microphone clipped to his shirt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So we just reached 160ish feet above the ground,” Williams says. “Looks like a long way down there, and I can hear a drone overhead. Sounds like a giant bee’s nest. Looking around the landscape you can really see a lot of dead trees. Wow. There are hundreds — potentially thousands — of dead trees I can see in this one view.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, from these sorts of measurements, Dawson has found that forests at low and mid-elevations — pine trees, fir, cedar — are suffering the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1112772\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1112772\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom.jpg\" alt=\"A patch of brown, dying trees stands out against the sky and treeline of Sequoia National Park. \" width=\"400\" height=\"299\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-240x179.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/trees-3_custom-375x280.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A patch of brown, dying trees stands out against the sky and treeline of Sequoia National Park. \u003ccite>(Chris Joyce/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Drought and heat can choke a tree to death, scientists have found, by causing gas bubbles to form in the trunk, and block the flow of water. The stressed trees also close their stomata — the pores they respire through in the leaves and needles. That conserves moisture, but at a high cost. They can’t take in the carbon dioxide they need to survive. In other cases, beetles detect the weak trees and single them out — like predators taking wounded prey on the Serengeti.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So how are giant sequoias like Odin different? It could be that sequoias tend grow where there’s more groundwater, Dawson says. Or maybe it’s the way they shed needles when stressed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Understanding how different species of trees respond is already helping scientists focus their rescue efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For starters, you might thin the forest in places, removing some small trees and underbrush, Stephenson says. Having fewer straws sucking water out of the ground, means more water, more light and more nutrients for the biggest trees in the landscape, he says. And that would help the survivors weather future environmental stresses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s current drought is disaster, but also a huge natural experiment, the forest ecologists say. Any lessons they can glean from studying Odin — going strong despite the drought — could help them save the rest of the forest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=How+Is+A+1%2C600-Year-Old+Tree+Weathering+California%27s+Drought%3F&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hours after announcing a 9 percent staff cut, Twitter said it's also cutting the Vine looping-video app, which burst to popularity after its launch in 2013 but has struggled to match that growth in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shutdown of Vine, which recently claimed more than 200 million monthly viewers, will occur \"in the coming months,\" \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@vine/important-news-about-vine-909c5f4ae7a7#.xsmf70lu7\">the company said in a blog post\u003c/a> about the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vine said its users will still be able to access and download their six-second videos, and it's promising to keep its website online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We value you, your Vines, and are going to do this the right way,\" the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news wasn't included in an earnings letter Twitter sent to shareholders Thursday, in which it announced a new round of layoffs. We've updated this post to reflect the Vine shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vine's demise comes after the ascendance of Snapchat — which \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnbc.com/2016/09/06/snapchats-ad-revenue-to-reach-near-1-billion-by-2017-says-report.html\">could see ad revenue of nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> next year — as the dominant short-video app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Vine's blog post about its fate, one reader responded with frustration:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"I am in absolute shock. This is one of the top ten social media platforms on the planet. I know many, many creators who've built entire careers (and lives) on Vine. When other [Social Media] properties like Tumblr aren't making money but still raising funds this has to be a terrible mistake.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>There was some positive news in Twitter's third-quarter earnings report, including revenue of $616 million — up 8 percent from last year — but for it to be profitable, the company says, it'll have to shed several hundred jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While revenue surpassed expectations, \u003ca href=\"http://www.wsj.com/articles/twitter-to-cut-workforce-as-revenue-growth-slows-1477566772\">the Wall Street Journal says\u003c/a> it was the social media company's \"smallest gain and ninth straight period of slowing growth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter posted a loss of $103 million for the quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://files.shareholder.com/downloads/AMDA-2F526X/3105131569x0x913992/024FF5C2-52D9-4F3C-A568-E3C9D85E4AB9/Q316_ShareholderLetter.pdf\">its letter to shareholders\u003c/a>, Twitter reported $545 million in advertising revenue — 90 percent from mobile platforms. In terms of active users, it finished the quarter with a monthly average of 317 million -- 67 million in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be more efficient, the San Francisco-based company says it will cut around 9 percent of its global workforce, with the heaviest toll falling on sales and marketing units. Twitter had 3,910 employees at the end of the quarter, meaning around 352 jobs will be eliminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter wants to be profitable by sometime in 2017. As it tries to get there, users should expect to see more video ads, which the company says is its top revenue-generating format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In terms of its balance sheet, the company says it's now holding $3.7 billion in cash, cash equivalents and marketable securities, and that its adjusted free cash flow grew to around $80 million for the quarter, up from $19 million last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hours after announcing a 9 percent staff cut, Twitter said it's also cutting the Vine looping-video app, which burst to popularity after its launch in 2013 but has struggled to match that growth in the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shutdown of Vine, which recently claimed more than 200 million monthly viewers, will occur \"in the coming months,\" \u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/@vine/important-news-about-vine-909c5f4ae7a7#.xsmf70lu7\">the company said in a blog post\u003c/a> about the move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vine said its users will still be able to access and download their six-second videos, and it's promising to keep its website online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We value you, your Vines, and are going to do this the right way,\" the company said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The news wasn't included in an earnings letter Twitter sent to shareholders Thursday, in which it announced a new round of layoffs. We've updated this post to reflect the Vine shutdown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vine's demise comes after the ascendance of Snapchat — which \u003ca href=\"http://www.cnbc.com/2016/09/06/snapchats-ad-revenue-to-reach-near-1-billion-by-2017-says-report.html\">could see ad revenue of nearly $1 billion\u003c/a> next year — as the dominant short-video app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Vine's blog post about its fate, one reader responded with frustration:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"I am in absolute shock. This is one of the top ten social media platforms on the planet. I know many, many creators who've built entire careers (and lives) on Vine. When other [Social Media] properties like Tumblr aren't making money but still raising funds this has to be a terrible mistake.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>There was some positive news in Twitter's third-quarter earnings report, including revenue of $616 million — up 8 percent from last year — but for it to be profitable, the company says, it'll have to shed several hundred jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While revenue surpassed expectations, \u003ca href=\"http://www.wsj.com/articles/twitter-to-cut-workforce-as-revenue-growth-slows-1477566772\">the Wall Street Journal says\u003c/a> it was the social media company's \"smallest gain and ninth straight period of slowing growth.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter posted a loss of $103 million for the quarter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"http://files.shareholder.com/downloads/AMDA-2F526X/3105131569x0x913992/024FF5C2-52D9-4F3C-A568-E3C9D85E4AB9/Q316_ShareholderLetter.pdf\">its letter to shareholders\u003c/a>, Twitter reported $545 million in advertising revenue — 90 percent from mobile platforms. In terms of active users, it finished the quarter with a monthly average of 317 million -- 67 million in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be more efficient, the San Francisco-based company says it will cut around 9 percent of its global workforce, with the heaviest toll falling on sales and marketing units. Twitter had 3,910 employees at the end of the quarter, meaning around 352 jobs will be eliminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Twitter wants to be profitable by sometime in 2017. As it tries to get there, users should expect to see more video ads, which the company says is its top revenue-generating format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In terms of its balance sheet, the company says it's now holding $3.7 billion in cash, cash equivalents and marketable securities, and that its adjusted free cash flow grew to around $80 million for the quarter, up from $19 million last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Sounds, particularly those made by other humans, rank as the No. 1 distraction in the workplace. According to workplace design expert Alan Hedge at Cornell, 74 percent of workers say they face \"many\" instances of disturbances and distractions from noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In general, if it's coming from another person, it's much more disturbing than when it's coming from a machine,\" he says, because, as social beings, humans are attuned to man-made sounds. He says overheard conversations, as well as high-pitched and intermittent noises, also draw attention away from tasks at hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The popularity of open offices has exacerbated the problem. The University of California's Center for the Built Environment \u003ca href=\"http://escholarship.org/uc/item/52w3025m\">has a study\u003c/a> showing workers are happier when they are in enclosed offices and less \u003ca href=\"http://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=3167\" target=\"_blank\">likely to take sick days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This does not bode well for some workers facing cold and flu season, when hacking coughs make the rounds. But some people, such as Milwaukee Web developer Taj Shahrani, contend with it year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a colleague who sat a short cubicle wall away and would, as he says, \"shout-cough\" at regular intervals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He never covered his mouth,\" he says. The violent episodes, which Shahrani and another colleague kept tallies of, would shake his desk and interrupt conversations and phone calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"WrjzsBvqhsK9xWe9wkzeppDk9PRAO1Ig\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would always know when it was coming because you would hear that sharp intake, like he's about to cough, and you'd always wince and stop what you're doing because you knew it was going to be sort of loud and hard to hear,\" Shahrani says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of this, he went from concern about contagion to irritation about the interruptions. Still, he never broached the subject with the offender or the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's sort of taboo to criticize someone for an illness,\" Shahrani says. It's only months later, when he was moved to a new desk in an office reshuffling, that he realized just how much more work he accomplished without constant interruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rue Dooley, an adviser at the Society for Human Resource Management, says HR professionals often call in, asking how to manage co-worker complaints about various bodily noises.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">There are other noises that fall into that indelicate in-between territory — like flatulence.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The answer? It depends on the circumstance. For example, in a previous job, Dooley shared an office with a man who liked to eat frozen carrots and had the hacking cough of someone with chronic bronchitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dooley says he found the carrot-munching funny. The coughing was less amusing, he says. While employers worry about contagion and lost productivity of someone bringing an illness to work, they also have a legal obligation to accommodate employees who have an illness or a disability. He says that, by law, employers have to accommodate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What those accommodations are might vary. A waitress or shop clerk with a hacking cough might require a sick day or a reassignment, in which case Dooley says it's OK for a manager to say: \"That cough is turning customers away. We can't have you on the floor with that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other noises that fall into that indelicate in-between territory — like flatulence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iGR2AnXURkE2ptYvrcoBhDp59xlMH8iP\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, the Social Security Administration reprimanded a worker for his \"excessive flatulence.\" After numerous complaints and warnings, the agency charged him with \"conduct unbecoming a federal employee.\" The employee claimed he had lactose intolerance, and after his union intervened, the reprimand was rescinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there is the gross interruption that is totally preventable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denver electrical engineer Kendra Lyons sits a few cubicles down from an unfiltered loud talker whose phone conversations include details about her gynecology and family disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It would throw me off, and then I would find it really hard to tune out and not listen to her for the rest of the conversation, so I would end up eavesdropping rather than doing my work,\" Lyons says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she says she drowns it out with headphones blasting electronica or the \u003cem>Hamilton\u003c/em> soundtrack — anything with a strong beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are solutions, says Cornell's Hedge. The trend toward open offices and hard office furniture makes noise distraction worse, so adding carpet, drapes and upholstery can help. He recommends, perhaps counterintuitively, getting rid of cubicle walls, which provide the illusion of sound privacy, but actually make people less aware of the noises they create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Sounds, particularly those made by other humans, rank as the No. 1 distraction in the workplace. According to workplace design expert Alan Hedge at Cornell, 74 percent of workers say they face \"many\" instances of disturbances and distractions from noise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In general, if it's coming from another person, it's much more disturbing than when it's coming from a machine,\" he says, because, as social beings, humans are attuned to man-made sounds. He says overheard conversations, as well as high-pitched and intermittent noises, also draw attention away from tasks at hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The popularity of open offices has exacerbated the problem. The University of California's Center for the Built Environment \u003ca href=\"http://escholarship.org/uc/item/52w3025m\">has a study\u003c/a> showing workers are happier when they are in enclosed offices and less \u003ca href=\"http://www.sjweh.fi/show_abstract.php?abstract_id=3167\" target=\"_blank\">likely to take sick days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This does not bode well for some workers facing cold and flu season, when hacking coughs make the rounds. But some people, such as Milwaukee Web developer Taj Shahrani, contend with it year-round.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He had a colleague who sat a short cubicle wall away and would, as he says, \"shout-cough\" at regular intervals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He never covered his mouth,\" he says. The violent episodes, which Shahrani and another colleague kept tallies of, would shake his desk and interrupt conversations and phone calls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I would always know when it was coming because you would hear that sharp intake, like he's about to cough, and you'd always wince and stop what you're doing because you knew it was going to be sort of loud and hard to hear,\" Shahrani says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After months of this, he went from concern about contagion to irritation about the interruptions. Still, he never broached the subject with the offender or the boss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's sort of taboo to criticize someone for an illness,\" Shahrani says. It's only months later, when he was moved to a new desk in an office reshuffling, that he realized just how much more work he accomplished without constant interruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rue Dooley, an adviser at the Society for Human Resource Management, says HR professionals often call in, asking how to manage co-worker complaints about various bodily noises.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">There are other noises that fall into that indelicate in-between territory — like flatulence.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The answer? It depends on the circumstance. For example, in a previous job, Dooley shared an office with a man who liked to eat frozen carrots and had the hacking cough of someone with chronic bronchitis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dooley says he found the carrot-munching funny. The coughing was less amusing, he says. While employers worry about contagion and lost productivity of someone bringing an illness to work, they also have a legal obligation to accommodate employees who have an illness or a disability. He says that, by law, employers have to accommodate them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What those accommodations are might vary. A waitress or shop clerk with a hacking cough might require a sick day or a reassignment, in which case Dooley says it's OK for a manager to say: \"That cough is turning customers away. We can't have you on the floor with that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are other noises that fall into that indelicate in-between territory — like flatulence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Four years ago, the Social Security Administration reprimanded a worker for his \"excessive flatulence.\" After numerous complaints and warnings, the agency charged him with \"conduct unbecoming a federal employee.\" The employee claimed he had lactose intolerance, and after his union intervened, the reprimand was rescinded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there is the gross interruption that is totally preventable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denver electrical engineer Kendra Lyons sits a few cubicles down from an unfiltered loud talker whose phone conversations include details about her gynecology and family disputes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It would throw me off, and then I would find it really hard to tune out and not listen to her for the rest of the conversation, so I would end up eavesdropping rather than doing my work,\" Lyons says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, she says she drowns it out with headphones blasting electronica or the \u003cem>Hamilton\u003c/em> soundtrack — anything with a strong beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are solutions, says Cornell's Hedge. The trend toward open offices and hard office furniture makes noise distraction worse, so adding carpet, drapes and upholstery can help. He recommends, perhaps counterintuitively, getting rid of cubicle walls, which provide the illusion of sound privacy, but actually make people less aware of the noises they create.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly two decades after California banned bilingual education, voters next month will have a chance to restore it. Proposition 58 would officially end the era of English-only teaching and re-introduce instruction in English and a second language as an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1.4 million English Language Learners, or ELLs, make up roughly 23 percent of California’s public school students. Most are Spanish speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/bilingual-california-chart-20161021/child.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of bilingual instruction say it delays kids’ ability to read, write and speak proper English because they spend too much time learning in their native language. That view was widespread in 1998, the year that 61 percent of voters passed Proposition 227, ending what was called “transitional bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227 did not outlaw all bilingual education programs. It did, however require that parents sign a waiver if they wanted to keep their children in a bilingual classroom. Without a waiver, ELLs were automatically placed in English-only classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in 18 years, though. Public support for programs that help children master two languages has grown significantly in California. More and more parents see biliteracy as a crucial skill that will open doors for their children. And districts like San Francisco and Los Angeles have created sizable bilingual programs using that waiver provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One influential supporter of Proposition 58 is Shelly Spiegel-Coleman. She’s head of Californians Together, a Long Beach nonprofit that’s behind the so-called “biliteracy movement” in California. She says knowing at least two languages now is as important as being proficient in math, science and reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of Proposition 58 point to a \u003ca href=\"http://news.stanford.edu/news/2014/march/teaching-english-language-032514.html\">2014 Stanford University study\u003c/a> of 18,000 ELLs in San Francisco. It found that, by fifth grade, ELLs who had gotten waivers to remain in small bilingual programs were equally proficient in English and did just as well on state tests when compared with ELLs in English-only programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Lara, a Democratic state senator from Los Angeles County, is the sponsor of the ballot measure. He calls it “an attempt to right a tremendous wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the debate over bilingual education is different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians know and value and understand the importance of having their students be multilingual, bilingual and multiliterate,” he said recently. “And so we’re removing those barriers and ensuring that we are going to continue to have those dynamic programs in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11146645\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo. \u003ccite>(Morgan Walker/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, for example, school districts would still decide locally whether they want to expand bilingual education or not. English-only programs would remain, but parents would no longer need to sign a waiver to place their children in a bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear this would allow schools to transfer ELLs to a bilingual classroom without the parent’s consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge against the bilingual measure is Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley millionaire who orchestrated the original ban in 1998. His campaign was inspired by a protest by immigrant parents in Los Angeles in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, a group called Las Familias del Pueblo launched a boycott at the \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1996-02-14/local/me-35833_1_district-schools\">Ninth Street School in \u003c/a>L.A.’s garment district. Latino parents complained that, as much as they wanted their kids to continue speaking Spanish, only 1 percent of the students at the school knew enough English to transition out of the bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”hVhY4GiK7kEAQfPH9zc9fVfu3c1xiYcC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz insists that bilingual instruction is ineffective and cheats ELLs of a quality education. He argues that ELLs need no more than a year of intensive English instruction before moving on to English-only classrooms, and that while challenges remain, those students today are better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students “are doing much better than they had been doing 18 or 20 years ago,” he says, “or that they would be doing if they weren’t being taught English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the ban, test scores for English Language Learners statewide improved considerably. Supporters interpreted it as powerful evidence that English-only was a better way to get ELLs to succeed, even if it meant that children would lose their Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, the academic achievement and test scores of ELLs began to drop off. So much so that in 2015, a coalition of civil rights groups won a landmark case against the state for failing to address the high failure rates of ELLs. State officials have since agreed to new monitoring procedures to ensure that districts provide the necessary services and interventions required under the federal Equal Educational Opportunities Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the bilingual debate has been much more muted than it was in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Unz says the proposed initiative is likely to pass, thanks to upper-middle-class families who see bilingual instruction as a form of academic enrichment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly two decades after California banned bilingual education, voters next month will have a chance to restore it. Proposition 58 would officially end the era of English-only teaching and re-introduce instruction in English and a second language as an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1.4 million English Language Learners, or ELLs, make up roughly 23 percent of California’s public school students. Most are Spanish speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/bilingual-california-chart-20161021/child.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of bilingual instruction say it delays kids’ ability to read, write and speak proper English because they spend too much time learning in their native language. That view was widespread in 1998, the year that 61 percent of voters passed Proposition 227, ending what was called “transitional bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227 did not outlaw all bilingual education programs. It did, however require that parents sign a waiver if they wanted to keep their children in a bilingual classroom. Without a waiver, ELLs were automatically placed in English-only classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in 18 years, though. Public support for programs that help children master two languages has grown significantly in California. More and more parents see biliteracy as a crucial skill that will open doors for their children. And districts like San Francisco and Los Angeles have created sizable bilingual programs using that waiver provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One influential supporter of Proposition 58 is Shelly Spiegel-Coleman. She’s head of Californians Together, a Long Beach nonprofit that’s behind the so-called “biliteracy movement” in California. She says knowing at least two languages now is as important as being proficient in math, science and reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of Proposition 58 point to a \u003ca href=\"http://news.stanford.edu/news/2014/march/teaching-english-language-032514.html\">2014 Stanford University study\u003c/a> of 18,000 ELLs in San Francisco. It found that, by fifth grade, ELLs who had gotten waivers to remain in small bilingual programs were equally proficient in English and did just as well on state tests when compared with ELLs in English-only programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Lara, a Democratic state senator from Los Angeles County, is the sponsor of the ballot measure. He calls it “an attempt to right a tremendous wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the debate over bilingual education is different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians know and value and understand the importance of having their students be multilingual, bilingual and multiliterate,” he said recently. “And so we’re removing those barriers and ensuring that we are going to continue to have those dynamic programs in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11146645\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo. \u003ccite>(Morgan Walker/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, for example, school districts would still decide locally whether they want to expand bilingual education or not. English-only programs would remain, but parents would no longer need to sign a waiver to place their children in a bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear this would allow schools to transfer ELLs to a bilingual classroom without the parent’s consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge against the bilingual measure is Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley millionaire who orchestrated the original ban in 1998. His campaign was inspired by a protest by immigrant parents in Los Angeles in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, a group called Las Familias del Pueblo launched a boycott at the \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1996-02-14/local/me-35833_1_district-schools\">Ninth Street School in \u003c/a>L.A.’s garment district. Latino parents complained that, as much as they wanted their kids to continue speaking Spanish, only 1 percent of the students at the school knew enough English to transition out of the bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz insists that bilingual instruction is ineffective and cheats ELLs of a quality education. He argues that ELLs need no more than a year of intensive English instruction before moving on to English-only classrooms, and that while challenges remain, those students today are better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students “are doing much better than they had been doing 18 or 20 years ago,” he says, “or that they would be doing if they weren’t being taught English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the ban, test scores for English Language Learners statewide improved considerably. Supporters interpreted it as powerful evidence that English-only was a better way to get ELLs to succeed, even if it meant that children would lose their Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, the academic achievement and test scores of ELLs began to drop off. So much so that in 2015, a coalition of civil rights groups won a landmark case against the state for failing to address the high failure rates of ELLs. State officials have since agreed to new monitoring procedures to ensure that districts provide the necessary services and interventions required under the federal Equal Educational Opportunities Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the bilingual debate has been much more muted than it was in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Unz says the proposed initiative is likely to pass, thanks to upper-middle-class families who see bilingual instruction as a form of academic enrichment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has approved Volkswagen's $14.7 billion settlement over the carmaker's vehicle emissions scandal. The process of compensating affected U.S. car owners is beginning now, with the first buybacks expected to happen within the next few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the deal, Volkswagen agrees to either buy back or repair vehicles involved in the scandal. That means paying as much as $10.033 billion to owners. In addition, the carmaker has come to an agreement with the United States under which it will pay nearly $5 billion in environmental remediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative deal was \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/28/483785166/volkswagen-will-pay-u-s-diesel-car-owners-up-to-10-billion\">announced in June\u003c/a>. On Tuesday, it was approved by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer, who found it was \"fair, adequate, and reasonable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the largest civil settlement in automaker history, and the largest false advertising case the Federal Trade Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/enforcement/cases-proceedings/refunds/volkswagen-settlement\">has ever seen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the agreement, the court notes, funds to compensate owners have to be made available within 10 days of this final approval, and the buyback program must begin immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"lq9bzWHDrBolSOXj8QpJ011W73WEvBbX\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkswagen says the claims process for arranging buybacks or modifications has already started. Documents already submitted by owners are being reviewed, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.vwcourtsettlement.com/en/\">settlement website\u003c/a>, and once approved, buybacks or repairs will be scheduled within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the carmaker says the company expects the first transactions to take place around mid-November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affected owners have until Sept. 1, 2018, to submit a claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cars in question were sold as being \"green\" diesel vehicles with low emissions, but in fact had been set up to drive differently during emissions tests — so they appeared to have lower emissions than they really had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/28/483785166/volkswagen-will-pay-u-s-diesel-car-owners-up-to-10-billion\">previously reported\u003c/a>, the emissions scandal involves some Volkswagen, Audi and Porsche vehicles, in both 2.0- and 3.0-liter diesel engine sizes, that were released from 2009 to 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This settlement covers only 2.0-liter engines in VW and Audi cars owned in the U.S. Legal proceedings on behalf of owners of 3.0-liter engines are ongoing, according to the lead counsel in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VW faces a number of other legal challenges related to the emissions-cheating debacle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lawsuits against the German carmaker in other countries; in the U.S., there remains a possibility of criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, several states have filed lawsuits accusing VW of violating \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/07/19/486621489/states-lawsuits-say-vw-execs-ran-a-cover-up-of-diesel-emissions-cheating\">state environmental laws\u003c/a> by cheating on emissions tests, and this summer the company announced a \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/25/491400452/volkswagen-has-tentative-deal-to-compensate-u-s-dealers-in-emissions-scandal\">proposed settlement with dealers\u003c/a> who claim losses caused by the scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A federal judge in San Francisco has approved Volkswagen's $14.7 billion settlement over the carmaker's vehicle emissions scandal. The process of compensating affected U.S. car owners is beginning now, with the first buybacks expected to happen within the next few weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the deal, Volkswagen agrees to either buy back or repair vehicles involved in the scandal. That means paying as much as $10.033 billion to owners. In addition, the carmaker has come to an agreement with the United States under which it will pay nearly $5 billion in environmental remediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tentative deal was \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/28/483785166/volkswagen-will-pay-u-s-diesel-car-owners-up-to-10-billion\">announced in June\u003c/a>. On Tuesday, it was approved by U.S. District Judge Charles Breyer, who found it was \"fair, adequate, and reasonable.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's the largest civil settlement in automaker history, and the largest false advertising case the Federal Trade Commission \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftc.gov/enforcement/cases-proceedings/refunds/volkswagen-settlement\">has ever seen\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the terms of the agreement, the court notes, funds to compensate owners have to be made available within 10 days of this final approval, and the buyback program must begin immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkswagen says the claims process for arranging buybacks or modifications has already started. Documents already submitted by owners are being reviewed, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.vwcourtsettlement.com/en/\">settlement website\u003c/a>, and once approved, buybacks or repairs will be scheduled within 90 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokeswoman for the carmaker says the company expects the first transactions to take place around mid-November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affected owners have until Sept. 1, 2018, to submit a claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cars in question were sold as being \"green\" diesel vehicles with low emissions, but in fact had been set up to drive differently during emissions tests — so they appeared to have lower emissions than they really had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As NPR \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/06/28/483785166/volkswagen-will-pay-u-s-diesel-car-owners-up-to-10-billion\">previously reported\u003c/a>, the emissions scandal involves some Volkswagen, Audi and Porsche vehicles, in both 2.0- and 3.0-liter diesel engine sizes, that were released from 2009 to 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This settlement covers only 2.0-liter engines in VW and Audi cars owned in the U.S. Legal proceedings on behalf of owners of 3.0-liter engines are ongoing, according to the lead counsel in the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>VW faces a number of other legal challenges related to the emissions-cheating debacle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are lawsuits against the German carmaker in other countries; in the U.S., there remains a possibility of criminal charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, several states have filed lawsuits accusing VW of violating \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/07/19/486621489/states-lawsuits-say-vw-execs-ran-a-cover-up-of-diesel-emissions-cheating\">state environmental laws\u003c/a> by cheating on emissions tests, and this summer the company announced a \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/08/25/491400452/volkswagen-has-tentative-deal-to-compensate-u-s-dealers-in-emissions-scandal\">proposed settlement with dealers\u003c/a> who claim losses caused by the scandal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Antarctica’s ice has been melting, most likely because of a warming climate. Now, newly published research shows the rate of melting appears to be accelerating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antarctica is bigger than the U.S. and Mexico combined, and it’s covered in deep ice — more than a mile deep in some places. Most of the ice sits on bedrock, but it slowly flows off the continent’s edges. Along the western edge, giant glaciers creep down toward the sea. Where they meet the ocean, they form ice shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelves are the specialty of \u003ca href=\"https://radar.jpl.nasa.gov/people/index.cfm?FuseAction=ShowPerson&pplID=33\">Ala Khazendar\u003c/a>, a geophysicist and polar expert at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have this floating plate of ice being fed by the glaciers flowing from the interior of the continent,” he says, “while having ocean water underneath it.” He calls the shelves “the gates of Antarctica.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the shelves float, they’re still connected to the mainland. The point at which the ice shelf is no longer supported by bedrock is called the “grounding line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team from JPL has been studying that grounding line in several places along the edge of the West Antarctic ice sheet. They used radar to look beneath the ice. In particular, overflights have targeted ice shelves along the West Antarctic ice sheet known as the Amundsen Sea Embayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”qHvFWkEdISjffdiNsa2BZpl5IRSp1ksh”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve found that the ice is melting faster than they’ve ever seen. The researchers believe the cause is warm water circulating beneath the ice shelf. The melting was most pronounced from 2002 to 2009. (The influx of warmer water to the region stalled recently, and the rate of melting seems to have slowed somewhat.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khazendar says the more the bottom of the shelves melt, the more ice is exposed to warm water. “It becomes a runaway process,” he explains, “which makes it unstable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where’s the warmer water coming from? The team, whose findings appear in the journal \u003ca href=\"http://nature.com/articles/doi:10.1038/ncomms13243\">Nature Communications\u003c/a>, points to global warming that’s heating up the oceans. There’s been \u003ca href=\"http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/2016GL070500/full\">a spate of research lately\u003c/a> showing that Antarctic ice is \u003ca href=\"http://science.sciencemag.org/content/344/6185/735\">melting faster than previously thought\u003c/a> — and raising global sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khazendar says the melting process appears to be irreversible. Polar scientists fear that at some point, the shelves will collapse and Antarctica’s glaciers will flow into the sea. As to whether and when that might happen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The simple answer is we don’t know. And that’s the scary part,” Khazendar says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Antarctica’s ice has been melting, most likely because of a warming climate. Now, newly published research shows the rate of melting appears to be accelerating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Antarctica is bigger than the U.S. and Mexico combined, and it’s covered in deep ice — more than a mile deep in some places. Most of the ice sits on bedrock, but it slowly flows off the continent’s edges. Along the western edge, giant glaciers creep down toward the sea. Where they meet the ocean, they form ice shelves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The shelves are the specialty of \u003ca href=\"https://radar.jpl.nasa.gov/people/index.cfm?FuseAction=ShowPerson&pplID=33\">Ala Khazendar\u003c/a>, a geophysicist and polar expert at NASA’s Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have this floating plate of ice being fed by the glaciers flowing from the interior of the continent,” he says, “while having ocean water underneath it.” He calls the shelves “the gates of Antarctica.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the shelves float, they’re still connected to the mainland. The point at which the ice shelf is no longer supported by bedrock is called the “grounding line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A team from JPL has been studying that grounding line in several places along the edge of the West Antarctic ice sheet. They used radar to look beneath the ice. In particular, overflights have targeted ice shelves along the West Antarctic ice sheet known as the Amundsen Sea Embayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’ve found that the ice is melting faster than they’ve ever seen. The researchers believe the cause is warm water circulating beneath the ice shelf. The melting was most pronounced from 2002 to 2009. (The influx of warmer water to the region stalled recently, and the rate of melting seems to have slowed somewhat.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khazendar says the more the bottom of the shelves melt, the more ice is exposed to warm water. “It becomes a runaway process,” he explains, “which makes it unstable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where’s the warmer water coming from? The team, whose findings appear in the journal \u003ca href=\"http://nature.com/articles/doi:10.1038/ncomms13243\">Nature Communications\u003c/a>, points to global warming that’s heating up the oceans. There’s been \u003ca href=\"http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/2016GL070500/full\">a spate of research lately\u003c/a> showing that Antarctic ice is \u003ca href=\"http://science.sciencemag.org/content/344/6185/735\">melting faster than previously thought\u003c/a> — and raising global sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khazendar says the melting process appears to be irreversible. Polar scientists fear that at some point, the shelves will collapse and Antarctica’s glaciers will flow into the sea. As to whether and when that might happen?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The simple answer is we don’t know. And that’s the scary part,” Khazendar says. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In most cases, when an employer pays a signing bonus to attract new workers, that payment is understood to be essentially unrecoverable. But the Pentagon has a different understanding — and it's ordering the California National Guard to claw back thousands of dollars paid to soldiers who re-enlisted to fight in Iraq and Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in many cases, an employer would also have a tough time arguing that decade-old lapses in its own oversight should trigger wage garnishments and tax liens against its workers. But again, this is the U.S. military, and its officials say the law requires them to reclaim the overpayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the gist of a report by \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-national-guard-bonus-20161020-snap-story.html\">the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>, which says nearly 10,000 soldiers are now scrambling to pay back signing bonuses that helped the Pentagon cope with the task of using an all-volunteer service to fight two prolonged international conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to doling out cash for re-enlistment, the Pentagon offered student loan repayments. The incentives were seen as crucial to the military's effort to keep its ranks flush, but auditors say the rules should have limited the largest payments to certain skill areas — and that in the rush to staff the war effort, the bonuses were given out too liberally, the L.A. Times reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We have to change the law to make this right.'\u003ccite>Congressman John Garamendi\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Responding to the newspaper's story Sunday, the California National Guard points out that the repayments are part of a federal program run by the National Guard Bureau and the Department of the Army.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAGUARD/posts/10154523711193796\">The state military service says\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"The California National Guard does not have the authority to unilaterally waive these debts. However, the California National Guard welcomes any law passed by Congress to waive these debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Until that time, our priority is to advocate for our Soldiers through this difficult process.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In its statement, the service adds that its adjutant general, Maj. Gen. David S. Baldwin, created an assistance center that has helped some of its soldiers retain $37 million \"of original bonus payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem of improper use of military troop-level incentives isn't limited to California — but the state has emerged as a focal point because of two factors: the large size of its guard force, and a history of overpayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Valley Congressman John Garamendi, a member of the House Armed Services Committee, says he's proposing legislation to change a federal law that would require the soldiers to return the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is disgusting. These men and women answered the country’s call. They went off to serve in Iraq and Afghanistan and many were wounded in many different ways, their lives were disrupted. The signing bonuses were appropriate at the time. And then to go back years later and to say 'well there were some mistakes made by the recruiting officers and therefore we want all the money back' is absolutely unacceptable. And we have to change the law to make this right,\" Garamendi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Garamendi's legislative fix is approved, any service member who accepted a recruiting bonus between 2005 and 2009 would not be required to return any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scandal over the California National Guard's use of bonus money was first unearthed in 2010, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/article2573111.html\">the Sacramento Bee reported\u003c/a> that its incentive program had misspent as much as $100 million. The program's onetime leader, former Master Sgt. Toni Jaffe, was later \u003ca href=\"https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/losangeles/press-releases/2012/former-california-national-guard-master-sergeant-sentenced-to-30-months-in-federal-prison-in-15-million-false-claims-case\">sentenced to 30 months in prison\u003c/a>, after pleading guilty to making $15 million in false claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it was first discovered, that scandal was deemed \"war profiteering\" and was said to have benefited guard members who hadn't logged any combat duty; high-ranking officers were mentioned. But in the years since, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/article2580422.html\">lower-ranking service members have complained\u003c/a> about garnished checks and a prolonged review process, saying they've done nothing wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the work of 42 auditors who reviewed the California cases now complete, the repayments are back in the spotlight — and service members and veterans, as well as members of the public, have been venting their anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAGUARD/?hc_ref=SEARCH\">California guard's Facebook page\u003c/a>, several people hijacked a post about training to comment on the bonus repayments, with one man writing, \"The officials who screwed over our service members need to do the right thing and pay back the money. DISGUSTING.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the guard responded to the Times story Monday, a commenter criticized its stance, writing, \"Meanwhile vets are suffering while one bureaucracy waits to 'welcome' another bureaucracy to take responsibility and force it to do the right thing. Pathetic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revelations about fraud and mismanagement in the Pentagon's retention program emerged after the program's budget swelled between 2000 and 2008 — when the Defense Department went from spending $891 million for selective re-enlistment bonuses to spending $1.4 billion on them, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2010/RAND_MG950.pdf\">a 2010 research paper by the RAND defense institute\u003c/a>. By the end of that period, the military was also spending $625 million yearly to pay enlistment bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for signing bonuses to have strings attached. But in the civilian world, conditions for repayment are often limited to cases where an employee spends less than a year in their new job. In the case of the California National Guard, soldiers who say they held up their end of the contract — serving the required three- or six-year re-enlistment period — are being told to repay a key incentive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them is Robert Richmond, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/supreme-court-stop-army-from-taking-back-signing-bonuses-10-years-later-after-vets-completed-contracts\">begun an online petition\u003c/a> that calls for the Army to \"stop stealing back signing bonuses 10 years later.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond says he signed the contract in good faith, and in his petition, he describes a scenario that's reminiscent of the recent Wells Fargo cross-selling scandal, saying that a lower-ranking figure has been punished for committing fraud that was motivated at least in part by a need to meet targets set by her superiors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond also appears in the L.A. Times story; here's a sample from his petition:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Like many other soldiers, I honorably completed my contract in 2012 and two years later they sent me a letter stating I had to pay the money back. Each contract has a different excuse. They stated the reason I was not eligible for the contract was because I had over 20 years of service at the time. I had originally signed up more than 20 years prior, but had breaks in service and only had 15 credible years of service, not 20. Although at the time, they informed me I was eligible for a bonus, now they are saying I was not.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Like other veterans who are refusing to pay up, Richmond is now incurring interest on the repayment amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its General Rules about the recovery of pay and bonuses, \u003ca href=\"http://militarypay.defense.gov/Pay/Recoupment/Rules.aspx\">the Department of Defense states\u003c/a>, \"As a general rule, repayment will not be sought if the member's inability to fulfill the eligibility requirements is due to circumstances determined reasonably beyond the member's control.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after dozens of auditors reviewed its system that had paid soldiers bonuses without determining their eligibility, the California National Guard's veterans started getting repayment notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People like me just got screwed,\" a 42-year-old veteran tells the Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That veteran, former Army Capt. Christopher Van Meter, fought in Iraq. He tells the newspaper he refinanced his mortgage to repay $25,000 in re-enlistment bonuses and $21,000 in student loan repayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another veteran — former Army Master Sgt. Susan Haley, who served in Afghanistan and spent more than 25 years in the service — tells the newspaper that she's now sending the Pentagon $650 each month to repay $20,500 in bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel totally betrayed,\" Haley says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To put those dollar figures in perspective, we can look at \u003ca href=\"http://army.com/sites/army.com/files/r601_280.pdf\">the Army's payment and retention policy\u003c/a> — specifically, a summary of its Selective Reenlistment Bonus program that was laid out early in 2006:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"The objective of the SRB program is to increase the number of reenlistments in critical MOSs [Military Occupational Specialty] that do not have adequate retention levels to man the career force. Although Department of Defense policy permits SRB payments of up to $45,000.00, soldiers may be paid bonuses up to six times their monthly basic pay at discharge, times the number of years of additional obligated service, or $20,000.00, whichever is less.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>While some veterans are working to repay the money, others are filing appeals, engaging in what's likely to be a prolonged fight against the service to which they once belonged. California National Guard officials tell the Times that they've been helping veterans through the appeals process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'd be more than happy to absolve these people of their debts,\" Maj. Gen. Matthew Beevers, deputy commander of the California National Guard, tells the Times. \"We just can't do it. We'd be breaking the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest reviews of the Army's post-Iraq invasion bonus system came in 2007, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.dodig.mil/audit/reports/FY07/07-077.pdf\">the Defense Department's inspector general\u003c/a> examined the program called the Reenlistment, Reclassification, and Assignment System (RETAIN). But at the time, the central issue wasn't whether too much money was being paid, but rather whether the service was paying out bonuses quickly enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=U.S.+Soldiers+Told+To+Repay+Thousands+In+Signing+Bonuses+From+Height+Of+War+Effort&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In most cases, when an employer pays a signing bonus to attract new workers, that payment is understood to be essentially unrecoverable. But the Pentagon has a different understanding — and it's ordering the California National Guard to claw back thousands of dollars paid to soldiers who re-enlisted to fight in Iraq and Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in many cases, an employer would also have a tough time arguing that decade-old lapses in its own oversight should trigger wage garnishments and tax liens against its workers. But again, this is the U.S. military, and its officials say the law requires them to reclaim the overpayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's the gist of a report by \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-national-guard-bonus-20161020-snap-story.html\">the Los Angeles Times\u003c/a>, which says nearly 10,000 soldiers are now scrambling to pay back signing bonuses that helped the Pentagon cope with the task of using an all-volunteer service to fight two prolonged international conflicts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to doling out cash for re-enlistment, the Pentagon offered student loan repayments. The incentives were seen as crucial to the military's effort to keep its ranks flush, but auditors say the rules should have limited the largest payments to certain skill areas — and that in the rush to staff the war effort, the bonuses were given out too liberally, the L.A. Times reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We have to change the law to make this right.'\u003ccite>Congressman John Garamendi\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Responding to the newspaper's story Sunday, the California National Guard points out that the repayments are part of a federal program run by the National Guard Bureau and the Department of the Army.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAGUARD/posts/10154523711193796\">The state military service says\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"The California National Guard does not have the authority to unilaterally waive these debts. However, the California National Guard welcomes any law passed by Congress to waive these debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Until that time, our priority is to advocate for our Soldiers through this difficult process.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>In its statement, the service adds that its adjutant general, Maj. Gen. David S. Baldwin, created an assistance center that has helped some of its soldiers retain $37 million \"of original bonus payments.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem of improper use of military troop-level incentives isn't limited to California — but the state has emerged as a focal point because of two factors: the large size of its guard force, and a history of overpayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento Valley Congressman John Garamendi, a member of the House Armed Services Committee, says he's proposing legislation to change a federal law that would require the soldiers to return the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it is disgusting. These men and women answered the country’s call. They went off to serve in Iraq and Afghanistan and many were wounded in many different ways, their lives were disrupted. The signing bonuses were appropriate at the time. And then to go back years later and to say 'well there were some mistakes made by the recruiting officers and therefore we want all the money back' is absolutely unacceptable. And we have to change the law to make this right,\" Garamendi says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Garamendi's legislative fix is approved, any service member who accepted a recruiting bonus between 2005 and 2009 would not be required to return any money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A scandal over the California National Guard's use of bonus money was first unearthed in 2010, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/article2573111.html\">the Sacramento Bee reported\u003c/a> that its incentive program had misspent as much as $100 million. The program's onetime leader, former Master Sgt. Toni Jaffe, was later \u003ca href=\"https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/losangeles/press-releases/2012/former-california-national-guard-master-sergeant-sentenced-to-30-months-in-federal-prison-in-15-million-false-claims-case\">sentenced to 30 months in prison\u003c/a>, after pleading guilty to making $15 million in false claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it was first discovered, that scandal was deemed \"war profiteering\" and was said to have benefited guard members who hadn't logged any combat duty; high-ranking officers were mentioned. But in the years since, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/article2580422.html\">lower-ranking service members have complained\u003c/a> about garnished checks and a prolonged review process, saying they've done nothing wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the work of 42 auditors who reviewed the California cases now complete, the repayments are back in the spotlight — and service members and veterans, as well as members of the public, have been venting their anger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/CAGUARD/?hc_ref=SEARCH\">California guard's Facebook page\u003c/a>, several people hijacked a post about training to comment on the bonus repayments, with one man writing, \"The officials who screwed over our service members need to do the right thing and pay back the money. DISGUSTING.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And after the guard responded to the Times story Monday, a commenter criticized its stance, writing, \"Meanwhile vets are suffering while one bureaucracy waits to 'welcome' another bureaucracy to take responsibility and force it to do the right thing. Pathetic.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revelations about fraud and mismanagement in the Pentagon's retention program emerged after the program's budget swelled between 2000 and 2008 — when the Defense Department went from spending $891 million for selective re-enlistment bonuses to spending $1.4 billion on them, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monographs/2010/RAND_MG950.pdf\">a 2010 research paper by the RAND defense institute\u003c/a>. By the end of that period, the military was also spending $625 million yearly to pay enlistment bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not unusual for signing bonuses to have strings attached. But in the civilian world, conditions for repayment are often limited to cases where an employee spends less than a year in their new job. In the case of the California National Guard, soldiers who say they held up their end of the contract — serving the required three- or six-year re-enlistment period — are being told to repay a key incentive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of them is Robert Richmond, who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.change.org/p/supreme-court-stop-army-from-taking-back-signing-bonuses-10-years-later-after-vets-completed-contracts\">begun an online petition\u003c/a> that calls for the Army to \"stop stealing back signing bonuses 10 years later.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond says he signed the contract in good faith, and in his petition, he describes a scenario that's reminiscent of the recent Wells Fargo cross-selling scandal, saying that a lower-ranking figure has been punished for committing fraud that was motivated at least in part by a need to meet targets set by her superiors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond also appears in the L.A. Times story; here's a sample from his petition:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"Like many other soldiers, I honorably completed my contract in 2012 and two years later they sent me a letter stating I had to pay the money back. Each contract has a different excuse. They stated the reason I was not eligible for the contract was because I had over 20 years of service at the time. I had originally signed up more than 20 years prior, but had breaks in service and only had 15 credible years of service, not 20. Although at the time, they informed me I was eligible for a bonus, now they are saying I was not.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Like other veterans who are refusing to pay up, Richmond is now incurring interest on the repayment amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its General Rules about the recovery of pay and bonuses, \u003ca href=\"http://militarypay.defense.gov/Pay/Recoupment/Rules.aspx\">the Department of Defense states\u003c/a>, \"As a general rule, repayment will not be sought if the member's inability to fulfill the eligibility requirements is due to circumstances determined reasonably beyond the member's control.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after dozens of auditors reviewed its system that had paid soldiers bonuses without determining their eligibility, the California National Guard's veterans started getting repayment notices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"People like me just got screwed,\" a 42-year-old veteran tells the Times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That veteran, former Army Capt. Christopher Van Meter, fought in Iraq. He tells the newspaper he refinanced his mortgage to repay $25,000 in re-enlistment bonuses and $21,000 in student loan repayments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another veteran — former Army Master Sgt. Susan Haley, who served in Afghanistan and spent more than 25 years in the service — tells the newspaper that she's now sending the Pentagon $650 each month to repay $20,500 in bonuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel totally betrayed,\" Haley says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To put those dollar figures in perspective, we can look at \u003ca href=\"http://army.com/sites/army.com/files/r601_280.pdf\">the Army's payment and retention policy\u003c/a> — specifically, a summary of its Selective Reenlistment Bonus program that was laid out early in 2006:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"The objective of the SRB program is to increase the number of reenlistments in critical MOSs [Military Occupational Specialty] that do not have adequate retention levels to man the career force. Although Department of Defense policy permits SRB payments of up to $45,000.00, soldiers may be paid bonuses up to six times their monthly basic pay at discharge, times the number of years of additional obligated service, or $20,000.00, whichever is less.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>While some veterans are working to repay the money, others are filing appeals, engaging in what's likely to be a prolonged fight against the service to which they once belonged. California National Guard officials tell the Times that they've been helping veterans through the appeals process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We'd be more than happy to absolve these people of their debts,\" Maj. Gen. Matthew Beevers, deputy commander of the California National Guard, tells the Times. \"We just can't do it. We'd be breaking the law.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the earliest reviews of the Army's post-Iraq invasion bonus system came in 2007, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.dodig.mil/audit/reports/FY07/07-077.pdf\">the Defense Department's inspector general\u003c/a> examined the program called the Reenlistment, Reclassification, and Assignment System (RETAIN). But at the time, the central issue wasn't whether too much money was being paid, but rather whether the service was paying out bonuses quickly enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"fullattribution\">Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003cimg src=\"http://www.google-analytics.com/__utm.gif?utmac=UA-5828686-4&utmdt=U.S.+Soldiers+Told+To+Repay+Thousands+In+Signing+Bonuses+From+Height+Of+War+Effort&utme=8(APIKey)9(MDAxOTAwOTE4MDEyMTkxMDAzNjczZDljZA004)\">\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tom Hayden, a radical activist and advocate for progressive causes, died Sunday at the age of 76.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the \u003ca href=\"http://tomhayden.com/biography/\">early 1960s\u003c/a>, Hayden was a freedom rider in the South and a community organizer in Newark. He was a civil rights activist who became famous for his anti-war efforts and made several high-profile (and later controversial) trips to Vietnam. He was a founding member of the Students for a Democratic Society and wrote the first draft of the influential activist group's manifesto, the Port Huron Statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/289753182\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After helping organize protests at the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, he was prosecuted in the \"Chicago Seven\" conspiracy trial for allegedly inciting a riot. Hayden was convicted, but the charge was later overturned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hayden was married several times. Most famously, he was married to Jane Fonda — whom he met through their shared anti-war activism — for 17 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An icon of the anti-establishment protest movement for years, Hayden later became a politician. He made an unsuccessful bid for a Senate seat in 1976, and was later elected to the California state Legislature, where he served for 18 years. He was also an author, publishing books about the Chicago Seven (originally the Chicago Eight, until one defendant had his trial severed) as well as political manifestos and memoirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1993, Hayden spoke to NPR about the tensions on the streets of Chicago in 1968, and the violence between police and protesters at the Democratic National Convention that led to his trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By 1968, the Vietnam War was claiming tens of thousands of lives, Indo-Chinese and American,\" he said in that interview. \"The Democratic Party was running the country, and so you had a bipartisan Democratic and Republican war policy that seemed to be escalating without end ... the Democratic Party was controlled from the top by traditional bosses who chose their nominees and their parties platforms in smoke-filled rooms. And so the goal of the protest was not only to protest the war, but to protest the disenfranchisement that was so deep. Here we were, if you were 18, you could be drafted and sent to war, but you couldn't vote for Eugene McCarthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said some things had improved in America over the course of 25 years, but that the country had far to go:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"I would hope that we learned something about how to deal with dissent and protest — that having an inclusive process where you open the doors is a lot better than sending in the police. ... What was not learned, however, is the lesson that prevention and getting ahead of our problems is uppermost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We still disenfranchise racial minorities in economic terms. Young people still feel they're not listened to. ... I think the environmental issue has begun to eclipse everything else because our population has doubled and the resources of the world have been cut in half since I was born and there's very little focus on those issues on the political agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I don't know on the balance sheet whether to mark myself as an optimist or pessimist, but we've got to go on.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Go on he did — serving several more years in office and writing more than a dozen other books. He faced censure from some on the left who accused him of joining the same establishment he once criticized, as well as those on the right who objected to his protests in the '60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the decades passed, Hayden remained a prominent voice on progressive causes, including environmental issues, economic policy and continued anti-war efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, he surprised some in progressive circles by supporting Hillary Clinton over Bernie Sanders in this year's Democratic primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bernie and I only have one thing in common you need to know: We're both politicians, so we make decisions based on what's possible,\" he \u003ca href=\"http://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2016/07/28/tom-hayden-dnc\">told NPR this summer\u003c/a>. \"I've really been trying to work towards a goal that seems to be getting realized, and that's a serious united front against Trump.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An icon of the anti-establishment protest movement for years, Hayden later became a politician. He made an unsuccessful bid for a Senate seat in 1976, and was later elected to the California state Legislature, where he served for 18 years. He was also an author, publishing books about the Chicago Seven (originally the Chicago Eight, until one defendant had his trial severed) as well as political manifestos and memoirs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1993, Hayden spoke to NPR about the tensions on the streets of Chicago in 1968, and the violence between police and protesters at the Democratic National Convention that led to his trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By 1968, the Vietnam War was claiming tens of thousands of lives, Indo-Chinese and American,\" he said in that interview. \"The Democratic Party was running the country, and so you had a bipartisan Democratic and Republican war policy that seemed to be escalating without end ... the Democratic Party was controlled from the top by traditional bosses who chose their nominees and their parties platforms in smoke-filled rooms. And so the goal of the protest was not only to protest the war, but to protest the disenfranchisement that was so deep. Here we were, if you were 18, you could be drafted and sent to war, but you couldn't vote for Eugene McCarthy.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said some things had improved in America over the course of 25 years, but that the country had far to go:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\"I would hope that we learned something about how to deal with dissent and protest — that having an inclusive process where you open the doors is a lot better than sending in the police. ... What was not learned, however, is the lesson that prevention and getting ahead of our problems is uppermost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We still disenfranchise racial minorities in economic terms. Young people still feel they're not listened to. ... I think the environmental issue has begun to eclipse everything else because our population has doubled and the resources of the world have been cut in half since I was born and there's very little focus on those issues on the political agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"So I don't know on the balance sheet whether to mark myself as an optimist or pessimist, but we've got to go on.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Go on he did — serving several more years in office and writing more than a dozen other books. He faced censure from some on the left who accused him of joining the same establishment he once criticized, as well as those on the right who objected to his protests in the '60s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the decades passed, Hayden remained a prominent voice on progressive causes, including environmental issues, economic policy and continued anti-war efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recently, he surprised some in progressive circles by supporting Hillary Clinton over Bernie Sanders in this year's Democratic primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Bernie and I only have one thing in common you need to know: We're both politicians, so we make decisions based on what's possible,\" he \u003ca href=\"http://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2016/07/28/tom-hayden-dnc\">told NPR this summer\u003c/a>. \"I've really been trying to work towards a goal that seems to be getting realized, and that's a serious united front against Trump.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit http://www.npr.org/.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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