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"content": "\u003cp>In a frenzy of Capitol wheeling and dealing last week, California legislators worked to pass new laws that will shorten your November ballot—by placating moneyed industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An optimist might cheer the fact that lawmakers were doing their jobs instead of punting to the voters to decide complicated policy questions via a slew of initiatives. Others might label it legal extortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you call it, in one day on Thursday, proponents of three initiatives abruptly pulled their measures off the ballot. Gov. Jerry Brown signed two hastily written laws, and legislators promised to keep negotiating toward a deal to enact a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The soda industry won a new law that places a 13-year ban on new soda taxes—a concession it extracted after qualifying a ballot initiative that would have raised the threshold for passing all local taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tech companies breathed a sigh of relief with passage of a new law that expands some internet privacy safeguards but allows them to keep lobbying to change it—because they feared voters would approve a qualified ballot initiative that would have gone further, and been harder to undo in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Lead paint companies, accepting a promise from legislative leaders to continue negotiations, withdrew their initiative designed to get them out of hundreds of millions of dollars in liability that courts have slapped on them for knowingly selling a toxic product.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was an unusual burst of activity, not only because so much happened so quickly, but also because lawmakers resolved issues they had previously shown little inclination to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it went down only because outside interests—corporate giants and wealthy individuals, many of whom are campaign donors—used the threat of a ballot initiative to pressure lawmakers: Cut a deal you don’t like now, or face something you like even less on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maneuvering in advance of last Thursday’s deadline to decide what goes on the November ballot was triggered by changes to the law that give initiative proponents more time to yank their measures off the ballot. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ballot-of-the-bulge-why-a-new-law-isnt-shrinking-the-ballot-much-yet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reforms,\u003c/a> enacted four years ago but just beginning to be used in earnest, were intended to eliminate some costly ballot box fights and shift complex policy negotiations to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, in some ways, was accomplished. But the outcome last week reveals that the new process allows anyone with enough money to qualify a measure for the ballot to use the threat of direct democracy as leverage to pressure the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “another example of how special interests hijack our political system,” Democratic state Sen. Ricardo Lara decried on the Senate floor as he prepared to vote for the ban on soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood of Healdsburg called it “extortion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Ban on Soda Taxes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677975/california-bows-to-beverage-industry-blocks-soda-taxes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Bows to Beverage Industry, Blocks Soda Taxes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators hadn’t considered bills to prohibit cities from passing new soda taxes until the soda industry spent nearly $6 million to put a measure on the ballot that would have made it harder for cities to pass all kinds of tax increases. The measure, supported by a coalition of business groups, would have required any new tax increases be approved by two-thirds of voters, instead of a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities—and their unionized workers—hated it, since many tax increases are used to pay for police, firefighters and other local services. So the unions and soda companies began negotiating, ultimately crafting \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article213765429.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a deal\u003c/a> that became public just four days before it was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise Brown signed bans local governments from passing taxes on soda and other groceries until 2031, but maintains the lower simple-majority threshold for voters to approve new taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans called it a “backroom deal” to diminish local control and many voted against it. Public health advocates blasted it for different reasons, saying the ban removed their ability to reduce the health impacts of soda by taxing it, prompting several Democrats to vote against it, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Privacy Initiative\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676475/compromise-may-keep-privacy-initiative-off-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Compromise May Keep Privacy Initiative Off November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Dynamics with the internet privacy measure were a little different. Legislators had considered a privacy bill last year but ultimately killed it under pressure from the tech lobby. Then this year a San Francisco real estate developer poured $3 million into putting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/facebook-even-as-it-apologizes-for-scandal-funds-campaign-to-block-a-california-data-privacy-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a similar measure\u003c/a> on the ballot after he became outraged by how much data companies collect as people move through the web. Tech companies put $1 million into fighting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, legislators began negotiating with the initiative proponent, Alastair Mactaggart. They agreed on a bill that achieved many of the same aims as his ballot measure—allowing Californians to find out what information is collected about them and where the information is sold, and opt out of having their data sold—but gives people fewer opportunities to sue when companies don’t follow the law. The bill also allows companies to charge users more, within certain limits, if they opt out of having their data sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies still don’t like it, but their lobbyists said they would prefer the bill over the ballot measure. Laws passed in the Legislature can be changed more easily than laws passed by voters, and lawmakers agreed to delay implementation of the privacy law for a year so it can be changed. That means tech lobbyists are likely to push hard next year to alter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union said it will also push for changes, but likely in the other direction—for more privacy protections. Nonetheless, the bill earned bipartisan support, with many lawmakers praising Mactaggart for pressuring them to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that privacy is an important issue, and yet we chose to ignore it because of the controversy involved,” said Republican Sen. Joel Anderson of Alpine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said the initiative process “is not perfect or ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But,” he added, “it can spur the Legislature to act on issues that challenge us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lead paint deal was the biggest surprise of the three. Paint companies put $6 million into a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lead-paint-makers-balk-at-huge-bill-for-toxic-cleanup-instead-they-want-you-to-pick-up-the-tab/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">for a ballot measure\u003c/a> to eliminate their liability for cleaning up deteriorating paint in old houses—shifting it to taxpayers instead. In recent months, lawmakers excoriated the companies in public hearings, called the initiative a cynical ploy and crafted bills to hold the paint manufacturers liable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers agreed to set those bills aside in exchange for the paint companies dropping their initiative. Legislative leaders announced late Thursday that the parties “have agreed to work collaboratively” and the companies promptly yanked their ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the 12 Statewide Ballot Measures\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677374/here-are-the-12-statewide-measures-on-californias-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here Are the 12 Statewide Measures on California's November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Voters will still face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ballot-measures-2018-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a dozen ballot measures\u003c/a> in November: Should we cap prices at dialysis clinics? Repeal limits on rent control? Carve California into three states? Give chickens and other farm animals more room to roam?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that three fights moved off the ballot and into the Capitol marked success for those who backed the law to change the initiative system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Initiatives are a very important outlet but they are not the product of compromise—they are written by one side or the other,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who wrote the law changing the initiative process when he was the leader of the state senate. “The legislative process requires compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporter Robbie Short contributed to this report. CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In a frenzy of Capitol wheeling and dealing last week, California legislators worked to pass new laws that will shorten your November ballot—by placating moneyed industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An optimist might cheer the fact that lawmakers were doing their jobs instead of punting to the voters to decide complicated policy questions via a slew of initiatives. Others might label it legal extortion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you call it, in one day on Thursday, proponents of three initiatives abruptly pulled their measures off the ballot. Gov. Jerry Brown signed two hastily written laws, and legislators promised to keep negotiating toward a deal to enact a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>The soda industry won a new law that places a 13-year ban on new soda taxes—a concession it extracted after qualifying a ballot initiative that would have raised the threshold for passing all local taxes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Tech companies breathed a sigh of relief with passage of a new law that expands some internet privacy safeguards but allows them to keep lobbying to change it—because they feared voters would approve a qualified ballot initiative that would have gone further, and been harder to undo in the future.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Lead paint companies, accepting a promise from legislative leaders to continue negotiations, withdrew their initiative designed to get them out of hundreds of millions of dollars in liability that courts have slapped on them for knowingly selling a toxic product.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>It was an unusual burst of activity, not only because so much happened so quickly, but also because lawmakers resolved issues they had previously shown little inclination to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it went down only because outside interests—corporate giants and wealthy individuals, many of whom are campaign donors—used the threat of a ballot initiative to pressure lawmakers: Cut a deal you don’t like now, or face something you like even less on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The maneuvering in advance of last Thursday’s deadline to decide what goes on the November ballot was triggered by changes to the law that give initiative proponents more time to yank their measures off the ballot. The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/ballot-of-the-bulge-why-a-new-law-isnt-shrinking-the-ballot-much-yet/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reforms,\u003c/a> enacted four years ago but just beginning to be used in earnest, were intended to eliminate some costly ballot box fights and shift complex policy negotiations to the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That, in some ways, was accomplished. But the outcome last week reveals that the new process allows anyone with enough money to qualify a measure for the ballot to use the threat of direct democracy as leverage to pressure the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s “another example of how special interests hijack our political system,” Democratic state Sen. Ricardo Lara decried on the Senate floor as he prepared to vote for the ban on soda taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood of Healdsburg called it “extortion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Ban on Soda Taxes\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677975/california-bows-to-beverage-industry-blocks-soda-taxes\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Bows to Beverage Industry, Blocks Soda Taxes\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Legislators hadn’t considered bills to prohibit cities from passing new soda taxes until the soda industry spent nearly $6 million to put a measure on the ballot that would have made it harder for cities to pass all kinds of tax increases. The measure, supported by a coalition of business groups, would have required any new tax increases be approved by two-thirds of voters, instead of a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities—and their unionized workers—hated it, since many tax increases are used to pay for police, firefighters and other local services. So the unions and soda companies began negotiating, ultimately crafting \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article213765429.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a deal\u003c/a> that became public just four days before it was signed into law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise Brown signed bans local governments from passing taxes on soda and other groceries until 2031, but maintains the lower simple-majority threshold for voters to approve new taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans called it a “backroom deal” to diminish local control and many voted against it. Public health advocates blasted it for different reasons, saying the ban removed their ability to reduce the health impacts of soda by taxing it, prompting several Democrats to vote against it, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the Privacy Initiative\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11676475/compromise-may-keep-privacy-initiative-off-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Compromise May Keep Privacy Initiative Off November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Dynamics with the internet privacy measure were a little different. Legislators had considered a privacy bill last year but ultimately killed it under pressure from the tech lobby. Then this year a San Francisco real estate developer poured $3 million into putting \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/facebook-even-as-it-apologizes-for-scandal-funds-campaign-to-block-a-california-data-privacy-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a similar measure\u003c/a> on the ballot after he became outraged by how much data companies collect as people move through the web. Tech companies put $1 million into fighting it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Behind the scenes, legislators began negotiating with the initiative proponent, Alastair Mactaggart. They agreed on a bill that achieved many of the same aims as his ballot measure—allowing Californians to find out what information is collected about them and where the information is sold, and opt out of having their data sold—but gives people fewer opportunities to sue when companies don’t follow the law. The bill also allows companies to charge users more, within certain limits, if they opt out of having their data sold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tech companies still don’t like it, but their lobbyists said they would prefer the bill over the ballot measure. Laws passed in the Legislature can be changed more easily than laws passed by voters, and lawmakers agreed to delay implementation of the privacy law for a year so it can be changed. That means tech lobbyists are likely to push hard next year to alter it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Civil Liberties Union said it will also push for changes, but likely in the other direction—for more privacy protections. Nonetheless, the bill earned bipartisan support, with many lawmakers praising Mactaggart for pressuring them to take action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that privacy is an important issue, and yet we chose to ignore it because of the controversy involved,” said Republican Sen. Joel Anderson of Alpine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon said the initiative process “is not perfect or ideal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But,” he added, “it can spur the Legislature to act on issues that challenge us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lead paint deal was the biggest surprise of the three. Paint companies put $6 million into a campaign \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lead-paint-makers-balk-at-huge-bill-for-toxic-cleanup-instead-they-want-you-to-pick-up-the-tab/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">for a ballot measure\u003c/a> to eliminate their liability for cleaning up deteriorating paint in old houses—shifting it to taxpayers instead. In recent months, lawmakers excoriated the companies in public hearings, called the initiative a cynical ploy and crafted bills to hold the paint manufacturers liable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers agreed to set those bills aside in exchange for the paint companies dropping their initiative. Legislative leaders announced late Thursday that the parties “have agreed to work collaboratively” and the companies promptly yanked their ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More About the 12 Statewide Ballot Measures\u003c/h3>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11677374/here-are-the-12-statewide-measures-on-californias-november-ballot\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Here Are the 12 Statewide Measures on California's November Ballot\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Voters will still face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-ballot-measures-2018-election/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a dozen ballot measures\u003c/a> in November: Should we cap prices at dialysis clinics? Repeal limits on rent control? Carve California into three states? Give chickens and other farm animals more room to roam?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the news that three fights moved off the ballot and into the Capitol marked success for those who backed the law to change the initiative system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Initiatives are a very important outlet but they are not the product of compromise—they are written by one side or the other,” said Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who wrote the law changing the initiative process when he was the leader of the state senate. “The legislative process requires compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters reporter Robbie Short contributed to this report. CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is struggling to confront its homelessness crisis: After big-city mayors up and down the state lobbied hard for more funding, state leaders agreed to spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an additional $600 million\u003c/a> to help fight the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Here are some basic numbers to help understand one of the state’s most vexing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How many Californians are homeless now, and how has that changed over time?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While it’s tough to say precisely how many Californians are experiencing homelessness, the federal Housing and Urban Development Department estimates the number statewide at 130,000 on a given night. That’s 25 percent of the entire nation’s homeless population. Since 2016, California experienced a larger increase in homelessness than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11678211\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"858\" height=\"1245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca.jpg 858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-160x232.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-800x1161.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-827x1200.jpg 827w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-240x348.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-375x544.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-520x755.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 858px) 100vw, 858px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state has more than 1.7 million low-income households spending more than half their income in housing costs,” said Ben Metcalf, the director of the state Department of Housing and Community Development. “When you’re paying that much for housing, with so little left over, even a minor shock can start a cycle of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the highest percentage of unsheltered homeless individuals in the country, at slightly under 70 percent. This means that the vast majority of the state’s homeless population does not utilize temporary living arrangements provided by either charitable organizations or government programs. Rather, they have been found living on the streets, parks or other places not meant for human habitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shelters is due to a lack of resources, and we don’t really have a plan to end homelessness,” said Christopher Martin, legislative advocate at Housing California. “We don’t have strong programs to end homelessness on the state level. We know the shelters are a part of the solution, but at the end of the day, we know that we need exits for the shelters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-large wp-image-11678213\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1020x1409.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"884\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1020x1409.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-160x221.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-800x1105.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-868x1200.jpg 868w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1920x2653.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1180x1631.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-960x1327.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-240x332.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-375x518.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-520x719.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Where are California’s homeless?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Los Angeles County had the highest population of homeless individuals in all of California at roughly 55,000, and was second only to New York for holding the largest population of homeless people in the nation. And while 95 percent of New York’s homeless population was sheltered, only 25 percent of those in Los Angeles were sheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mlevin.carto.com/viz/5de66644-2d9d-4526-b6ac-c97c87416da0/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, 2018 marked the first time in four years the homelessness count in Los Angeles actually dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said that this decrease was driven by \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiltonfoundation.org/learning/history-and-takeaways-from-los-angeles-county-s-flexible-house-subsidy-pool\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles’s $40 million Flexible Housing Subsidy Pool\u003c/a>, which provides rental subsidies to local residents experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who are the state’s homeless?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The majority of California’s unsheltered homeless population is chronically homeless, meaning that they have been homeless for a year or more or have experienced at least four episodes of homelessness in the past three years. Chronically homeless individuals are marked by serious mental or physical illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California comprises 12 percent of the nation’s population of homeless families with children. From 2016 to 2017, the state experienced one of the largest increases of homeless families in the nation, leaving 1,000 more families on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of homeless families, California also reported the largest number of unaccompanied homeless youth, which includes any individual under the age of 25 who does not live with a family member. Overall, 58 percent of the nation’s unsheltered homeless youth reside in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also home to 29 percent of the nation’s homeless veterans, and two-thirds of them are unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Victoria Cabales\u003c/strong>\u003cbr/>CALmatters\u003c/br>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is struggling to confront its homelessness crisis: After big-city mayors up and down the state lobbied hard for more funding, state leaders agreed to spend \u003ca href=\"http://www.ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an additional $600 million\u003c/a> to help fight the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4 style=\"text-align: center\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cspan style=\"color: #000000\">Read More of KQED’s Coverage for the SF Homeless Project\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/h4>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/SFHomeless_long_Horizontal-02-e1467163328567.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Here are some basic numbers to help understand one of the state’s most vexing issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>How many Californians are homeless now, and how has that changed over time?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>While it’s tough to say precisely how many Californians are experiencing homelessness, the federal Housing and Urban Development Department estimates the number statewide at 130,000 on a given night. That’s 25 percent of the entire nation’s homeless population. Since 2016, California experienced a larger increase in homelessness than any other state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-11678211\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"858\" height=\"1245\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca.jpg 858w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-160x232.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-800x1161.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-827x1200.jpg 827w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-240x348.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-375x544.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/shelters-vs-unsheltered-homeless-in-ca-520x755.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 858px) 100vw, 858px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our state has more than 1.7 million low-income households spending more than half their income in housing costs,” said Ben Metcalf, the director of the state Department of Housing and Community Development. “When you’re paying that much for housing, with so little left over, even a minor shock can start a cycle of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has the highest percentage of unsheltered homeless individuals in the country, at slightly under 70 percent. This means that the vast majority of the state’s homeless population does not utilize temporary living arrangements provided by either charitable organizations or government programs. Rather, they have been found living on the streets, parks or other places not meant for human habitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lack of shelters is due to a lack of resources, and we don’t really have a plan to end homelessness,” said Christopher Martin, legislative advocate at Housing California. “We don’t have strong programs to end homelessness on the state level. We know the shelters are a part of the solution, but at the end of the day, we know that we need exits for the shelters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-large wp-image-11678213\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1020x1409.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"884\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1020x1409.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-160x221.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-800x1105.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-868x1200.jpg 868w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1920x2653.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-1180x1631.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-960x1327.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-240x332.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-375x518.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homelessness-in-5-most-populous-states-520x719.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003ch4>Where are California’s homeless?\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>In 2017, Los Angeles County had the highest population of homeless individuals in all of California at roughly 55,000, and was second only to New York for holding the largest population of homeless people in the nation. And while 95 percent of New York’s homeless population was sheltered, only 25 percent of those in Los Angeles were sheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" width=\"100%\" height=\"520\" frameborder=\"0\" src=\"https://mlevin.carto.com/viz/5de66644-2d9d-4526-b6ac-c97c87416da0/embed_map\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the positive side, 2018 marked the first time in four years the homelessness count in Los Angeles actually dropped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martin said that this decrease was driven by \u003ca href=\"https://www.hiltonfoundation.org/learning/history-and-takeaways-from-los-angeles-county-s-flexible-house-subsidy-pool\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Los Angeles’s $40 million Flexible Housing Subsidy Pool\u003c/a>, which provides rental subsidies to local residents experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who are the state’s homeless?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The majority of California’s unsheltered homeless population is chronically homeless, meaning that they have been homeless for a year or more or have experienced at least four episodes of homelessness in the past three years. Chronically homeless individuals are marked by serious mental or physical illnesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California comprises 12 percent of the nation’s population of homeless families with children. From 2016 to 2017, the state experienced one of the largest increases of homeless families in the nation, leaving 1,000 more families on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of homeless families, California also reported the largest number of unaccompanied homeless youth, which includes any individual under the age of 25 who does not live with a family member. Overall, 58 percent of the nation’s unsheltered homeless youth reside in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state is also home to 29 percent of the nation’s homeless veterans, and two-thirds of them are unsheltered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "what-the-new-plan-to-deter-capitol-sexual-harassment-addresses-and-avoids",
"title": "What the New Plan to Deter Capitol Sexual Harassment Addresses—and Avoids",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s legislature is on the cusp of approving a new plan for responding to—and trying to prevent—sexual harassment in its own ranks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes many steps that are unusual for an institution whose internal workings have long been shrouded in secrecy and riven by rivalries between its two chambers. The policy unifies procedures for the Assembly and the Senate, creates a new unit with investigators trained in examining harassment claims, and establishes a panel of experts—such as employment lawyers and retired judges—to recommend punishment after investigations are complete. It also says the Legislature will make certain records public after a lawmaker or high-level staff member is found to have engaged in misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the policy is remarkable also for what it doesn’t do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t recommend changing state law to require that documents about the Legislature’s harassment inquiries or findings be made public, instead leaving the practice up to the whims of future politicians who could opt to shield them. The investigative unit it creates isn’t as independent as some lawmakers have portrayed—it will report to the Legislature’s attorney, who is basically hired by lawmakers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the investigative procedure it lays out doesn’t cede legislative leaders’ ultimate authority over whether and how to punish wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When peers are policing peers, or lawmakers are policing lawmakers, that’s where we’ve seen conflicts of interest and cover-ups in the past,” said Pamela Lopez, a lobbyist who filed a complaint last year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/backlash-ripples-california-politics-women-denounce-sexual-harassment/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">accusing then-Assemblyman Matt Dababneh\u003c/a> of trapping her in a bathroom and making her watch him masturbate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She praised the plan as a serious effort to improve conditions in the statehouse, but said she would “like to know more about (how) there would be transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh, a San Fernando Valley Democrat, denied the allegation but resigned shortly after Lopez went public with her story. It was one of a series of jarring allegations that emerged after hundreds of women in the fall signed an \u003ca href=\"http://documents.latimes.com/women-california-politics-call-out-pervasive-culture-sexual-harassment/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">open letter\u003c/a> saying the California Capitol is rife with harassment. Victims described being groped and propositioned, the Legislature launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/14-harassment-investigations-underway-lawmakers-handle-accused/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">numerous investigations\u003c/a> and three lawmakers so far have resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ensuing months, a panel of legislators has been crafting the plan to prevent and respond to harassment claims. They held several public hearings, consulted employment experts, surveyed employees and aired internal problems, such as inconsistent record-keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is the \u003ca href=\"http://shpr.legislature.ca.gov/sites/shpr.legislature.ca.gov/files/Chair-Vice-Chair%20Draft%20Recommendations%206-18-18_0.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">new policy\u003c/a> that will likely be approved next week by the Legislature’s joint rules committee. The lawmakers who drafted it call it an “aspirational policy” meant to push the Legislature toward a serious culture change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the changes we are making across the spectrum of our policies, every single one is done with an eye toward culture change and making this a place of respect,” said Assemblywoman Laura Friedman, a Glendale Democrat who led the crafting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It calls for an engaging new employee-training program that emphasizes the prohibition on retaliating against people who file complaints, asks employees to report the first instance of bad behavior so that managers can intervene early, and insists that complaints by investigated promptly. The new unit of investigators will collect documents and interview witnesses, and then turn the evidence over to the panel of experts to decide whether to substantiate a complaint and make a recommendation about punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the politicians take over. The panel’s findings would be given to the leaders of the Senate or Assembly, who get to determine whether to impose the recommended discipline. This is the step that makes some victims and their advocates a little nervous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are looking for something that makes them feel secure in this process, that makes them feel like it has teeth and that it will be fair and equitable,” said Samantha Corbin, a lobbyist who organized the open letter this fall and launched an anti-harassment effort called We Said Enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just don’t have that comfort yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much information becomes public is a sticking point. Friedman said the panel’s findings will be made public in any case where a legislator or high-ranking staff member is found to have violated the sexual harassment policy. But the type of discipline the panel recommends will not be publicly disclosed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process provides more disclosure than the Legislature has practiced in the past—but it falls short of the disclosure lawmakers require of other branches of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lawmakers-californians-say-not/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">exempted itself\u003c/a> decades ago from the law that requires state agencies and local governments to disclose information about misconduct investigations substantiated against high-level officials. Instead, it passed a different law governing the release of legislative records which is very limited and does not require releasing documents about misconduct investigations—even in substantiated cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/open-reporting-making-personal-different-kind-public-records-request/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">reporters\u003c/a> and a global movement to stop sexual harassment, legislative leaders began this year to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislature-last-releases-sexual-harassment-records/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">release\u003c/a> some records. But they rejected an \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-road-map-sexual-harassment-records-legislation-20180422-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">attempt\u003c/a> to change the law to require that such records be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By using an in-house employment policy, legislative leaders can “make the rules now, they can change them in a month, they can change them in a year,” said Assemblyman Mark Stone, whose committee proposed the bill requiring public disclosure of the Legislature’s misconduct investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill never got a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone said he hasn’t decided if he will bring the proposal back next year. Friedman said she hopes her colleagues won’t push for more aggressive legal changes, noting “we went through a very public process to get to this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s legislature is on the cusp of approving a new plan for responding to — and trying to prevent — sexual harassment in its own ranks.",
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"title": "What the New Plan to Deter Capitol Sexual Harassment Addresses—and Avoids | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/strong> \u003c/br>CALmatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s legislature is on the cusp of approving a new plan for responding to—and trying to prevent—sexual harassment in its own ranks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It takes many steps that are unusual for an institution whose internal workings have long been shrouded in secrecy and riven by rivalries between its two chambers. The policy unifies procedures for the Assembly and the Senate, creates a new unit with investigators trained in examining harassment claims, and establishes a panel of experts—such as employment lawyers and retired judges—to recommend punishment after investigations are complete. It also says the Legislature will make certain records public after a lawmaker or high-level staff member is found to have engaged in misconduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the policy is remarkable also for what it doesn’t do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It doesn’t recommend changing state law to require that documents about the Legislature’s harassment inquiries or findings be made public, instead leaving the practice up to the whims of future politicians who could opt to shield them. The investigative unit it creates isn’t as independent as some lawmakers have portrayed—it will report to the Legislature’s attorney, who is basically hired by lawmakers themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the investigative procedure it lays out doesn’t cede legislative leaders’ ultimate authority over whether and how to punish wrongdoing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When peers are policing peers, or lawmakers are policing lawmakers, that’s where we’ve seen conflicts of interest and cover-ups in the past,” said Pamela Lopez, a lobbyist who filed a complaint last year \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/backlash-ripples-california-politics-women-denounce-sexual-harassment/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">accusing then-Assemblyman Matt Dababneh\u003c/a> of trapping her in a bathroom and making her watch him masturbate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She praised the plan as a serious effort to improve conditions in the statehouse, but said she would “like to know more about (how) there would be transparency.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dababneh, a San Fernando Valley Democrat, denied the allegation but resigned shortly after Lopez went public with her story. It was one of a series of jarring allegations that emerged after hundreds of women in the fall signed an \u003ca href=\"http://documents.latimes.com/women-california-politics-call-out-pervasive-culture-sexual-harassment/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">open letter\u003c/a> saying the California Capitol is rife with harassment. Victims described being groped and propositioned, the Legislature launched \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/14-harassment-investigations-underway-lawmakers-handle-accused/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">numerous investigations\u003c/a> and three lawmakers so far have resigned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the ensuing months, a panel of legislators has been crafting the plan to prevent and respond to harassment claims. They held several public hearings, consulted employment experts, surveyed employees and aired internal problems, such as inconsistent record-keeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is the \u003ca href=\"http://shpr.legislature.ca.gov/sites/shpr.legislature.ca.gov/files/Chair-Vice-Chair%20Draft%20Recommendations%206-18-18_0.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">new policy\u003c/a> that will likely be approved next week by the Legislature’s joint rules committee. The lawmakers who drafted it call it an “aspirational policy” meant to push the Legislature toward a serious culture change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With all the changes we are making across the spectrum of our policies, every single one is done with an eye toward culture change and making this a place of respect,” said Assemblywoman Laura Friedman, a Glendale Democrat who led the crafting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It calls for an engaging new employee-training program that emphasizes the prohibition on retaliating against people who file complaints, asks employees to report the first instance of bad behavior so that managers can intervene early, and insists that complaints by investigated promptly. The new unit of investigators will collect documents and interview witnesses, and then turn the evidence over to the panel of experts to decide whether to substantiate a complaint and make a recommendation about punishment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At that point, the politicians take over. The panel’s findings would be given to the leaders of the Senate or Assembly, who get to determine whether to impose the recommended discipline. This is the step that makes some victims and their advocates a little nervous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are looking for something that makes them feel secure in this process, that makes them feel like it has teeth and that it will be fair and equitable,” said Samantha Corbin, a lobbyist who organized the open letter this fall and launched an anti-harassment effort called We Said Enough.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They just don’t have that comfort yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How much information becomes public is a sticking point. Friedman said the panel’s findings will be made public in any case where a legislator or high-ranking staff member is found to have violated the sexual harassment policy. But the type of discipline the panel recommends will not be publicly disclosed, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process provides more disclosure than the Legislature has practiced in the past—but it falls short of the disclosure lawmakers require of other branches of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/lawmakers-californians-say-not/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">exempted itself\u003c/a> decades ago from the law that requires state agencies and local governments to disclose information about misconduct investigations substantiated against high-level officials. Instead, it passed a different law governing the release of legislative records which is very limited and does not require releasing documents about misconduct investigations—even in substantiated cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under pressure from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/open-reporting-making-personal-different-kind-public-records-request/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">reporters\u003c/a> and a global movement to stop sexual harassment, legislative leaders began this year to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/california-legislature-last-releases-sexual-harassment-records/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">release\u003c/a> some records. But they rejected an \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-road-map-sexual-harassment-records-legislation-20180422-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">attempt\u003c/a> to change the law to require that such records be made public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By using an in-house employment policy, legislative leaders can “make the rules now, they can change them in a month, they can change them in a year,” said Assemblyman Mark Stone, whose committee proposed the bill requiring public disclosure of the Legislature’s misconduct investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill never got a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Stone said he hasn’t decided if he will bring the proposal back next year. Friedman said she hopes her colleagues won’t push for more aggressive legal changes, noting “we went through a very public process to get to this place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "One Symptom of California’s Housing Crisis? State Agency Says Someone Making $200K Deserves House-Buying Help",
"title": "One Symptom of California’s Housing Crisis? State Agency Says Someone Making $200K Deserves House-Buying Help",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Housing Finance Agency was created in 1975 during Gov. Jerry Brown’s first term, the mission was simple: help low- and moderate-income families buy their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years later, amid \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/CAHOWN\">near-record low homeownership rates\u003c/a>, that goal is getting harder and harder to attain. So much so that the agency, known as CalHFA, has quite literally redefined what it means to be “moderate income” in California — and its definition of “moderate” may be different from yours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2016, only 124 households making over $100,000 obtained a loan through CalHFA, accounting for only 3 percent of the mortgages offered by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the first 11 months of fiscal year 2018, nearly 1,000 households making over that amount obtained a loan — accounting for 14 percent of CalHFA’s mortgages. Those that earn over $85,000 now comprise 30 percent of CalHFA borrowers, according to exclusive data provided by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escalating housing costs are a likely culprit. The median price of a California home has jumped 21 percent over the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">reaching $580,000 in April\u003c/a>, according to the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means it’s harder for lower-income Californians to buy a house — even with down payment assistance. It also means more and more California households making six figures don’t have the savings they need for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know that supply is fewer, and that incomes haven’t kept pace with prices, how do we continue to help out the low-to-moderate space?” said Tia Boatman Patterson, executive director with CalHFA. “One of the ways you do it is to help more people by broadening our income targets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHFA officials stress that the overall number of loans CalHFA has provided to lower-income Californians has increased over the same time span — the number of households making under $70,000 and receiving a CalHFA home loan has grown more than 50 percent since 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/eddaf56f-0a16-440b-aa2a-2e47e02c6dad?src=embed\" title=\"CalHFA graphic 1\" width=\"550\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" align=\"alignright\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAnd even if six-figure households are a faster-growing part of the population the agency serves, Boatman Patterson says higher-income homebuyers are in no way taking away opportunities from lower-income ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the increasing appetite for down payment help from higher-income households raises questions about how feasible it is to make homeownership a cornerstone of building wealth for those on the lower end of the income ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we have and still do advocate for homeownership as a powerful tool to build intergenerational wealth and close the racial wealth gap,” said Vedika Ahuja, a program manager at the Greenlining Institute, a policy group that pushes for increasing homeownership among low-income families and communities of color. “And increasingly in California, in high-price markets, that’s becoming a less and less viable tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Where $200,000 a year is middle class \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under new rules adopted \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/bulletins/2018/2018-05.pdf\">earlier this year\u003c/a>, CalHFA has expanded the pool of people available for down payment assistance, closing cost assistance and other programs intended to make homeownership accessible for Californians who otherwise couldn’t afford it. The decision to increase income limits for first-time homebuyers was approved unanimously by the CalHFA board of directors at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhfa.ca.gov/about/events/board-meetings/books/2017/2017-12-12/20171212-package.pdf\">recommendation of its staff\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new income limits for the CalHFA programs exceed six figures in every California county, but the eligibility cutoffs are especially high in parts of the state where housing prices are most astronomical. In San Francisco, a single-person household can make up to $228,300 and be eligible. In San Diego and Sacramento counties, the cutoff is over $150,000. That means state legislators in Sacramento — with salaries just over $100,000 — would qualify for help buying a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, the cutoff doesn’t change based on the size of a household. An engineer making $100,000 would be eligible for the same programs as a single mother of six.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would the public policy reason be that I would treat a single person differently than an eight-person household when they’re trying to buy a house?” said Boatman Patterson. She argues that higher-income individuals with savings and better credit profiles would get cheaper mortgages outside the CalHFA program, so the programs won’t be subject to abuse by people who don’t need them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHFA is a self-supporting, independent housing agency that funds itself by selling its mortgages to third-party investors, who package the federally backed debt together in a bundle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before switching to that financing model, CalHFA was prohibited by federal rules from relaxing its income restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Saving for a down payment isn’t as easy as it used to be \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento loan adviser Tanisha Broadway has seen firsthand a shift in the type of client needing help buying a first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s happening in our markets is people make really good money, they just can’t afford to put any money down,” said Broadway, who counsels homebuyers on CalHFA products like down payment and closing cost assistance. “Everything is expensive and people are living check to check a lot of times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broadway said that while high rents make it difficult to save enough for even a 3.5 percent down payment — the down payment often required for CalHFA loans — the closing costs can push a home even further out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most popular CalHFA product is a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspiring homeowners can also qualify for low- or zero-interest loan to finance down payments and closing costs. Those loans don’t require a monthly payment — they are only payable when the homeowner sells or refinances the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The down payment and closing cost assistance programs can add up to a good amount of money. Broadway said she recently had a client receive almost $30,000 in help for a nearly $400,000 home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A $152,000/year for someone is definitely by no means low income,” said Broadway, referring to the program’s new income-cap for Sacramento. “But for people who make good money, they just can’t save money, this is the best product for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Broadway works in an area where CalHFA’s loans are increasingly popular. Sacramento County alone accounted for 14 percent of the program’s total loan volume last fiscal year. The bulk of homebuyers CalHFA helps are in the Central Valley and Inland Empire. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even after CalHFA raised income limits, many parts of the state simply cost too much to attract new homebuyers. Despite the $220,000 income limit, no resident of San Francisco has utilized the program this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has a limit on the sales price of a home one of its mortgages can be used for — $700,000. The median price of a home in San Francisco? $1.6 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Housing Finance Agency was created in 1975 during Gov. Jerry Brown’s first term, the mission was simple: help low- and moderate-income families buy their first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 40 years later, amid \u003ca href=\"https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/CAHOWN\">near-record low homeownership rates\u003c/a>, that goal is getting harder and harder to attain. So much so that the agency, known as CalHFA, has quite literally redefined what it means to be “moderate income” in California — and its definition of “moderate” may be different from yours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2016, only 124 households making over $100,000 obtained a loan through CalHFA, accounting for only 3 percent of the mortgages offered by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the first 11 months of fiscal year 2018, nearly 1,000 households making over that amount obtained a loan — accounting for 14 percent of CalHFA’s mortgages. Those that earn over $85,000 now comprise 30 percent of CalHFA borrowers, according to exclusive data provided by the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escalating housing costs are a likely culprit. The median price of a California home has jumped 21 percent over the last three years, \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">reaching $580,000 in April\u003c/a>, according to the California Association of Realtors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means it’s harder for lower-income Californians to buy a house — even with down payment assistance. It also means more and more California households making six figures don’t have the savings they need for a down payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know that supply is fewer, and that incomes haven’t kept pace with prices, how do we continue to help out the low-to-moderate space?” said Tia Boatman Patterson, executive director with CalHFA. “One of the ways you do it is to help more people by broadening our income targets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHFA officials stress that the overall number of loans CalHFA has provided to lower-income Californians has increased over the same time span — the number of households making under $70,000 and receiving a CalHFA home loan has grown more than 50 percent since 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/eddaf56f-0a16-440b-aa2a-2e47e02c6dad?src=embed\" title=\"CalHFA graphic 1\" width=\"550\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" align=\"alignright\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nAnd even if six-figure households are a faster-growing part of the population the agency serves, Boatman Patterson says higher-income homebuyers are in no way taking away opportunities from lower-income ones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the increasing appetite for down payment help from higher-income households raises questions about how feasible it is to make homeownership a cornerstone of building wealth for those on the lower end of the income ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Historically, we have and still do advocate for homeownership as a powerful tool to build intergenerational wealth and close the racial wealth gap,” said Vedika Ahuja, a program manager at the Greenlining Institute, a policy group that pushes for increasing homeownership among low-income families and communities of color. “And increasingly in California, in high-price markets, that’s becoming a less and less viable tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Where $200,000 a year is middle class \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under new rules adopted \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhfa.ca.gov/homeownership/bulletins/2018/2018-05.pdf\">earlier this year\u003c/a>, CalHFA has expanded the pool of people available for down payment assistance, closing cost assistance and other programs intended to make homeownership accessible for Californians who otherwise couldn’t afford it. The decision to increase income limits for first-time homebuyers was approved unanimously by the CalHFA board of directors at the \u003ca href=\"http://www.calhfa.ca.gov/about/events/board-meetings/books/2017/2017-12-12/20171212-package.pdf\">recommendation of its staff\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new income limits for the CalHFA programs exceed six figures in every California county, but the eligibility cutoffs are especially high in parts of the state where housing prices are most astronomical. In San Francisco, a single-person household can make up to $228,300 and be eligible. In San Diego and Sacramento counties, the cutoff is over $150,000. That means state legislators in Sacramento — with salaries just over $100,000 — would qualify for help buying a home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, the cutoff doesn’t change based on the size of a household. An engineer making $100,000 would be eligible for the same programs as a single mother of six.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What would the public policy reason be that I would treat a single person differently than an eight-person household when they’re trying to buy a house?” said Boatman Patterson. She argues that higher-income individuals with savings and better credit profiles would get cheaper mortgages outside the CalHFA program, so the programs won’t be subject to abuse by people who don’t need them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalHFA is a self-supporting, independent housing agency that funds itself by selling its mortgages to third-party investors, who package the federally backed debt together in a bundle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before switching to that financing model, CalHFA was prohibited by federal rules from relaxing its income restrictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Saving for a down payment isn’t as easy as it used to be \u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento loan adviser Tanisha Broadway has seen firsthand a shift in the type of client needing help buying a first home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s happening in our markets is people make really good money, they just can’t afford to put any money down,” said Broadway, who counsels homebuyers on CalHFA products like down payment and closing cost assistance. “Everything is expensive and people are living check to check a lot of times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Broadway said that while high rents make it difficult to save enough for even a 3.5 percent down payment — the down payment often required for CalHFA loans — the closing costs can push a home even further out of reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The most popular CalHFA product is a 30-year fixed-rate mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aspiring homeowners can also qualify for low- or zero-interest loan to finance down payments and closing costs. Those loans don’t require a monthly payment — they are only payable when the homeowner sells or refinances the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The down payment and closing cost assistance programs can add up to a good amount of money. Broadway said she recently had a client receive almost $30,000 in help for a nearly $400,000 home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A $152,000/year for someone is definitely by no means low income,” said Broadway, referring to the program’s new income-cap for Sacramento. “But for people who make good money, they just can’t save money, this is the best product for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Broadway works in an area where CalHFA’s loans are increasingly popular. Sacramento County alone accounted for 14 percent of the program’s total loan volume last fiscal year. The bulk of homebuyers CalHFA helps are in the Central Valley and Inland Empire. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even after CalHFA raised income limits, many parts of the state simply cost too much to attract new homebuyers. Despite the $220,000 income limit, no resident of San Francisco has utilized the program this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The program has a limit on the sales price of a home one of its mortgages can be used for — $700,000. The median price of a home in San Francisco? $1.6 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and the James Irvine Foundation.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Swinging for the Fences, California Sports Teams Ask Lawmakers for Special Deals",
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"content": "\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">It’s become almost a summer tradition in the California Capitol.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">As basketball season hits its final buzzer and baseball season gets into full swing, it’s also peak deal-making season for legislators rushing toward their August adjournment. Now is when professional sports teams hoping to build new stadiums staff up with Sacramento lobbyists, typically seeking to speed up construction of their new digs by persuading lawmakers to grant them exceptions from state environmental rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers are considering two such proposals this summer — one to help the Los Angeles Clippers build an arena in Inglewood, another to help the Oakland A’s construct a stadium in Oakland.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">They’re the latest in a long string of legislation to assist professional sports teams. In the last decade, lawmakers passed bills that fast-tracked new venues for the Sacramento Kings,\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Golden State Warriors and San Francisco 49ers. They also approved bills meant to help build new football stadiums in Los Angeles and San Diego that never came to pass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-6NgXtnAj5E&w=560&h=315]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The proposals routinely stir up debate over California’s environmental laws and whether to grant special deals for wealthy sports franchises. Making the debate even more poignant now: A lag in home construction has contributed to skyrocketing rents and increasing homelessness. Though lawmakers have\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-legislature-final-bills-governor-brown/%23The-Housing-Crisis\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">taken steps\u003c/span>\u003c/a> to speed up projects that include homes for low-income residents, they have not granted housing developments the same favored treatment they’ve given sports teams.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“It’s bad to have two systems of law — one for rich people and one for everybody else. And that’s what we’re seeing,” said David Pettit, an attorney with the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental group that fought a bill last year to waive some environmental rules for a new Clippers arena.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">At the heart of the debate is the California Environmental Quality Act, a nearly 50-year-old law that some see as a sacrosanct protection and others as an excuse for lawsuits that drag on so long they doom ambitious projects.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">With environmentalists staunchly against loosening its requirements, Democrats who control the Legislature have resisted making sweeping changes to the act. Instead, they’ve approved a series of one-off arrangements to help individual teams by: expanding the use of eminent domain to acquire land, making it harder for courts to delay construction, or limiting the length of time for resolving environmental lawsuits. They even passed a law in 2011 entitling big projects to expedite environmental lawsuits under certain conditions, but teams continue to seek special deals for broader relief.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers don’t always approve them. Last year they shot down the Clippers’ request — but it was unusual because moneyed interests were lobbying on both sides. Owners of the Forum, a nearby concert arena, lobbied hard against the Clippers. The dueling interests combined spent more than $1 million lobbying on the bill, and owners of the Forum aired commercials attacking the state senator who carried it. A few months after Forum owners killed the bill, they showered legislators with $45,000 in campaign contributions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Assemblywoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove, a Los Angeles Democrat carrying this year’s version of the Clippers bill, said she expects another tense fight. The Clippers want to build their arena about a mile from the Forum, creating competition for big events.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“With so much money on the line,”\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>she said, “I can only suspect that they’re going to pull out the stops to defeat this.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Opponents of the Clippers arena point out that the team’s proposal would impact much more than construction of the arena alone, which would cover just one-sixth of the land for the entire development project. They say it could allow stores, offices or homes to be built on the site without the normal environmental review — even if an arena is never constructed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Kamlager-Dove and other supporters of big sports projects cast them as economic boosts to their communities, bringing construction jobs during the building phase and concessions jobs afterward. These benefits can be lost or delayed, they say, by environmental litigation. The Clippers and A’s bills this year would limit the timeline for environmental lawsuits to nine months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675622\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11675622\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Los Angeles Clippers \u003ccite>(David Jones/Creative Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">That’s a critical perk for developing a new Oakland A’s stadium with surrounding shops and homes, said Assemblyman Rob Bonta, an Alameda Democrat carrying the bill for his hometown team.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“They can’t allow the project to be delayed forever. They need some certainty,” he said. “This is not something to benefit rich and powerful folks. It’s to benefit a community that needs housing, that needs good jobs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The courts have argued that limiting the time to review environmental lawsuits unfairly puts those cases at the top of the heap, denying ordinary Californians equal access to justice. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p5\">\u003cspan class=\"s3\">“A case involving elder abuse or asbestos litigation involving dying plaintiffs would move back in the line. A personal injury action involving a severely brain damaged child, whose parents are simply seeking to get their recovery to take care of that child, would move back in line. And there are not lobbying groups that come to this Legislature to represent those interests,” Dan Pone, a lobbyist for the Judicial Council, said at a hearing earlier this year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers approved the nine-month limit for the Kings and Warriors arenas, but this year rejected applying it after challenges over\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB948\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">community plans\u003c/span>\u003c/a> and construction of\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1340\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">new housing\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">And yet they approved a\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1826\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">bill\u003c/span>\u003c/a> as part of the state budget that would place the nine-month limit on environmental lawsuits over a project close to home: a $1.2 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/California-lawmakers-call-in-a-1-2-billion-12988067.php\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">re-make\u003c/span>\u003c/a> of their Capitol offices.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Sen. Steve Glazer of Orinda, who carried the bill to expedite court review of environmental lawsuits over housing that was shot down by fellow Democrats, called out the irony in a hearing this week:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“And now we have here… this expedited process not for billionaires and their stadium projects, but for us, the politicians, and our own building. So where does that help us on our issues of affordable housing, when we’re going to provide that fast-track for us but not for everybody else, except for the wealthiest and the most powerful?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003ci>CALmatters.org\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ci> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/i>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">It’s become almost a summer tradition in the California Capitol.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">As basketball season hits its final buzzer and baseball season gets into full swing, it’s also peak deal-making season for legislators rushing toward their August adjournment. Now is when professional sports teams hoping to build new stadiums staff up with Sacramento lobbyists, typically seeking to speed up construction of their new digs by persuading lawmakers to grant them exceptions from state environmental rules.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers are considering two such proposals this summer — one to help the Los Angeles Clippers build an arena in Inglewood, another to help the Oakland A’s construct a stadium in Oakland.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">They’re the latest in a long string of legislation to assist professional sports teams. In the last decade, lawmakers passed bills that fast-tracked new venues for the Sacramento Kings,\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>Golden State Warriors and San Francisco 49ers. They also approved bills meant to help build new football stadiums in Los Angeles and San Diego that never came to pass.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/-6NgXtnAj5E'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/-6NgXtnAj5E'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The proposals routinely stir up debate over California’s environmental laws and whether to grant special deals for wealthy sports franchises. Making the debate even more poignant now: A lag in home construction has contributed to skyrocketing rents and increasing homelessness. Though lawmakers have\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-legislature-final-bills-governor-brown/%23The-Housing-Crisis\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">taken steps\u003c/span>\u003c/a> to speed up projects that include homes for low-income residents, they have not granted housing developments the same favored treatment they’ve given sports teams.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“It’s bad to have two systems of law — one for rich people and one for everybody else. And that’s what we’re seeing,” said David Pettit, an attorney with the Natural Resources Defense Council, an environmental group that fought a bill last year to waive some environmental rules for a new Clippers arena.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">At the heart of the debate is the California Environmental Quality Act, a nearly 50-year-old law that some see as a sacrosanct protection and others as an excuse for lawsuits that drag on so long they doom ambitious projects.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">With environmentalists staunchly against loosening its requirements, Democrats who control the Legislature have resisted making sweeping changes to the act. Instead, they’ve approved a series of one-off arrangements to help individual teams by: expanding the use of eminent domain to acquire land, making it harder for courts to delay construction, or limiting the length of time for resolving environmental lawsuits. They even passed a law in 2011 entitling big projects to expedite environmental lawsuits under certain conditions, but teams continue to seek special deals for broader relief.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers don’t always approve them. Last year they shot down the Clippers’ request — but it was unusual because moneyed interests were lobbying on both sides. Owners of the Forum, a nearby concert arena, lobbied hard against the Clippers. The dueling interests combined spent more than $1 million lobbying on the bill, and owners of the Forum aired commercials attacking the state senator who carried it. A few months after Forum owners killed the bill, they showered legislators with $45,000 in campaign contributions.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Assemblywoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove, a Los Angeles Democrat carrying this year’s version of the Clippers bill, said she expects another tense fight. The Clippers want to build their arena about a mile from the Forum, creating competition for big events.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“With so much money on the line,”\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>she said, “I can only suspect that they’re going to pull out the stops to defeat this.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Opponents of the Clippers arena point out that the team’s proposal would impact much more than construction of the arena alone, which would cover just one-sixth of the land for the entire development project. They say it could allow stores, offices or homes to be built on the site without the normal environmental review — even if an arena is never constructed.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Kamlager-Dove and other supporters of big sports projects cast them as economic boosts to their communities, bringing construction jobs during the building phase and concessions jobs afterward. These benefits can be lost or delayed, they say, by environmental litigation. The Clippers and A’s bills this year would limit the timeline for environmental lawsuits to nine months.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675622\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11675622\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-240x135.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-375x211.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/LA_Clippers-520x293.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Los Angeles Clippers \u003ccite>(David Jones/Creative Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">That’s a critical perk for developing a new Oakland A’s stadium with surrounding shops and homes, said Assemblyman Rob Bonta, an Alameda Democrat carrying the bill for his hometown team.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“They can’t allow the project to be delayed forever. They need some certainty,” he said. “This is not something to benefit rich and powerful folks. It’s to benefit a community that needs housing, that needs good jobs.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The courts have argued that limiting the time to review environmental lawsuits unfairly puts those cases at the top of the heap, denying ordinary Californians equal access to justice. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p5\">\u003cspan class=\"s3\">“A case involving elder abuse or asbestos litigation involving dying plaintiffs would move back in the line. A personal injury action involving a severely brain damaged child, whose parents are simply seeking to get their recovery to take care of that child, would move back in line. And there are not lobbying groups that come to this Legislature to represent those interests,” Dan Pone, a lobbyist for the Judicial Council, said at a hearing earlier this year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Lawmakers approved the nine-month limit for the Kings and Warriors arenas, but this year rejected applying it after challenges over\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB948\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">community plans\u003c/span>\u003c/a> and construction of\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1340\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">new housing\u003c/span>\u003c/a>.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">And yet they approved a\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1826\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">bill\u003c/span>\u003c/a> as part of the state budget that would place the nine-month limit on environmental lawsuits over a project close to home: a $1.2 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/California-lawmakers-call-in-a-1-2-billion-12988067.php\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">re-make\u003c/span>\u003c/a> of their Capitol offices.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Sen. Steve Glazer of Orinda, who carried the bill to expedite court review of environmental lawsuits over housing that was shot down by fellow Democrats, called out the irony in a hearing this week:\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“And now we have here… this expedited process not for billionaires and their stadium projects, but for us, the politicians, and our own building. So where does that help us on our issues of affordable housing, when we’re going to provide that fast-track for us but not for everybody else, except for the wealthiest and the most powerful?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003ci>CALmatters.org\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ci> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/i>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Is Expanding Care Options for Boomers With Dementia — But Still Falling Short of the Need",
"title": "California Is Expanding Care Options for Boomers With Dementia — But Still Falling Short of the Need",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Rob Lyman of Redwood City didn’t know what to do. He was helping his aunt, Sharron Evans, who had early-onset Alzheimer’s disease and needed constant supervision. A former teacher, she had run out of money and had no income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She qualified for government health care assistance, but it appeared she’d have to go to the only setting that would be covered: a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically that’s a hospital setting, and that was our only choice,” Lyman said. To him, that didn’t make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My aunt just needed a safe place to be; there was nothing physically wrong with her,” Lyman said. “She didn’t need that level of care. It’s inappropriate. It costs the state a lot of money. But this is what people do. That’s the default choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Baby Boomers are aging. By the end of the next decade, 11.1 million Californians will be 60 or older, and the number of people 85 and over will jump 37 percent, to the 1 million mark, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aging.ca.gov/docs/Highlights/CSP_Plan_Aging/California%20State%20Plan%20on%20Aging%202017-2021.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state officials\u003c/a>. One in six Americans is expected to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.alz.org/CAdata/FullReport2009.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">dementia\u003c/a>, and care can be expensive enough to force even middle-class families into poverty and onto the public payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For low-income seniors who can’t afford care at home and don’t want or need the full medical services of a nursing facility, the state’s few options aren’t enough to meet demand. A middle-ground choice — assisted living — requires special permission under government rules and is available to fewer than 4,000 Californians, although state health officials and lawmakers are both proposing increases. Taxpayers currently pick up the more expensive nursing-home tab for more than 20,000 people who may not need it, by one advocate’s estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evans, now 69, was lucky enough to land a permitted spot in a Sacramento-area assisted-living home after nearly a year’s wait. The cost didn’t matter much to her or Lyman because it was paid by Medi-Cal, the state’s version of the federal Medicaid program for the poor. The lower price tag for assisted living saves the state money, while also providing a more home-like setting and the right level of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade, the state Department of Health Care Services has been trying to address the need for more appropriate, less costly care. But Medicaid pays only for what is “medically necessary,” such as nursing-home care, unless states ask for waivers. The state budget deal struck last week would provide administrative costs for a waiver to cover an additional 2,000 assisted-living slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Assemblyman Ash Kalra, a Democrat from San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"359\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11675145\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-240x144.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-375x224.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-520x311.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharron Evans with nephew Rob Lyman at the assisted-living facility where she resides. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kalra \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2233\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposes\u003c/a> adding nearly 13,000 more, to cover a total of 18,500 people over the next five years. That would basically triple the number of Medi-Cal recipients with access to assisted-living care, assuming waivers, which last five years, can be secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re hitting a crisis point with our senior care,” Kalra said. “It costs us twice as much for skilled nursing care.” His bill, which has no opposition, passed the Assembly and is now in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal and state governments each pay roughly half of Medi-Cal expenses. A legislative staffer pegged savings for the state’s share at slightly more than $23 million over the five years, once all 18,500 patients are placed in assisted living. According to the Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal, the state’s share of the average cost for assisted living is about $22,000 a year per person, roughly half the $42,000 annual cost of a nursing-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have visited skilled-nursing facilities, and the nurses … told me that many of the patients don’t need that level of care. So we could be saving money for the state dramatically,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Health Care Services, California has about 53,000 Medi-Cal patients in long-term institutional care, such as skilled-nursing facilities. A legislative analysis shows an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2233\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">estimated\u003c/a> 11,000 of them have lower-care needs and could be fine in assisted living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That figure could actually be twice as high, said Mark Cimino, who runs assisted-living homes in the Bay Area and around Sacramento, including the one where Evans lives. He said assisted-living facilities provide a wide range of care that could serve upwards of 20,000 Medi-Cal patients who are now in nursing homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s first waivers, approved in 2004, covered about 1,000 people. That figure doubled in 2009 and nearly doubled again to about 3,700 in the most recent period, which runs out in March 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge trajectory here,” Cimino said. “The question is: Is the expansion of the waivers enough?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s the human side of the equation, he added: “The assisted-living community is more home-like,” he said. “No one wants to spend much time in a [skilled-nursing] unit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state “has specifically worked to expand access to assisted-living services,” said Department of Health Care Services spokeswoman Carol Sloan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to go any faster, she said by email, because the state has to check for “requirements, monitoring and oversight responsibilities, staffing, adequacy of available provider network and other resource limitations” before requesting more waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the nursing-home industry: “If a resident can be shifted to a lower level of care, we think that’s a good thing,” said Deborah Pacyna, spokeswoman for the California Association of Health Facilities, a trade group. “We always support people getting the appropriate level of care for their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That won’t hurt business, she said: “The Boomers are coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rob Lyman, a move toward assisted living is a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the state, and we as a community, are going to provide assistance, we have to do it in a cost-effective way,” he said. “Putting people in skilled nursing when they don’t need it, that’s not good stewardship of public dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies andpolitics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rob Lyman of Redwood City didn’t know what to do. He was helping his aunt, Sharron Evans, who had early-onset Alzheimer’s disease and needed constant supervision. A former teacher, she had run out of money and had no income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She qualified for government health care assistance, but it appeared she’d have to go to the only setting that would be covered: a nursing home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically that’s a hospital setting, and that was our only choice,” Lyman said. To him, that didn’t make sense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My aunt just needed a safe place to be; there was nothing physically wrong with her,” Lyman said. “She didn’t need that level of care. It’s inappropriate. It costs the state a lot of money. But this is what people do. That’s the default choice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Baby Boomers are aging. By the end of the next decade, 11.1 million Californians will be 60 or older, and the number of people 85 and over will jump 37 percent, to the 1 million mark, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.aging.ca.gov/docs/Highlights/CSP_Plan_Aging/California%20State%20Plan%20on%20Aging%202017-2021.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state officials\u003c/a>. One in six Americans is expected to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.alz.org/CAdata/FullReport2009.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">dementia\u003c/a>, and care can be expensive enough to force even middle-class families into poverty and onto the public payroll.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For low-income seniors who can’t afford care at home and don’t want or need the full medical services of a nursing facility, the state’s few options aren’t enough to meet demand. A middle-ground choice — assisted living — requires special permission under government rules and is available to fewer than 4,000 Californians, although state health officials and lawmakers are both proposing increases. Taxpayers currently pick up the more expensive nursing-home tab for more than 20,000 people who may not need it, by one advocate’s estimate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evans, now 69, was lucky enough to land a permitted spot in a Sacramento-area assisted-living home after nearly a year’s wait. The cost didn’t matter much to her or Lyman because it was paid by Medi-Cal, the state’s version of the federal Medicaid program for the poor. The lower price tag for assisted living saves the state money, while also providing a more home-like setting and the right level of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more than a decade, the state Department of Health Care Services has been trying to address the need for more appropriate, less costly care. But Medicaid pays only for what is “medically necessary,” such as nursing-home care, unless states ask for waivers. The state budget deal struck last week would provide administrative costs for a waiver to cover an additional 2,000 assisted-living slots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Assemblyman Ash Kalra, a Democrat from San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11675145\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"359\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11675145\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-160x96.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-240x144.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-375x224.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/Sharron-Evans4-2-600x359-520x311.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sharron Evans with nephew Rob Lyman at the assisted-living facility where she resides. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Kalra \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2233\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">proposes\u003c/a> adding nearly 13,000 more, to cover a total of 18,500 people over the next five years. That would basically triple the number of Medi-Cal recipients with access to assisted-living care, assuming waivers, which last five years, can be secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re hitting a crisis point with our senior care,” Kalra said. “It costs us twice as much for skilled nursing care.” His bill, which has no opposition, passed the Assembly and is now in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal and state governments each pay roughly half of Medi-Cal expenses. A legislative staffer pegged savings for the state’s share at slightly more than $23 million over the five years, once all 18,500 patients are placed in assisted living. According to the Department of Health Care Services, which oversees Medi-Cal, the state’s share of the average cost for assisted living is about $22,000 a year per person, roughly half the $42,000 annual cost of a nursing-home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have visited skilled-nursing facilities, and the nurses … told me that many of the patients don’t need that level of care. So we could be saving money for the state dramatically,” Kalra said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the Department of Health Care Services, California has about 53,000 Medi-Cal patients in long-term institutional care, such as skilled-nursing facilities. A legislative analysis shows an \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2233\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">estimated\u003c/a> 11,000 of them have lower-care needs and could be fine in assisted living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That figure could actually be twice as high, said Mark Cimino, who runs assisted-living homes in the Bay Area and around Sacramento, including the one where Evans lives. He said assisted-living facilities provide a wide range of care that could serve upwards of 20,000 Medi-Cal patients who are now in nursing homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s first waivers, approved in 2004, covered about 1,000 people. That figure doubled in 2009 and nearly doubled again to about 3,700 in the most recent period, which runs out in March 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a huge trajectory here,” Cimino said. “The question is: Is the expansion of the waivers enough?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s the human side of the equation, he added: “The assisted-living community is more home-like,” he said. “No one wants to spend much time in a [skilled-nursing] unit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state “has specifically worked to expand access to assisted-living services,” said Department of Health Care Services spokeswoman Carol Sloan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s hard to go any faster, she said by email, because the state has to check for “requirements, monitoring and oversight responsibilities, staffing, adequacy of available provider network and other resource limitations” before requesting more waivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for the nursing-home industry: “If a resident can be shifted to a lower level of care, we think that’s a good thing,” said Deborah Pacyna, spokeswoman for the California Association of Health Facilities, a trade group. “We always support people getting the appropriate level of care for their needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That won’t hurt business, she said: “The Boomers are coming.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Rob Lyman, a move toward assisted living is a no-brainer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the state, and we as a community, are going to provide assistance, we have to do it in a cost-effective way,” he said. “Putting people in skilled nursing when they don’t need it, that’s not good stewardship of public dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies andpolitics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Governor, Legislative Leaders Agree on Funding Boost for Higher Education",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s public universities will get an infusion of cash to increase enrollment, smooth students’ progress toward graduation and repair aging buildings under a state budget agreement reached Friday by Gov. Jerry Brown and legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, which still must be approved by the full Legislature and signed by the governor to take effect, boosts annual funding for California State University by $197 million and the University of California by $97 million. It comes in the wake of months of fervent lobbying by students, faculty and administrators after Brown proposed a less generous higher education budget in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC spokesperson Dianne Klein said the agreement, while still tentative, “will allow UC to put off a tuition increase for California students and provide much needed funds for deferred maintenance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two university systems will also each receive more than $160 million in one-time money under the agreement, some of which is targeted for specific programs including fighting student hunger and providing legal services for undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This investment will enable the CSU to enroll more students from a wide variety of backgrounds, and prepare them to improve their communities and lead the industries that are driving California,” California State University Chancellor Tim White said in a statement. “This is vital to our state’s future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White had already taken a tuition increase for CSU off the table in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget projects that CSU will enroll more than 3,600 additional students in the coming year, while UC adds 2,000. It sets aside $75 million to fund an ongoing effort by CSU to boost the percentage of students who graduate in four years to 40 percent by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it gives each university system $35 million for repairs to campuses, where overcrowded classrooms, outdated equipment and leaky buildings sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/crowded-crumbling-campuses-will-one-time-cash-infusion-be-enough-to-fix-the-university-of-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">interfere with learning\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise represents a sea change from a few months ago when Brown was insisting he would not agree to more than a 3 percent funding increase for UC and CSU, and both universities were considering tuition hikes to close the gap. Though California posted higher revenues than expected this year, Brown has kept a tight hold on state purse strings, wary of what he views as an inevitable recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a $27 billion deficit in 2011, the state now enjoys a healthy surplus and a solid Rainy Day Fund,” the governor tweeted Friday in announcing the $200 billion budget deal, which would keep the state running through the 2018-19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Lubin, a UC Berkeley graduate student who heads up the student advocacy group RISE, credited a united front among students and university administrators with helping to sway lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a perfect solution, but it’s an accomplishment we’re very proud of,” he said. “I hope we can show students not just here but across the county that when we organize and make our voices heard, we can reverse this vicious cycle of tuition hikes and start restoring California and the nation’s investment in students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges will also see two major changes under the agreement: the establishment of a new, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/community-college-online-gov-browns-plan-re-imagines-cyber-learning-faces-skeptics/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fully online college\u003c/a> and a shift to funding campuses based not just on how many students they enroll. Both are high priorities for the governor and community colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley that sparked fierce opposition among some faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argued that the online college, which is aimed at giving adult workers short-term credentials that will help them advance in their careers, duplicated work already being done on brick-and-mortar campuses and might not give students the support they needed to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal lawmakers negotiated will give $35 million to improve online courses at existing colleges, on top of the $120 million set aside for the new college. The online school will be required to develop programs that help students continue their education on a physical campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley called the plan “a good compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a recognition that the community colleges need to serve more and different kinds of Californians, and that the economy and workforce continue to change,” he said. “We think this will be a great thing for California workers, and we can’t wait to get started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jonathan Lightman, executive director of the Faculty Association of California Community Colleges, said it was “extremely disappointing” that the agreement didn’t include stricter oversight to ensure the online college didn’t compete with existing campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faculty association “continues to believe that the online, hybrid and traditional college courses that are offered by our institutions, whether they be credit or non-credit, have greater merit than a separate fully online college that is not anchored in the community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley also acknowledged that debate over the controversial new funding formula would continue past the June 15 deadline for the Legislature to pass a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, community colleges received funding based solely on how many students they enrolled. The new formula replaces that with a combination of total enrollment, the number of low-income students on campus and how well colleges perform on a range of measures including awarding degrees and preparing students for transfer to four-year universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> — a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The compromise represents a sea change from a few months ago when Gov. Jerry Brown was insisting he would not agree to more than a 3 percent funding increase for UC and CSU, and both university systems were considering tuition hikes to close the gap.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s public universities will get an infusion of cash to increase enrollment, smooth students’ progress toward graduation and repair aging buildings under a state budget agreement reached Friday by Gov. Jerry Brown and legislative leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement, which still must be approved by the full Legislature and signed by the governor to take effect, boosts annual funding for California State University by $197 million and the University of California by $97 million. It comes in the wake of months of fervent lobbying by students, faculty and administrators after Brown proposed a less generous higher education budget in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC spokesperson Dianne Klein said the agreement, while still tentative, “will allow UC to put off a tuition increase for California students and provide much needed funds for deferred maintenance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two university systems will also each receive more than $160 million in one-time money under the agreement, some of which is targeted for specific programs including fighting student hunger and providing legal services for undocumented students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This investment will enable the CSU to enroll more students from a wide variety of backgrounds, and prepare them to improve their communities and lead the industries that are driving California,” California State University Chancellor Tim White said in a statement. “This is vital to our state’s future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>White had already taken a tuition increase for CSU off the table in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget projects that CSU will enroll more than 3,600 additional students in the coming year, while UC adds 2,000. It sets aside $75 million to fund an ongoing effort by CSU to boost the percentage of students who graduate in four years to 40 percent by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it gives each university system $35 million for repairs to campuses, where overcrowded classrooms, outdated equipment and leaky buildings sometimes \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/crowded-crumbling-campuses-will-one-time-cash-infusion-be-enough-to-fix-the-university-of-california/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">interfere with learning\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise represents a sea change from a few months ago when Brown was insisting he would not agree to more than a 3 percent funding increase for UC and CSU, and both universities were considering tuition hikes to close the gap. Though California posted higher revenues than expected this year, Brown has kept a tight hold on state purse strings, wary of what he views as an inevitable recession.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From a $27 billion deficit in 2011, the state now enjoys a healthy surplus and a solid Rainy Day Fund,” the governor tweeted Friday in announcing the $200 billion budget deal, which would keep the state running through the 2018-19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Max Lubin, a UC Berkeley graduate student who heads up the student advocacy group RISE, credited a united front among students and university administrators with helping to sway lawmakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a perfect solution, but it’s an accomplishment we’re very proud of,” he said. “I hope we can show students not just here but across the county that when we organize and make our voices heard, we can reverse this vicious cycle of tuition hikes and start restoring California and the nation’s investment in students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s community colleges will also see two major changes under the agreement: the establishment of a new, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/community-college-online-gov-browns-plan-re-imagines-cyber-learning-faces-skeptics/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">fully online college\u003c/a> and a shift to funding campuses based not just on how many students they enroll. Both are high priorities for the governor and community colleges Chancellor Eloy Ortiz Oakley that sparked fierce opposition among some faculty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argued that the online college, which is aimed at giving adult workers short-term credentials that will help them advance in their careers, duplicated work already being done on brick-and-mortar campuses and might not give students the support they needed to succeed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal lawmakers negotiated will give $35 million to improve online courses at existing colleges, on top of the $120 million set aside for the new college. The online school will be required to develop programs that help students continue their education on a physical campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley called the plan “a good compromise.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a recognition that the community colleges need to serve more and different kinds of Californians, and that the economy and workforce continue to change,” he said. “We think this will be a great thing for California workers, and we can’t wait to get started.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Jonathan Lightman, executive director of the Faculty Association of California Community Colleges, said it was “extremely disappointing” that the agreement didn’t include stricter oversight to ensure the online college didn’t compete with existing campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The faculty association “continues to believe that the online, hybrid and traditional college courses that are offered by our institutions, whether they be credit or non-credit, have greater merit than a separate fully online college that is not anchored in the community,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakley also acknowledged that debate over the controversial new funding formula would continue past the June 15 deadline for the Legislature to pass a budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, community colleges received funding based solely on how many students they enrolled. The new formula replaces that with a combination of total enrollment, the number of low-income students on campus and how well colleges perform on a range of measures including awarding degrees and preparing students for transfer to four-year universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is an abridged version of the full story, which is available at \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> — a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "How We Voted on Housing Issues, Up and Down the State",
"title": "How We Voted on Housing Issues, Up and Down the State",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Voters around the state decided Tuesday whether to fund and build new housing in their backyards. Here are some of the more notable results. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Emeryville: $50 million for affordable housing\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nVoters in Emeryville, home of Pixar Studios and one of the East Bay's priciest neighborhoods, voted to approve a $50 million bond to fund housing projects for low-income residents and people experiencing homelessness. That's a lot of money for a city of only 12,000 people. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lafayette: 44 controversial homes rejected\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Deer Hill housing project in the East Bay suburb of Lafayette has been mired in controversy for years. An initial proposal to build a multifamily apartment complex with more than 300 units got tangled in local resistance and fair-housing litigation. City officials thought a smaller project on the same land for 44 single-family homes would be more palatable to locals. They were wrong. Proponents of the original apartments plan believe the measure's defeat might, ironically, open the door for denser development. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco: Yes on free tenant lawyers, no on tax for new housing \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nSan Franciscans voted for a measure that will provide free legal representation to any city resident facing eviction. But a tax on commercial landlords that would have funded affordable housing failed to garner enough support. Perhaps more importantly, the race for mayor—a race primarily shaped by the candidates’ views on new housing development—was still too close to call as of June 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More On California Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11644154/north-bay-fires-what-took-authorities-so-long-to-warn-people\" target=\"_blank\">North Bay Fires: What Took Authorities So Long to Warn People?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13827785/oakland-artists-still-worried-despite-new-housing-protections\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Oakland Artists Still Worried, Despite New Housing Protections\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670533/is-californias-expensive-housing-scaring-away-job-seekers\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Is California's Expensive Housing Scaring Away Job Seekers?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11666284/5-reasons-californias-housing-costs-are-so-high\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669987/could-free-eviction-attorneys-help-stem-san-franciscos-housing-crisis\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Could Free Eviction Attorneys Help Stem San Francisco's Housing Crisis?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo: $33 million for teacher housing likely falls short\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn the pricey Bay Area, teachers and school staff are struggling to live in the same communities where they work. The cost of housing has led many districts to fight to find teachers, or to set up teacher housing of their own. As of June 7, a $33 million bond for teacher housing in the Jefferson Union School District looks like it will barely miss the 55% threshold needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Jose: Senior housing rejected\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA plan to convert industrial land to senior housing lost by a convincing majority in San Jose. Mayor Sam Liccardo, who won re-election Tuesday, had opposed the measure on the grounds that it would lead to more urban sprawl. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davis: New student housing passes\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nDavis voters approved a plan to rezone a 47-acre property near railroad tracks for a 700-unit rental housing project that will cater to UC Davis students. The project had been rejected by a narrow margin in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cypress: A horse track will eventually have housing \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe owner of the Los Alamitos race track expects to close up shop in the next decade or so, and wants his property to be zoned for mixed-use development after its horse-racing days are over. Voters rejected a similar measure in 2016, but this time it looks like voters have approved a modified version of the plan. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Palm Springs: Airbnb survives\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nVoters in the famous resort town decided to keep Airbnb rentals in their residential neighborhoods. An initiative that would have barred short-term rentals of less than 28 days was overwhelmingly rejected. Airbnb spent significant money against the measure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Teacher housing, new use for a race track, what to do for seniors—voters spoke on these issues and more. Here's what they said.",
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"headline": "How We Voted on Housing Issues, Up and Down the State",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>Matt Levin\u003c/strong>\u003c/br>CALmatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters around the state decided Tuesday whether to fund and build new housing in their backyards. Here are some of the more notable results. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Emeryville: $50 million for affordable housing\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nVoters in Emeryville, home of Pixar Studios and one of the East Bay's priciest neighborhoods, voted to approve a $50 million bond to fund housing projects for low-income residents and people experiencing homelessness. That's a lot of money for a city of only 12,000 people. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lafayette: 44 controversial homes rejected\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe Deer Hill housing project in the East Bay suburb of Lafayette has been mired in controversy for years. An initial proposal to build a multifamily apartment complex with more than 300 units got tangled in local resistance and fair-housing litigation. City officials thought a smaller project on the same land for 44 single-family homes would be more palatable to locals. They were wrong. Proponents of the original apartments plan believe the measure's defeat might, ironically, open the door for denser development. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Francisco: Yes on free tenant lawyers, no on tax for new housing \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nSan Franciscans voted for a measure that will provide free legal representation to any city resident facing eviction. But a tax on commercial landlords that would have funded affordable housing failed to garner enough support. Perhaps more importantly, the race for mayor—a race primarily shaped by the candidates’ views on new housing development—was still too close to call as of June 7.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>Read More On California Housing\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11644154/north-bay-fires-what-took-authorities-so-long-to-warn-people\" target=\"_blank\">North Bay Fires: What Took Authorities So Long to Warn People?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/arts/13827785/oakland-artists-still-worried-despite-new-housing-protections\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Oakland Artists Still Worried, Despite New Housing Protections\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11670533/is-californias-expensive-housing-scaring-away-job-seekers\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Is California's Expensive Housing Scaring Away Job Seekers?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11666284/5-reasons-californias-housing-costs-are-so-high\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11669987/could-free-eviction-attorneys-help-stem-san-franciscos-housing-crisis\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Could Free Eviction Attorneys Help Stem San Francisco's Housing Crisis?\u003c/a>\n\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Mateo: $33 million for teacher housing likely falls short\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nIn the pricey Bay Area, teachers and school staff are struggling to live in the same communities where they work. The cost of housing has led many districts to fight to find teachers, or to set up teacher housing of their own. As of June 7, a $33 million bond for teacher housing in the Jefferson Union School District looks like it will barely miss the 55% threshold needed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>San Jose: Senior housing rejected\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nA plan to convert industrial land to senior housing lost by a convincing majority in San Jose. Mayor Sam Liccardo, who won re-election Tuesday, had opposed the measure on the grounds that it would lead to more urban sprawl. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Davis: New student housing passes\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nDavis voters approved a plan to rezone a 47-acre property near railroad tracks for a 700-unit rental housing project that will cater to UC Davis students. The project had been rejected by a narrow margin in 2016. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Cypress: A horse track will eventually have housing \u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe owner of the Los Alamitos race track expects to close up shop in the next decade or so, and wants his property to be zoned for mixed-use development after its horse-racing days are over. Voters rejected a similar measure in 2016, but this time it looks like voters have approved a modified version of the plan. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Palm Springs: Airbnb survives\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nVoters in the famous resort town decided to keep Airbnb rentals in their residential neighborhoods. An initiative that would have barred short-term rentals of less than 28 days was overwhelmingly rejected. Airbnb spent significant money against the measure. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Election Day Crib Sheet: What to Watch As the Results Come In",
"title": "Election Day Crib Sheet: What to Watch As the Results Come In",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Find KQED's live election results and analysis here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 53 congressional races. Another 101 open seats in the California Legislature. Add to that heated statewide contests for offices that you’re familiar with (governor, attorney general) and a few that you might not be (treasurer, controller, board of equalization). Oh, don’t forget the propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot to keep track of on the California ballot. Here are eight questions to keep in mind as you cast your vote and wait for the results to trickle in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who’s on second in the governor’s race?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No fewer than 27 candidates hope to replace Gov. Jerry Brown. California’s top two electoral system, which only allows the first and second place winners to move onto the general election, regardless of political party, means that all but 25 will soon be heading home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The polls are in strong agreement that Democratic Lt. Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is all but certain to grab one of those top two spots. The big question is who will come second.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading contenders are Republican \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/john-cox/\">John Cox\u003c/a>, a lawyer and accountant from the San Diego area, and \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/antonio-villaraigosa/\">Antonio Villaraigosa\u003c/a>, the Democratic former mayor of Los Angeles, according to most surveys. Republican Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/travis-allen/\">Travis Allen\u003c/a> of Huntington Beach and two Democrats, state Treasurer \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/john-chiang/\">John Chiang\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/delaine-eastin/\">Delaine Eastin\u003c/a>, the former superintendent of public instruction, are all hoping those poll are spectacularly wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"Candidates for California Governor, from top left: Republican Travis Allen, Democrat John Chiang, Republican John Cox, Democrats Delaine Estin, Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa.\" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665296\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-800x512.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1020x653.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1200x769.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1180x756.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-960x615.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-375x240.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-520x333.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates for California Governor, from top left: Republican Travis Allen, Democrat John Chiang, Republican John Cox, Democrats Delaine Estin, Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa. \u003ccite>(Photos by CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If Cox makes it past this primary, California’s gubernatorial race will assume a familiar partisan pattern: Democrat versus Republican. Cox isn’t particularly well known and has been endorsed by President Trump, so that contest will be Newsom’s to lose in blue California. But if Villaraigosa edges out Cox, the state will have its first ever intraparty gubernatorial general election.. Many Democrats believe that will benefit the party as a whole—and help capture GOP-held congressional seats key to the Dems taking control of the House—by discouraging Republican turnout in November. Team Newsom begs to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-insists-his-campaign-tactic-wont-really-cost-democrats-the-house/\">differ\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be shutout in Orange County?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s top-two system can punish a party with too many candidates in one race. In Orange County, Democrats face exactly that problem, where a bevy of political newbies have crowded into some of the state’s most competitive races and risk splitting the left-of-center vote, leaving the first and second spots to Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threat is most acute in the contests to replace Rep. Darrell Issa in Vista and Rep. Ed Royce in Fullerton (both are retiring) and in the seat held by Dana Rohrabacher in Huntington Beach. All three are former Republican bastions that have trended purple in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11672470/an-enthusiasm-glut-for-democrats\">An Enthusiasm Glut for Democrats\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11672470/an-enthusiasm-glut-for-democrats\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homestretch_060418_final-1180x793.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most political scientists say such shutout scenarios are rare in competitive districts, but Democrats don’t have much wiggle room. Nationally, they are hoping to flip at least 23 seats to take back control of the House. Democratic operatives have seen the possibility of a top-two shut-out coming for months, but aside from offering endorsements, buying advertisements, and good old-fashioned browbeating, there isn’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/democratic-dread-party-tries-to-keep-californias-odd-election-rules-from-denying-them-the-u-s-house/\">much\u003c/a> the party can do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does outside money matter?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California elections are always expensive. But spending from independent expenditure groups, who can spend as much money as they like so long as they don’t directly coordinate with political campaigns, have played a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/high-rollers-a-closer-look-at-some-of-the-sources-underwriting-californias-costly-campaign-season/\">significant\u003c/a> role this year. Will it make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for governor, a handful of millionaires have bet big on Villaraigosa, spending over $20 million in support his campaign. The former mayor’s position on education policy seems to be a big draw. Villaraigosa is an avid charter school supporter and has advocated for changes to tenure rules for public school teachers. But for all that money, Villaraigosa trails Cox in most recent polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside cash is also pouring into races that carry more symbolic weight than real power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleni Kounalakis, the former ambassador to Hungary who has won some high profile endorsements in her campaign to become the next \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/lieutenant-governor/\">lieutenant governor\u003c/a>, has also benefited from some $5 million in independent spending from Angelo K. Tsakopoulos, a Sacramento developer who happens to be her father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the race to become the next superintendent of public instruction, which administers public school policy but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/candidates-for-california-schools-chief-vow-to-wield-more-influence-but-for-what/\">typically\u003c/a> doesn’t set it, over $7 million has been spent in support of Marshall Tuck, much of it from charter school advocates. Roughly $3 million has boosted the candidacy of his chief opponent, Assemblyman Tony Thurmond from Richmond, who is backed by the teachers union and other public employee unions.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Turnout: Will this time be different?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In non-presidential primary elections (like this one), the electorate tends to be older, richer, and whiter than the state as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite making up California’s largest single ethnic group, Latino voters are particularly underrepresented at the ballot box. In June of 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/580e513603596ebc55b6ae99/1477333304483/CCEPFS8+-+FINAL+%285%29.pdf\">only\u003c/a> 13.3 percent of registered Latino voters cast a ballot, compared to 25 percent of voters statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year could be different. It’s the first state referendum on President Trump, whose immigration policies in particular have galvanized many Latino voters. And the election features high-profile Latino candidates running for almost every statewide office. The Villaraigosa campaign has spent much of this year touring around Los Angeles and the Central Valley, hoping to engage a population that has historically not turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628908/how-latino-elites-are-paying-the-california-dream-forward\">How Latino Elites Are Paying the California Dream Forward\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628908/how-latino-elites-are-paying-the-california-dream-forward\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/DeLeon-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Other Latinos candidates seeking statewide office include state Sen. Kevin de León who is running for U.S. Senate, acting Attorney General, Xavier Becerra, state Sen. Ed Hernandez who is running for lieutenant governor, and Secretary of State Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this another Year of the Woman?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/05/12/us/politics/women-midterm-elections.html\">record\u003c/a> number of women are running for Congress this year, inspired in part by the Women’s Marches and the #MeToo movement. Nearly 60 are running in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://cawp.rutgers.edu/buzz-2018-potential-women-candidates-us-congress-and-statewide-elected-executive\">Center\u003c/a> for Women and Politics at Rutgers University. This election will be the first test of whether the surge in enthusiasm that has convinced so many women to run will also motivate voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lieutenant governor’s race, Eleni Kounalakis, Lidya Ortega, or Gayle McLaughlin would be the first women to be elected to that position. Ditto for Delaine Eastin and Amanda Renteria if either were to overcome the long odds against them in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/half-states-governed-woman-not-california/\">male-dominated\u003c/a> field of candidates for governor. And in both of the state’s fiscal offices, two Democratic women—treasurer hopeful, Fiona Ma, and incumbent controller, Betty Ye—are the candidates to beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in southeast Los Angeles will have an opportunity to weigh in more directly on #MeToo. Democrat Tony Mendoza, who resigned from the state Senate amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/14-harassment-investigations-underway-lawmakers-handle-accused/\">allegations\u003c/a> that he sexually harassed his staffers, is running for his old seat. In fact he’s running twice—both to serve as his own temporary replacement until November and to serve out the next full term. In an overlapping state Assembly district, Cristina Garcia, who has also been accused of sexual \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/investigation-finds-assemblywoman-cristina-garcia-violated-sexual-harassment-policy-but-only-with-vulgar-language/\">harassment\u003c/a>, is running for re-election too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How powerful is the Republican brand?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A California Republican hasn’t won statewide office since 2006. In that year, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger won his re-election bid and Steve Poizner became the state’s insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Schwarzenegger \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-may-2018-schwarzenegger-won-t-vote-for-leading-1527889146-htmlstory.html\">said\u003c/a> he won’t be voting for either of the leading Republicans in the governor’s race, and Poizner is running again for his old seat—only this time, as a political independent. If Poizner makes it into the general election, that will put him in the running to become the first candidate to win statewide office as a “no party preference” candidate. It also may send a message to future center-right candidates that if they want to win in California, they’ll have to do it without an “R” after their name.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this Goodbye, Sen. Newman?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, California Democrats (and one Republican) passed a transportation funding bill that raised the state’s gas tax for the first time since 1994. As soon as the bill was signed into law, Republicans organized an effort to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/nuclear-option-why-politicians-are-warily-watching-the-recall-election-of-sen-josh-newman/\">recall\u003c/a> state Sen. Josh Newman. Newman wasn’t the author of the bill, but he does represent a purple district in north Orange County, which he won in 2016 by a fraction of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall vote, which coincides with the primary election is more than just an Orange County phenomenon. Conservative activists hope to put a repeal of the gas tax increase on the November election ballot and Newman’s fate could be a test of how receptive voter will be to that effort. Plus, if Newman is successfully booted from office, that could inspire activists on both sides of the political spectrum to evoke the recall option more in the future to punish their ideological rivals\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Find KQED's live election results and analysis here.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are 53 congressional races. Another 101 open seats in the California Legislature. Add to that heated statewide contests for offices that you’re familiar with (governor, attorney general) and a few that you might not be (treasurer, controller, board of equalization). Oh, don’t forget the propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s a lot to keep track of on the California ballot. Here are eight questions to keep in mind as you cast your vote and wait for the results to trickle in.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who’s on second in the governor’s race?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>No fewer than 27 candidates hope to replace Gov. Jerry Brown. California’s top two electoral system, which only allows the first and second place winners to move onto the general election, regardless of political party, means that all but 25 will soon be heading home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The polls are in strong agreement that Democratic Lt. Gov. \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/gavin-newsom/\">Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> is all but certain to grab one of those top two spots. The big question is who will come second.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leading contenders are Republican \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/john-cox/\">John Cox\u003c/a>, a lawyer and accountant from the San Diego area, and \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/antonio-villaraigosa/\">Antonio Villaraigosa\u003c/a>, the Democratic former mayor of Los Angeles, according to most surveys. Republican Assemblyman \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/travis-allen/\">Travis Allen\u003c/a> of Huntington Beach and two Democrats, state Treasurer \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/john-chiang/\">John Chiang\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/delaine-eastin/\">Delaine Eastin\u003c/a>, the former superintendent of public instruction, are all hoping those poll are spectacularly wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-800x512.jpg\" alt=\"Candidates for California Governor, from top left: Republican Travis Allen, Democrat John Chiang, Republican John Cox, Democrats Delaine Estin, Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa.\" width=\"800\" height=\"512\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665296\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-800x512.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-160x102.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1020x653.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1200x769.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-1180x756.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-960x615.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-240x154.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-375x240.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates-520x333.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/Photo-collage_-6-Gov-candidates.jpg 1680w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Candidates for California Governor, from top left: Republican Travis Allen, Democrat John Chiang, Republican John Cox, Democrats Delaine Estin, Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa. \u003ccite>(Photos by CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If Cox makes it past this primary, California’s gubernatorial race will assume a familiar partisan pattern: Democrat versus Republican. Cox isn’t particularly well known and has been endorsed by President Trump, so that contest will be Newsom’s to lose in blue California. But if Villaraigosa edges out Cox, the state will have its first ever intraparty gubernatorial general election.. Many Democrats believe that will benefit the party as a whole—and help capture GOP-held congressional seats key to the Dems taking control of the House—by discouraging Republican turnout in November. Team Newsom begs to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/gavin-newsom-insists-his-campaign-tactic-wont-really-cost-democrats-the-house/\">differ\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who will be shutout in Orange County?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s top-two system can punish a party with too many candidates in one race. In Orange County, Democrats face exactly that problem, where a bevy of political newbies have crowded into some of the state’s most competitive races and risk splitting the left-of-center vote, leaving the first and second spots to Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The threat is most acute in the contests to replace Rep. Darrell Issa in Vista and Rep. Ed Royce in Fullerton (both are retiring) and in the seat held by Dana Rohrabacher in Huntington Beach. All three are former Republican bastions that have trended purple in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11672470/an-enthusiasm-glut-for-democrats\">An Enthusiasm Glut for Democrats\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11672470/an-enthusiasm-glut-for-democrats\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/homestretch_060418_final-1180x793.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Most political scientists say such shutout scenarios are rare in competitive districts, but Democrats don’t have much wiggle room. Nationally, they are hoping to flip at least 23 seats to take back control of the House. Democratic operatives have seen the possibility of a top-two shut-out coming for months, but aside from offering endorsements, buying advertisements, and good old-fashioned browbeating, there isn’t \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/democratic-dread-party-tries-to-keep-californias-odd-election-rules-from-denying-them-the-u-s-house/\">much\u003c/a> the party can do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Does outside money matter?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California elections are always expensive. But spending from independent expenditure groups, who can spend as much money as they like so long as they don’t directly coordinate with political campaigns, have played a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/high-rollers-a-closer-look-at-some-of-the-sources-underwriting-californias-costly-campaign-season/\">significant\u003c/a> role this year. Will it make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the race for governor, a handful of millionaires have bet big on Villaraigosa, spending over $20 million in support his campaign. The former mayor’s position on education policy seems to be a big draw. Villaraigosa is an avid charter school supporter and has advocated for changes to tenure rules for public school teachers. But for all that money, Villaraigosa trails Cox in most recent polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside cash is also pouring into races that carry more symbolic weight than real power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleni Kounalakis, the former ambassador to Hungary who has won some high profile endorsements in her campaign to become the next \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/lieutenant-governor/\">lieutenant governor\u003c/a>, has also benefited from some $5 million in independent spending from Angelo K. Tsakopoulos, a Sacramento developer who happens to be her father.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in the race to become the next superintendent of public instruction, which administers public school policy but \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/candidates-for-california-schools-chief-vow-to-wield-more-influence-but-for-what/\">typically\u003c/a> doesn’t set it, over $7 million has been spent in support of Marshall Tuck, much of it from charter school advocates. Roughly $3 million has boosted the candidacy of his chief opponent, Assemblyman Tony Thurmond from Richmond, who is backed by the teachers union and other public employee unions.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Turnout: Will this time be different?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In non-presidential primary elections (like this one), the electorate tends to be older, richer, and whiter than the state as a whole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite making up California’s largest single ethnic group, Latino voters are particularly underrepresented at the ballot box. In June of 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/57b8c7ce15d5dbf599fb46ab/t/580e513603596ebc55b6ae99/1477333304483/CCEPFS8+-+FINAL+%285%29.pdf\">only\u003c/a> 13.3 percent of registered Latino voters cast a ballot, compared to 25 percent of voters statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year could be different. It’s the first state referendum on President Trump, whose immigration policies in particular have galvanized many Latino voters. And the election features high-profile Latino candidates running for almost every statewide office. The Villaraigosa campaign has spent much of this year touring around Los Angeles and the Central Valley, hoping to engage a population that has historically not turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628908/how-latino-elites-are-paying-the-california-dream-forward\">How Latino Elites Are Paying the California Dream Forward\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11628908/how-latino-elites-are-paying-the-california-dream-forward\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/11/DeLeon-1038x576.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Other Latinos candidates seeking statewide office include state Sen. Kevin de León who is running for U.S. Senate, acting Attorney General, Xavier Becerra, state Sen. Ed Hernandez who is running for lieutenant governor, and Secretary of State Alex Padilla.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this another Year of the Woman?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/05/12/us/politics/women-midterm-elections.html\">record\u003c/a> number of women are running for Congress this year, inspired in part by the Women’s Marches and the #MeToo movement. Nearly 60 are running in California, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://cawp.rutgers.edu/buzz-2018-potential-women-candidates-us-congress-and-statewide-elected-executive\">Center\u003c/a> for Women and Politics at Rutgers University. This election will be the first test of whether the surge in enthusiasm that has convinced so many women to run will also motivate voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the lieutenant governor’s race, Eleni Kounalakis, Lidya Ortega, or Gayle McLaughlin would be the first women to be elected to that position. Ditto for Delaine Eastin and Amanda Renteria if either were to overcome the long odds against them in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/half-states-governed-woman-not-california/\">male-dominated\u003c/a> field of candidates for governor. And in both of the state’s fiscal offices, two Democratic women—treasurer hopeful, Fiona Ma, and incumbent controller, Betty Ye—are the candidates to beat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in southeast Los Angeles will have an opportunity to weigh in more directly on #MeToo. Democrat Tony Mendoza, who resigned from the state Senate amid \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/14-harassment-investigations-underway-lawmakers-handle-accused/\">allegations\u003c/a> that he sexually harassed his staffers, is running for his old seat. In fact he’s running twice—both to serve as his own temporary replacement until November and to serve out the next full term. In an overlapping state Assembly district, Cristina Garcia, who has also been accused of sexual \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/investigation-finds-assemblywoman-cristina-garcia-violated-sexual-harassment-policy-but-only-with-vulgar-language/\">harassment\u003c/a>, is running for re-election too.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How powerful is the Republican brand?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A California Republican hasn’t won statewide office since 2006. In that year, Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger won his re-election bid and Steve Poizner became the state’s insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Schwarzenegger \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/essential/la-pol-ca-essential-politics-may-2018-schwarzenegger-won-t-vote-for-leading-1527889146-htmlstory.html\">said\u003c/a> he won’t be voting for either of the leading Republicans in the governor’s race, and Poizner is running again for his old seat—only this time, as a political independent. If Poizner makes it into the general election, that will put him in the running to become the first candidate to win statewide office as a “no party preference” candidate. It also may send a message to future center-right candidates that if they want to win in California, they’ll have to do it without an “R” after their name.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is this Goodbye, Sen. Newman?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last year, California Democrats (and one Republican) passed a transportation funding bill that raised the state’s gas tax for the first time since 1994. As soon as the bill was signed into law, Republicans organized an effort to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/nuclear-option-why-politicians-are-warily-watching-the-recall-election-of-sen-josh-newman/\">recall\u003c/a> state Sen. Josh Newman. Newman wasn’t the author of the bill, but he does represent a purple district in north Orange County, which he won in 2016 by a fraction of a percentage point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall vote, which coincides with the primary election is more than just an Orange County phenomenon. Conservative activists hope to put a repeal of the gas tax increase on the November election ballot and Newman’s fate could be a test of how receptive voter will be to that effort. Plus, if Newman is successfully booted from office, that could inspire activists on both sides of the political spectrum to evoke the recall option more in the future to punish their ideological rivals\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Parks and Politics: What You Need to Know About Propositions 68 and 70",
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"content": "\u003cp>What to make of the propositions on California’s June 5 ballot? As ever, the issues span the political spectrum. But two address the environment, one asking voters to shell out billions to improve it and another that could make it more difficult for the state to spend billions on helpful projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, these measures would provide money to shore up crumbling levees, give kids more places to play and help clean the air — albeit at a price — and affect how the state spends proceeds of the cap-and-trade system that California uses to reduce greenhouse gases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s unpack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 68 would grant state officials permission to borrow $4.1 billion for water infrastructure projects, wildlife habitat restoration and new parks in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the measure you can’t really say you are against, for fear of being labeled a Scrooge. Is it possible to be against water, wildlife and parks? Might as well call this the “We Love Puppies and Babies” measure. Just remember that some puppies — and babies, for that matter — may bite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sting comes when the bill is due. California voters have OK’d bond measures for water and parks projects many times, approving the borrowing of nearly $16 billion since 2002. They’ve made it clear they stand behind such projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How is Proposition 68 any different? It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The borrowed money must be paid back, with interest. That is estimated to cost more than $200 million a year. For decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look at who opposes it: the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which rarely approves of expenditures that come out of taxpayers’ pockets. But neither the organization nor any other opponent of the proposition has spent a penny to stop it. Supporters, on the other hand, have shelled out more than $9 million to sing the measure’s praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s water infrastructure is in bad shape. The bond apportions $1.27 billion for levees and flood protection and another $1.5 billion to shore up rivers and coastal areas to withstand the effect of climate change and rising seas. Funding would also be set aside for wastewater recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11672038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11672038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A levee holding back the waters of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in Stockton, pictured in 2005.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A levee holding back the waters of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in Stockton, pictured in 2005. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of that money would be spent to improve wildlife habitat, which has compounding benefits: Restored waterways and wildlands for animals capture precious water more efficiently and store it more effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing in worse shape than water infrastructure in California is the state park system, which has a backlog of repairs projected to cost more than $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state parks would get much of the $1.3 billion in bond money set aside for parks, but a healthy slice would go to create recreation areas in communities where open space is scarce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, there’s further benefit. It helps to think of parks as vital components of public health. Green spaces, no matter how minuscule, encourage residents to exercise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And underserved areas are the same places where clusters of childhood diabetes and respiratory ailments are found. Researchers have linked access to recreation with improved health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the “greening” that comes with new parklands can mean more trees, which not only provide cooling shade but also draw carbon dioxide, a greenhouse gas, out of the atmosphere. Porous, non-paved surfaces like playing fields channel rainwater to recharge aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, far larger bond measure appears headed for the November ballot, dedicated mostly to groundwater management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, let’s talk about Proposition 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1924223/proposition-70-who-decides-how-to-spend-california-climate-funds\">Proposition 70: Who Decides How to Spend California Climate Funds\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1924223/proposition-70-who-decides-how-to-spend-california-climate-funds\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2018/05/RS2769_Download090427-054-1180x826.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It says that in 2024, the state Legislature must have a two-thirds majority vote to pull money from California’s deepest pockets — the kitty holding the proceeds from the state’s cap-and-trade auctions. The funds — more than $5 billion since the program’s inception — would be placed in a special reserve, to be released only with that supermajority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, is a purely political product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of last summer’s deal to keep California’s cap-and-trade system going — a requirement to gain the support of Chad Mayes, then the leader of the Assembly’s Republicans (he lost his post because of his support).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is that raising the vote threshold would give the Legislature’s minority Republicans more say in which projects get hundreds of millions of dollars in funding from the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way it works now is that simple majority votes determine how the money is spent. It mainly goes to projects that reduce carbon emissions or help low-income communities with housing, transportation, sustainability and recreation projects, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is constant debate in the Legislature about how elastic the definition of “emissions reduction” has become. Here’s where the politics comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a quarter of the auction proceeds go to one of Gov. Jerry Brown’s pet projects, the high-speed rail system slated to link Los Angeles and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has flagging support in the Capitol, even among Democrats. A stricter voting standard might kill further funding for the mega-project. Opponents see the proposition as a chance to stop the bullet train once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could also make it hard for lawmakers to come to agreement on how to spend the money, leaving funds untapped and drying up resources for bipartisan projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Parks and Politics: What You Need to Know About Propositions 68 and 70 | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What to make of the propositions on California’s June 5 ballot? As ever, the issues span the political spectrum. But two address the environment, one asking voters to shell out billions to improve it and another that could make it more difficult for the state to spend billions on helpful projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taken together, these measures would provide money to shore up crumbling levees, give kids more places to play and help clean the air — albeit at a price — and affect how the state spends proceeds of the cap-and-trade system that California uses to reduce greenhouse gases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s unpack.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 68 would grant state officials permission to borrow $4.1 billion for water infrastructure projects, wildlife habitat restoration and new parks in low-income neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is the measure you can’t really say you are against, for fear of being labeled a Scrooge. Is it possible to be against water, wildlife and parks? Might as well call this the “We Love Puppies and Babies” measure. Just remember that some puppies — and babies, for that matter — may bite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sting comes when the bill is due. California voters have OK’d bond measures for water and parks projects many times, approving the borrowing of nearly $16 billion since 2002. They’ve made it clear they stand behind such projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How is Proposition 68 any different? It’s not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The borrowed money must be paid back, with interest. That is estimated to cost more than $200 million a year. For decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Look at who opposes it: the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, which rarely approves of expenditures that come out of taxpayers’ pockets. But neither the organization nor any other opponent of the proposition has spent a penny to stop it. Supporters, on the other hand, have shelled out more than $9 million to sing the measure’s praises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s water infrastructure is in bad shape. The bond apportions $1.27 billion for levees and flood protection and another $1.5 billion to shore up rivers and coastal areas to withstand the effect of climate change and rising seas. Funding would also be set aside for wastewater recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11672038\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11672038\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A levee holding back the waters of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in Stockton, pictured in 2005.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1200x800.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/06/StocktonLevee-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A levee holding back the waters of the Sacramento-San Joaquin River Delta in Stockton, pictured in 2005. \u003ccite>(David McNew/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some of that money would be spent to improve wildlife habitat, which has compounding benefits: Restored waterways and wildlands for animals capture precious water more efficiently and store it more effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing in worse shape than water infrastructure in California is the state park system, which has a backlog of repairs projected to cost more than $1 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state parks would get much of the $1.3 billion in bond money set aside for parks, but a healthy slice would go to create recreation areas in communities where open space is scarce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Again, there’s further benefit. It helps to think of parks as vital components of public health. Green spaces, no matter how minuscule, encourage residents to exercise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And underserved areas are the same places where clusters of childhood diabetes and respiratory ailments are found. Researchers have linked access to recreation with improved health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, the “greening” that comes with new parklands can mean more trees, which not only provide cooling shade but also draw carbon dioxide, a greenhouse gas, out of the atmosphere. Porous, non-paved surfaces like playing fields channel rainwater to recharge aquifers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, far larger bond measure appears headed for the November ballot, dedicated mostly to groundwater management.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now, let’s talk about Proposition 70.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1924223/proposition-70-who-decides-how-to-spend-california-climate-funds\">Proposition 70: Who Decides How to Spend California Climate Funds\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/science/1924223/proposition-70-who-decides-how-to-spend-california-climate-funds\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2018/05/RS2769_Download090427-054-1180x826.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It says that in 2024, the state Legislature must have a two-thirds majority vote to pull money from California’s deepest pockets — the kitty holding the proceeds from the state’s cap-and-trade auctions. The funds — more than $5 billion since the program’s inception — would be placed in a special reserve, to be released only with that supermajority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal, placed on the ballot by the Legislature, is a purely political product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of last summer’s deal to keep California’s cap-and-trade system going — a requirement to gain the support of Chad Mayes, then the leader of the Assembly’s Republicans (he lost his post because of his support).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is that raising the vote threshold would give the Legislature’s minority Republicans more say in which projects get hundreds of millions of dollars in funding from the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The way it works now is that simple majority votes determine how the money is spent. It mainly goes to projects that reduce carbon emissions or help low-income communities with housing, transportation, sustainability and recreation projects, for example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is constant debate in the Legislature about how elastic the definition of “emissions reduction” has become. Here’s where the politics comes in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a quarter of the auction proceeds go to one of Gov. Jerry Brown’s pet projects, the high-speed rail system slated to link Los Angeles and San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The project has flagging support in the Capitol, even among Democrats. A stricter voting standard might kill further funding for the mega-project. Opponents see the proposition as a chance to stop the bullet train once and for all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It could also make it hard for lawmakers to come to agreement on how to spend the money, leaving funds untapped and drying up resources for bipartisan projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers added fuel to Elon Musk’s entrepreneurial fire last week when they cleared the way for sales of the investor’s newest — and probably hottest — product: personal flamethrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, some 20,000 people could be walking around with the devices, which resemble toy guns but are capable of emitting flames at least 2 feet long. In California, there will be little to regulate them because lawmakers quietly quashed a bill to rein in recreational fire-spitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, one of Musk’s companies began \u003ca href=\"http://fortune.com/2017/12/12/elon-musk-boring-company-hats/\">selling hats\u003c/a> to raise money for its vision of drilling tunnels under urban areas to beat gridlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fired up by a positive public response, Musk \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/940056523304181762\">promised on Twitter\u003c/a> that if his Boring Company sold 50,000 hats, it would also begin selling “The Boring Company flamethrower.” He explained the logic of this merchandising leap in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/940125978797281281\">a later tweet\u003c/a>: “I know it’s a little off-brand, but kids love it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month later, the company launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.boringcompany.com/not-a-flamethrower/\">a sales page\u003c/a> for its flamethrower, and Musk tweeted that the device was a good investment to make in advance of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/957441956874919936?lang=en\">impending zombie apocalypse\u003c/a>. He also posted \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BeeYW0NA1HU/?hl=en\">a video\u003c/a> of himself wielding one with the comment, “I want to be clear that a flamethrower is a super terrible idea. Definitely don’t buy one. Unless you like fun.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/BeeYW0NA1HU/?hl=en\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Available at the fire-sale price of $500, the stock of 20,000 sold out in \u003ca href=\"http://money.cnn.com/2018/02/01/technology/flamethrower-elon-musk-boring-company-sold-out/index.html\">just four days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Assemblyman Miguel Santiago, a Democrat from Los Angeles. When he first heard about the Boring Company’s scheme, he assumed Musk was kidding. Once he realized the investor was serious, Santiago fired off \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/santiagoad53/status/958106625679638528?lang=en\">a press release\u003c/a> criticizing his decision to move ahead with sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/santiagoad53/status/958106625679638528?lang=en\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Jokes or not,” he wrote, “this subject matter, in the wake of the state’s deadliest wildfires in history, is incredibly insensitive, dangerous, and \u003cem>most definitely\u003c/em> not funny. Absolutely no public good could come from the sale of this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago introduced a bill to limit the sale of flamethrowers in California, making it harder for consumers to buy them for recreational use, while allowing them to be used in, for example, industrial and agricultural settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though it was supported by cops and firefighters, Santiago immediately faced opposition from gun rights advocates. The Firearms Policy Coalition criticized lawmakers for trying to regulate the devices and wrote that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1949\">AB 1949\u003c/a> criminalized nonviolent behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill,” the group wrote, “should be torched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago narrowed the scope of his bill from requiring a rigorous permitting system for flamethrowers to simply requiring them to carry a safety label. But even that weakened form of the bill stalled Friday, when it was held in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, a victim of the notorious \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">“suspense file” process\u003c/a> in which legislative leaders often kill bills that could pose an embarrassing vote for the ruling party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1000509888534007809?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.teslarati.com%2Fboring-company-not-a-flamethrower-pickup-party-elon-musk%2F&tfw_creator=ResidentSponge&tfw_site=teslarati\">Musk announced\u003c/a> that the flamethrowers are “about to ship,” and that his company will hold “flamethrower pickup parties” in a week or so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just in time for fire season to hit California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers added fuel to Elon Musk’s entrepreneurial fire last week when they cleared the way for sales of the investor’s newest — and probably hottest — product: personal flamethrowers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the coming weeks, some 20,000 people could be walking around with the devices, which resemble toy guns but are capable of emitting flames at least 2 feet long. In California, there will be little to regulate them because lawmakers quietly quashed a bill to rein in recreational fire-spitting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Let’s back up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last December, one of Musk’s companies began \u003ca href=\"http://fortune.com/2017/12/12/elon-musk-boring-company-hats/\">selling hats\u003c/a> to raise money for its vision of drilling tunnels under urban areas to beat gridlock.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fired up by a positive public response, Musk \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/940056523304181762\">promised on Twitter\u003c/a> that if his Boring Company sold 50,000 hats, it would also begin selling “The Boring Company flamethrower.” He explained the logic of this merchandising leap in \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/940125978797281281\">a later tweet\u003c/a>: “I know it’s a little off-brand, but kids love it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A month later, the company launched \u003ca href=\"https://www.boringcompany.com/not-a-flamethrower/\">a sales page\u003c/a> for its flamethrower, and Musk tweeted that the device was a good investment to make in advance of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/957441956874919936?lang=en\">impending zombie apocalypse\u003c/a>. He also posted \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/BeeYW0NA1HU/?hl=en\">a video\u003c/a> of himself wielding one with the comment, “I want to be clear that a flamethrower is a super terrible idea. Definitely don’t buy one. Unless you like fun.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Available at the fire-sale price of $500, the stock of 20,000 sold out in \u003ca href=\"http://money.cnn.com/2018/02/01/technology/flamethrower-elon-musk-boring-company-sold-out/index.html\">just four days\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Enter Assemblyman Miguel Santiago, a Democrat from Los Angeles. When he first heard about the Boring Company’s scheme, he assumed Musk was kidding. Once he realized the investor was serious, Santiago fired off \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/santiagoad53/status/958106625679638528?lang=en\">a press release\u003c/a> criticizing his decision to move ahead with sales.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>“Jokes or not,” he wrote, “this subject matter, in the wake of the state’s deadliest wildfires in history, is incredibly insensitive, dangerous, and \u003cem>most definitely\u003c/em> not funny. Absolutely no public good could come from the sale of this tool.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago introduced a bill to limit the sale of flamethrowers in California, making it harder for consumers to buy them for recreational use, while allowing them to be used in, for example, industrial and agricultural settings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though it was supported by cops and firefighters, Santiago immediately faced opposition from gun rights advocates. The Firearms Policy Coalition criticized lawmakers for trying to regulate the devices and wrote that \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1949\">AB 1949\u003c/a> criminalized nonviolent behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill,” the group wrote, “should be torched.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santiago narrowed the scope of his bill from requiring a rigorous permitting system for flamethrowers to simply requiring them to carry a safety label. But even that weakened form of the bill stalled Friday, when it was held in the Assembly Appropriations Committee, a victim of the notorious \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\">“suspense file” process\u003c/a> in which legislative leaders often kill bills that could pose an embarrassing vote for the ruling party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The next day, \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1000509888534007809?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.teslarati.com%2Fboring-company-not-a-flamethrower-pickup-party-elon-musk%2F&tfw_creator=ResidentSponge&tfw_site=teslarati\">Musk announced\u003c/a> that the flamethrowers are “about to ship,” and that his company will hold “flamethrower pickup parties” in a week or so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just in time for fire season to hit California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"calmatters.org\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After shelving a plan to provide full government health benefits to all undocumented, low-income adults in the state, California lawmakers are trying to extend coverage to seniors and the disabled in that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.8 million adult immigrants live in California without authorization, and roughly 1.2 million of them are poor enough to qualify for Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid. They can get care in emergency rooms, but a proposed new law would have provided them with full Medi-Cal benefits, including preventive care. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea, contained in bills by Democratic Sens. Ricardo \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB974\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Lara\u003c/a> of Bell Gardens and Joaquin \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2965\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Arambula\u003c/a> of Fresno, took a major hit this week when the measures were placed in the dreaded “suspense file,” where bills sit in limbo and often die. Instead, Democratic lawmakers have included a vastly scaled-back version in the ongoing budget negotiations, which will conclude in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original plan was estimated to cost California $3 billion a year, and Gov. Jerry Brown has signaled extreme reluctance to spend such a large portion of the state’s nearly $9 billion surplus. And billions in taxpayer funds for undocumented residents may be an especially hard sell in this election year, when state Republicans are using illegal immigration as a wedge issue, hoping to drive GOP voters to the polls to support their candidates and causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers are now pushing for $250 million in the next budget to cover roughly 114,000 low-income seniors and disabled residents who are undocumented. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the state extended Medi-Cal benefits to undocumented children, and nearly 250,000 have enrolled since then, at a cost to the state of about $280 million. Adults’ health care is more expensive overall than children’s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have said it’s a mistake for the state to pay for full-scope health care benefits to any portion of the undocumented population—whether it’s adults, children or seniors—not just because of the cost but also on principle, because many people without documentation are here illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Baackes is CEO of LA Care Health Plan, the largest publicly operated health plan in the nation. Baackes said the undocumented adult population is the largest segment of people in the state without health insurance, and getting them coverage is a huge cost-saver in the long run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their care right now is episodic and inefficient—and expensive,” he said. California is already paying to care for them in emergency rooms and other urgent-care facilities, so the choice is whether or not to do that in a low-cost way, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Including the low-income undocumented population in Medi-Cal potentially could save federal dollars, because it would ease the financial burden of free care received at federally qualified health centers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara has argued that providing full care would save the state money, both in the expense of care and in increased worker productivity, because working adults wouldn’t wait till they’re really sick and rush to get expensive emergency room care. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said the Trump administration’s crackdown on illegal immigration is deterring some residents from seeking needed care. Immigration and health care advocates have speculated that’s why enrollment of undocumented children in California’s public health services has been slower than expected. Many immigrants fear that using those services could lead immigration officials to deport them or family members. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear-mongering is higher now,” Lara said. But he said California needs to blaze its own path, to look at its long-term future: “Fear in the immigrant community was there before Trump, and it will be there after Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end,Sacramento policy shifts almost always come down to cost, said Micah Weinberg, president of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute, a nonprofit think tank based in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have shown, he said, that immigrants are a benefit to communities where they live. The real problem, Weinberg said, is that health care costs too much, so adding undocumented adults becomes a pricier proposition than it should be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More health care for more people costs more money,” Weinberg said. “There’s no way around that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A Democratic bid to extend government health coverage to all undocumented, low-income adults in California has been put on hold. Lawmakers now hope to cover at least the seniors and the disabled.",
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"title": "A Scaled-Back Bid to Care for Undocumented Californians | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After shelving a plan to provide full government health benefits to all undocumented, low-income adults in the state, California lawmakers are trying to extend coverage to seniors and the disabled in that population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.8 million adult immigrants live in California without authorization, and roughly 1.2 million of them are poor enough to qualify for Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid. They can get care in emergency rooms, but a proposed new law would have provided them with full Medi-Cal benefits, including preventive care. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That idea, contained in bills by Democratic Sens. Ricardo \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB974\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Lara\u003c/a> of Bell Gardens and Joaquin \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2965\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Arambula\u003c/a> of Fresno, took a major hit this week when the measures were placed in the dreaded “suspense file,” where bills sit in limbo and often die. Instead, Democratic lawmakers have included a vastly scaled-back version in the ongoing budget negotiations, which will conclude in mid-June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The original plan was estimated to cost California $3 billion a year, and Gov. Jerry Brown has signaled extreme reluctance to spend such a large portion of the state’s nearly $9 billion surplus. And billions in taxpayer funds for undocumented residents may be an especially hard sell in this election year, when state Republicans are using illegal immigration as a wedge issue, hoping to drive GOP voters to the polls to support their candidates and causes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic lawmakers are now pushing for $250 million in the next budget to cover roughly 114,000 low-income seniors and disabled residents who are undocumented. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2016, the state extended Medi-Cal benefits to undocumented children, and nearly 250,000 have enrolled since then, at a cost to the state of about $280 million. Adults’ health care is more expensive overall than children’s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents have said it’s a mistake for the state to pay for full-scope health care benefits to any portion of the undocumented population—whether it’s adults, children or seniors—not just because of the cost but also on principle, because many people without documentation are here illegally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Baackes is CEO of LA Care Health Plan, the largest publicly operated health plan in the nation. Baackes said the undocumented adult population is the largest segment of people in the state without health insurance, and getting them coverage is a huge cost-saver in the long run. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Their care right now is episodic and inefficient—and expensive,” he said. California is already paying to care for them in emergency rooms and other urgent-care facilities, so the choice is whether or not to do that in a low-cost way, he said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Including the low-income undocumented population in Medi-Cal potentially could save federal dollars, because it would ease the financial burden of free care received at federally qualified health centers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara has argued that providing full care would save the state money, both in the expense of care and in increased worker productivity, because working adults wouldn’t wait till they’re really sick and rush to get expensive emergency room care. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said the Trump administration’s crackdown on illegal immigration is deterring some residents from seeking needed care. Immigration and health care advocates have speculated that’s why enrollment of undocumented children in California’s public health services has been slower than expected. Many immigrants fear that using those services could lead immigration officials to deport them or family members. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fear-mongering is higher now,” Lara said. But he said California needs to blaze its own path, to look at its long-term future: “Fear in the immigrant community was there before Trump, and it will be there after Trump.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the end,Sacramento policy shifts almost always come down to cost, said Micah Weinberg, president of the Bay Area Council Economic Institute, a nonprofit think tank based in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Multiple studies have shown, he said, that immigrants are a benefit to communities where they live. The real problem, Weinberg said, is that health care costs too much, so adding undocumented adults becomes a pricier proposition than it should be. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“More health care for more people costs more money,” Weinberg said. “There’s no way around that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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