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"content": "\u003cp>Last winter, Vivek Viswanathan decided to run for California state treasurer. Then he decided to run across California. Literally run. From Sacramento to the Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first glance, neither decision would seem like a particularly good idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To become the state’s next chief money manager, Viswanathan—a 31-year-old who has never campaigned for office, lacks broad name recognition and vows not to take money from corporations or political action committees—needs to introduce himself to over 18 million registered voters in 58 counties. Then he’ll need to convince them that he’s the best fit for a \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/treasurer/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">job\u003c/a> that few have given much thought. He’ll also need to elbow aside Fiona Ma, a well-established fellow Democrat who has been gathering endorsements and raising cash since May of 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for that other race—625 miles, mostly through the sun-scorched Central Valley where running trails are scarce—that sounds pretty hard too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes it pays to be creative with your messaging. That’s especially true in California, a massive state with a pricey, fragmented media market and spotty voter participation. In the governor’s race alone, the top candidates have raised over $50 million to broadcast their messages. Even so, 40 percent of likely voters say they haven’t paid attention to the campaign, says a new USC Dornsife/Los Angeles poll. For little-known candidates, trying to campaign statewide when you’re not already elected, famous or wealthy can be an uphill battle. Even fora marathon runner with glow-in-the-dark sneakers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viswanathan says the time is right for a different type of campaign, one not centered around spending “week after week, month after month, calling wealthy people” to raise money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt there has to be more to it than that, even in a state as big as California,” he said. “Especially this year... when people are more awake to what’s going on... maybe I should do it a different way and start running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s had some success. He’s raised roughly $200,000 in small contributions and recently earned the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/05/16/editorial-the-best-pick-for-california-treasurer-is-just-31-years-old/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">endorsement\u003c/a> of the San Jose Mercury News and East Bay Times editorial boards. Plus, he’s already made it down to Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For inspiration Viswanathan cites Floridian Lawton Chiles, who walked from Pensacola to Miami in his 1970 race for U.S. Senate. “Walkin’ Lawton” won. But the big campaign gimmick doesn’t always pan out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, Democrat John Garamendi took odd jobs in every California county as part of his “Working for California” gubernatorial campaign. Two decades later, Republican Neel Kashkari spent a week pretending to be homeless in the Central Valley while running against Gov. Brown. Neither became governor, although Garamendi now serves in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A campaign has to be about more than some “cute trick,” said Larry Gerston, political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University. “Unless you’re that kind of person who can attach him or herself to a particularly salient issue and ride that issue, it’s going to be very difficult to overcome the clutter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin thinks she might be that kind of person. As mayor of Richmond, she helped build a coalition of progressives to challenge the political influence of the city’s biggest employer, Chevron. Now she’s running for lieutenant governor as a socialist with no party affiliation but the backing of progressive third parties, Democratic Socialist organization and Our Revolution, a network of veterans from Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite no major party backing and limited resources, McLaughlin said she hopes to build a “statewide movement” by tapping into enthusiastic political organizations and “connecting all the various progressive groups and statewide unions...It’s right in line with what Bernie was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social media also neutralizes an obstacle that has stymied nontraditional campaigns, she said: a lack of news coverage. Her campaign’s Facebook page routinely gets more clicks, likes, and comments than those of any of her better financed challengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graeme Boushey, a UC Irvine professor, is skeptical that clicks translate to success at the ballot box. “There is a fetish of technology,” he said, “but what matters at the end of the day is votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in primary elections, when most voters are “brick-and-mortar, high-turnout” partisans, candidates without major endorsements and third-party campaigns face what he called “a very high barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For down-ballot races, candidates have to perform double duty: introduce voters to who you are and explain the job you want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could go ask a thousand people on the street who the controller is and one person, maybe two, would know...let alone what they do,” said Konstantinos Roditis, a Republican running to be state \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/controller/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">controller\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the record, it’s Betty Yee, a Democrat. But the relative obscurity of the position actually levels the playing field, said Roditis:“Incumbency doesn’t make as big a difference...a lot of people don’t know her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viswanathan jokes that his race to become state treasurer sometimes feels like a school student council campaign: “The only people who care are my personal friends and Fiona Ma’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many candidates running for statewide office face this “Catch 22′′: The press won’t pay attention until they poll well and raise a lot of money. But they can’t register in the polls or fundraise until the media pays attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Hartson, one of 32 candidates running for U.S. Senate, says she’s seen this phenomenon in recent public opinion \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs_likelyvoters0318.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">surveys\u003c/a>: Voters are asked to pick among the top two leading candidatesor “someone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, she said, press reports declare that “‘the top two candidates are Dianne Feinstein and Kevin de León: clearly these are the two candidates that California wants.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s tried to grab the public’s attention in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, she released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=op38z9w3TfA\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">video\u003c/a> about contributions the telecom giant AT&T made to the two leading U.S. Senate candidates. The media needs to cover “all kinds of corruption, not just Trump or Russia or boobs,” she says in the video, over images of Vladimir Putin and the pornographic actress and filmmaker Stormy Daniels. Prior campaign videos hadn’t been getting much attention, she said, so decided to make one that was “a little more spunky, a little more fun, and see if it catches on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying every single thing at our disposal,” she said. “And having fun with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Last winter, Vivek Viswanathan decided to run for California state treasurer. Then he decided to run across California. Literally run. From Sacramento to the Mexican border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first glance, neither decision would seem like a particularly good idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To become the state’s next chief money manager, Viswanathan—a 31-year-old who has never campaigned for office, lacks broad name recognition and vows not to take money from corporations or political action committees—needs to introduce himself to over 18 million registered voters in 58 counties. Then he’ll need to convince them that he’s the best fit for a \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/treasurer/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">job\u003c/a> that few have given much thought. He’ll also need to elbow aside Fiona Ma, a well-established fellow Democrat who has been gathering endorsements and raising cash since May of 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for that other race—625 miles, mostly through the sun-scorched Central Valley where running trails are scarce—that sounds pretty hard too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But sometimes it pays to be creative with your messaging. That’s especially true in California, a massive state with a pricey, fragmented media market and spotty voter participation. In the governor’s race alone, the top candidates have raised over $50 million to broadcast their messages. Even so, 40 percent of likely voters say they haven’t paid attention to the campaign, says a new USC Dornsife/Los Angeles poll. For little-known candidates, trying to campaign statewide when you’re not already elected, famous or wealthy can be an uphill battle. Even fora marathon runner with glow-in-the-dark sneakers. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viswanathan says the time is right for a different type of campaign, one not centered around spending “week after week, month after month, calling wealthy people” to raise money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt there has to be more to it than that, even in a state as big as California,” he said. “Especially this year... when people are more awake to what’s going on... maybe I should do it a different way and start running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s had some success. He’s raised roughly $200,000 in small contributions and recently earned the \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/05/16/editorial-the-best-pick-for-california-treasurer-is-just-31-years-old/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">endorsement\u003c/a> of the San Jose Mercury News and East Bay Times editorial boards. Plus, he’s already made it down to Long Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For inspiration Viswanathan cites Floridian Lawton Chiles, who walked from Pensacola to Miami in his 1970 race for U.S. Senate. “Walkin’ Lawton” won. But the big campaign gimmick doesn’t always pan out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1994, Democrat John Garamendi took odd jobs in every California county as part of his “Working for California” gubernatorial campaign. Two decades later, Republican Neel Kashkari spent a week pretending to be homeless in the Central Valley while running against Gov. Brown. Neither became governor, although Garamendi now serves in Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A campaign has to be about more than some “cute trick,” said Larry Gerston, political science professor emeritus at San Jose State University. “Unless you’re that kind of person who can attach him or herself to a particularly salient issue and ride that issue, it’s going to be very difficult to overcome the clutter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gayle McLaughlin thinks she might be that kind of person. As mayor of Richmond, she helped build a coalition of progressives to challenge the political influence of the city’s biggest employer, Chevron. Now she’s running for lieutenant governor as a socialist with no party affiliation but the backing of progressive third parties, Democratic Socialist organization and Our Revolution, a network of veterans from Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite no major party backing and limited resources, McLaughlin said she hopes to build a “statewide movement” by tapping into enthusiastic political organizations and “connecting all the various progressive groups and statewide unions...It’s right in line with what Bernie was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Social media also neutralizes an obstacle that has stymied nontraditional campaigns, she said: a lack of news coverage. Her campaign’s Facebook page routinely gets more clicks, likes, and comments than those of any of her better financed challengers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Graeme Boushey, a UC Irvine professor, is skeptical that clicks translate to success at the ballot box. “There is a fetish of technology,” he said, “but what matters at the end of the day is votes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in primary elections, when most voters are “brick-and-mortar, high-turnout” partisans, candidates without major endorsements and third-party campaigns face what he called “a very high barrier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For down-ballot races, candidates have to perform double duty: introduce voters to who you are and explain the job you want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could go ask a thousand people on the street who the controller is and one person, maybe two, would know...let alone what they do,” said Konstantinos Roditis, a Republican running to be state \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/controller/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">controller\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the record, it’s Betty Yee, a Democrat. But the relative obscurity of the position actually levels the playing field, said Roditis:“Incumbency doesn’t make as big a difference...a lot of people don’t know her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Viswanathan jokes that his race to become state treasurer sometimes feels like a school student council campaign: “The only people who care are my personal friends and Fiona Ma’s.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, many candidates running for statewide office face this “Catch 22′′: The press won’t pay attention until they poll well and raise a lot of money. But they can’t register in the polls or fundraise until the media pays attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alison Hartson, one of 32 candidates running for U.S. Senate, says she’s seen this phenomenon in recent public opinion \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/crosstabs_likelyvoters0318.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">surveys\u003c/a>: Voters are asked to pick among the top two leading candidatesor “someone else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, she said, press reports declare that “‘the top two candidates are Dianne Feinstein and Kevin de León: clearly these are the two candidates that California wants.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s tried to grab the public’s attention in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this month, she released a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=op38z9w3TfA\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">video\u003c/a> about contributions the telecom giant AT&T made to the two leading U.S. Senate candidates. The media needs to cover “all kinds of corruption, not just Trump or Russia or boobs,” she says in the video, over images of Vladimir Putin and the pornographic actress and filmmaker Stormy Daniels. Prior campaign videos hadn’t been getting much attention, she said, so decided to make one that was “a little more spunky, a little more fun, and see if it catches on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying every single thing at our disposal,” she said. “And having fun with it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Crowded, Crumbling Classrooms — Will a One-Time Cash Infusion Be Enough to Fix the University of California?",
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"content": "\u003cp>The message popped into UC Berkeley sophomore Varsha Sarveshwar’s inbox a few days before the start of her Introduction to General Astronomy course in the fall of her freshman year. It contained the usual details about class times and textbooks. But then there was something surprising: a plea from the professor to skip the first day of class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to encourage at least 200 of you NOT to come to Hertz Hall the first two lectures, and simply watch them on webcast instead,” professor Alex Filippenko wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 850 students were enrolled in the course, the lecture hall could hold only 650, Filippenko explained. The fire marshal might shut down the class if too many people attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from Filippenko — a celebrated astrophysicist whose popular course also satisfies a graduation requirement — illustrates the challenges the University of California faces as it squeezes growing numbers of students onto overcrowded campuses with deteriorating buildings and equipment. Over the past two decades, as state funding for higher education declined, California’s public research university increased class sizes, sometimes failed to maintain basic infrastructure like roofs and cooling systems, and put off construction projects — even as it enrolled an additional 90,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a deferred maintenance backlog that \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/support-uc/ucan/state-budget\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC estimates at $4 billion\u003c/a> and fears among faculty and administrators that the system, once the envy of the rest of the country, is beginning to lose its luster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has a growing impact,” UC President Janet Napolitano told CALmatters. “We need the state to reinvest in the university. We need to be able to have new labs. We need to be able to refresh the labs we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown seemed to hear her plea on Friday when he added to his proposed 2018-19 budget a one-time infusion of $100 million each for UC and California State University to make campus repairs. The funds are part of a larger effort to upgrade the state’s ailing infrastructure. But they will cover only a fraction of the backlog and don’t account for the university’s long-term need for new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s proposing a Band-Aid on a massive capital deficit wound,” said state Sen. Steve Glazer, an Orinda Democrat who wants to put a proposition on the November ballot asking voters to support $4 billion in bond funding for the two universities to build classrooms and labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC’s Grad Slam competition May 3, top graduate students from each of the university’s 10 campuses faced off to see who could best explain their research in three minutes or less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberley Kanani Bitterwolf, the UC Santa Cruz finalist, studies the chemistry of rivers and groundwater to understand how the Earth’s climate has changed over time. Her research could prove helpful in predicting the effects of global warming — but she’s had to conduct much of it in Germany, because UC Santa Cruz lacked the pricey equipment she needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she’s in Santa Cruz, Bitterwolf said, she makes the hourlong drive to a San Jose nonprofit that collects donated equipment from biotech companies, picking up pipette tips and other supplies that she can’t get on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I call it thrifting for science,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other students, faculty and administrators from multiple UC campuses described sweltering classrooms and leaky labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The building I work in needs a roof and it actually rains inside the building,” said Frances Leslie, dean of the graduate division at UC Irvine and a pharmacologist who studies how tobacco use affects the brain. “That’s not good for research and it’s not good for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11670036\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11670036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Broken, leaking and unusable bathrooms are not an uncommon sight for students at UC Riverside. \u003ccite>(James Bernal for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Just how bad the problem is has been difficult to quantify. UC professors still conduct cutting-edge research in state-of-the-art laboratories, but those exist side by side with outdated and neglected buildings. Resources vary widely among campuses and departments, with some of the most popular and prestigious programs hit hard by overcrowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university is spending $15 million to send a team of experts to assess the condition of facilities on each campus, a study that won’t be complete until 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why so lengthy and costly? It’s an “ambitious project that includes not only having someone visually assess every square foot of UC buildings and infrastructure but using that information to make reliable, consistent estimates of both current and future needs,” UC spokeswoman Claire Doan replied in an email. She added that it would produce a deferred maintenance forecast for about 64 million square feet of state-supported space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state is flush with cash from higher-than-expected tax revenues, Brown has repeatedly warned of a coming recession. Instead of adding to California’s ongoing expenses, he wants to spend part of the $9 billion surplus on one-time projects and sock the rest away in the state’s rainy day fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference announcing the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/an-ungiddy-governor-proposes-stashing-most-of-states-surplus-and-spending-on-one-time-expenses/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">governor’s revised budget proposal\u003c/a>, his finance director, Michael Cohen, said the new infrastructure spending was “an acknowledgement that we have not done well as a state in keeping up with our maintenance needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we can afford right now to try to chip away at that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature could vote by June on whether to put a higher education bond on the ballot. The last time that happened was 2006. In a poll conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California last year, a majority of likely voters said they’d vote yes on such a measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge is figuring out just how much enrollment at UC should grow. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-dream-thousands-college-hopefuls-could-leave-never-return/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing number\u003c/a> of California’s high school graduates meet the eligibility requirements to attend. Add in a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-and-ccc-sign-agreement-boost-transfers-increase-academic-preparation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreement\u003c/a> designed to boost the number of transfers from community colleges, and the university could face a tidal wave of incoming students that it’s ill-equipped to accommodate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11670039\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 444px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11670039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"444\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600.jpg 444w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-160x216.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-240x324.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-375x507.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 444px) 100vw, 444px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Riverside is among University of California campuses in need of repairs and upgrades. \u003ccite>(James Bernal for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC spends only about half of what comparable public research universities do on maintaining its campuses, a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/blog/bricks-mortarboards-capital-investment-colleges/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC analysis\u003c/a> found. Spending plunged in 2010 and has not bounced back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private donations can help fund marquee projects like a new performing arts center, or profit-sharing ventures like a parking garage. But the less-glamorous task of building and maintaining classrooms usually requires public dollars, said Patrick Murphy, a senior fellow at PPIC who studies capital spending in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s lining up to put their plaque on the air conditioning unit,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects can be seen on campuses such as UC Davis, where students say they sometimes sweat their way through classes in rooms that lack working air conditioning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having to teach in those spaces is hugely uncomfortable,” said graduate student association president Roy Taggueg, adding that temperatures during spring finals week often climb into the 90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fourth-year student Alondra Cruz said it was so hot in her Mexican-American history class that the professor converted the midterm and final to take-home exams so students could concentrate. “At times I would be sweating so much that I’d be focused on that and not on the lecture,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As enrollment grew by more than 20 percent over the last decade, the campus has commandeered an exercise room and even a theater to use for classes. “It works pretty well, except depending on what sort of performances are happening, the instructor doesn’t know what’s going to be set up on the stage,” said Kelly Ratliff, the campus’s vice chancellor for operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff said UC Davis has found creative ways to finance new classroom space, sandwiching it into projects funded by private donations, such as the new Manetti Shrem Museum of Art. Each winter, as rainwater leaks into the nearly 50-year-old Briggs Hall, campus officials strategize about how to protect the delicate biological experiments taking place there. A reroofing project is in progress, but it’s unclear when the university will be able to complete it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plugging a hole isn’t the same thing as solving the problem,” Ratliff said. “But without a full funding model, more often than we’d like, we’re just plugging the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Riverside, second-year student Emelia Martinez said it’s common for classes to have dozens of students standing or huddled on the floor because there are no seats available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are students that are paying tuition, and they are sitting on the floor,” Martinez said. “We really can’t continue like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-division class sizes have increased slowly but steadily systemwide since 2006, UC officials say. UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ told the university’s board of regents in January that lower-division lectures in the electrical engineering and computer science department had ballooned from an average of 65 students in the 2011-2012 school year to 227 in 2016-17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s legislative analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3748/higher-ed-analysis-021518.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> that some of UC’s existing classrooms are underused, although student leaders insist that’s because rooms on older campuses like Berkeley and UCLA can be too small for today’s class sizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university plans to build new classrooms at UC Davis and Riverside beginning this year, plus make seismic safety improvements to buildings at UCSF and UC Berkeley — both of which sit on or near major fault lines. UC can finance construction using its regular budget allocation from the state, which Brown has proposed boosting by 3 percent. University officials say that’s not enough, and are asking for another $105 million to cope with growing enrollment and avoid raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While dozens of legislators have pledged their support for the request, others are wary after a state audit last year found Napolitano’s office had kept $175 million in reserve funds hidden from the public. The university came under further pressure last week when tens of thousands of campus service workers walked off the job in protest of outsourcing and what they described as racial and gender pay inequities among workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, it’s difficult for us to decide on a budget package for the University of California as UC administrators impose such harsh terms on its lowest-paid frontline workers,” Assembly Appropriations Committee chair Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher wrote in a pointed letter to UC just before the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, overcrowding is not just an issue of physical space: Campuses also need enough professors and teaching assistants to cover rising demand, especially in popular departments. But faculty and administrators say the two issues are linked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to recruit the very best minds from California and across the world,” said Carol Genetti, dean of graduate studies at UC Santa Barbara. But top students, she said, are looking for a graduate school that can offer them high-quality facilities and generous stipends. “When they come to visit campus, if we can’t show them that we can do that, we’re at a significant disadvantage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Filippenko, the UC Berkeley astronomy professor, said he intentionally over-enrolls his classes to help students who are desperate to meet graduation requirements. When the observatory where he and his students perform research was threatened with closure, he organized to save it, helping to win a partial reprieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former Guggenheim fellow and member of the National Academy of Sciences, Filippenko said he has received job offers from elite universities where he’d have more telescope time and a smaller teaching load.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stay in part because I so firmly believe that we need a great public university,” he said. “People need to take the long view and support this amazing system that we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Laurel Rosenhall contributed reporting. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The message popped into UC Berkeley sophomore Varsha Sarveshwar’s inbox a few days before the start of her Introduction to General Astronomy course in the fall of her freshman year. It contained the usual details about class times and textbooks. But then there was something surprising: a plea from the professor to skip the first day of class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d like to encourage at least 200 of you NOT to come to Hertz Hall the first two lectures, and simply watch them on webcast instead,” professor Alex Filippenko wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While 850 students were enrolled in the course, the lecture hall could hold only 650, Filippenko explained. The fire marshal might shut down the class if too many people attended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The message from Filippenko — a celebrated astrophysicist whose popular course also satisfies a graduation requirement — illustrates the challenges the University of California faces as it squeezes growing numbers of students onto overcrowded campuses with deteriorating buildings and equipment. Over the past two decades, as state funding for higher education declined, California’s public research university increased class sizes, sometimes failed to maintain basic infrastructure like roofs and cooling systems, and put off construction projects — even as it enrolled an additional 90,000 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result is a deferred maintenance backlog that \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/support-uc/ucan/state-budget\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">UC estimates at $4 billion\u003c/a> and fears among faculty and administrators that the system, once the envy of the rest of the country, is beginning to lose its luster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has a growing impact,” UC President Janet Napolitano told CALmatters. “We need the state to reinvest in the university. We need to be able to have new labs. We need to be able to refresh the labs we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown seemed to hear her plea on Friday when he added to his proposed 2018-19 budget a one-time infusion of $100 million each for UC and California State University to make campus repairs. The funds are part of a larger effort to upgrade the state’s ailing infrastructure. But they will cover only a fraction of the backlog and don’t account for the university’s long-term need for new buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s proposing a Band-Aid on a massive capital deficit wound,” said state Sen. Steve Glazer, an Orinda Democrat who wants to put a proposition on the November ballot asking voters to support $4 billion in bond funding for the two universities to build classrooms and labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC’s Grad Slam competition May 3, top graduate students from each of the university’s 10 campuses faced off to see who could best explain their research in three minutes or less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kimberley Kanani Bitterwolf, the UC Santa Cruz finalist, studies the chemistry of rivers and groundwater to understand how the Earth’s climate has changed over time. Her research could prove helpful in predicting the effects of global warming — but she’s had to conduct much of it in Germany, because UC Santa Cruz lacked the pricey equipment she needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she’s in Santa Cruz, Bitterwolf said, she makes the hourlong drive to a San Jose nonprofit that collects donated equipment from biotech companies, picking up pipette tips and other supplies that she can’t get on campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I call it thrifting for science,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other students, faculty and administrators from multiple UC campuses described sweltering classrooms and leaky labs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The building I work in needs a roof and it actually rains inside the building,” said Frances Leslie, dean of the graduate division at UC Irvine and a pharmacologist who studies how tobacco use affects the brain. “That’s not good for research and it’s not good for students.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11670036\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11670036\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"600\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400.jpg 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-375x250.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-23-600x400-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Broken, leaking and unusable bathrooms are not an uncommon sight for students at UC Riverside. \u003ccite>(James Bernal for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Just how bad the problem is has been difficult to quantify. UC professors still conduct cutting-edge research in state-of-the-art laboratories, but those exist side by side with outdated and neglected buildings. Resources vary widely among campuses and departments, with some of the most popular and prestigious programs hit hard by overcrowding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university is spending $15 million to send a team of experts to assess the condition of facilities on each campus, a study that won’t be complete until 2021.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why so lengthy and costly? It’s an “ambitious project that includes not only having someone visually assess every square foot of UC buildings and infrastructure but using that information to make reliable, consistent estimates of both current and future needs,” UC spokeswoman Claire Doan replied in an email. She added that it would produce a deferred maintenance forecast for about 64 million square feet of state-supported space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the state is flush with cash from higher-than-expected tax revenues, Brown has repeatedly warned of a coming recession. Instead of adding to California’s ongoing expenses, he wants to spend part of the $9 billion surplus on one-time projects and sock the rest away in the state’s rainy day fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference announcing the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/an-ungiddy-governor-proposes-stashing-most-of-states-surplus-and-spending-on-one-time-expenses/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">governor’s revised budget proposal\u003c/a>, his finance director, Michael Cohen, said the new infrastructure spending was “an acknowledgement that we have not done well as a state in keeping up with our maintenance needs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what we can afford right now to try to chip away at that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature could vote by June on whether to put a higher education bond on the ballot. The last time that happened was 2006. In a poll conducted by the Public Policy Institute of California last year, a majority of likely voters said they’d vote yes on such a measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the challenge is figuring out just how much enrollment at UC should grow. A \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-dream-thousands-college-hopefuls-could-leave-never-return/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">growing number\u003c/a> of California’s high school graduates meet the eligibility requirements to attend. Add in a new \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/press-room/uc-and-ccc-sign-agreement-boost-transfers-increase-academic-preparation\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">agreement\u003c/a> designed to boost the number of transfers from community colleges, and the university could face a tidal wave of incoming students that it’s ill-equipped to accommodate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11670039\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 444px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11670039\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"444\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600.jpg 444w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-160x216.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-240x324.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/Calmatters_UC-Riverside-64-e1526436885143-444x600-375x507.jpg 375w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 444px) 100vw, 444px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">UC Riverside is among University of California campuses in need of repairs and upgrades. \u003ccite>(James Bernal for CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>UC spends only about half of what comparable public research universities do on maintaining its campuses, a recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/blog/bricks-mortarboards-capital-investment-colleges/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PPIC analysis\u003c/a> found. Spending plunged in 2010 and has not bounced back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Private donations can help fund marquee projects like a new performing arts center, or profit-sharing ventures like a parking garage. But the less-glamorous task of building and maintaining classrooms usually requires public dollars, said Patrick Murphy, a senior fellow at PPIC who studies capital spending in higher education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one’s lining up to put their plaque on the air conditioning unit,” Murphy said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effects can be seen on campuses such as UC Davis, where students say they sometimes sweat their way through classes in rooms that lack working air conditioning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Having to teach in those spaces is hugely uncomfortable,” said graduate student association president Roy Taggueg, adding that temperatures during spring finals week often climb into the 90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fourth-year student Alondra Cruz said it was so hot in her Mexican-American history class that the professor converted the midterm and final to take-home exams so students could concentrate. “At times I would be sweating so much that I’d be focused on that and not on the lecture,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As enrollment grew by more than 20 percent over the last decade, the campus has commandeered an exercise room and even a theater to use for classes. “It works pretty well, except depending on what sort of performances are happening, the instructor doesn’t know what’s going to be set up on the stage,” said Kelly Ratliff, the campus’s vice chancellor for operations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ratliff said UC Davis has found creative ways to finance new classroom space, sandwiching it into projects funded by private donations, such as the new Manetti Shrem Museum of Art. Each winter, as rainwater leaks into the nearly 50-year-old Briggs Hall, campus officials strategize about how to protect the delicate biological experiments taking place there. A reroofing project is in progress, but it’s unclear when the university will be able to complete it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Plugging a hole isn’t the same thing as solving the problem,” Ratliff said. “But without a full funding model, more often than we’d like, we’re just plugging the hole.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At UC Riverside, second-year student Emelia Martinez said it’s common for classes to have dozens of students standing or huddled on the floor because there are no seats available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are students that are paying tuition, and they are sitting on the floor,” Martinez said. “We really can’t continue like this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-division class sizes have increased slowly but steadily systemwide since 2006, UC officials say. UC Berkeley Chancellor Carol Christ told the university’s board of regents in January that lower-division lectures in the electrical engineering and computer science department had ballooned from an average of 65 students in the 2011-2012 school year to 227 in 2016-17.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state’s legislative analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2018/3748/higher-ed-analysis-021518.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">reported\u003c/a> that some of UC’s existing classrooms are underused, although student leaders insist that’s because rooms on older campuses like Berkeley and UCLA can be too small for today’s class sizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The university plans to build new classrooms at UC Davis and Riverside beginning this year, plus make seismic safety improvements to buildings at UCSF and UC Berkeley — both of which sit on or near major fault lines. UC can finance construction using its regular budget allocation from the state, which Brown has proposed boosting by 3 percent. University officials say that’s not enough, and are asking for another $105 million to cope with growing enrollment and avoid raising tuition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While dozens of legislators have pledged their support for the request, others are wary after a state audit last year found Napolitano’s office had kept $175 million in reserve funds hidden from the public. The university came under further pressure last week when tens of thousands of campus service workers walked off the job in protest of outsourcing and what they described as racial and gender pay inequities among workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As legislators, it’s difficult for us to decide on a budget package for the University of California as UC administrators impose such harsh terms on its lowest-paid frontline workers,” Assembly Appropriations Committee chair Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher wrote in a pointed letter to UC just before the strike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, overcrowding is not just an issue of physical space: Campuses also need enough professors and teaching assistants to cover rising demand, especially in popular departments. But faculty and administrators say the two issues are linked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to recruit the very best minds from California and across the world,” said Carol Genetti, dean of graduate studies at UC Santa Barbara. But top students, she said, are looking for a graduate school that can offer them high-quality facilities and generous stipends. “When they come to visit campus, if we can’t show them that we can do that, we’re at a significant disadvantage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Filippenko, the UC Berkeley astronomy professor, said he intentionally over-enrolls his classes to help students who are desperate to meet graduation requirements. When the observatory where he and his students perform research was threatened with closure, he organized to save it, helping to win a partial reprieve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former Guggenheim fellow and member of the National Academy of Sciences, Filippenko said he has received job offers from elite universities where he’d have more telescope time and a smaller teaching load.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I stay in part because I so firmly believe that we need a great public university,” he said. “People need to take the long view and support this amazing system that we have.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Laurel Rosenhall contributed reporting. This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Charter School Fight Amps Up Race for California Governor",
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"content": "\u003cp>They are Democrats and Republicans. They are residents of California, New York and Arkansas. They have made fortunes in technology, real estate, retail and media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What do these billionaires have in common? They aim to shake up public education by promoting charters — schools that receive taxpayer funds but are not required to follow all the rules that govern traditional schools. And their newest goal is to try to elect California’s next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several wealthy business leaders have poured millions of dollars into a campaign backing Antonio Villaraigosa, a Democrat and former mayor of Los Angeles. Their spending, which follows similar efforts in key \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/education-advocates-fight-over-shades-of-democrat-in-june-election/\">legislative\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-next-election-will-tug-war-education/\">school board\u003c/a> races, has made the California governor’s race the latest front in a long-standing war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter advocates see teachers unions as caring more about working conditions for teachers than learning outcomes for kids. Union leaders see charters, most of which hire \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/371065071/Unionized-Charter-Schools-2016-17?irgwc=1&content=27795&campaign=VigLink&ad_group=1925902&keyword=ft500noi&source=impactradius&medium=affiliate\">non-union\u003c/a> teachers, as threats to their livelihoods. But the two sides also clash more broadly over how to improve public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an urgent question in California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr17/yr17rel67a.asp\">less than half\u003c/a> of students meet standards in reading and math, and performance by children from poor families is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-poor-students-rank-next-to-last-on-national-test/\">almost the worst\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today ads by the charter group are beaming Villaraigosa’s smiling face onto TVs and into mailboxes, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YCagrWqUhd4\">radio commercials\u003c/a> by the rival teachers union criticize “out-of-state billionaires ... trying to buy our politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big-money battle has injected serious competition in the race leading up to the June 5 primary, from which only two of 27 candidates for governor will advance to the November general election. The front-runner, Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, earned the state teachers union’s endorsement after \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article201651204.html\">telling\u003c/a> it in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/secrets-and-seals-of-approval-in-the-california-governors-race/\">questionnaire\u003c/a> that he does not want to increase the number of charter schools in California. (His spokesman said Newsom wants to pause new charter approvals until there’s agreement on conflict-of-interest rules.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter school supporters may be an effective counterbalance to the prevailing influence public employee unions have long exerted on Democratic politics. But the tycoons’ spending also points to the outsized sway personal wealth can have on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/e0e84afc-b718-4651-9324-3418ae7585f9?src=embed\" title=\"charter school donors\" width=\"600\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a problem for Villaraigosa,” said Pedro Noguera, an education professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. “Getting too much money from one sector starts to raise some questions about who you are going to be beholden to. And I say that as someone who likes (Villaraigosa).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He watched Villaraigosa spar with the Los Angeles teachers union when, as mayor, he took control over several low-performing schools. Some of those schools have since shown what Noguera called “extraordinary improvement” in graduation rates, safety and parent satisfaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To improve education statewide, Noguera said, the next governor will have to thread the needle on charter schools—cracking down on those that misuse public funds while spreading methods from successful charters to other schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor can play a critical role in setting education policy by signing and vetoing legislation that impacts California’s 10,000 public schools, enacting an annual budget that pays for educating more than 6 million students, and appointing members to the state board of education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions behind Newsom have set up campaign funds to support him, to date raising $1 million from the California Teachers Association and more than $3 million from other labor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Charter Schools Association Advocates, which is running the independent expenditure \u003ca href=\"https://www.familiesandteachers.org/\">campaign\u003c/a> supporting Villaraigosa, has raised $17 million so far. That includes $7 million from Netflix CEO Reed Hastings; $2.5 million from former housing developer Eli Broad; and $2 million each from investment firm manager William Oberndorf and former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s their motivation?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife Edye and I are graduates of Detroit Public Schools,” Eli Broad told CALmatters in an email. “I attended a public university and was the first in my family to go to college. I couldn’t have gotten there without my incredible public school teachers. Edye and I have dedicated ourselves to philanthropy for 20 years because we want to help public schools like the ones we attended.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These folks stand to gain nothing except for their own satisfaction that they are working to help the kids of California get a materially better public education,” said Gary Borden, executive director of the charter association’s political arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group cites Villaraigosa’s record as mayor and as Assembly speaker, where in 1998 he helped negotiate a \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1998/apr/29/news/mn-44260\">key agreement\u003c/a> allowing charters to expand but forcing them to hire credentialed teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kjB3NTzBGvQ\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaraigosa entered politics as a union organizer, and became mayor with significant help from labor. Then he began criticizing the teachers union as the major obstacle to improving education, and turned to wealthy donors, including Broad, to fund his vision for public schools. Broad said Villaraigosa “did things no one else had the courage or capability to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He sold out,” countered Arlene Inouye, secretary of United Teachers of Los Angeles, “and has been on the other side in terms of what’s best for education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles now has more than 200 charter schools where teachers are not represented by the union, according to Inouye. She said they work longer days and school years than union teachers, and some are required to leave their cellphones on until 7 p.m. to take phone calls from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can put any requirements they want on these teachers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaraigosa said union rules hurt the education of needy students by favoring teachers with more seniority and allowing them to decide what subjects they wanted to teach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In high school you could say. ‘I want to teach algebra,’ even if that's not your strength. In my schools, I changed that,” he said in an interview with CALmatters. “I want somebody who can teach algebra. That's not a radical notion. That's not an anti-union notion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Villaraigosa has been too harsh on teachers and is now “being rewarded” for it by donors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mCjOWgrkS\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I appreciate what charters promote in terms of innovation,” he said. “But I also believe in transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 10 percent of California students attend charter schools, but supporters and opponents alike believe the movement has the potential to impact public education more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions see charters as a threat to traditional schools, pulling away students and funding while being allowed to skirt some employment and governance rules school districts must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to be able to cherry-pick students,” said Claudia Briggs, spokeswoman for the California Teachers Association. “They want to do away with educator rights and they are anti-union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter supporters see their schools as an additional choice for parents, frequently offering specialized programs and less bureaucracy. In their view, charters create competition in the public system that could help all schools improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a ripple effect,” said Borden, of the charter school group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of California’s 1,275 charter schools are run by nonprofits. But 34 charters in the state are run by for-profit companies, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB406\">legislative analysis\u003c/a>. Investigations have shown that some of them \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-bills-aim-crack-profit-charter-schools/\">reap millions\u003c/a> of taxpayer dollars while providing a shoddy education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher unions and charter advocates have both proposed bills to crack down on for-profit charters, but they stalled in the Legislature with the two sides unable to agree on the same solution. It was one of several debates last year in which charter advocates and teacher unions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/education-foes-fight-draw-sacramento/\">killed\u003c/a> each others’ agendas, leaving plenty of education policy for the next governor to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key questions include whether charters should be required to follow a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2016/brown-vetoes-bill-requiring-charters-to-comply-with-conflict-of-interest-open-records-laws-cta-ccsa/570087\">conflict-of-interest law\u003c/a> that school boards must follow (as unions would like) and whether charter schools will be allowed to expand their reach (as charter advocates would like).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics. \u003c/em>\u003cem>CALmatters education reporter Jessica Calefati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\" target=\"_blank\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>They are Democrats and Republicans. They are residents of California, New York and Arkansas. They have made fortunes in technology, real estate, retail and media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What do these billionaires have in common? They aim to shake up public education by promoting charters — schools that receive taxpayer funds but are not required to follow all the rules that govern traditional schools. And their newest goal is to try to elect California’s next governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several wealthy business leaders have poured millions of dollars into a campaign backing Antonio Villaraigosa, a Democrat and former mayor of Los Angeles. Their spending, which follows similar efforts in key \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/education-advocates-fight-over-shades-of-democrat-in-june-election/\">legislative\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-next-election-will-tug-war-education/\">school board\u003c/a> races, has made the California governor’s race the latest front in a long-standing war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter advocates see teachers unions as caring more about working conditions for teachers than learning outcomes for kids. Union leaders see charters, most of which hire \u003ca href=\"https://www.scribd.com/document/371065071/Unionized-Charter-Schools-2016-17?irgwc=1&content=27795&campaign=VigLink&ad_group=1925902&keyword=ft500noi&source=impactradius&medium=affiliate\">non-union\u003c/a> teachers, as threats to their livelihoods. But the two sides also clash more broadly over how to improve public education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s an urgent question in California, where \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr17/yr17rel67a.asp\">less than half\u003c/a> of students meet standards in reading and math, and performance by children from poor families is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-poor-students-rank-next-to-last-on-national-test/\">almost the worst\u003c/a> in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today ads by the charter group are beaming Villaraigosa’s smiling face onto TVs and into mailboxes, while \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YCagrWqUhd4\">radio commercials\u003c/a> by the rival teachers union criticize “out-of-state billionaires ... trying to buy our politicians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The big-money battle has injected serious competition in the race leading up to the June 5 primary, from which only two of 27 candidates for governor will advance to the November general election. The front-runner, Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, earned the state teachers union’s endorsement after \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article201651204.html\">telling\u003c/a> it in a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/secrets-and-seals-of-approval-in-the-california-governors-race/\">questionnaire\u003c/a> that he does not want to increase the number of charter schools in California. (His spokesman said Newsom wants to pause new charter approvals until there’s agreement on conflict-of-interest rules.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter school supporters may be an effective counterbalance to the prevailing influence public employee unions have long exerted on Democratic politics. But the tycoons’ spending also points to the outsized sway personal wealth can have on elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/e0e84afc-b718-4651-9324-3418ae7585f9?src=embed\" title=\"charter school donors\" width=\"600\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think it’s a problem for Villaraigosa,” said Pedro Noguera, an education professor at the University of California, Los Angeles. “Getting too much money from one sector starts to raise some questions about who you are going to be beholden to. And I say that as someone who likes (Villaraigosa).”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He watched Villaraigosa spar with the Los Angeles teachers union when, as mayor, he took control over several low-performing schools. Some of those schools have since shown what Noguera called “extraordinary improvement” in graduation rates, safety and parent satisfaction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To improve education statewide, Noguera said, the next governor will have to thread the needle on charter schools—cracking down on those that misuse public funds while spreading methods from successful charters to other schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor can play a critical role in setting education policy by signing and vetoing legislation that impacts California’s 10,000 public schools, enacting an annual budget that pays for educating more than 6 million students, and appointing members to the state board of education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions behind Newsom have set up campaign funds to support him, to date raising $1 million from the California Teachers Association and more than $3 million from other labor groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Charter Schools Association Advocates, which is running the independent expenditure \u003ca href=\"https://www.familiesandteachers.org/\">campaign\u003c/a> supporting Villaraigosa, has raised $17 million so far. That includes $7 million from Netflix CEO Reed Hastings; $2.5 million from former housing developer Eli Broad; and $2 million each from investment firm manager William Oberndorf and former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s their motivation?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My wife Edye and I are graduates of Detroit Public Schools,” Eli Broad told CALmatters in an email. “I attended a public university and was the first in my family to go to college. I couldn’t have gotten there without my incredible public school teachers. Edye and I have dedicated ourselves to philanthropy for 20 years because we want to help public schools like the ones we attended.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These folks stand to gain nothing except for their own satisfaction that they are working to help the kids of California get a materially better public education,” said Gary Borden, executive director of the charter association’s political arm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group cites Villaraigosa’s record as mayor and as Assembly speaker, where in 1998 he helped negotiate a \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1998/apr/29/news/mn-44260\">key agreement\u003c/a> allowing charters to expand but forcing them to hire credentialed teachers.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/kjB3NTzBGvQ'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/kjB3NTzBGvQ'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Villaraigosa entered politics as a union organizer, and became mayor with significant help from labor. Then he began criticizing the teachers union as the major obstacle to improving education, and turned to wealthy donors, including Broad, to fund his vision for public schools. Broad said Villaraigosa “did things no one else had the courage or capability to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He sold out,” countered Arlene Inouye, secretary of United Teachers of Los Angeles, “and has been on the other side in terms of what’s best for education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles now has more than 200 charter schools where teachers are not represented by the union, according to Inouye. She said they work longer days and school years than union teachers, and some are required to leave their cellphones on until 7 p.m. to take phone calls from parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They can put any requirements they want on these teachers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaraigosa said union rules hurt the education of needy students by favoring teachers with more seniority and allowing them to decide what subjects they wanted to teach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In high school you could say. ‘I want to teach algebra,’ even if that's not your strength. In my schools, I changed that,” he said in an interview with CALmatters. “I want somebody who can teach algebra. That's not a radical notion. That's not an anti-union notion.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said Villaraigosa has been too harsh on teachers and is now “being rewarded” for it by donors.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/mCjOWgrkS'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/mCjOWgrkS'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>“I appreciate what charters promote in terms of innovation,” he said. “But I also believe in transparency and accountability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just 10 percent of California students attend charter schools, but supporters and opponents alike believe the movement has the potential to impact public education more broadly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unions see charters as a threat to traditional schools, pulling away students and funding while being allowed to skirt some employment and governance rules school districts must follow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They want to be able to cherry-pick students,” said Claudia Briggs, spokeswoman for the California Teachers Association. “They want to do away with educator rights and they are anti-union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charter supporters see their schools as an additional choice for parents, frequently offering specialized programs and less bureaucracy. In their view, charters create competition in the public system that could help all schools improve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a ripple effect,” said Borden, of the charter school group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of California’s 1,275 charter schools are run by nonprofits. But 34 charters in the state are run by for-profit companies, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB406\">legislative analysis\u003c/a>. Investigations have shown that some of them \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-bills-aim-crack-profit-charter-schools/\">reap millions\u003c/a> of taxpayer dollars while providing a shoddy education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher unions and charter advocates have both proposed bills to crack down on for-profit charters, but they stalled in the Legislature with the two sides unable to agree on the same solution. It was one of several debates last year in which charter advocates and teacher unions \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/education-foes-fight-draw-sacramento/\">killed\u003c/a> each others’ agendas, leaving plenty of education policy for the next governor to tackle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Key questions include whether charters should be required to follow a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2016/brown-vetoes-bill-requiring-charters-to-comply-with-conflict-of-interest-open-records-laws-cta-ccsa/570087\">conflict-of-interest law\u003c/a> that school boards must follow (as unions would like) and whether charter schools will be allowed to expand their reach (as charter advocates would like).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics. \u003c/em>\u003cem>CALmatters education reporter Jessica Calefati contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "What $500,000 Buys You Around California - and How It Shapes Where We Move",
"title": "What $500,000 Buys You Around California - and How It Shapes Where We Move",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>The median price of a California single family home is now well over \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That’s more than double what the average house costs in the rest of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put a more nauseating way, you could buy two “average” non-California houses for the price of one California house. Can’t decide between the Cape Cod or the mid-century Craftsmen? Move to the Midwest and buy both!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d forgive Californians, though, for shrugging off words like “average” and “median” to describe the state’s housing situation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our state is nearly 164,000 square miles, with housing markets as distinctly different as Redding and La Jolla. That means $500,000 may sound pricey to those in Barstow, but it’s a bargain for anyone in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a tour of what $500,000 gets you around our state -- and how cost has shaped where we’re moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Silicon Valley: Half a Burned-Out Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Realtor Holly Barr sold this burned-out home for more than $900,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669015\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1200x783.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1180x770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-960x627.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-375x245.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Realtor Holly Barr sold this burned-out home for more than $900,000. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Technically, California has seen higher prices before. During the housing boom of the mid 2000s, the median statewide price \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/en/marketdata/data/housingdata\">nearly broke the $600,000 barrier\u003c/a> (and that’s without adjusting for inflation). Many parts of California are still cheaper now than they were a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Silicon Valley is not one of those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a single family home in Santa Clara County -- home of Apple and Google -- hit $1.4 million in March of this year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">data\u003c/a> from the California Association of Realtors. That’s an all-time high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s housing market has transformed any piece of available land into a veritable gold mine. No matter what sits on top of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agent Holly Barr says she’s never had a listing generate as much attention as the one on Bird Avenue in the San Jose neighborhood of Willow Glen. The house caught fire two years ago during a remodeling job. What was left was a burned-out husk of a California bungalow sitting on 5,800 square feet of land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Barr put the property on the market in April for $800,000, the listing made international headlines. It sold for over $900,000 -- in less than a week. The burned down house will be razed and a new property will be built there that will likely sell for far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t surprised,” said Barr. “It’s not about the house, it’s about the land and location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not a surprise that with unliveable wrecks selling for that much, residents are starting to look for other places to live. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from the California Department of Finance, Santa Clara County lost 17,000 more residents to other parts of the state or country than they gained last year. That’s the second biggest net domestic migration loss of any county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Los Angeles: A Fixer-Upper, or a House Smaller Than Your Expectations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-800x521.jpg\" alt=\"A fixer-upper east of downtown Los Angeles is on the market for more than $500,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"521\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669018\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-240x156.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-375x244.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fixer-upper east of downtown Los Angeles is on the market for more than $500,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenn Cahill)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County saw the largest drop in net domestic migration, losing 58,000 more residents than it brought in. The region tops the list partly because it’s simply so huge. More than 10 million people call it home, which means any population shift in L.A. County is likely to dwarf other parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rising cost of housing is also playing a role. The county’s median home price broke the $600,000 barrier late last year. In a region famous for sprawl, prices are getting prohibitively expensive in and around L.A.’s downtown core.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles real estate agent Jenn Cahill specializes in neighborhoods east of downtown Los Angeles like Boyle Heights. She says she gets approached by young families with budgets of $500,000 all the time. Which means a lot of her role is adjusting expectations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You walk into a bedroom, and they immediately think it’s a closet,” says Cahill. “And you’re like, no, no ,no, it’s a bedroom, with a little shoebox closet in the corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cahill says options are limited if you want to stay relatively close to downtown -- you could find a fixer-upper closer to your job, or you could choose to go farther out and commute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2017/11/06/southern-california-commuting-ranked-as-nations-most-stressful/\">study\u003c/a> found that Southern California commutes were the most stressful in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sacramento: A Large Suburban Home That's Luring More and More Californians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A house in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento priced at nearly $500,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669022\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-375x251.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome.jpg 964w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A house in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento priced at nearly $500,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Where are housing refugees from the Bay Area and Los Angeles going? Many are heading to the Sacramento area, where $500,000 still gets you pretty nice digs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento saw the largest population growth of any major city in California last year, breaking 500,000 residents for the first time. Where did they come from? Topping the list were L.A. and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why? A five-bed, three-bath home in Elk Grove, an affluent Sacramento suburb, goes for $490,000. Realtor Veronica Nelson specializes in showing what middle class Bay Area families can get 90 miles East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had teachers, Kaiser employees. They commute [to the Bay],” says Nelson. “Spend a night or two with a relative in the Bay Area, and make the best of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson says she often talks with other Sacramento real estate agents about the influx of residents from costlier parts of the state. She worries that Sacramento is becoming unaffordable to Sacramentans -- and knows some clients that are pushing even farther East.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reno, Nevada: A Big Home, But Maybe Not as Big as You Think\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-800x524.jpg\" alt=\"A five bed, three bath house in Reno is listed at $498,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"524\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669026\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-800x524.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-960x628.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-375x246.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-520x340.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome.jpg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A five bed, three bath house in Reno is listed at $498,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caren Christen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, Mike Wood said he’d probably get one Californian a week seriously considering buying in Nevada. Now the real estate agent gets one a day, from places like the Bay Area and Los Angeles and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reasons are almost always financial,” says Wood. “Their dollar does go further. And our prices have definitely come up over the past five years in large part because of the influx.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the real estate data firm Zillow, the median list price of a single-family home in Reno has jumped from about $300,000 in 2015 to nearly $420,000 today. Part of that run-up has been fueled by the arrival of electric car manufacturer Tesla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means some of Wood’s California clients who expect half a million dollars to get them a mansion in Reno are disappointed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get people that come up and say, ‘that’s ridiculous,’” says Wood. “‘I should be able to buy that home for $400,000, it’s ridiculous how much your prices have gone up.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"quiz-half-million-homes\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">\n\tvar pymParent = new pym.Parent('quiz-half-million-homes', 'https://calmatters.org/wp-content/products/interactives/quiz/quiz_half-million-homes.html', {});\n\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The median price of a California single family home is now well over half a million dollars. That’s more than double what the average house costs in the rest of the U.S.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The median price of a California single family home is now well over \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That’s more than double what the average house costs in the rest of the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put a more nauseating way, you could buy two “average” non-California houses for the price of one California house. Can’t decide between the Cape Cod or the mid-century Craftsmen? Move to the Midwest and buy both!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d forgive Californians, though, for shrugging off words like “average” and “median” to describe the state’s housing situation. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our state is nearly 164,000 square miles, with housing markets as distinctly different as Redding and La Jolla. That means $500,000 may sound pricey to those in Barstow, but it’s a bargain for anyone in Silicon Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s a tour of what $500,000 gets you around our state -- and how cost has shaped where we’re moving.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Silicon Valley: Half a Burned-Out Home\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669015\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-800x522.jpg\" alt=\"San Jose Realtor Holly Barr sold this burned-out home for more than $900,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"522\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669015\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-800x522.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1020x666.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1200x783.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-1180x770.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-960x627.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-375x245.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/BurnedOutHome-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Jose Realtor Holly Barr sold this burned-out home for more than $900,000. \u003ccite>(Matt Levin/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Technically, California has seen higher prices before. During the housing boom of the mid 2000s, the median statewide price \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/en/marketdata/data/housingdata\">nearly broke the $600,000 barrier\u003c/a> (and that’s without adjusting for inflation). Many parts of California are still cheaper now than they were a decade ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Silicon Valley is not one of those places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a single family home in Santa Clara County -- home of Apple and Google -- hit $1.4 million in March of this year, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">data\u003c/a> from the California Association of Realtors. That’s an all-time high.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The region’s housing market has transformed any piece of available land into a veritable gold mine. No matter what sits on top of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Real estate agent Holly Barr says she’s never had a listing generate as much attention as the one on Bird Avenue in the San Jose neighborhood of Willow Glen. The house caught fire two years ago during a remodeling job. What was left was a burned-out husk of a California bungalow sitting on 5,800 square feet of land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Barr put the property on the market in April for $800,000, the listing made international headlines. It sold for over $900,000 -- in less than a week. The burned down house will be razed and a new property will be built there that will likely sell for far more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wasn’t surprised,” said Barr. “It’s not about the house, it’s about the land and location.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also not a surprise that with unliveable wrecks selling for that much, residents are starting to look for other places to live. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to data from the California Department of Finance, Santa Clara County lost 17,000 more residents to other parts of the state or country than they gained last year. That’s the second biggest net domestic migration loss of any county in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Los Angeles: A Fixer-Upper, or a House Smaller Than Your Expectations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-800x521.jpg\" alt=\"A fixer-upper east of downtown Los Angeles is on the market for more than $500,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"521\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669018\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-160x104.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-240x156.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-375x244.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/LAHouse-520x339.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A fixer-upper east of downtown Los Angeles is on the market for more than $500,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Jenn Cahill)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County saw the largest drop in net domestic migration, losing 58,000 more residents than it brought in. The region tops the list partly because it’s simply so huge. More than 10 million people call it home, which means any population shift in L.A. County is likely to dwarf other parts of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the rising cost of housing is also playing a role. The county’s median home price broke the $600,000 barrier late last year. In a region famous for sprawl, prices are getting prohibitively expensive in and around L.A.’s downtown core.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles real estate agent Jenn Cahill specializes in neighborhoods east of downtown Los Angeles like Boyle Heights. She says she gets approached by young families with budgets of $500,000 all the time. Which means a lot of her role is adjusting expectations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You walk into a bedroom, and they immediately think it’s a closet,” says Cahill. “And you’re like, no, no ,no, it’s a bedroom, with a little shoebox closet in the corner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cahill says options are limited if you want to stay relatively close to downtown -- you could find a fixer-upper closer to your job, or you could choose to go farther out and commute. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ocregister.com/2017/11/06/southern-california-commuting-ranked-as-nations-most-stressful/\">study\u003c/a> found that Southern California commutes were the most stressful in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sacramento: A Large Suburban Home That's Luring More and More Californians\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669022\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-800x534.jpg\" alt=\"A house in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento priced at nearly $500,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"534\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669022\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-800x534.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-960x641.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-375x251.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome-520x347.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SacHome.jpg 964w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A house in the Elk Grove suburb of Sacramento priced at nearly $500,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Veronica Nelson)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Where are housing refugees from the Bay Area and Los Angeles going? Many are heading to the Sacramento area, where $500,000 still gets you pretty nice digs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sacramento saw the largest population growth of any major city in California last year, breaking 500,000 residents for the first time. Where did they come from? Topping the list were L.A. and Santa Clara counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why? A five-bed, three-bath home in Elk Grove, an affluent Sacramento suburb, goes for $490,000. Realtor Veronica Nelson specializes in showing what middle class Bay Area families can get 90 miles East.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had teachers, Kaiser employees. They commute [to the Bay],” says Nelson. “Spend a night or two with a relative in the Bay Area, and make the best of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nelson says she often talks with other Sacramento real estate agents about the influx of residents from costlier parts of the state. She worries that Sacramento is becoming unaffordable to Sacramentans -- and knows some clients that are pushing even farther East.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Reno, Nevada: A Big Home, But Maybe Not as Big as You Think\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11669026\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-800x524.jpg\" alt=\"A five bed, three bath house in Reno is listed at $498,000.\" width=\"800\" height=\"524\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11669026\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-800x524.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-160x105.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-960x628.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-240x157.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-375x246.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome-520x340.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/RenoHome.jpg 973w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A five bed, three bath house in Reno is listed at $498,000. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Caren Christen)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, Mike Wood said he’d probably get one Californian a week seriously considering buying in Nevada. Now the real estate agent gets one a day, from places like the Bay Area and Los Angeles and Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reasons are almost always financial,” says Wood. “Their dollar does go further. And our prices have definitely come up over the past five years in large part because of the influx.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the real estate data firm Zillow, the median list price of a single-family home in Reno has jumped from about $300,000 in 2015 to nearly $420,000 today. Part of that run-up has been fueled by the arrival of electric car manufacturer Tesla.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means some of Wood’s California clients who expect half a million dollars to get them a mansion in Reno are disappointed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We get people that come up and say, ‘that’s ridiculous,’” says Wood. “‘I should be able to buy that home for $400,000, it’s ridiculous how much your prices have gone up.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\" src=\"https://pym.nprapps.org/pym.v1.min.js\">\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"quiz-half-million-homes\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">\n\tvar pymParent = new pym.Parent('quiz-half-million-homes', 'https://calmatters.org/wp-content/products/interactives/quiz/quiz_half-million-homes.html', {});\n\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>His name is Cameron High. Says so on his driver’s license, and on his cannabis card. And he has the counterculture aura down pat: dreadlocks, the soft yeah-dude voice and bright conspiratorial smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what he was flashing a few months ago, kicking back on a thin strip of lawn outside a Starbucks on the outskirts of Anaheim. His drug of choice had been Xanax, he said, and since coming here from Georgia just two years ago to kick the habit, the 22-year-old has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They call it the sober-living dance,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At many of these group homes, he said, there’s no sober in sober living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more like party houses, rife with the drugs and alcohol use they’re supposed to prevent — temptations that may have contributed to High’s problem: He was arraigned in a Santa Ana courtroom in April on felony drug charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the homes in question, privately owned and in nice residential areas, are unlicensed, unsupervised and nearly impossible to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Group-Homes/California-Land-Use-Laws-Related-to-Recovery-Facil\">regulate\u003c/a>. When residents’ or their parents’ cash or insurance money dries up, they’re dropped off in town and join the ranks of the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a problem \u003ca href=\"https://www.library.ca.gov/Content/pdf/crb/reports/CRB_SoberLivingReport_2016.pdf\">all over the state\u003c/a>, with the largest concentration of sober-living homes in Orange County. California lawmakers are considering ways to monitor them, with five proposals that would establish new guidelines for how they are run and impose fines on some practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes don’t provide drug-rehabilitation programs. They’re meant to offer a supportive environment for like-minded peers recovering from addiction, sometimes in conjunction with a 12-step program. Local officials and patient advocates note that many of these places, like many licensed homes, do good work. But not all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Orange County looks like it’s all nice, but behind the scenes, it’s bad. I never even saw heroin and meth until I came out here.’\u003ccite>Cameron High, former sobriety home resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A homeowner can make $10,000 a month or more by charging rent for typically six or so people, often through health insurance payments. They may find a supply of residents through “\u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings/examining-concerns-patient-brokering-addiction-treatment-fraud/\">patient brokers\u003c/a>,” middlemen around the country who advertise to recruit drug-using, troubled youngsters looking for a change of scene in sunny California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those brokers can “sell” a block of patients to a recovery facility. Licensed venues often have financial relationships with unlicensed ones, and patients are sometimes shifted between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High was one of those recruits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Georgia, he was dealing pills and in constant trouble with his parents and the law. Over the past two years, he has leapfrogged from Huntington Beach to Laguna Beach to Costa Mesa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local chambers of commerce have named this area the Orange Coast. But with the proliferation of sober-living homes here in the past decade came another name: Rehab Riviera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Since coming to California from Georgia just two years ago to kick his drug habits, 22-year-old Cameron High has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Since coming to California from Georgia just two years ago to kick his drug habits, 22-year-old Cameron High has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities. \u003ccite>(David Gorn/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is home to 1,028 licensed drug-rehabilitation facilities, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/provgovpart/Documents/Residential_and_Outpatient_Licensed_and_or_Certified_Facilities_List_092016.pdf\">state officials\u003c/a>, and some estimates peg the number of unlicensed sober-living homes at about \u003ca href=\"https://malibucity.org/AgendaCenter/ViewFile/Item/2829?fileID=3471\">2,000 more\u003c/a>. Roughly 15 percent of those facilities call Orange County home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The small beachside community of Costa Mesa alone (population about 113,000) has an estimated 160 sober-living homes and rehab facilities, half of them unlicensed, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.costamesaca.gov/index.aspx?page=2116\">city officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a huge problem for Costa Mesa, as it is for other cities, some of which have had limited success in curtailing the spread of such homes with zoning ordinances, mostly \u003ca href=\"http://192.168.1.1:8181/http:/www.costamesaca.gov/ftp/council/agenda/2017/2017-07-18/CC-5-Attach-2.pdf\">restricting\u003c/a> the concentration of them in certain areas. There are still complaints from neighbors about noise, secondhand smoke, too many cars. But the bigger issue is residents turned out to the streets, a practice called curbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a big challenge for a small city,” said Rick Francis, a former city administrator in Costa Mesa who recently switched to a quieter job as assistant airport director at the John Wayne Airport. He calls curbing the number-one cause of homelessness in Costa Mesa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You suddenly have a lot of young, drug-addicted people living on the street. That’s a problem for police, for hospitals, for social services,” adding as many as 200 newly homeless a year just in Costa Mesa, he said. “They end up using up a lot of city resources,” he said. “We don’t have the social-service infrastructure to handle that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Francis cautioned that “this is not happening in all of the unlicensed sober-living homes. Many of them do great work and are invested in good patient care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills now making their way through the Legislature would:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Allow the state Department of Health Care Services to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB992\">revoke\u003c/a> the license of a recovery facility for abuses by an unlicensed recovery facility associated with it, and would establish voluntary registration for unlicensed sober-living homes\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Direct the state’s Department of Health Care Services to develop \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1317\">guidelines\u003c/a> for handling unlicensed homes, particularly how to substantiate and investigate complaints\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Establish \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1268\">fines\u003c/a> for patient brokering, the recruiting and “selling” of patients to recovery facilities\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1228\">Prohibit\u003c/a> licensed facilities from making money through patient referrals\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Establish a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB572\">pilot program\u003c/a> to place the headquarters of a state health inspector in the city of Costa Mesa to investigate complaints about facilities in the surrounding area\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, Orange County District Attorney Tony Rackauckas recently launched a task force on sober-living homes and has vowed to crack down on them. And U.S. Rep. Judy Chu, a Pasadena Democrat, has introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/4684\">bill\u003c/a> in Congress that would direct the federal Department of Health and Human Services to develop best-practices guidelines for recovery facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober-living homes are protected by the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/fair-housing-act-1\">Fair Housing Act\u003c/a>. That law protects the right of individuals with disabilities to live together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of concern with the group homes that are unlicensed, but they’re protected by the Fair Housing Act,” said state Sen. Ed Hernandez, an Azusa Democrat and author of the revocation proposal. “A drug dependency is considered a disability. … So there are limitations on what we can do in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s as it should be, according to Sherry Daley, governmental affairs director for the California Consortium of Addiction Programs and Professionals, a trade group representing recovery facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These homes are not licensed, and they shouldn’t be licensed,” Daley said. “They’re where people live and come together in a communal living arrangement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The not-in-my-back-yard sentiment from municipalities is understandable but unwarranted, she said. The homes are legal and here to stay, she said, so cities should work with them rather than against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just comes down to how do you achieve sober-living homes living with the community in harmony,” Daley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cameron High said he had to travel pretty far inland to find a sober-living home that really was sober, one in Anaheim where the residents are older and a little more serious about giving up drugs. For this reason, his drug use and attraction to the easy, big-money payoff for dealing them have grown during his time in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Out here it’s crazy,” High said. “Orange County looks like it’s all nice, but behind the scenes, it’s bad. I never even saw heroin and meth until I came out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m thinking, I may have to go somewhere else,” he continued, “… because around here, there’s just too much stuff around, and too many people I know who pull at you, you know? So yeah, maybe it’s time … and that means getting out of Orange County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could take a while. At this writing, High remains in jail on charges of possessing drugs with intent to sell. He has pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Along California’s ‘Rehab Riviera,’ Sober Living Is Often Anything But | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>His name is Cameron High. Says so on his driver’s license, and on his cannabis card. And he has the counterculture aura down pat: dreadlocks, the soft yeah-dude voice and bright conspiratorial smile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what he was flashing a few months ago, kicking back on a thin strip of lawn outside a Starbucks on the outskirts of Anaheim. His drug of choice had been Xanax, he said, and since coming here from Georgia just two years ago to kick the habit, the 22-year-old has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They call it the sober-living dance,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At many of these group homes, he said, there’s no sober in sober living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They’re more like party houses, rife with the drugs and alcohol use they’re supposed to prevent — temptations that may have contributed to High’s problem: He was arraigned in a Santa Ana courtroom in April on felony drug charges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the homes in question, privately owned and in nice residential areas, are unlicensed, unsupervised and nearly impossible to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cacities.org/Resources-Documents/Policy-Advocacy-Section/Hot-Issues/Group-Homes/California-Land-Use-Laws-Related-to-Recovery-Facil\">regulate\u003c/a>. When residents’ or their parents’ cash or insurance money dries up, they’re dropped off in town and join the ranks of the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a problem \u003ca href=\"https://www.library.ca.gov/Content/pdf/crb/reports/CRB_SoberLivingReport_2016.pdf\">all over the state\u003c/a>, with the largest concentration of sober-living homes in Orange County. California lawmakers are considering ways to monitor them, with five proposals that would establish new guidelines for how they are run and impose fines on some practices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The homes don’t provide drug-rehabilitation programs. They’re meant to offer a supportive environment for like-minded peers recovering from addiction, sometimes in conjunction with a 12-step program. Local officials and patient advocates note that many of these places, like many licensed homes, do good work. But not all of them.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘Orange County looks like it’s all nice, but behind the scenes, it’s bad. I never even saw heroin and meth until I came out here.’\u003ccite>Cameron High, former sobriety home resident\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>A homeowner can make $10,000 a month or more by charging rent for typically six or so people, often through health insurance payments. They may find a supply of residents through “\u003ca href=\"https://energycommerce.house.gov/hearings/examining-concerns-patient-brokering-addiction-treatment-fraud/\">patient brokers\u003c/a>,” middlemen around the country who advertise to recruit drug-using, troubled youngsters looking for a change of scene in sunny California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those brokers can “sell” a block of patients to a recovery facility. Licensed venues often have financial relationships with unlicensed ones, and patients are sometimes shifted between them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>High was one of those recruits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in Georgia, he was dealing pills and in constant trouble with his parents and the law. Over the past two years, he has leapfrogged from Huntington Beach to Laguna Beach to Costa Mesa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The local chambers of commerce have named this area the Orange Coast. But with the proliferation of sober-living homes here in the past decade came another name: Rehab Riviera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11668234\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11668234\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Since coming to California from Georgia just two years ago to kick his drug habits, 22-year-old Cameron High has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1200x900.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/CameronHigh-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Since coming to California from Georgia just two years ago to kick his drug habits, 22-year-old Cameron High has stayed in 10 different sober-living homes in half a dozen cities. \u003ccite>(David Gorn/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California is home to 1,028 licensed drug-rehabilitation facilities, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.dhcs.ca.gov/provgovpart/Documents/Residential_and_Outpatient_Licensed_and_or_Certified_Facilities_List_092016.pdf\">state officials\u003c/a>, and some estimates peg the number of unlicensed sober-living homes at about \u003ca href=\"https://malibucity.org/AgendaCenter/ViewFile/Item/2829?fileID=3471\">2,000 more\u003c/a>. Roughly 15 percent of those facilities call Orange County home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The small beachside community of Costa Mesa alone (population about 113,000) has an estimated 160 sober-living homes and rehab facilities, half of them unlicensed, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.costamesaca.gov/index.aspx?page=2116\">city officials\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a huge problem for Costa Mesa, as it is for other cities, some of which have had limited success in curtailing the spread of such homes with zoning ordinances, mostly \u003ca href=\"http://192.168.1.1:8181/http:/www.costamesaca.gov/ftp/council/agenda/2017/2017-07-18/CC-5-Attach-2.pdf\">restricting\u003c/a> the concentration of them in certain areas. There are still complaints from neighbors about noise, secondhand smoke, too many cars. But the bigger issue is residents turned out to the streets, a practice called curbing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It creates a big challenge for a small city,” said Rick Francis, a former city administrator in Costa Mesa who recently switched to a quieter job as assistant airport director at the John Wayne Airport. He calls curbing the number-one cause of homelessness in Costa Mesa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You suddenly have a lot of young, drug-addicted people living on the street. That’s a problem for police, for hospitals, for social services,” adding as many as 200 newly homeless a year just in Costa Mesa, he said. “They end up using up a lot of city resources,” he said. “We don’t have the social-service infrastructure to handle that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Francis cautioned that “this is not happening in all of the unlicensed sober-living homes. Many of them do great work and are invested in good patient care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bills now making their way through the Legislature would:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Allow the state Department of Health Care Services to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB992\">revoke\u003c/a> the license of a recovery facility for abuses by an unlicensed recovery facility associated with it, and would establish voluntary registration for unlicensed sober-living homes\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Direct the state’s Department of Health Care Services to develop \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1317\">guidelines\u003c/a> for handling unlicensed homes, particularly how to substantiate and investigate complaints\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Establish \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1268\">fines\u003c/a> for patient brokering, the recruiting and “selling” of patients to recovery facilities\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1228\">Prohibit\u003c/a> licensed facilities from making money through patient referrals\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Establish a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB572\">pilot program\u003c/a> to place the headquarters of a state health inspector in the city of Costa Mesa to investigate complaints about facilities in the surrounding area\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>In addition, Orange County District Attorney Tony Rackauckas recently launched a task force on sober-living homes and has vowed to crack down on them. And U.S. Rep. Judy Chu, a Pasadena Democrat, has introduced a \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/4684\">bill\u003c/a> in Congress that would direct the federal Department of Health and Human Services to develop best-practices guidelines for recovery facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober-living homes are protected by the federal \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/fair-housing-act-1\">Fair Housing Act\u003c/a>. That law protects the right of individuals with disabilities to live together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of concern with the group homes that are unlicensed, but they’re protected by the Fair Housing Act,” said state Sen. Ed Hernandez, an Azusa Democrat and author of the revocation proposal. “A drug dependency is considered a disability. … So there are limitations on what we can do in the Legislature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s as it should be, according to Sherry Daley, governmental affairs director for the California Consortium of Addiction Programs and Professionals, a trade group representing recovery facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These homes are not licensed, and they shouldn’t be licensed,” Daley said. “They’re where people live and come together in a communal living arrangement.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The not-in-my-back-yard sentiment from municipalities is understandable but unwarranted, she said. The homes are legal and here to stay, she said, so cities should work with them rather than against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just comes down to how do you achieve sober-living homes living with the community in harmony,” Daley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cameron High said he had to travel pretty far inland to find a sober-living home that really was sober, one in Anaheim where the residents are older and a little more serious about giving up drugs. For this reason, his drug use and attraction to the easy, big-money payoff for dealing them have grown during his time in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Out here it’s crazy,” High said. “Orange County looks like it’s all nice, but behind the scenes, it’s bad. I never even saw heroin and meth until I came out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m thinking, I may have to go somewhere else,” he continued, “… because around here, there’s just too much stuff around, and too many people I know who pull at you, you know? So yeah, maybe it’s time … and that means getting out of Orange County.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could take a while. At this writing, High remains in jail on charges of possessing drugs with intent to sell. He has pleaded not guilty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The political whirlwind raging around California’s “sanctuary” laws isn’t doing much damage to the laws themselves, according to many state legal experts. In fact, the brunt of any legal damage may be felt most by the small city that started the rebellion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Alamitos could be in trouble,” said Jean Reisz of the University of Southern California’s Gould School of Law. She and other legal experts noted that the city went beyond passing a resolution of opposition, which more than a dozen other municipalities have done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re doing is different from the other protests,” Reisz said. “They’re saying they won’t comply with state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisz said that move — adoption of a noncompliance ordinance — may be unprecedented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A California city announcing it won’t follow state law? I haven’t been aware of that happening before,” she said. “The question is, can the [California Attorney General’s Office] force compliance? In this case, I think it can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is whether California policy violates federal law by limiting cooperation with U.S. immigration authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials, including the governor, say immigration officers aren’t impeded in any way and deportations are continuing in California — that the state’s not breaking any laws and is fully cooperating with federal officials. What it’s not doing is volunteering certain information, such as the names of some immigrants who were jailed for lesser offenses than the 800 serious crimes enumerated in state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the sanctuary laws, including the California State Sheriffs’ Association, have argued that they cause confusion for law enforcement officers and business owners. And the state Republican Party has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/balancing-act-how-california-republicans-hope-to-survive-in-the-resistance-state/\">seized on the issue\u003c/a> in its quest for gains in this year’s elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667857\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-800x501.jpg\" alt=\"Los Alamitos Mayor Troy Edgar talks to reporters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"501\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-800x501.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1020x639.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1200x752.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1180x739.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-960x602.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-240x150.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-375x235.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-520x326.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar.jpg 1350w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Alamitos Mayor Troy Edgar talks to reporters. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Troy Edgar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Alamitos is a community of 12,000 tucked into western Orange County, roughly equidistant between the Long Beach harbor and Disneyland. It’s known for its horse-racing track, and now is also the birthplace of what President Trump called a “revolution” of opposition to the California laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the City Council voted to \u003ca href=\"http://cityoflosalamitos.org/?wpfb_dl=3120\">exempt the city\u003c/a> from the California Values Act — one of three pieces of so-called sanctuary legislation that became law in January. The trio of measures does not offer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-new-sanctuary-law-will-aid-immigrants-not/\">sanctuary\u003c/a> in the way that, say, a church might. But they do offer some immigrants protection from being targeted by immigration officials and held for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the three laws were not included in the Los Alamitos ordinance, which was finalized April 17. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB103\">One of those laws\u003c/a> puts a moratorium on expansion of immigration detention centers and gives the state attorney general power to monitor existing detention facilities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\">The other\u003c/a> requires employers to make sure immigration agents have proper warrants to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/caught-middle-california-businesses-face-conflicting-immigration-laws/\">enter workplaces\u003c/a> and to notify employees if immigration officials have requested to review immigration documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city singled out the Values Act because of its limits on law enforcement. Los Alamitos wanted no part of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When two governing documents contradict each other, the order of precedence needs to be invoked and followed,” stated a City Council staff report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Troy Edgar, who advanced the measure, put it a little more colorfully: “You can’t just keep polishing the cannonball,” he said at the final hearing. “You got to shoot it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, other cities and counties have piled on. Six counties, including San Diego and Orange, and at least 13 California cities have voiced opposition to the sanctuary laws, either by passing resolutions or by joining the U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit filed against California on March 6, which Los Alamitos also did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/e83eefb4-18ab-4452-9c78-d1fb348bd8ad?src=embed\" title=\"sanctuary laws\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions said in announcing the suit that California had run afoul of the U.S. Constitution’s “supremacy clause,” which says states are subordinate to federal law. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra recently filed a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press_releases/Dkt.%20No.%2074%20Defs%20Opp%20to%20PI%20Motion.pdf\">motion to dismiss\u003c/a> the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Reisz, the resolutions and sign-ons to the federal lawsuit make political statements but carry no particular legal weight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it changes anything at all,” Reisz said. “A judge doesn’t strike down law because it’s unpopular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Huntington Beach took another tack and sued the state, claiming the Values Act is unconstitutional because it restricts local government too tightly and spends general fund money that could be used by municipalities in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Orange County Sheriff’s Department made its own statement in March, when it started listing the release dates of all inmates on its website, regardless of immigration status. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">state\u003c/a> bars local law enforcement agencies, including school police and security, from using money or personnel to perform immigration enforcement tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If California isn’t technically breaking federal law, it’s certainly bending the intent of it, said Michelle Steel, a member of the Orange County Board of Supervisors who proposed joining the federal lawsuit against California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot let the state begin cherry-picking which federal laws it decides to follow,” Steel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, the American Civil Liberties Union is making a similar cherry-picking argument in a lawsuit it recently filed against Los Alamitos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU asserts that, beyond singling out a state law and deciding to disobey it, the Los Alamitos action promotes animosity toward immigrants. It also alleges the city is wasting taxpayer money by inviting state sanction and increasing legal expenses to make a political statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra has not yet made a move — and would not say if he will — to counter the Los Alamitos ordinance, the Huntington Beach lawsuit or the cascading number of cities and counties adopting opposition resolutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this country, everyone has the right to express themselves,” Becerra said in an emailed statement. “However, the best place for us to figure out how to best move forward on this matter, whether we agree or disagree, is in federal court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"California Attorney General Xavier Becerra.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-1180x803.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-960x653.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-240x163.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-520x354.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Xavier Becerra. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra says the Values Act is legal and doesn’t conflict with federal law. “It works in concert with federal law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra does have the power to come down hard on Los Alamitos, according to Reisz — by withholding state law enforcement funding, for instance, or requesting a court injunction against its ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city were determined to have violated the sanctuary law in practice — by holding someone for immigration authorities without a warrant, for example — then the state might be able to impose more significant penalties on the city, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar said he understood from the beginning that his city could lose money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were first considering this, I looked at the penalties the state could levy,” Edgar said. “We get about $100,000 a year from the state for law enforcement. It’s something we don’t want to lose, of course. But if it came to that, that’s definitely something we considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the City Council knew it might need to fight its stance in court. But it’s worth it, Edgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a constitutional issue,” he said. “We knew exactly what we were doing. We consciously and deliberately exercised our power to take action for what we believe in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The political whirlwind raging around California’s “sanctuary” laws isn’t doing much damage to the laws themselves, according to many state legal experts. In fact, the brunt of any legal damage may be felt most by the small city that started the rebellion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Los Alamitos could be in trouble,” said Jean Reisz of the University of Southern California’s Gould School of Law. She and other legal experts noted that the city went beyond passing a resolution of opposition, which more than a dozen other municipalities have done.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What they’re doing is different from the other protests,” Reisz said. “They’re saying they won’t comply with state law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisz said that move — adoption of a noncompliance ordinance — may be unprecedented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A California city announcing it won’t follow state law? I haven’t been aware of that happening before,” she said. “The question is, can the [California Attorney General’s Office] force compliance? In this case, I think it can.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is whether California policy violates federal law by limiting cooperation with U.S. immigration authorities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State officials, including the governor, say immigration officers aren’t impeded in any way and deportations are continuing in California — that the state’s not breaking any laws and is fully cooperating with federal officials. What it’s not doing is volunteering certain information, such as the names of some immigrants who were jailed for lesser offenses than the 800 serious crimes enumerated in state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the sanctuary laws, including the California State Sheriffs’ Association, have argued that they cause confusion for law enforcement officers and business owners. And the state Republican Party has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/balancing-act-how-california-republicans-hope-to-survive-in-the-resistance-state/\">seized on the issue\u003c/a> in its quest for gains in this year’s elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667857\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-800x501.jpg\" alt=\"Los Alamitos Mayor Troy Edgar talks to reporters.\" width=\"800\" height=\"501\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-800x501.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-160x100.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1020x639.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1200x752.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-1180x739.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-960x602.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-240x150.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-375x235.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar-520x326.jpg 520w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/TroyEdgar.jpg 1350w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Los Alamitos Mayor Troy Edgar talks to reporters. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Troy Edgar)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Alamitos is a community of 12,000 tucked into western Orange County, roughly equidistant between the Long Beach harbor and Disneyland. It’s known for its horse-racing track, and now is also the birthplace of what President Trump called a “revolution” of opposition to the California laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In March, the City Council voted to \u003ca href=\"http://cityoflosalamitos.org/?wpfb_dl=3120\">exempt the city\u003c/a> from the California Values Act — one of three pieces of so-called sanctuary legislation that became law in January. The trio of measures does not offer \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/californias-new-sanctuary-law-will-aid-immigrants-not/\">sanctuary\u003c/a> in the way that, say, a church might. But they do offer some immigrants protection from being targeted by immigration officials and held for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the three laws were not included in the Los Alamitos ordinance, which was finalized April 17. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB103\">One of those laws\u003c/a> puts a moratorium on expansion of immigration detention centers and gives the state attorney general power to monitor existing detention facilities. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB450\">The other\u003c/a> requires employers to make sure immigration agents have proper warrants to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/caught-middle-california-businesses-face-conflicting-immigration-laws/\">enter workplaces\u003c/a> and to notify employees if immigration officials have requested to review immigration documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city singled out the Values Act because of its limits on law enforcement. Los Alamitos wanted no part of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When two governing documents contradict each other, the order of precedence needs to be invoked and followed,” stated a City Council staff report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Troy Edgar, who advanced the measure, put it a little more colorfully: “You can’t just keep polishing the cannonball,” he said at the final hearing. “You got to shoot it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, other cities and counties have piled on. Six counties, including San Diego and Orange, and at least 13 California cities have voiced opposition to the sanctuary laws, either by passing resolutions or by joining the U.S. Department of Justice lawsuit filed against California on March 6, which Los Alamitos also did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/e83eefb4-18ab-4452-9c78-d1fb348bd8ad?src=embed\" title=\"sanctuary laws\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions said in announcing the suit that California had run afoul of the U.S. Constitution’s “supremacy clause,” which says states are subordinate to federal law. California Attorney General Xavier Becerra recently filed a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/attachments/press_releases/Dkt.%20No.%2074%20Defs%20Opp%20to%20PI%20Motion.pdf\">motion to dismiss\u003c/a> the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Reisz, the resolutions and sign-ons to the federal lawsuit make political statements but carry no particular legal weight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it changes anything at all,” Reisz said. “A judge doesn’t strike down law because it’s unpopular.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why Huntington Beach took another tack and sued the state, claiming the Values Act is unconstitutional because it restricts local government too tightly and spends general fund money that could be used by municipalities in other ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Orange County Sheriff’s Department made its own statement in March, when it started listing the release dates of all inmates on its website, regardless of immigration status. The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB54\">state\u003c/a> bars local law enforcement agencies, including school police and security, from using money or personnel to perform immigration enforcement tasks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If California isn’t technically breaking federal law, it’s certainly bending the intent of it, said Michelle Steel, a member of the Orange County Board of Supervisors who proposed joining the federal lawsuit against California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We cannot let the state begin cherry-picking which federal laws it decides to follow,” Steel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ironically, the American Civil Liberties Union is making a similar cherry-picking argument in a lawsuit it recently filed against Los Alamitos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ACLU asserts that, beyond singling out a state law and deciding to disobey it, the Los Alamitos action promotes animosity toward immigrants. It also alleges the city is wasting taxpayer money by inviting state sanction and increasing legal expenses to make a political statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra has not yet made a move — and would not say if he will — to counter the Los Alamitos ordinance, the Huntington Beach lawsuit or the cascading number of cities and counties adopting opposition resolutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In this country, everyone has the right to express themselves,” Becerra said in an emailed statement. “However, the best place for us to figure out how to best move forward on this matter, whether we agree or disagree, is in federal court.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11617996\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11617996\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"California Attorney General Xavier Becerra.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-800x544.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-160x109.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-1020x694.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-1180x803.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-960x653.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-240x163.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-375x255.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/09/Becerra-520x354.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">California Attorney General Xavier Becerra. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Becerra says the Values Act is legal and doesn’t conflict with federal law. “It works in concert with federal law,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Becerra does have the power to come down hard on Los Alamitos, according to Reisz — by withholding state law enforcement funding, for instance, or requesting a court injunction against its ordinance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the city were determined to have violated the sanctuary law in practice — by holding someone for immigration authorities without a warrant, for example — then the state might be able to impose more significant penalties on the city, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edgar said he understood from the beginning that his city could lose money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we were first considering this, I looked at the penalties the state could levy,” Edgar said. “We get about $100,000 a year from the state for law enforcement. It’s something we don’t want to lose, of course. But if it came to that, that’s definitely something we considered.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the City Council knew it might need to fight its stance in court. But it’s worth it, Edgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a constitutional issue,” he said. “We knew exactly what we were doing. We consciously and deliberately exercised our power to take action for what we believe in.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Lead Paint Makers Balk at Huge Toxic Cleanup Bill — They Want You to Pick Up the Tab",
"title": "Lead Paint Makers Balk at Huge Toxic Cleanup Bill — They Want You to Pick Up the Tab",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Three companies found to have sold toxic lead paint for decades -- despite knowing it posed health hazards for children -- are waging a major battle to avoid paying the several hundred millions of dollars in liability that California courts have slapped on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they’re asking you, the California voter, to help them get their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After losing an 18-year-long legal fight, ConAgra, NL Industries and Sherwin Williams are now working on two different fronts to overturn the ruling, which says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes in 10 cities and counties across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have hired a slew of lobbyists to push their agenda in the state Legislature and poured $6 million into a campaign to put an initiative on the November ballot that would shift clean-up costs to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their argument: The ruling rewards landlords who have neglected their properties, and also creates new burdens for homeowners whose houses have lead paint but do not qualify for abatement funding based on criteria set by the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort has kicked up an intense response from Democratic legislators who represent the cities and counties that sued the companies in 2000 over the hazards posed by lead paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lead paint companies are the new tobacco companies of 2018. After many, many decades of... knowingly and intentionally deceiving the public about their products, they are now trying to escape liability through whatever way they can,” said Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu, whose city of San Francisco was among the plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that someone is going to pay for tens of thousands of children who are being poisoned by lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lead was a common paint ingredient in the early 20\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century. Over time scientists found that lead exposure causes brain damage in young children. In 1951 manufacturers began putting a warning label on lead paint, and in 1978 stopped selling lead paint in the United States. But many old homes still have lead paint on the walls or windowsills. And it is dangerous when it deteriorates because children may eat paint chips or inhale toxic dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court decision -- which the state Supreme Court recently declined to review on appeal -- requires the companies to pay into a fund that would be used to clean up lead paint in homes built before 1951 in seven counties (Santa Clara, Alameda, Los Angeles, Monterey, San Mateo, Solano, Ventura) and three cities (Oakland, San Diego and San Francisco). Those jurisdictions combined are home to almost half the population of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exact amount the companies must pay is still being determined. The trial court set it at $1.15 billion to cover homes built before 1981, but the appellate court ruled that only homes built before 1951 should be covered and directed the trial court to reduce the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667652\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Sherwin Williams paint cans at a promotional event in 2015. Sherwin Williams is one of three paint companies working to overturn a ruling that says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes across California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sherwin Williams paint cans at a promotional event in 2015. Sherwin Williams is one of three paint companies working to overturn a ruling that says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes across California. \u003ccite>(Bryan Bedder/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling doesn’t require complete removal of lead paint from those homes, but says they must be fixed by sealing old paint or replacing parts of windowsills or doors. Priority for repairs goes to homes where children have been poisoned by lead, or where there’s a history of violating building codes and laws meant to prevent lead poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Property owners who have neglected their responsibility to those families now get a windfall abatement plan,” said Tony Dias, a lawyer for Sherwin Williams. He added that the paint companies would appeal their loss to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kicking Costs to Taxpayers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the ballot measure the paint companies have sponsored would reverse the ruling, block future lawsuits for similar claims, and create a bond using taxpayer funds to pay for repairing an array of environmental hazards in homes across the state -- not just the 10 places that sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $2 billion bond could be used to remedy mold and asbestos in addition to lead paint. With interest, the bond would \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2017/170675.pdf\">cost taxpayers\u003c/a> $3.9 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a broader solution to the problem we’re facing,” said Kendall Klingler, a spokeswoman for the ballot measure campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is problematic for homeowners in the 10 municipalities whose houses were built between 1951 and 1981, the campaign contends, because it deems the lead paint in those homes a public nuisance but does not provide funding to abate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overturning the court ruling will obviously benefit the paint companies but it’s really beneficial to homeowners. Right now their fates are tied as long as this court ruling stands,” Klingler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'At the end of the day, the folks that are responsible for the lead paint ought to be the ones who pay.'\u003ccite>Assemblyman Adam Gray\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s rare for groups that lose in court to try to overturn an unfavorable ruling on the ballot. But it’s not uncommon for interest groups lobbying for a new law in the Legislature to simultaneously launch a ballot measure drive. The threat can be used as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if that’s the goal of the paint companies here. They’ve submitted the signatures necessary to put their initiative on the November ballot and counties are now checking if they are valid. Initiative backers could pull their measure off the ballot up until June 28. They have launched a publicity campaign that calls on the Legislature to “craft a real solution” -- but so far no bills have been introduced that advance their aim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now the paint companies are working with other business interests to kill a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-lead-paint-california-legislation-20180322-story.html\">slate of bills\u003c/a> introduced by legislators from the regions that brought the lawsuit. Their bills would expand the scope of the court ruling and make it easier for people to sue over lead paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the companies have any shot of making a deal in the Legislature, one bloc of lawmakers will be critical: \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/the-public-eye/article2597114.html\">the moderate Democrats\u003c/a> who are typically the swing vote in stand-offs between environmentalists and big business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paint companies’ campaign has reported making payments to David Townsend, a political consultant who has close ties to the caucus of moderate Democrats. He wouldn’t talk about the strategy he’s crafting but said that generally speaking, “most organizations would rather work it out in the Legislature than pay for a big ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leader of the moderate caucus said he’s met with the paint company lobbyists but that conversations are in early stages and the issue isn’t a huge priority for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully we can come to a legislative solution that protects Californians, protects children and takes care of any homes that need to be abated,” said Assemblyman Adam Gray, a Merced Democrat. “But at the end of the day, the folks that are responsible for the lead paint ought to be the ones who pay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Three companies found to have sold toxic lead paint for decades -- despite knowing it posed health hazards for children -- are waging a major battle to avoid paying the several hundred millions of dollars in liability that California courts have slapped on them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And they’re asking you, the California voter, to help them get their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After losing an 18-year-long legal fight, ConAgra, NL Industries and Sherwin Williams are now working on two different fronts to overturn the ruling, which says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes in 10 cities and counties across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The companies have hired a slew of lobbyists to push their agenda in the state Legislature and poured $6 million into a campaign to put an initiative on the November ballot that would shift clean-up costs to taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their argument: The ruling rewards landlords who have neglected their properties, and also creates new burdens for homeowners whose houses have lead paint but do not qualify for abatement funding based on criteria set by the court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effort has kicked up an intense response from Democratic legislators who represent the cities and counties that sued the companies in 2000 over the hazards posed by lead paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The lead paint companies are the new tobacco companies of 2018. After many, many decades of... knowingly and intentionally deceiving the public about their products, they are now trying to escape liability through whatever way they can,” said Democratic Assemblyman David Chiu, whose city of San Francisco was among the plaintiffs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to make sure that someone is going to pay for tens of thousands of children who are being poisoned by lead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lead was a common paint ingredient in the early 20\u003csup>th\u003c/sup> century. Over time scientists found that lead exposure causes brain damage in young children. In 1951 manufacturers began putting a warning label on lead paint, and in 1978 stopped selling lead paint in the United States. But many old homes still have lead paint on the walls or windowsills. And it is dangerous when it deteriorates because children may eat paint chips or inhale toxic dust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court decision -- which the state Supreme Court recently declined to review on appeal -- requires the companies to pay into a fund that would be used to clean up lead paint in homes built before 1951 in seven counties (Santa Clara, Alameda, Los Angeles, Monterey, San Mateo, Solano, Ventura) and three cities (Oakland, San Diego and San Francisco). Those jurisdictions combined are home to almost half the population of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exact amount the companies must pay is still being determined. The trial court set it at $1.15 billion to cover homes built before 1981, but the appellate court ruled that only homes built before 1951 should be covered and directed the trial court to reduce the amount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667652\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667652\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-800x532.jpg\" alt=\"Sherwin Williams paint cans at a promotional event in 2015. Sherwin Williams is one of three paint companies working to overturn a ruling that says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes across California.\" width=\"800\" height=\"532\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-800x532.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-160x106.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1020x678.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1200x798.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-1180x784.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-960x638.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-240x160.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-375x249.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/SherwinPaintCans-520x346.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sherwin Williams paint cans at a promotional event in 2015. Sherwin Williams is one of three paint companies working to overturn a ruling that says they must pay to clean up lead paint in older homes across California. \u003ccite>(Bryan Bedder/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The ruling doesn’t require complete removal of lead paint from those homes, but says they must be fixed by sealing old paint or replacing parts of windowsills or doors. Priority for repairs goes to homes where children have been poisoned by lead, or where there’s a history of violating building codes and laws meant to prevent lead poisoning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Property owners who have neglected their responsibility to those families now get a windfall abatement plan,” said Tony Dias, a lawyer for Sherwin Williams. He added that the paint companies would appeal their loss to the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Kicking Costs to Taxpayers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, the ballot measure the paint companies have sponsored would reverse the ruling, block future lawsuits for similar claims, and create a bond using taxpayer funds to pay for repairing an array of environmental hazards in homes across the state -- not just the 10 places that sued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The $2 billion bond could be used to remedy mold and asbestos in addition to lead paint. With interest, the bond would \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/ballot/2017/170675.pdf\">cost taxpayers\u003c/a> $3.9 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a broader solution to the problem we’re facing,” said Kendall Klingler, a spokeswoman for the ballot measure campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ruling is problematic for homeowners in the 10 municipalities whose houses were built between 1951 and 1981, the campaign contends, because it deems the lead paint in those homes a public nuisance but does not provide funding to abate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Overturning the court ruling will obviously benefit the paint companies but it’s really beneficial to homeowners. Right now their fates are tied as long as this court ruling stands,” Klingler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'At the end of the day, the folks that are responsible for the lead paint ought to be the ones who pay.'\u003ccite>Assemblyman Adam Gray\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>It’s rare for groups that lose in court to try to overturn an unfavorable ruling on the ballot. But it’s not uncommon for interest groups lobbying for a new law in the Legislature to simultaneously launch a ballot measure drive. The threat can be used as leverage to get what they want from the Legislature instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not yet clear if that’s the goal of the paint companies here. They’ve submitted the signatures necessary to put their initiative on the November ballot and counties are now checking if they are valid. Initiative backers could pull their measure off the ballot up until June 28. They have launched a publicity campaign that calls on the Legislature to “craft a real solution” -- but so far no bills have been introduced that advance their aim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For now the paint companies are working with other business interests to kill a \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-ca-lead-paint-california-legislation-20180322-story.html\">slate of bills\u003c/a> introduced by legislators from the regions that brought the lawsuit. Their bills would expand the scope of the court ruling and make it easier for people to sue over lead paint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the companies have any shot of making a deal in the Legislature, one bloc of lawmakers will be critical: \u003ca href=\"http://www.sacbee.com/news/investigations/the-public-eye/article2597114.html\">the moderate Democrats\u003c/a> who are typically the swing vote in stand-offs between environmentalists and big business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The paint companies’ campaign has reported making payments to David Townsend, a political consultant who has close ties to the caucus of moderate Democrats. He wouldn’t talk about the strategy he’s crafting but said that generally speaking, “most organizations would rather work it out in the Legislature than pay for a big ballot measure.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The leader of the moderate caucus said he’s met with the paint company lobbyists but that conversations are in early stages and the issue isn’t a huge priority for him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully we can come to a legislative solution that protects Californians, protects children and takes care of any homes that need to be abated,” said Assemblyman Adam Gray, a Merced Democrat. “But at the end of the day, the folks that are responsible for the lead paint ought to be the ones who pay.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "In California, Trying to End the Silence in the Wake of #MeToo",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers are speaking up about sexual harassment and pushing to make it easier for victims to take their stories public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the #MeToo movement has provided a platform for victims of sexual assault and harassment to speak up about their experiences. Many of those allegations were resolved behind closed doors, with settlements prohibiting victims from speaking publicly about the matter and allowing perpetrators to go on unexposed and unpunished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New legislation in California could sharply reduce the use of nondisclosure agreements and similar legal tools that can tie victims’ hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want to make sure the perpetrator is named,” said state Sen. Connie Leyva, a Chino Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Leyva introduced Stand Together Against Non-Disclosures, also known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB820&firstNav=tracking\">STAND Act\u003c/a>, with the goal of banning confidentiality provisions in settlement agreements involving sexual offenses and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her measure would apply to public and private employers, and give plaintiffs more power to decide whether information should remain confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backed by the California Women’s Law Center and Consumer Attorneys of California, the legislation would also allow courts to consider those settlements when evaluating factual evidence during a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some details of sexual harassment cases -- such as settlement amounts -- can still remain private, but the basic facts should be made public, said Jacqueline Serna, legislative counsel at Consumer Attorneys of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve never been opposed to keeping the numbers confidential,” she said. “However, the underlying facts are important for the public to know so that they can identify where there’s a pattern of repeat offenders that women and men should know about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now,” she said, “we never find out about it because it’s always kept secret.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667328\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-800x910.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Connie Leyva.\" width=\"800\" height=\"910\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-800x910.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-160x182.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1020x1161.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1054x1200.jpg 1054w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1180x1343.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-960x1093.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-240x273.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-375x427.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-520x592.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva.jpg 1535w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Connie Leyva. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Serna’s group approached Leyva last year about carrying a similar bill, but that one needed more work and was shelved. Public awareness stoked by the growing #MeToo movement made 2018 an ideal time to revisit the measure, Serna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all about timing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the aftermath of sexual harassment accusations and settlements involving Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, other states, too, are exploring such options. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2017/s6382\">New York\u003c/a>, for instance, is targeting contract provisions that waive people’s procedural rights to claims of discrimination and harassment. \u003ca href=\"http://www.njleg.state.nj.us/bills/BillView.asp\">New Jersey\u003c/a> is considering a similar measure, in addition to an effort to eliminate agreements that conceal information relating to discrimination claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prohibiting nondisclosure agreements could make it easier for victims of sexual harassment and discrimination to speak out, the prospect has some businesses worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evan Gibbs, an Atlanta employment lawyer at the firm Troutman Sanders, which has offices in California and elsewhere, handles lawsuits in which he mostly represents companies or their executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From where companies stand, he said, the agreements offer a guarantee that certain information will stay private. Without that guarantee, companies may be less interested in settling claims and making big payouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies and individuals may settle the case without a nondisclosure provision, but pay a whole lot less than if there was a nondisclosure provision in the agreement,” Gibbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some organizations see other threats to their interests -- namely an increase in litigation, which is more costly and time-consuming than settling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent opposition letter, the California Chamber of Commerce joined several other associations in arguing that the STAND Act doesn’t actually protect victims. Rather, the groups say, it would primarily benefit trial lawyers while exposing employers to “a public presumption of guilt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elevating the confidentiality provision as more significant than the other contractual provisions in a settlement agreement interferes with the ability to settle these cases in an informal process and drives up litigation costs and fees,” the letter stated. “That only serves to benefit the trial attorneys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-800x618.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher introduces her bill, AB 3080.\" width=\"800\" height=\"618\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1200x927.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1180x911.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-960x742.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-240x185.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-375x290.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-520x402.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher introduces her bill, AB 3080. \u003ccite>(Dan Morain/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nondisclosure agreements are also common in employment contracts, some of which require workers to waive their right to pursue harassment, discrimination and other labor claims in court or with a state agency. When a claim is made, it’s often handled within the company through confidential arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, a San Diego Democrat, hopes to attack the secrecy of sexual harassment by stopping forced arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3080&firstNav=tracking\">Her bill\u003c/a>, AB 3080, would stop employers from threatening, terminating or discriminating against workers if they refuse to waive their rights to take claims involving sexual assault, harassment, pay equity or discrimination to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serna said that bill and Leyva’s “really are going at the biggest problems in the #MeToo movement that have come to light.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has a law, passed in 2016, restricting confidentiality agreements in civil settlements related to felony sexual assault or sexual exploitation of a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has not been immune to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/legislature-releases-details-on-5-older-harassment-cases/\">sexual misconduct allegations\u003c/a>. In February, legislative leaders began making public some of their records on sexual harassment, detailing more than 30 substantiated cases involving elected or other high-level officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confluence of factors is creating momentum in the statehouse for more laws aimed at supporting victims, said Barry Broad, a lobbyist and managing partner at Broad & Gusman, a Sacramento law firm. Broad represents the Screen Actors Guild, a supporter of Leyva’s bill and a sponsor of Gonzalez Fletcher’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is in the mood to try and tackle issues of sexual harassment,” Broad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers are speaking up about sexual harassment and pushing to make it easier for victims to take their stories public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent months, the #MeToo movement has provided a platform for victims of sexual assault and harassment to speak up about their experiences. Many of those allegations were resolved behind closed doors, with settlements prohibiting victims from speaking publicly about the matter and allowing perpetrators to go on unexposed and unpunished.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>New legislation in California could sharply reduce the use of nondisclosure agreements and similar legal tools that can tie victims’ hands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just want to make sure the perpetrator is named,” said state Sen. Connie Leyva, a Chino Democrat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, Leyva introduced Stand Together Against Non-Disclosures, also known as the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB820&firstNav=tracking\">STAND Act\u003c/a>, with the goal of banning confidentiality provisions in settlement agreements involving sexual offenses and discrimination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her measure would apply to public and private employers, and give plaintiffs more power to decide whether information should remain confidential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backed by the California Women’s Law Center and Consumer Attorneys of California, the legislation would also allow courts to consider those settlements when evaluating factual evidence during a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some details of sexual harassment cases -- such as settlement amounts -- can still remain private, but the basic facts should be made public, said Jacqueline Serna, legislative counsel at Consumer Attorneys of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve never been opposed to keeping the numbers confidential,” she said. “However, the underlying facts are important for the public to know so that they can identify where there’s a pattern of repeat offenders that women and men should know about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now,” she said, “we never find out about it because it’s always kept secret.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667328\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667328\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-800x910.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Connie Leyva.\" width=\"800\" height=\"910\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-800x910.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-160x182.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1020x1161.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1054x1200.jpg 1054w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-1180x1343.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-960x1093.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-240x273.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-375x427.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva-520x592.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ConnieLeyva.jpg 1535w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Connie Leyva. \u003ccite>(Laurel Rosenhall/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Serna’s group approached Leyva last year about carrying a similar bill, but that one needed more work and was shelved. Public awareness stoked by the growing #MeToo movement made 2018 an ideal time to revisit the measure, Serna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all about timing,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the aftermath of sexual harassment accusations and settlements involving Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein, other states, too, are exploring such options. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/bills/2017/s6382\">New York\u003c/a>, for instance, is targeting contract provisions that waive people’s procedural rights to claims of discrimination and harassment. \u003ca href=\"http://www.njleg.state.nj.us/bills/BillView.asp\">New Jersey\u003c/a> is considering a similar measure, in addition to an effort to eliminate agreements that conceal information relating to discrimination claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While prohibiting nondisclosure agreements could make it easier for victims of sexual harassment and discrimination to speak out, the prospect has some businesses worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Evan Gibbs, an Atlanta employment lawyer at the firm Troutman Sanders, which has offices in California and elsewhere, handles lawsuits in which he mostly represents companies or their executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From where companies stand, he said, the agreements offer a guarantee that certain information will stay private. Without that guarantee, companies may be less interested in settling claims and making big payouts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies and individuals may settle the case without a nondisclosure provision, but pay a whole lot less than if there was a nondisclosure provision in the agreement,” Gibbs said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some organizations see other threats to their interests -- namely an increase in litigation, which is more costly and time-consuming than settling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent opposition letter, the California Chamber of Commerce joined several other associations in arguing that the STAND Act doesn’t actually protect victims. Rather, the groups say, it would primarily benefit trial lawyers while exposing employers to “a public presumption of guilt.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elevating the confidentiality provision as more significant than the other contractual provisions in a settlement agreement interferes with the ability to settle these cases in an informal process and drives up litigation costs and fees,” the letter stated. “That only serves to benefit the trial attorneys.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11667363\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11667363\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-800x618.jpg\" alt=\"Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher introduces her bill, AB 3080.\" width=\"800\" height=\"618\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-800x618.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-160x124.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1020x788.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1200x927.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-1180x911.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-960x742.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-240x185.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-375x290.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/ForcedArbitration-520x402.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher introduces her bill, AB 3080. \u003ccite>(Dan Morain/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Nondisclosure agreements are also common in employment contracts, some of which require workers to waive their right to pursue harassment, discrimination and other labor claims in court or with a state agency. When a claim is made, it’s often handled within the company through confidential arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, a San Diego Democrat, hopes to attack the secrecy of sexual harassment by stopping forced arbitration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB3080&firstNav=tracking\">Her bill\u003c/a>, AB 3080, would stop employers from threatening, terminating or discriminating against workers if they refuse to waive their rights to take claims involving sexual assault, harassment, pay equity or discrimination to court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Serna said that bill and Leyva’s “really are going at the biggest problems in the #MeToo movement that have come to light.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California already has a law, passed in 2016, restricting confidentiality agreements in civil settlements related to felony sexual assault or sexual exploitation of a minor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature has not been immune to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/legislature-releases-details-on-5-older-harassment-cases/\">sexual misconduct allegations\u003c/a>. In February, legislative leaders began making public some of their records on sexual harassment, detailing more than 30 substantiated cases involving elected or other high-level officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The confluence of factors is creating momentum in the statehouse for more laws aimed at supporting victims, said Barry Broad, a lobbyist and managing partner at Broad & Gusman, a Sacramento law firm. Broad represents the Screen Actors Guild, a supporter of Leyva’s bill and a sponsor of Gonzalez Fletcher’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature is in the mood to try and tackle issues of sexual harassment,” Broad said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics",
"title": "Cultivating Clout: Marijuana Money Flows Into California Politics",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lobbyists in slick pinstriped suits and burly veterans with tattooed arms crowded into a Capitol hearing room last week as lawmakers considered a bill to make it easier for Californians to buy legal marijuana. One supporter said people need more access to the “beautiful sacred plant.” But at its core, this was a business dispute -- a question of whether legislators would allow cannabis companies to reach more customers, and make more money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committee passed the bill -- to stop cities from banning delivery services that sell pot to customers at their doorsteps -- despite objections from cities and counties that favor local control. And the standing-room-only crowd that showed up to push for it revealed the new reality in California, where cannabis interests have become a formidable lobbying force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As marijuana companies seek laws more favorable to their industry, they are using the traditional tools of politics: hiring well-heeled lobbyists and donating money to politicians. Cannabis is big business in California, with sales expected to hit $3.7 billion by the end of the year, according to BDS Analytics. The industry’s spending on California politics soared in 2016, when voters made it legal for adults to use the drug.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They want to be treated like every other business, and part of that is making campaign contributions so they can get access to politicians and have their voice heard,\" said Jim Sutton, an attorney who represents cannabis businesses organizing political campaigns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis companies, entrepreneurs and advocates spent at least $1.8 million to help pass the legalization measure in 2016. Since then, the industry has donated more than $600,000 to California political campaigns -- more than four times as much as it spent on politics in the state during the 2013-14 election campaigns. Cannabis money is flowing to Democrats and Republicans running for re-election to the Legislature, as well as to Democratic candidates hoping to be elected governor and attorney general.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With the money comes a mainstream political presence for an industry quickly shedding its counterculture image.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the California Democratic Party convention in February, the roster of receptions for delegates included one sponsored by Eaze, a company whose website allows people to order home delivery of marijuana. It was one of three marijuana companies that donated to the state party for the first time this year, for a total of $45,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/f32621e0-2bd0-4168-bdaf-2fc1edc823d2?src=embed\" title=\"Marijuana money\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m sure we will [continue] soliciting from the cannabis industry,” said California Democratic Party Chairman Eric Bauman. “It’s a legal industry in California. It’s not one that hurts the environment, it’s not undermining our society. So we welcome their dollars.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party prohibits donations from tobacco and oil companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, the front-runner in the race for governor, has raised more money from cannabis interests than any other California politician: at least $495,000 as of April. Newsom championed the legalization ballot measure and now talks about California rejecting the “war on marijuana” as part of his gubernatorial campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of his opponents, state Treasurer John Chiang, is also touting his cannabis cred. A Democrat who has received at least $10,100 from marijuana interests, Chiang has highlighted his interest in creating a state bank that could serve cannabis businesses. He visited a San Francisco dispensary on April 20, then issued a press release calling the date “National Weed Day.” It included a photo of him examining a cannabis chocolate bar and a jar of buds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorney General Xavier Becerra has taken at least $21,000 from cannabis interests in his re-election campaign. It’s a marked difference from the last election for that office -- in 2014, then-Attorney General Kamala Harris reported no donations from marijuana businesses. She made a deliberate decision, an adviser said, to avoid contributions that could raise questions about her role as the state’s top law-enforcement officer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/77e304ef-ab83-4ddb-9dd4-3cf8b3dbc62f?src=embed\" title=\"marijuana money 3\" width=\"800\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although marijuana remains illegal under federal law, attempts to ban contributions from the cannabis sector have been unsuccessful. The state of Illinois prohibited political contributions from weed businesses when it approved its medical marijuana law in 2013. But the ban was \u003ca href=\"http://www.chicagotribune.com/business/ct-medical-marijuana-campaign-contributions-0330-biz-20170330-story.html\">thrown out\u003c/a> last year by a federal judge who ruled it unconstitutional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cannabis businesses in California now have several trade associations and a political action committee for raising money to dole out to politicians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just one tool folks in cannabis policy reform are using to move the conversation in a positive direction,” Lindsay Robinson, executive director of the California Cannabis Industry Association, said, referring to campaign contributions. That PAC has raised more than $290,000 since launching in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal we’re striving for is for cannabis businesses to be regulated and treated like any other business, taxed fairly and able to thrive in the market ... The political giving piece is important,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That point was illustrated back in the hearing room, where lawmakers were considering the bill to expand marijuana delivery services, authored by Sen. Ricardo Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens who has taken at least $18,900 from cannabis interests and is now running for state insurance commissioner.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not every legislator who accepted marijuana contributions voted for the bill. Sen. Mike McGuire, a Healdsburg Democrat, took a $4,000 check from a marijuana delivery company last year but sided with the local governments that opposed limits on their power to ban delivery services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, marijuana businesses that want to get ahead have to play politics, said Hilary Bricken, a Los Angeles attorney who specializes in cannabis law—and that generally means throwing some money around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cannabis has learned from Big Pharma, Big Alcohol and Big Tobacco that they have to step up in this way,” she said. “They would be stupid to not do what’s worked for the industries that came before them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High",
"title": "5 Reasons California's Housing Costs Are So High",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Why are California housing costs so high? At its most basic level, it’s a story of \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/E-1/documents/E-1_2018PressRelease.pdf\">supply and demand\u003c/a> -- lots of people want to live here, and there aren’t enough homes to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are lots of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">uniquely California factors\u003c/a> -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a home is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">well over half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That number is about \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/sites/default/files/documents/ehs-03-2018-overview-2018-04-23.pdf\">$240,000 nationally\u003c/a>. More than \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\">20 percent of Californians\u003c/a> pay more than half their income for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five reasons the state’s housing market got so out of whack.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. We Haven't Built Enough Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts who study California’s housing crisis argue about lots of things. Is rent control good or bad? Will that new shiny high-rise going up in your neighborhood help or hurt housing costs? How much should we blame “not in my backyard” NIMBYs for our problems?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one principle the vast majority of housing experts agree on: Over the past few decades, California hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with the number of people who live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state housing department estimates that we need to build 180,000 new housing units a year to keep prices stable. Over the past 10 years, we’ve averaged less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/baa7174b-e8fb-4134-8936-82c7a2919bf7?src=embed\" title=\"Waning Construction\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when new construction was booming in the early and mid-2000s, new homes and apartment buildings weren’t being built in coastal cities where the vast majority of Californians work. While places like the Inland Empire and Central Valley saw a building craze, places like San Francisco and Los Angeles basically flatlined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also not keeping up with other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like New York and Massachusetts have built a lot more housing per capita than we have in recent years. That hasn’t made those places cheap, but it has helped to alleviate some cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6797e819-e522-422b-ba7e-8991ad5890e5?src=embed\" title=\"CA vs Other States Building\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Demand to Live and Work and Own in Urban California Has Reached a Breaking Point, and Part of That Demand Is Global\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Californians have increasingly tried to cram themselves into major urban centers that are already jammed with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is the poster child here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2000 and 2007, Bay Area cities accounted for only 4 percent of the state’s total population growth. Between 2010 and 2017, nearly 20 percent of all new Californians were either being born in or moving to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/43c04958-3981-41ca-a00b-143167573f05?src=embed\" title=\"California bands together\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the tech industry certainly bears much of the responsibility for that trend, the increased demand to live in California’s urban cores extends beyond Silicon Valley. The urban parts of L.A. and San Diego have all seen a major increase in people wanting to live and work there, which means increased competition for rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we’re not just talking about apartment rentals. Here’s a pretty amazing graph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bd074fac-c247-4ef4-a31a-ce390b31c06b?src=embed\" title=\"Single Family Home Rentals\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of single-family homes occupied by renters grew by more than 400,000 over the last 10 years, while the number of owner-occupied units dropped during the Great Recession and has yet to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So who owns these houses? The vast majority are “mom and pop” investors and wealthy individuals buying one or two additional properties. Foreign buyers, primarily from China, have also become increasingly enamored with California real estate. Last year, nearly one in four California single-family homes were sold in all-cash transactions, an indication of investor appetite for California real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, investors are a relatively small part of the housing market, especially when viewed from a statewide lens. But in certain local markets, investors compete directly with California families for homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Proposition 13 Dilutes a City's Incentive to Build New Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why hasn’t California built enough housing to keep up with its population?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most housing researchers agree that part of the reason is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, the landmark 1978 ballot initiative that capped how much local governments could collect from property taxes. While intended to protect California homeowners from unmanageable property tax bills, Proposition 13 has produced a host of unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’re a city, sitting on a huge plot of vacant land. You could zone that land for housing or for commercial use, like a hotel or a Target. Your city obviously needs more housing -- prices are sky high.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">After Tax Cuts Derailed the 'California Dream,' Can the State Get Back on Track?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/JarvisFist-1180x676.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Easy decision, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has made development decisions much more complicated. Because property taxes are capped, local governments have become increasingly reliant on other revenue sources. That vacant land is much more valuable to the city’s coffers if a big box retailer gets built on it, as opposed to a multifamily apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing nerds call this the “fiscalization of land use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\">There’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3497#Does_Proposition.A013_Alter_Local_Government_Land_Use_Decisions.3F\">debate\u003c/a> about just how much Proposition 13 is to blame for the state’s housing shortage. But talk to local elected officials, and you’ll see the issue isn’t just a hypothetical dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. In Most Parts of California, the Process to Get New Housing Approved Is Difficult, Time-Consuming and Expensive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to be sympathetic to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From time immemorial, it feels like they’ve complained about rules and regulations they say make it harder to build their projects. The builder who designed Stonehenge probably thought there was too much bureaucracy involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it may be tough to trust developers, that doesn’t necessarily mean that they're wrong. The process by which a piece of land is approved for new construction can be incredibly cumbersome, time-consuming and risky. While good data on exactly how much this adds to housing costs is hard to come by, \u003ca href=\"http://realestate.wharton.upenn.edu/working-papers/a-new-measure-of-the-local-regulatory-environment-for-housing-markets-the-wharton-residential-land-use-regulatory-index/\">typical approval time\u003c/a> for projects in San Francisco is over a year, while in L.A. it’s eight months. That doesn’t include when land needs to be “rezoned” for residential development, which can take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why the lag? Here’s the laundry list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Multiple Layers of Government Review: \u003c/strong>A housing project often must go through multiple government agencies, including the planning department, health department, fire department, building department and perhaps most importantly, a city council.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Lots of Avenues for “Not In My Backyard” Voices: \u003c/strong>The review process for new developments gives ample opportunity for local residents to express their opposition. Locals may fear that new housing projects will change the character of their neighborhoods, increase traffic and hurt their property values. If a city councilmember votes for new housing, he or she may have to face dissatisfied voters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>An Often Misused Environmental Law: \u003c/strong>The California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, requires that local agencies consider the environmental impact of a new housing development before approving it. That sounds like a worthy goal, but the law has often been abused to prevent new developments -- even environmentally friendly ones with high-density housing and bike lanes. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, CEQA appeals delay a project by an average of \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">two and a half years\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Local Growth Controls: \u003c/strong>Two-thirds of California coastal cities and counties have adopted policies that explicitly limit the number of new homes that can be built within their borders or policies that limit the density of new developments. Subtler growth controls include not zoning enough land for new development or requiring supermajorities to approve new housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>5. Land, Labor and Raw Material Costs Are Higher in California Than the Rest of the Country. And Those Costs Are Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, California’s coastline topography \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/125/3/1253/1903664\">makes it more expensive to build here\u003c/a> than most other places. Also, there’s the ocean. You can’t expand into the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited land plus tons of demand means high land prices. In many markets in California, the bulk of a single-family home or apartment building’s value is in the land it is built on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the land itself is what typically eats up most of a developer’s budget in California’s hottest markets, it’s not the only cost-driver. Construction labor and the cost of the raw materials have been rising over the last five years, and are higher in California than other parts of the country. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, construction labor is about 20 percent more expensive in major California cities than in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the labor side, a shortage of skilled construction workers bears much of the blame. When the housing market crashed in the late 2000s, construction workers left the industry in droves. And those same workers haven’t come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/ec3aad18-cd92-4e47-95fe-7ffb89dc63ef?src=embed\" title=\"California construction jobs still in short supply\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction today just doesn’t seem to have the same appeal to younger workers. Firms are struggling to recruit younger workers to supplement and eventually replace a graying workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building codes and environmentally friendly design requirements in many California cities require different types of raw building materials to be used, some of which can be pricier than elsewhere in the country. And nationwide, the cost of vital resources like lumber and concrete are on the \u003ca href=\"http://eyeonhousing.org/2018/04/ready-mix-concrete-osb-lead-price-increases-in-march/\">upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of reasons beyond the five we’ve mentioned here that help explain why California housings costs have gotten so out of control. The task of making California affordable again -- or at least relatively affordable again -- defies a simple silver-bullet solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Ben Christopher contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"219\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "There are lots of uniquely California factors -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Why are California housing costs so high? At its most basic level, it’s a story of \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/Forecasting/Demographics/Estimates/E-1/documents/E-1_2018PressRelease.pdf\">supply and demand\u003c/a> -- lots of people want to live here, and there aren’t enough homes to go around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are lots of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/housing-costs-high-california/\">uniquely California factors\u003c/a> -- from the shape of our coastline to Proposition 13 -- that have attached a painfully expensive price tag to the California dream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The median price of a home is now \u003ca href=\"https://www.car.org/marketdata/data/countysalesactivity\">well over half a million dollars\u003c/a>. That number is about \u003ca href=\"https://www.nar.realtor/sites/default/files/documents/ehs-03-2018-overview-2018-04-23.pdf\">$240,000 nationally\u003c/a>. More than \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/resources/californians-parts-state-pay-can-afford-housing/\">20 percent of Californians\u003c/a> pay more than half their income for housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are five reasons the state’s housing market got so out of whack.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>1. We Haven't Built Enough Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Experts who study California’s housing crisis argue about lots of things. Is rent control good or bad? Will that new shiny high-rise going up in your neighborhood help or hurt housing costs? How much should we blame “not in my backyard” NIMBYs for our problems?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there is one principle the vast majority of housing experts agree on: Over the past few decades, California hasn’t built enough housing to keep up with the number of people who live here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state housing department estimates that we need to build 180,000 new housing units a year to keep prices stable. Over the past 10 years, we’ve averaged less than half of that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/baa7174b-e8fb-4134-8936-82c7a2919bf7?src=embed\" title=\"Waning Construction\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when new construction was booming in the early and mid-2000s, new homes and apartment buildings weren’t being built in coastal cities where the vast majority of Californians work. While places like the Inland Empire and Central Valley saw a building craze, places like San Francisco and Los Angeles basically flatlined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re also not keeping up with other states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Places like New York and Massachusetts have built a lot more housing per capita than we have in recent years. That hasn’t made those places cheap, but it has helped to alleviate some cost pressures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6797e819-e522-422b-ba7e-8991ad5890e5?src=embed\" title=\"CA vs Other States Building\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>2. Demand to Live and Work and Own in Urban California Has Reached a Breaking Point, and Part of That Demand Is Global\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Over the last decade, Californians have increasingly tried to cram themselves into major urban centers that are already jammed with residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area is the poster child here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between 2000 and 2007, Bay Area cities accounted for only 4 percent of the state’s total population growth. Between 2010 and 2017, nearly 20 percent of all new Californians were either being born in or moving to the Bay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/43c04958-3981-41ca-a00b-143167573f05?src=embed\" title=\"California bands together\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the tech industry certainly bears much of the responsibility for that trend, the increased demand to live in California’s urban cores extends beyond Silicon Valley. The urban parts of L.A. and San Diego have all seen a major increase in people wanting to live and work there, which means increased competition for rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And we’re not just talking about apartment rentals. Here’s a pretty amazing graph.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/bd074fac-c247-4ef4-a31a-ce390b31c06b?src=embed\" title=\"Single Family Home Rentals\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of single-family homes occupied by renters grew by more than 400,000 over the last 10 years, while the number of owner-occupied units dropped during the Great Recession and has yet to recover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So who owns these houses? The vast majority are “mom and pop” investors and wealthy individuals buying one or two additional properties. Foreign buyers, primarily from China, have also become increasingly enamored with California real estate. Last year, nearly one in four California single-family homes were sold in all-cash transactions, an indication of investor appetite for California real estate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, investors are a relatively small part of the housing market, especially when viewed from a statewide lens. But in certain local markets, investors compete directly with California families for homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>3. Proposition 13 Dilutes a City's Incentive to Build New Housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Why hasn’t California built enough housing to keep up with its population?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most housing researchers agree that part of the reason is \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, the landmark 1978 ballot initiative that capped how much local governments could collect from property taxes. While intended to protect California homeowners from unmanageable property tax bills, Proposition 13 has produced a host of unintended consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imagine you’re a city, sitting on a huge plot of vacant land. You could zone that land for housing or for commercial use, like a hotel or a Target. Your city obviously needs more housing -- prices are sky high.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">After Tax Cuts Derailed the 'California Dream,' Can the State Get Back on Track?\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/10/JarvisFist-1180x676.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Easy decision, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 13 has made development decisions much more complicated. Because property taxes are capped, local governments have become increasingly reliant on other revenue sources. That vacant land is much more valuable to the city’s coffers if a big box retailer gets built on it, as opposed to a multifamily apartment building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing nerds call this the “fiscalization of land use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\">There’s\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/3497#Does_Proposition.A013_Alter_Local_Government_Land_Use_Decisions.3F\">debate\u003c/a> about just how much Proposition 13 is to blame for the state’s housing shortage. But talk to local elected officials, and you’ll see the issue isn’t just a hypothetical dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>4. In Most Parts of California, the Process to Get New Housing Approved Is Difficult, Time-Consuming and Expensive\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>It can be hard to be sympathetic to developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From time immemorial, it feels like they’ve complained about rules and regulations they say make it harder to build their projects. The builder who designed Stonehenge probably thought there was too much bureaucracy involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While it may be tough to trust developers, that doesn’t necessarily mean that they're wrong. The process by which a piece of land is approved for new construction can be incredibly cumbersome, time-consuming and risky. While good data on exactly how much this adds to housing costs is hard to come by, \u003ca href=\"http://realestate.wharton.upenn.edu/working-papers/a-new-measure-of-the-local-regulatory-environment-for-housing-markets-the-wharton-residential-land-use-regulatory-index/\">typical approval time\u003c/a> for projects in San Francisco is over a year, while in L.A. it’s eight months. That doesn’t include when land needs to be “rezoned” for residential development, which can take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why the lag? Here’s the laundry list.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Multiple Layers of Government Review: \u003c/strong>A housing project often must go through multiple government agencies, including the planning department, health department, fire department, building department and perhaps most importantly, a city council.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Lots of Avenues for “Not In My Backyard” Voices: \u003c/strong>The review process for new developments gives ample opportunity for local residents to express their opposition. Locals may fear that new housing projects will change the character of their neighborhoods, increase traffic and hurt their property values. If a city councilmember votes for new housing, he or she may have to face dissatisfied voters.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>An Often Misused Environmental Law: \u003c/strong>The California Environmental Quality Act, or CEQA, requires that local agencies consider the environmental impact of a new housing development before approving it. That sounds like a worthy goal, but the law has often been abused to prevent new developments -- even environmentally friendly ones with high-density housing and bike lanes. According to the nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office, CEQA appeals delay a project by an average of \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">two and a half years\u003c/a>.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Local Growth Controls: \u003c/strong>Two-thirds of California coastal cities and counties have adopted policies that explicitly limit the number of new homes that can be built within their borders or policies that limit the density of new developments. Subtler growth controls include not zoning enough land for new development or requiring supermajorities to approve new housing.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>5. Land, Labor and Raw Material Costs Are Higher in California Than the Rest of the Country. And Those Costs Are Rising\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Unfortunately, California’s coastline topography \u003ca href=\"https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/125/3/1253/1903664\">makes it more expensive to build here\u003c/a> than most other places. Also, there’s the ocean. You can’t expand into the ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Limited land plus tons of demand means high land prices. In many markets in California, the bulk of a single-family home or apartment building’s value is in the land it is built on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the land itself is what typically eats up most of a developer’s budget in California’s hottest markets, it’s not the only cost-driver. Construction labor and the cost of the raw materials have been rising over the last five years, and are higher in California than other parts of the country. According to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/reports/2015/finance/housing-costs/housing-costs.pdf\">Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>, construction labor is about 20 percent more expensive in major California cities than in the rest of the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the labor side, a shortage of skilled construction workers bears much of the blame. When the housing market crashed in the late 2000s, construction workers left the industry in droves. And those same workers haven’t come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/ec3aad18-cd92-4e47-95fe-7ffb89dc63ef?src=embed\" title=\"California construction jobs still in short supply\" width=\"940\" height=\"600\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction today just doesn’t seem to have the same appeal to younger workers. Firms are struggling to recruit younger workers to supplement and eventually replace a graying workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building codes and environmentally friendly design requirements in many California cities require different types of raw building materials to be used, some of which can be pricier than elsewhere in the country. And nationwide, the cost of vital resources like lumber and concrete are on the \u003ca href=\"http://eyeonhousing.org/2018/04/ready-mix-concrete-osb-lead-price-increases-in-march/\">upswing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are plenty of reasons beyond the five we’ve mentioned here that help explain why California housings costs have gotten so out of control. The task of making California affordable again -- or at least relatively affordable again -- defies a simple silver-bullet solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters’ Ben Christopher contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Push for Mental Health Care at Colleges: Depression and Anxiety 'Really Eat Up Our Kids'",
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"content": "\u003cp>When student leaders from all 23 California State University campuses came together last fall to set priorities for the academic year, improving campus mental health services received more nominations than any other issue. It beat out even that perennial concern, tuition costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Student Association President Maggie White said she’s not surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing wait times at counseling centers that are exceeding two or three weeks, people turned away after a few appointments because they’ve exceeded the maximum allotment, and students not feeling comfortable going to counselors because no one looks like them or reflects their experience,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the stigma attached to mental health care fades, California students are increasingly clamoring for more on-campus services that can help them cope with anxiety, depression and the stresses of a contentious political climate and rising living expenses. Several bills pending in the California Legislature would set aside resources for mental health care at the state’s public colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health advocates say on-campus care is especially important because people often first experience psychological problems during their young adult years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so much the age when serious mental illness manifests itself, and here we have these institutions that could absolutely be identifying this early on,” said Deborah Anderluh, a spokesperson for the Steinberg Institute, which lobbies for more funding for mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only eight of the Cal State system’s 23 campuses meet the standard of one counselor per 1,000 to 1,500 students set by the International Association of Counseling Services — the national accreditor for campus counseling centers — according to a survey by the student association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many community colleges don’t have a counseling center at all, or rely on graduate student interns to provide care. The University of California system is in the midst of a five-year hiring push to add counselors on its campuses, funded by student fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of college students seeking counseling on campuses nationwide grew five times faster than enrollment between 2009 and 2015, according to the Center for Collegiate Mental Health, a national consortium. Depression and anxiety were the biggest problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8e7e2aac-98b6-44c7-b9c6-2c0922e23178?src=embed\" title=\"Demand for college mental health services is growing nationwide\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Ansari, a third-year politics major at CSU Fullerton, said panic attacks during her freshman year often kept her from sleeping through the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have very traditional, conservative parents who wanted me to become a scientist,” Ansari said. But she wanted to go into politics. And the polarized atmosphere that accompanied President Trump’s election exacerbated the social pressures she was already experiencing as a Muslim woman, Ansari said. \"I was having this identity crisis and feeling really threatened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until starting on-campus therapy, Ansari said, that she realized she wasn’t the only one dealing with those challenges. Her grades improved, and she took on more responsibility in student government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when she recommended the campus counseling center to a friend who was grieving after a death in the family, said Ansari, the friend couldn’t get an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center staff said, “‘We’re all filled up; can you call back in two weeks?’” Ansari said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are considering a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB968\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> to ease that backlog by requiring public campuses to have one full-time counselor for every 1,500 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve put a lot of emphasis on how to get students to graduate on time,” state Sen. Richard Pan, a Sacramento Democrat and the bill’s author, told CALmatters. “One of the barriers is mental health issues, and we should be helping [students] overcome them. Otherwise, we’re not maximizing our investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We see PTSD, bipolar, eating disorders and schizophrenia, but depression and anxiety are the two that really eat up our kids.'\u003ccite>Peg Scott, American River College psychology professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>CSU and the community colleges would have to hire hundreds of new counselors to meet the ratio Pan is proposing, according to a legislative analysis. The community college system has more than 7,000 students for every counselor systemwide, according to the analysis, while CSU has more than 2,000. Staffing at the University of California is more robust, with about 1,100 students per counselor overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the university systems has taken a position on the bill. But Denise Bevly, CSU’s director of wellness, questioned whether mandating staff levels for counselors was the best way to improve care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One-on-one counseling may not be it for all students,” she said. Some issues might be better addressed through prevention and early intervention such as “a stress-management workshop, or a peer counseling group, or a yoga class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a gap, if we’re honest,” between the increasing demand for counseling services and the supply, Bevly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The schools are doing what they can with the resources they have, she added. In June, the university will start training a few faculty and staff from each campus to be “wellness ambassadors.” They’ll be able to direct students who are struggling with mental health or financial pressures to the right campus programs, Bevly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pan’s legislation may mean the most change for community colleges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665552\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-800x588.jpg\" alt=\"American River College students Grace Swint and Shamona Thompson Ross talk about mental health.\" width=\"800\" height=\"588\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665552\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-800x588.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1020x750.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1200x882.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1180x867.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-960x706.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-520x382.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">American River College students Grace Swint and Shamona Thompson Ross talk about mental health. \u003ccite>(Felicia Mello/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/NCHA-II-SPRING-2016-HSACCC-REFERENCE-GROUP-DATA-REPORT-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">survey\u003c/a> of 10 California community colleges, more than half of students said they had felt overwhelming anxiety at some time in the past year, with 39 percent saying they had been so depressed it was hard to function. One in 10 said they had seriously considered suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature budgeted $4.5 million for new mental health programs at community colleges — but only 15 of the state’s 114 colleges will receive the competitive grants of up to $300,000 each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American River College psychology professor Peg Scott says every week, two to three students approach her with mental health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see PTSD, bipolar, eating disorders and schizophrenia, but depression and anxiety are the two that really eat up our kids,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no counseling center at her Sacramento County community college, which has two nurses for more than 30,000 students. So Scott refers students to a county crisis center several miles away. The center provides transportation, Scott says, but it’s just not practical for her to send them every student who needs help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students need somewhere on campus to go when they have a panic attack or are just having a really bad day,” Scott said. “Finals are coming up and they need support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a dedicated funding source for mental health programs: In 2004, voters passed Proposition 63, a 1 percent tax on incomes of more than $1 million a year. Counties can decide how to use most of the money, and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2017-117.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">recent state audit\u003c/a> found that hundreds of millions have gone unspent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers want the state to set priorities for how counties should spend those funds. Under a bipartisan \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1004\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> also pending in the Legislature, counties would have to use some of the money for one of three types of mental health programs, including college counseling, or justify to the state why they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2933\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> would require that every county social-services agency have a liaison to help professors like Scott send students for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s last major effort to upgrade college counseling failed in 2016, when Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed a bill that would have set up a campus mental health trust fund, citing its lack of a specific price tag or funding source. But Proposition 63 has had some effect. UC, CSU and community colleges were all able to use some of its proceeds to launch campaigns to raise awareness of mental health issues and suicide prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And students say it’s become easier to talk about mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel like there’s more of an open discussion of it,” said Courtney Cooper, president of the Student Senate for California Community Colleges. “I had a panic attack before class the other day ... and this other girl was like, ‘Oh, I deal with anxiety, too.’ I didn’t feel like I was the only one or that anyone in class was going to judge me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students on a number of campuses have started mental health conferences and formed chapters of \u003ca href=\"http://www.activeminds.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Active Minds\u003c/a>, a student-run advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott’s students decided not to wait for their college to provide counseling. They’re partnering with the National Alliance on Mental Illness to create peer support groups for struggling students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need is there, and our students are so forward-looking that they recognize it,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em> \u003cem>This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When student leaders from all 23 California State University campuses came together last fall to set priorities for the academic year, improving campus mental health services received more nominations than any other issue. It beat out even that perennial concern, tuition costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State Student Association President Maggie White said she’s not surprised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing wait times at counseling centers that are exceeding two or three weeks, people turned away after a few appointments because they’ve exceeded the maximum allotment, and students not feeling comfortable going to counselors because no one looks like them or reflects their experience,” White said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the stigma attached to mental health care fades, California students are increasingly clamoring for more on-campus services that can help them cope with anxiety, depression and the stresses of a contentious political climate and rising living expenses. Several bills pending in the California Legislature would set aside resources for mental health care at the state’s public colleges and universities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mental health advocates say on-campus care is especially important because people often first experience psychological problems during their young adult years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s so much the age when serious mental illness manifests itself, and here we have these institutions that could absolutely be identifying this early on,” said Deborah Anderluh, a spokesperson for the Steinberg Institute, which lobbies for more funding for mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only eight of the Cal State system’s 23 campuses meet the standard of one counselor per 1,000 to 1,500 students set by the International Association of Counseling Services — the national accreditor for campus counseling centers — according to a survey by the student association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many community colleges don’t have a counseling center at all, or rely on graduate student interns to provide care. The University of California system is in the midst of a five-year hiring push to add counselors on its campuses, funded by student fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of college students seeking counseling on campuses nationwide grew five times faster than enrollment between 2009 and 2015, according to the Center for Collegiate Mental Health, a national consortium. Depression and anxiety were the biggest problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/8e7e2aac-98b6-44c7-b9c6-2c0922e23178?src=embed\" title=\"Demand for college mental health services is growing nationwide\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saba Ansari, a third-year politics major at CSU Fullerton, said panic attacks during her freshman year often kept her from sleeping through the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have very traditional, conservative parents who wanted me to become a scientist,” Ansari said. But she wanted to go into politics. And the polarized atmosphere that accompanied President Trump’s election exacerbated the social pressures she was already experiencing as a Muslim woman, Ansari said. \"I was having this identity crisis and feeling really threatened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t until starting on-campus therapy, Ansari said, that she realized she wasn’t the only one dealing with those challenges. Her grades improved, and she took on more responsibility in student government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when she recommended the campus counseling center to a friend who was grieving after a death in the family, said Ansari, the friend couldn’t get an appointment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The center staff said, “‘We’re all filled up; can you call back in two weeks?’” Ansari said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislators are considering a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB968\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> to ease that backlog by requiring public campuses to have one full-time counselor for every 1,500 students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve put a lot of emphasis on how to get students to graduate on time,” state Sen. Richard Pan, a Sacramento Democrat and the bill’s author, told CALmatters. “One of the barriers is mental health issues, and we should be helping [students] overcome them. Otherwise, we’re not maximizing our investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We see PTSD, bipolar, eating disorders and schizophrenia, but depression and anxiety are the two that really eat up our kids.'\u003ccite>Peg Scott, American River College psychology professor\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>CSU and the community colleges would have to hire hundreds of new counselors to meet the ratio Pan is proposing, according to a legislative analysis. The community college system has more than 7,000 students for every counselor systemwide, according to the analysis, while CSU has more than 2,000. Staffing at the University of California is more robust, with about 1,100 students per counselor overall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the university systems has taken a position on the bill. But Denise Bevly, CSU’s director of wellness, questioned whether mandating staff levels for counselors was the best way to improve care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One-on-one counseling may not be it for all students,” she said. Some issues might be better addressed through prevention and early intervention such as “a stress-management workshop, or a peer counseling group, or a yoga class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s still a gap, if we’re honest,” between the increasing demand for counseling services and the supply, Bevly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The schools are doing what they can with the resources they have, she added. In June, the university will start training a few faculty and staff from each campus to be “wellness ambassadors.” They’ll be able to direct students who are struggling with mental health or financial pressures to the right campus programs, Bevly said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pan’s legislation may mean the most change for community colleges. \u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11665552\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-800x588.jpg\" alt=\"American River College students Grace Swint and Shamona Thompson Ross talk about mental health.\" width=\"800\" height=\"588\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11665552\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-800x588.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-160x118.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1020x750.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1200x882.jpg 1200w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-1180x867.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-960x706.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-240x176.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-375x276.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/MentalHealthConversation-520x382.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">American River College students Grace Swint and Shamona Thompson Ross talk about mental health. \u003ccite>(Felicia Mello/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In a 2016 \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/NCHA-II-SPRING-2016-HSACCC-REFERENCE-GROUP-DATA-REPORT-1.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">survey\u003c/a> of 10 California community colleges, more than half of students said they had felt overwhelming anxiety at some time in the past year, with 39 percent saying they had been so depressed it was hard to function. One in 10 said they had seriously considered suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Legislature budgeted $4.5 million for new mental health programs at community colleges — but only 15 of the state’s 114 colleges will receive the competitive grants of up to $300,000 each.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>American River College psychology professor Peg Scott says every week, two to three students approach her with mental health problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see PTSD, bipolar, eating disorders and schizophrenia, but depression and anxiety are the two that really eat up our kids,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no counseling center at her Sacramento County community college, which has two nurses for more than 30,000 students. So Scott refers students to a county crisis center several miles away. The center provides transportation, Scott says, but it’s just not practical for her to send them every student who needs help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Students need somewhere on campus to go when they have a panic attack or are just having a really bad day,” Scott said. “Finals are coming up and they need support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has a dedicated funding source for mental health programs: In 2004, voters passed Proposition 63, a 1 percent tax on incomes of more than $1 million a year. Counties can decide how to use most of the money, and a \u003ca href=\"http://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2017-117.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">recent state audit\u003c/a> found that hundreds of millions have gone unspent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers want the state to set priorities for how counties should spend those funds. Under a bipartisan \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB1004\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a> also pending in the Legislature, counties would have to use some of the money for one of three types of mental health programs, including college counseling, or justify to the state why they did not.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2933\" target=\"_blank\">proposal\u003c/a> would require that every county social-services agency have a liaison to help professors like Scott send students for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s last major effort to upgrade college counseling failed in 2016, when Gov. Jerry Brown vetoed a bill that would have set up a campus mental health trust fund, citing its lack of a specific price tag or funding source. But Proposition 63 has had some effect. UC, CSU and community colleges were all able to use some of its proceeds to launch campaigns to raise awareness of mental health issues and suicide prevention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And students say it’s become easier to talk about mental health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I feel like there’s more of an open discussion of it,” said Courtney Cooper, president of the Student Senate for California Community Colleges. “I had a panic attack before class the other day ... and this other girl was like, ‘Oh, I deal with anxiety, too.’ I didn’t feel like I was the only one or that anyone in class was going to judge me.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Students on a number of campuses have started mental health conferences and formed chapters of \u003ca href=\"http://www.activeminds.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Active Minds\u003c/a>, a student-run advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott’s students decided not to wait for their college to provide counseling. They’re partnering with the National Alliance on Mental Illness to create peer support groups for struggling students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need is there, and our students are so forward-looking that they recognize it,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em> \u003cem>This story and other higher education coverage are supported by the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Secrets, and Seals of Approval, in the California Governor’s Race",
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"content": "\u003cp>What kinds of agreements has the next governor of California made with interest groups that sway decisions in the state Capitol?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters will never know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answers lie in a raft of secret questionnaires that candidates complete as they seek endorsements from a range of groups that will lobby them after they’re elected — and remind them of what they committed to before they won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions, environmentalists and associations that advocate for gay rights, police and charter schools are among the dozens of groups that have endorsed candidates in the governor’s race. Such seals of approval can come with infusions of campaign cash and help politicians raise their profiles as they seek votes across an enormous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public endorsements can serve as a helpful signal to voters, giving a sense of the candidates’ alliances and priorities. But what many voters don’t realize is that the endorsements are more than a sign of affection. They are the result of private concurrence between groups that represent narrow interests and candidates competing to represent the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission, compared the secret questionnaires to private conversations with lobbyists, “or any closed-door meeting where you try to extract a promise from a lawmaker in exchange for x.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In its worst framing, it feels like extortion: ‘You say this, and therefore you get our [endorsement]. If you don’t say this, you don’t,’” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://youtu.be/rnJzP1YS6TM\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters asked the six major candidates for governor — Democrats Gavin Newsom, Antonio Villaraigosa, John Chiang and Delaine Eastin, and Republicans John Cox and Travis Allen — to share the questionnaires they’ve completed in seeking endorsements for the June 5 primary election. None did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We also asked several interest groups to share the candidates’ answers. They wouldn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides generally agree to keep the records confidential. Some organizations even emblazon their documents with the words “Do not copy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The style of the questionnaires varies, with some requesting thoughtful explorations of policy issues and others listing pages of yes/no questions. Some include a “pledge” section — for example, asking candidates to sign their names and promising to “actively and publicly support” workers organizing a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, the result is private covenants on such questions as: Will you ban fracking? Limit the growth of charter schools? Support tougher punishments for repeat criminals? Maintain the pension system for government employees?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the answers in writing helps interest groups get what they want after politicians are elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are lucky enough to endorse the candidate that wins the office, it’s a good place to point back to and a level of accountability for what they said when they were running,” said Jim Araby, executive director of the state’s United Food and Commercial Workers union, which endorsed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its members include grocery-store clerks confronting technological advances that threaten to wipe out jobs, as well as competition from online vendors that are not unionized. If Newsom is elected and then makes decisions that contradict what he told the union during the endorsing process, Araby said, he wouldn’t hesitate to pull out the questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have that as a point of reference in any conversation we had with him and his staff. Our union is not afraid to hold people accountable, Democrats or Republicans,” Araby said. Two years ago it funded a campaign to oust a Democratic assemblywoman after she voted against the union on two bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In declining to make any of his completed endorsement questionnaires public, Newsom said the forms don’t allow for the nuances that answers deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d rather give you the raw, unvarnished, actual answers that do more than just three sentences that can be taken out of context in a questionnaire,” Newsom said during an interview with CALmatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and the other five major candidates each sat for lengthy interviews with CALmatters journalists, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">going into depth\u003c/a> on numerous public policy questions. But none would disclose the forms they’ve completed, saying they’re doing plenty to communicate their positions to voters publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve participated in ... 10 forums already,” said Cox, a Republican endorsed by the California Pro-Life Council. “I don’t believe there is any instance when I put something down in a questionnaire ... that I wouldn’t say in public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many lobbying groups say keeping the answers out of the public eye allows candidates to be more candid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that if they have to worry about us taking it to the press, sharing it around with people, using it in ways that they wouldn’t feel comfortable with, it may have a chilling effect on the amount they would be willing to share,” said Gary Borden, executive director of the political advocacy arm of the California Charter Schools Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charters — public schools that do not have to follow all of the same regulations as traditional campuses — have become a big player in the gubernatorial race. The charter association has endorsed Villaraigosa, who clashed with teacher unions and took control of several low-performing schools when he was mayor of Los Angeles. Charter supporters have already poured $10.2 million into a fund paying for ads supporting Villaraigosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The questionnaire may not be the only factor in an endorsement decision. Like most influential groups, the charter schools association also interviews candidates to discuss issues in greater depth. But its questions indicate some key priorities, asking whether candidates support changing the formula for funding schools, limiting charter-school expansion or applying a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2016/brown-vetoes-bill-requiring-charters-to-comply-with-conflict-of-interest-open-records-laws-cta-ccsa/570087\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conflict-of-interest law\u003c/a> that school boards must follow to charters, which are now exempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaraigosa said he’s answered dozens of questionnaires in the course of the campaign and doesn’t see the need to make them public.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/read-some-endorsement-questionnaires/\">Read some endorsement questionnaires here\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“All of these groups have asked that they be confidential and ... that's what we've done,” Villaraigosa said. “We have a lot of transparency in this election, a lot of eyes watching. People have a good view of where we all are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the charter school group would not disclose candidates’ responses, it shared a blank copy of its three-page questionnaire with CALmatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many groups wouldn’t even do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club, California Teachers Association, Service Employees International Union and California Labor Federation would not provide their blank questionnaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters obtained some from other sources. They show that the California Teachers Association asks if candidates will back more regulations for charters, which compete with traditional schools to attract students and the taxpayer funding that comes with them. Many charters employ non-union teachers, an element in the ongoing feud between charter supporters and teacher unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers association, which endorsed Newsom, also asks candidates if they will oppose using student test scores as an element in determining teacher salaries; support collective bargaining for school employees; and oppose replacing the pension system for public employees with a 401k-style retirement plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers association spokeswoman Claudia Briggs said the questionnaire is a tool meant to help union members only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is their process,” she said. “Beyond their membership, it’s not a public document and there is no requirement to share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The director of Sierra Club California similarly said the group’s members expect their questions and candidates’ answers to be kept private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a policy of not talking about how they respond to the questionnaires because we promised them in advance we won’t do that,” Kathryn Phillips said, noting that the club instead \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/Why_Sierra_Club_Endorses_Newsom.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">published\u003c/a> an explanation of why it endorsed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups do not use questionnaires — but still pose questions that are hidden from the public. The California Business Roundtable, which includes 30 large corporations, interviews candidates about their positions on health care, budget and energy policy, then sends the answers to the member companies, said CBR President Rob Lapsley. He declined to say specifically what the group asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups post blank questionnaires on their web sites but will not share candidates’ answers: the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, an anti-tax group that has not yet endorsed a gubernatorial candidate, and the California Police Chiefs Association, which endorsed Villaraigosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One outlier to the secrecy trend is the National Union of Healthcare Workers, which endorsed Newsom and \u003ca href=\"http://nuhw.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/NUHW-Questionnaire-Newsom.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">published\u003c/a> its questionnaire with his answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With groups across the political spectrum interested in holding politicians accountable, why not make the process public? Isn’t it supposed to be voters who wield that power in a democracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Smith, spokesman for the California Labor Federation, said his group has batted the idea around. As an umbrella organization with many unions that are members, Smith said, the change couldn’t be made quickly. But they’ve discussed moving to a model where the questions — and candidates’ answers — are posted online for the world to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pretty broad process right now, but it’s an internal one,” Smith said. “Making it an external one is not out of the realm of possibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>What kinds of agreements has the next governor of California made with interest groups that sway decisions in the state Capitol?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters will never know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The answers lie in a raft of secret questionnaires that candidates complete as they seek endorsements from a range of groups that will lobby them after they’re elected — and remind them of what they committed to before they won.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor unions, environmentalists and associations that advocate for gay rights, police and charter schools are among the dozens of groups that have endorsed candidates in the governor’s race. Such seals of approval can come with infusions of campaign cash and help politicians raise their profiles as they seek votes across an enormous state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public endorsements can serve as a helpful signal to voters, giving a sense of the candidates’ alliances and priorities. But what many voters don’t realize is that the endorsements are more than a sign of affection. They are the result of private concurrence between groups that represent narrow interests and candidates competing to represent the public.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and president of the Los Angeles Ethics Commission, compared the secret questionnaires to private conversations with lobbyists, “or any closed-door meeting where you try to extract a promise from a lawmaker in exchange for x.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In its worst framing, it feels like extortion: ‘You say this, and therefore you get our [endorsement]. If you don’t say this, you don’t,’” Levinson said.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/rnJzP1YS6TM'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/rnJzP1YS6TM'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>CALmatters asked the six major candidates for governor — Democrats Gavin Newsom, Antonio Villaraigosa, John Chiang and Delaine Eastin, and Republicans John Cox and Travis Allen — to share the questionnaires they’ve completed in seeking endorsements for the June 5 primary election. None did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We also asked several interest groups to share the candidates’ answers. They wouldn’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both sides generally agree to keep the records confidential. Some organizations even emblazon their documents with the words “Do not copy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The style of the questionnaires varies, with some requesting thoughtful explorations of policy issues and others listing pages of yes/no questions. Some include a “pledge” section — for example, asking candidates to sign their names and promising to “actively and publicly support” workers organizing a union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In some cases, the result is private covenants on such questions as: Will you ban fracking? Limit the growth of charter schools? Support tougher punishments for repeat criminals? Maintain the pension system for government employees?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting the answers in writing helps interest groups get what they want after politicians are elected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we are lucky enough to endorse the candidate that wins the office, it’s a good place to point back to and a level of accountability for what they said when they were running,” said Jim Araby, executive director of the state’s United Food and Commercial Workers union, which endorsed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its members include grocery-store clerks confronting technological advances that threaten to wipe out jobs, as well as competition from online vendors that are not unionized. If Newsom is elected and then makes decisions that contradict what he told the union during the endorsing process, Araby said, he wouldn’t hesitate to pull out the questionnaire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have that as a point of reference in any conversation we had with him and his staff. Our union is not afraid to hold people accountable, Democrats or Republicans,” Araby said. Two years ago it funded a campaign to oust a Democratic assemblywoman after she voted against the union on two bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In declining to make any of his completed endorsement questionnaires public, Newsom said the forms don’t allow for the nuances that answers deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d rather give you the raw, unvarnished, actual answers that do more than just three sentences that can be taken out of context in a questionnaire,” Newsom said during an interview with CALmatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and the other five major candidates each sat for lengthy interviews with CALmatters journalists, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.calmatters.org/2018/statewide-postings/governor-of-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">going into depth\u003c/a> on numerous public policy questions. But none would disclose the forms they’ve completed, saying they’re doing plenty to communicate their positions to voters publicly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve participated in ... 10 forums already,” said Cox, a Republican endorsed by the California Pro-Life Council. “I don’t believe there is any instance when I put something down in a questionnaire ... that I wouldn’t say in public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many lobbying groups say keeping the answers out of the public eye allows candidates to be more candid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think that if they have to worry about us taking it to the press, sharing it around with people, using it in ways that they wouldn’t feel comfortable with, it may have a chilling effect on the amount they would be willing to share,” said Gary Borden, executive director of the political advocacy arm of the California Charter Schools Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charters — public schools that do not have to follow all of the same regulations as traditional campuses — have become a big player in the gubernatorial race. The charter association has endorsed Villaraigosa, who clashed with teacher unions and took control of several low-performing schools when he was mayor of Los Angeles. Charter supporters have already poured $10.2 million into a fund paying for ads supporting Villaraigosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The questionnaire may not be the only factor in an endorsement decision. Like most influential groups, the charter schools association also interviews candidates to discuss issues in greater depth. But its questions indicate some key priorities, asking whether candidates support changing the formula for funding schools, limiting charter-school expansion or applying a \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2016/brown-vetoes-bill-requiring-charters-to-comply-with-conflict-of-interest-open-records-laws-cta-ccsa/570087\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">conflict-of-interest law\u003c/a> that school boards must follow to charters, which are now exempt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villaraigosa said he’s answered dozens of questionnaires in the course of the campaign and doesn’t see the need to make them public.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/read-some-endorsement-questionnaires/\">Read some endorsement questionnaires here\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“All of these groups have asked that they be confidential and ... that's what we've done,” Villaraigosa said. “We have a lot of transparency in this election, a lot of eyes watching. People have a good view of where we all are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the charter school group would not disclose candidates’ responses, it shared a blank copy of its three-page questionnaire with CALmatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many groups wouldn’t even do that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sierra Club, California Teachers Association, Service Employees International Union and California Labor Federation would not provide their blank questionnaires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CALmatters obtained some from other sources. They show that the California Teachers Association asks if candidates will back more regulations for charters, which compete with traditional schools to attract students and the taxpayer funding that comes with them. Many charters employ non-union teachers, an element in the ongoing feud between charter supporters and teacher unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The teachers association, which endorsed Newsom, also asks candidates if they will oppose using student test scores as an element in determining teacher salaries; support collective bargaining for school employees; and oppose replacing the pension system for public employees with a 401k-style retirement plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teachers association spokeswoman Claudia Briggs said the questionnaire is a tool meant to help union members only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is their process,” she said. “Beyond their membership, it’s not a public document and there is no requirement to share it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The director of Sierra Club California similarly said the group’s members expect their questions and candidates’ answers to be kept private.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a policy of not talking about how they respond to the questionnaires because we promised them in advance we won’t do that,” Kathryn Phillips said, noting that the club instead \u003ca href=\"https://www.sierraclub.org/sites/www.sierraclub.org/files/sce/sierra-club-california/PDFs/Why_Sierra_Club_Endorses_Newsom.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">published\u003c/a> an explanation of why it endorsed Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some groups do not use questionnaires — but still pose questions that are hidden from the public. The California Business Roundtable, which includes 30 large corporations, interviews candidates about their positions on health care, budget and energy policy, then sends the answers to the member companies, said CBR President Rob Lapsley. He declined to say specifically what the group asks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other groups post blank questionnaires on their web sites but will not share candidates’ answers: the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association, an anti-tax group that has not yet endorsed a gubernatorial candidate, and the California Police Chiefs Association, which endorsed Villaraigosa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One outlier to the secrecy trend is the National Union of Healthcare Workers, which endorsed Newsom and \u003ca href=\"http://nuhw.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/NUHW-Questionnaire-Newsom.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">published\u003c/a> its questionnaire with his answers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With groups across the political spectrum interested in holding politicians accountable, why not make the process public? Isn’t it supposed to be voters who wield that power in a democracy?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steve Smith, spokesman for the California Labor Federation, said his group has batted the idea around. As an umbrella organization with many unions that are members, Smith said, the change couldn’t be made quickly. But they’ve discussed moving to a model where the questions — and candidates’ answers — are posted online for the world to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a pretty broad process right now, but it’s an internal one,” Smith said. “Making it an external one is not out of the realm of possibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
"airtime": "SAT 4pm-5pm",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
},
"link": "/podcasts/rightnowish",
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