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"disqusTitle": "California Just Forced Equal Pay for Female Surfers. Could That Change Other Games?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bianca Valenti conquered 20-foot waves at a surfing competition in Mexico this summer, winning first place in Latin America’s first big-wave contest to include women. Her prize: $1,750. The surfer who won the men’s division at the same competition walked away with four times as much prize money: $7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Valenti, of San Francisco, competes on the shores of Northern California in the famous Mavericks surfing challenge this winter, she’ll be eligible for the same amount of prize money as the men. Why? Because the state of California insisted on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Hollywood, tech and many other industries, the sports world is being forced to confront its historic practice of \u003ca href=\"https://sportsmanagement.adelphi.edu/resources/infographics/a-look-at-male-and-female-professional-athlete-salaries/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">paying women less than men\u003c/a>. Though the ranks of female athletes have grown dramatically since 1972, when federal law, through Title IX, began prohibiting gender discrimination in schools and colleges, pay gaps remain huge in most sports. Basketball and golf have struggled for years with pay equity issues, and female players have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/01/sports/soccer/uswnt-us-women-carli-lloyd-alex-morgan-hope-solo-complain.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued\u003c/a> U.S. Soccer for wage discrimination, arguing they’re paid 40 percent of what their male counterparts earn, despite outperforming them on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s unusual with the Mavericks surf competition is that the government—a state commission, in this case—preemptively stepped in to compel equal pay as a condition of holding the event. Experts said they couldn’t think of a similar situation in another sport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Mavericks case could set a precedent for local governments to demand equal pay in any sporting event held on public property, said David Berri, a professor of economics at Southern Utah University who researches gender in sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In any event where you are going across public land, then any government entity could say, ‘You have to make this equal,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the lead set by some \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/equal-pay-for-equal-play-what-the-sport-of-tennis-got-right\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tennis\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/05/12/83075/tour-of-california-will-award-equal-prize-money-to/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cycling\u003c/a> competitions, the World Surf League, which runs the Mavericks contest near Half Moon Bay, announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/the-world-surf-league-wsl-announces-prize-money-equality-300707417.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new plan\u003c/a> this week to pay men and women equal prize money starting on Oct. 1. It came after an obscure three-person state panel indicated last month that it would lease the public beach for Mavericks only if women and men are awarded the same prize money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The waves do not discriminate,” the staff of the State Lands Commission wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/StateLands_Mavericks.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unusually blistering report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Male athletes are surfing and competing on the same waves as the female athletes. There doesn’t appear to be any reasonable justification to treat prize compensation differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission—which includes prominent Democratic politicians Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom and Controller Betty Yee—hasn’t yet voted on the issue because the league \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/08/24/equal-pay-or-no-one-plays-big-wave-women-draw-line-in-the-sand-at-mavericks/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pulled\u003c/a> its application for the lease when the report came out. But the panel was likely to approve the equal pay requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there ought to be gender equity with respect to the purposes of any use of our state lands,” Yee said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also supported the requirement, said his chief of staff, Rhys Williams: “A lease application that doesn’t reflect equal pay isn’t going to fly with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the league has crafted a plan to pay men and women equally, it will likely resubmit its application for Mavericks, which is typically held between October and March when the waves swell to more than 25 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/08/01/women-of-mavericks-find-themselves-a-dollar-short-of-the-men/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the original plan\u003c/a>, the prize purse for women was set at $44,400 while the prize purse for men was $106,600. The purse was to be divided among all competitors in each division, with $15,000 for the woman winning first place and $25,000 for the man earning first place. Second-and third-place prizes were to have even greater gaps, with the women earning less than half of what men would. The league previously defended the plan as fair because the men’s division included more competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The league did not specify the prize purse or number of competitors under the new plan, saying only that it involved “equal prize money” for male and female athletes. It declined to answer questions for this article and, in a press release, cast its new arrangement as part of a “long-planned strategy to elevate women’s surfing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But women who have been advocating for equal pay for surfers said the change never would have come about without the government taking a stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Said Sabrina Brennan of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.surfequity.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Committee for Equity in Women’s Surfing\u003c/a>: “It’s what gave us leverage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brennan is not a surfer but she sits on the board of the San Mateo County Harbor District, so she knows a little something about government approval processes. Her fight for women surfers began in 2015, when she learned Mavericks could take place only with a permit from the California Coastal Commission. At that time women weren’t allowed to compete in the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when I initially realized there was an opportunity to ask a state agency to intervene and add a condition on the permit that would require women be allowed to compete,” Brennan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission agreed, and in 2016 \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-mavericks-women-20161103-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">required\u003c/a> Mavericks to include a heat for women. But the event hasn’t been held since then, due to a lack of ideal surf conditions and a change of ownership in the management of Mavericks. So this winter was set to be the first time women would compete at the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the surf league sought a new round of government permits, Brennan began to focus her lobbying on the issue of equal pay. She organized some of the world’s top female surfers—including Valenti—to send letters to the Coastal and State Lands commissions asking that they require Mavericks to pay equal prize money. A lawyer volunteered to beef up their letters with citations to relevant civil rights cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that it took a tiny group of women athletes, an activist, an attorney and a couple state agencies to get them to do the right thing,” Brennan said after the league announced its new pay plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But, whatever. I’m just glad it happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Bianca Valenti conquered 20-foot waves at a surfing competition in Mexico this summer, winning first place in Latin America’s first big-wave contest to include women. Her prize: $1,750. The surfer who won the men’s division at the same competition walked away with four times as much prize money: $7,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Valenti, of San Francisco, competes on the shores of Northern California in the famous Mavericks surfing challenge this winter, she’ll be eligible for the same amount of prize money as the men. Why? Because the state of California insisted on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Hollywood, tech and many other industries, the sports world is being forced to confront its historic practice of \u003ca href=\"https://sportsmanagement.adelphi.edu/resources/infographics/a-look-at-male-and-female-professional-athlete-salaries/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">paying women less than men\u003c/a>. Though the ranks of female athletes have grown dramatically since 1972, when federal law, through Title IX, began prohibiting gender discrimination in schools and colleges, pay gaps remain huge in most sports. Basketball and golf have struggled for years with pay equity issues, and female players have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/01/sports/soccer/uswnt-us-women-carli-lloyd-alex-morgan-hope-solo-complain.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">sued\u003c/a> U.S. Soccer for wage discrimination, arguing they’re paid 40 percent of what their male counterparts earn, despite outperforming them on the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s unusual with the Mavericks surf competition is that the government—a state commission, in this case—preemptively stepped in to compel equal pay as a condition of holding the event. Experts said they couldn’t think of a similar situation in another sport.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Mavericks case could set a precedent for local governments to demand equal pay in any sporting event held on public property, said David Berri, a professor of economics at Southern Utah University who researches gender in sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In any event where you are going across public land, then any government entity could say, ‘You have to make this equal,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Following the lead set by some \u003ca href=\"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/economy/equal-pay-for-equal-play-what-the-sport-of-tennis-got-right\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">tennis\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/05/12/83075/tour-of-california-will-award-equal-prize-money-to/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">cycling\u003c/a> competitions, the World Surf League, which runs the Mavericks contest near Half Moon Bay, announced \u003ca href=\"https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/the-world-surf-league-wsl-announces-prize-money-equality-300707417.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a new plan\u003c/a> this week to pay men and women equal prize money starting on Oct. 1. It came after an obscure three-person state panel indicated last month that it would lease the public beach for Mavericks only if women and men are awarded the same prize money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The waves do not discriminate,” the staff of the State Lands Commission wrote in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/StateLands_Mavericks.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an unusually blistering report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Male athletes are surfing and competing on the same waves as the female athletes. There doesn’t appear to be any reasonable justification to treat prize compensation differently.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission—which includes prominent Democratic politicians Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom and Controller Betty Yee—hasn’t yet voted on the issue because the league \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/08/24/equal-pay-or-no-one-plays-big-wave-women-draw-line-in-the-sand-at-mavericks/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">pulled\u003c/a> its application for the lease when the report came out. But the panel was likely to approve the equal pay requirement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe there ought to be gender equity with respect to the purposes of any use of our state lands,” Yee said in an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom also supported the requirement, said his chief of staff, Rhys Williams: “A lease application that doesn’t reflect equal pay isn’t going to fly with him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the league has crafted a plan to pay men and women equally, it will likely resubmit its application for Mavericks, which is typically held between October and March when the waves swell to more than 25 feet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2018/08/01/women-of-mavericks-find-themselves-a-dollar-short-of-the-men/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">the original plan\u003c/a>, the prize purse for women was set at $44,400 while the prize purse for men was $106,600. The purse was to be divided among all competitors in each division, with $15,000 for the woman winning first place and $25,000 for the man earning first place. Second-and third-place prizes were to have even greater gaps, with the women earning less than half of what men would. The league previously defended the plan as fair because the men’s division included more competitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The league did not specify the prize purse or number of competitors under the new plan, saying only that it involved “equal prize money” for male and female athletes. It declined to answer questions for this article and, in a press release, cast its new arrangement as part of a “long-planned strategy to elevate women’s surfing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But women who have been advocating for equal pay for surfers said the change never would have come about without the government taking a stand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Said Sabrina Brennan of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.surfequity.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Committee for Equity in Women’s Surfing\u003c/a>: “It’s what gave us leverage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brennan is not a surfer but she sits on the board of the San Mateo County Harbor District, so she knows a little something about government approval processes. Her fight for women surfers began in 2015, when she learned Mavericks could take place only with a permit from the California Coastal Commission. At that time women weren’t allowed to compete in the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s when I initially realized there was an opportunity to ask a state agency to intervene and add a condition on the permit that would require women be allowed to compete,” Brennan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission agreed, and in 2016 \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-mavericks-women-20161103-story.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">required\u003c/a> Mavericks to include a heat for women. But the event hasn’t been held since then, due to a lack of ideal surf conditions and a change of ownership in the management of Mavericks. So this winter was set to be the first time women would compete at the event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the surf league sought a new round of government permits, Brennan began to focus her lobbying on the issue of equal pay. She organized some of the world’s top female surfers—including Valenti—to send letters to the Coastal and State Lands commissions asking that they require Mavericks to pay equal prize money. A lawyer volunteered to beef up their letters with citations to relevant civil rights cases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unfortunate that it took a tiny group of women athletes, an activist, an attorney and a couple state agencies to get them to do the right thing,” Brennan said after the league announced its new pay plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But, whatever. I’m just glad it happened.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Californians Still Like Prop. 13, Except for The Big Parts They Don’t Like",
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"content": "\u003cp>California looks differently than it did a generation ago. Its residents are far more diverse, and they live in a far more expensive state. There are way more renters and proportionately way less Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet today’s Californians have at least one thing in common with their late 1970s forebears: They still really like Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1978 California voters approved Prop. 13 with a whopping 65 percent of the vote. A populist backlash to soaring property values and their attendant taxes, the ballot measure placed stringent caps on how much local governments could charge homeowners and businesses for the land they own. Overnight, Californians enjoyed some of the lowest property taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Prop. 13 has been blamed for everything from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2017/11/07/reform-prop-13-to-increase-californias-investment-in-public-education/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poor performance\u003c/a> of California public schools to \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a shortage of affordable homes\u003c/a> to the perpetuation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">racial inequality\u003c/a>. In progressive quarters, the initiative has become a poster child for bad ballot-box policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, when the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> surveyed voters about Prop. 13, 65 percent said it had been mostly a good thing. Yes, the exact same proportion that voted for the measure 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a pretty stunning approval rating. By comparison, Gov. Jerry Brown—one of the most popular California political figures in recent memory—has never seen his job approval breach 60 percent over the past eight years. In 2016, Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump here by a margin not seen since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, although she got less than 65 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2380\" height=\"3052\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png 2380w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-160x205.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-800x1026.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1020x1308.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-936x1200.png 936w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1920x2462.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1180x1513.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-960x1231.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-240x308.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-375x481.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-520x667.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2380px) 100vw, 2380px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such enduring popularity has led officials to long regard Prop. 13 as the untouchable third rail of California politics—yet voters may have a chance to repeatedly touch it in the not-too-distant future. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/prop-13-could-be-party-undone-in-2020-heres-what-you-should-know/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A major proposed crimp in its tax-cutting power\u003c/a> is likely headed for the 2020 ballot, and voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/should-baby-boomers-get-a-property-tax-break-to-move-the-pros-and-cons-of-prop-5/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a possible expansion of Prop. 13\u003c/a> benefits this fall. With those battles on the horizon, here’s a breakdown of just how broadly, deeply and consistently Californians love their cheap property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 13’s popularity has been remarkably consistent—nothing really moves it much, not even house prices.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 features many controversial components, but the part that hits taxpayers’ pocketbooks directly is arguably the most important. Prop. 13 caps a homeowner’s property tax bill at 1 percent of its market value when the new home is bought, and then indexes that value to inflation. In other words, if you bought your home in 1998, in real terms you’re still essentially being taxed on the price you paid back then—not on what it’s worth 20 years later, which is likely a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that the benefits of Prop. 13 are bigger in a hotter housing market—the more your house is worth, the more Prop. 13 saves you on your property tax bill—you might expect a strong relationship between housing prices and Prop. 13’s approval rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d be wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5428\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-160x395.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-800x1974.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1020x2517.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-486x1200.png 486w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1920x4737.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1180x2911.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-960x2369.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-240x592.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-375x925.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-520x1283.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the institute began polling on Prop. 13 in the early 2000s, the initiative’s approval rating has consistently hovered around the high 50s. That’s true through housing booms and busts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California’s housing market was cratering in 2008, 59 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked well for California. Ten years later, with home prices in many parts of the state at all-time highs, 56 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked out well. (These marks are for all Californians. Likely voters give Prop. 13 that approval rating of 65 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for Prop. 13 is unsurprisingly strongest among those voting blocs you associate with wanting lower taxes—older, whiter, more conservative homeowners. More than 70 percent of Republicans said Prop. 13 was working out well, as did 70 percent of homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the landmark initiative enjoys widespread support among pretty much every other major partisan and demographic group. A clear majority of Democrats, independents, self-identified liberals, younger voters, and those with household income below $40,000 give Prop. 13 good marks. Perhaps most shockingly, 57 percent of renters support Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691021\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/demographics-1.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"675\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Prop. 13 is like ‘Obamacare’—no, really \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who wish to revise Prop. 13 can find a bright spot in the relatively high percentage of Californians who may not know much about the initiative or its consequences. Nearly one in five Californians surveyed couldn’t say whether Prop. 13 has been good or bad for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years following the passage of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare) in 2010, national polls revealed a consistent contradiction. While most polls found a majority of respondents saying they didn’t like the law writ large, the same polls saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/01/healthcare-obamacare-affordable-care-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fairly high approval ratings\u003c/a> for most of the Affordable Care Act’s specific provisions—keeping adult children on family health plans, for example, or prohibiting price discrimination against people with pre-existing health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling on Prop. 13 has suggested a similar disconnect between how Californians feel about the initiative overall and how they feel about individual components.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2008 (unfortunately the last year this question was asked), PPIC explained a key consequence of Prop 13 to respondents—the fact that someone who recently bought a home will typically pay much higher property taxes then someone who bought a nearly identical home decades ago in the same neighborhood. Only 41 percent said they supported that defining feature of Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar pattern surfaces based on public attitudes about “split-roll”—the idea possibly headed for the 2020 ballot that commercial properties should be taxed at market value. Prop. 13 treats business and residential properties essentially the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5452\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-160x397.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-800x1983.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1020x2528.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-484x1200.png 484w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1920x4758.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1180x2924.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-960x2379.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-240x595.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-375x929.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-520x1289.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past decade, a clear majority of Californians supported the “split roll” idea. But that support isn’t as strong as it used to be. Back in 2012, 60 percent of likely voters wanted to modify Prop. 13 to tax commercial properties at their market value. In January of this year, supporters had dipped to 46 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Voters will soon have a chance to touch the third rail of California politics. Here’s a breakdown of how broadly and deeply Californians love their cheap property taxes.",
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"title": "Californians Still Like Prop. 13, Except for The Big Parts They Don’t Like | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California looks differently than it did a generation ago. Its residents are far more diverse, and they live in a far more expensive state. There are way more renters and proportionately way less Republicans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet today’s Californians have at least one thing in common with their late 1970s forebears: They still really like Proposition 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1978 California voters approved Prop. 13 with a whopping 65 percent of the vote. A populist backlash to soaring property values and their attendant taxes, the ballot measure placed stringent caps on how much local governments could charge homeowners and businesses for the land they own. Overnight, Californians enjoyed some of the lowest property taxes in the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, Prop. 13 has been blamed for everything from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pe.com/2017/11/07/reform-prop-13-to-increase-californias-investment-in-public-education/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">poor performance\u003c/a> of California public schools to \u003ca href=\"https://techcrunch.com/2014/04/14/sf-housing/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a shortage of affordable homes\u003c/a> to the perpetuation of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11624431/after-tax-cuts-derailed-the-california-dream-can-the-state-get-back-on-track\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">racial inequality\u003c/a>. In progressive quarters, the initiative has become a poster child for bad ballot-box policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, when the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/proposition-13-40-years-later/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a> surveyed voters about Prop. 13, 65 percent said it had been mostly a good thing. Yes, the exact same proportion that voted for the measure 40 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a pretty stunning approval rating. By comparison, Gov. Jerry Brown—one of the most popular California political figures in recent memory—has never seen his job approval breach 60 percent over the past eight years. In 2016, Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump here by a margin not seen since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, although she got less than 65 percent of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2380\" height=\"3052\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings.png 2380w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-160x205.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-800x1026.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1020x1308.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-936x1200.png 936w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1920x2462.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-1180x1513.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-960x1231.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-240x308.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-375x481.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/copy-ca-approval-ratings-520x667.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2380px) 100vw, 2380px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such enduring popularity has led officials to long regard Prop. 13 as the untouchable third rail of California politics—yet voters may have a chance to repeatedly touch it in the not-too-distant future. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/prop-13-could-be-party-undone-in-2020-heres-what-you-should-know/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">A major proposed crimp in its tax-cutting power\u003c/a> is likely headed for the 2020 ballot, and voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/should-baby-boomers-get-a-property-tax-break-to-move-the-pros-and-cons-of-prop-5/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">a possible expansion of Prop. 13\u003c/a> benefits this fall. With those battles on the horizon, here’s a breakdown of just how broadly, deeply and consistently Californians love their cheap property taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Prop. 13’s popularity has been remarkably consistent—nothing really moves it much, not even house prices.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 13 features many controversial components, but the part that hits taxpayers’ pocketbooks directly is arguably the most important. Prop. 13 caps a homeowner’s property tax bill at 1 percent of its market value when the new home is bought, and then indexes that value to inflation. In other words, if you bought your home in 1998, in real terms you’re still essentially being taxed on the price you paid back then—not on what it’s worth 20 years later, which is likely a lot more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given that the benefits of Prop. 13 are bigger in a hotter housing market—the more your house is worth, the more Prop. 13 saves you on your property tax bill—you might expect a strong relationship between housing prices and Prop. 13’s approval rating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You’d be wrong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5428\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-160x395.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-800x1974.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1020x2517.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-486x1200.png 486w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1920x4737.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-1180x2911.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-960x2369.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-240x592.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-375x925.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop_13_scatter_price-1-520x1283.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the institute began polling on Prop. 13 in the early 2000s, the initiative’s approval rating has consistently hovered around the high 50s. That’s true through housing booms and busts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When California’s housing market was cratering in 2008, 59 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked well for California. Ten years later, with home prices in many parts of the state at all-time highs, 56 percent of those polled thought Prop. 13 had worked out well. (These marks are for all Californians. Likely voters give Prop. 13 that approval rating of 65 percent).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for Prop. 13 is unsurprisingly strongest among those voting blocs you associate with wanting lower taxes—older, whiter, more conservative homeowners. More than 70 percent of Republicans said Prop. 13 was working out well, as did 70 percent of homeowners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the landmark initiative enjoys widespread support among pretty much every other major partisan and demographic group. A clear majority of Democrats, independents, self-identified liberals, younger voters, and those with household income below $40,000 give Prop. 13 good marks. Perhaps most shockingly, 57 percent of renters support Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691021\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/demographics-1.gif\" alt=\"\" width=\"550\" height=\"675\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How Prop. 13 is like ‘Obamacare’—no, really \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those who wish to revise Prop. 13 can find a bright spot in the relatively high percentage of Californians who may not know much about the initiative or its consequences. Nearly one in five Californians surveyed couldn’t say whether Prop. 13 has been good or bad for the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years following the passage of the Affordable Care Act (aka Obamacare) in 2010, national polls revealed a consistent contradiction. While most polls found a majority of respondents saying they didn’t like the law writ large, the same polls saw \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/oct/01/healthcare-obamacare-affordable-care-act\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">fairly high approval ratings\u003c/a> for most of the Affordable Care Act’s specific provisions—keeping adult children on family health plans, for example, or prohibiting price discrimination against people with pre-existing health conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polling on Prop. 13 has suggested a similar disconnect between how Californians feel about the initiative overall and how they feel about individual components.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in 2008 (unfortunately the last year this question was asked), PPIC explained a key consequence of Prop 13 to respondents—the fact that someone who recently bought a home will typically pay much higher property taxes then someone who bought a nearly identical home decades ago in the same neighborhood. Only 41 percent said they supported that defining feature of Prop. 13.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar pattern surfaces based on public attitudes about “split-roll”—the idea possibly headed for the 2020 ballot that commercial properties should be taxed at market value. Prop. 13 treats business and residential properties essentially the same.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11691022\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"5452\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts.png 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-160x397.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-800x1983.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1020x2528.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-484x1200.png 484w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1920x4758.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-1180x2924.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-960x2379.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-240x595.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-375x929.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/prop-13-in-parts-520x1289.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For most of the past decade, a clear majority of Californians supported the “split roll” idea. But that support isn’t as strong as it used to be. Back in 2012, 60 percent of likely voters wanted to modify Prop. 13 to tax commercial properties at their market value. In January of this year, supporters had dipped to 46 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Is Help on the Way for Californians With Tainted Water?",
"title": "Is Help on the Way for Californians With Tainted Water?",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Karen Lewis knows about water problems. The 67-year-old lives in Compton, where the water coming out of her tap is tinged brown by manganese, a metal similar to iron, from old pipes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water is supplied by the troubled Sativa Los Angeles County Water District. The district has been \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-sativa-water-district-20180711-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">plagued\u003c/a> by administrative scandal and charges of mismanagement, and it hasn’t been able to generate the money needed to fix the brown water. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis has sat through innumerable community meetings and heard years’ worth of explanations, and she’s had enough. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing’s been changed,” she said. “They’re not going to change.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis is one of an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/state/california/water-and-drought/article211474679.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">360,000 Californians\u003c/a> who can’t safely drink the water that flows to their homes. It’s not a new issue. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, in particular, excess amounts of arsenic, nitrates and other substances that can cause cancers and birth defects have tainted drinking water. In Compton, residents have been living with foul-smelling brown water because the cost of fixing the pipes is high, and many can’t afford to buy a constant supply of bottled water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the wake of the state’s prolonged drought and the notorious water crisis in Flint, Mich., a number of new solutions have been proposed in California. \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On Friday, lawmakers shelved two bills that supporters said would have helped. Under one voluntary \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB845\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a>, nearly all water districts in the state would have charged customers an additional 95 cents a month, unless the customers opted out of paying it. First proposed by Democratic state Sen. Bill Monning of Carmel as a mandatory tax, it didn’t muster the necessary two-thirds vote for passage, and Monning scaled it back.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Monning also advanced a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB844\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">tax\u003c/a> on dairies and fertilizer makers, industries that are heavy contributors to the nitrates found in some of the state’s groundwater. Associations representing those industries endorsed the bill, in part because the paying companies would have been protected from having to clean tainted water of nitrates. Legislators estimated that together the two bills could have raised more than $100 million a year. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Democrat from Paramount, declined Friday to put the two measures to a vote.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In November, California voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_3,_Water_Infrastructure_and_Watershed_Conservation_Bond_Initiative_(2018)\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 3\u003c/a>, which would permit the state to borrow almost $9 billion to help fund all kinds of water infrastructure projects: storage, dam repairs, watershed improvements and restoration of fisheries and other habitat. Voters in June approved a bond measure for more than $4 billion, some of it for waterway cleanup.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In this summer’s state budget agreement, more than $23 million was set aside for safer drinking water, with another $5 million to address lead in water at child-care centers.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Last week, activists rallied outside California’s Capitol, trying to build support for the two Monning bills. The measures wouldn’t have solved all the state’s drinking-water problems, but money from both could have been used for operations, not just infrastructure projects, said Phoebe Seaton, co-director of the nonprofit Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability, based in Fresno. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason they’re so important is they provide the revenue necessary for operations maintenance,” Seaton said. The ballot measure bond money could be spent only on infrastructure improvements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means helping … some districts get solvent so they can apply for grants,” she said. “They complement the bond funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was music to the ears of Compton residents. Their water district was the poster child for Monning’s bills. One crucial step for that district, Seaton said, is to get financially straight so it can secure the grants necessary to make improvements. Without the operational funding from the bills, she said, the Sativa district will continue to founder. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cindy Tuck, deputy executive director of the Association of Water Agencies, a statewide trade group, said another tax is not the way to go and might cause more problems than it would solve. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue for the state of California, and the state should do something about it,” Tuck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-800x461.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Bill Monning, right, at a hearing. Money raised by two bills advanced by Monning could have been used for both water operations and water infrastructure projects. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon declined to put the two measures to a vote.\" width=\"800\" height=\"461\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-160x92.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-240x138.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-375x216.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-520x300.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Bill Monning, right, at a hearing. Money raised by two bills advanced by Monning could have been used for both water operations and water infrastructure projects. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon declined to put the two measures to a vote. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The opt-out provision of the voluntary fee, she said, could have caused chaos in water companies’ billing systems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water agencies have automated electronic systems,” Tuck said, and giving people a choice about paying one part of their bill runs counter to that. “I had one city tell me it would be over a million dollars just to change their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many customers might not even have known they’d paid an additional fee, she said, particularly if they used an auto-pay feature. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if customers paid the voluntary charge without meaning to, they could have had their money refunded, setting off another complicated accounting procedure, Tuck said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a logistical nightmare,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seaton had a different view: “There has been a lot of thinking on this. That’s why (there would have been) a notification period beforehand to include people.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the bill wouldn’t have gone into effect until 2020, she noted—enough time for some of those logistical details to be ironed out. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis just wants relief from the brown stuff dribbling from her faucet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not safe,” she said. “It can’t be safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "An estimated 360,000 Californians can’t safely drink the water that comes out of their taps. The Assembly shelved two bills supporters said would have helped.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Karen Lewis knows about water problems. The 67-year-old lives in Compton, where the water coming out of her tap is tinged brown by manganese, a metal similar to iron, from old pipes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The water is supplied by the troubled Sativa Los Angeles County Water District. The district has been \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-sativa-water-district-20180711-story.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">plagued\u003c/a> by administrative scandal and charges of mismanagement, and it hasn’t been able to generate the money needed to fix the brown water. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis has sat through innumerable community meetings and heard years’ worth of explanations, and she’s had enough. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing’s been changed,” she said. “They’re not going to change.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis is one of an estimated \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/state/california/water-and-drought/article211474679.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">360,000 Californians\u003c/a> who can’t safely drink the water that flows to their homes. It’s not a new issue. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Central Valley, in particular, excess amounts of arsenic, nitrates and other substances that can cause cancers and birth defects have tainted drinking water. In Compton, residents have been living with foul-smelling brown water because the cost of fixing the pipes is high, and many can’t afford to buy a constant supply of bottled water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the wake of the state’s prolonged drought and the notorious water crisis in Flint, Mich., a number of new solutions have been proposed in California. \u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>On Friday, lawmakers shelved two bills that supporters said would have helped. Under one voluntary \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB845\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">measure\u003c/a>, nearly all water districts in the state would have charged customers an additional 95 cents a month, unless the customers opted out of paying it. First proposed by Democratic state Sen. Bill Monning of Carmel as a mandatory tax, it didn’t muster the necessary two-thirds vote for passage, and Monning scaled it back.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Monning also advanced a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB844\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">tax\u003c/a> on dairies and fertilizer makers, industries that are heavy contributors to the nitrates found in some of the state’s groundwater. Associations representing those industries endorsed the bill, in part because the paying companies would have been protected from having to clean tainted water of nitrates. Legislators estimated that together the two bills could have raised more than $100 million a year. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon, a Democrat from Paramount, declined Friday to put the two measures to a vote.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In November, California voters will decide on \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_3,_Water_Infrastructure_and_Watershed_Conservation_Bond_Initiative_(2018)\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 3\u003c/a>, which would permit the state to borrow almost $9 billion to help fund all kinds of water infrastructure projects: storage, dam repairs, watershed improvements and restoration of fisheries and other habitat. Voters in June approved a bond measure for more than $4 billion, some of it for waterway cleanup.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>In this summer’s state budget agreement, more than $23 million was set aside for safer drinking water, with another $5 million to address lead in water at child-care centers.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Last week, activists rallied outside California’s Capitol, trying to build support for the two Monning bills. The measures wouldn’t have solved all the state’s drinking-water problems, but money from both could have been used for operations, not just infrastructure projects, said Phoebe Seaton, co-director of the nonprofit Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability, based in Fresno. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The reason they’re so important is they provide the revenue necessary for operations maintenance,” Seaton said. The ballot measure bond money could be spent only on infrastructure improvements. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That means helping … some districts get solvent so they can apply for grants,” she said. “They complement the bond funds.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was music to the ears of Compton residents. Their water district was the poster child for Monning’s bills. One crucial step for that district, Seaton said, is to get financially straight so it can secure the grants necessary to make improvements. Without the operational funding from the bills, she said, the Sativa district will continue to founder. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cindy Tuck, deputy executive director of the Association of Water Agencies, a statewide trade group, said another tax is not the way to go and might cause more problems than it would solve. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a social issue for the state of California, and the state should do something about it,” Tuck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690397\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-800x461.jpg\" alt=\"State Sen. Bill Monning, right, at a hearing. Money raised by two bills advanced by Monning could have been used for both water operations and water infrastructure projects. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon declined to put the two measures to a vote.\" width=\"800\" height=\"461\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690397\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-160x92.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-240x138.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-375x216.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/Senate-Judiciary-Committee_Robbie-Short_173-2-600x346-520x300.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Bill Monning, right, at a hearing. Money raised by two bills advanced by Monning could have been used for both water operations and water infrastructure projects. Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon declined to put the two measures to a vote. \u003ccite>(Robbie Short/CALmatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The opt-out provision of the voluntary fee, she said, could have caused chaos in water companies’ billing systems. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Water agencies have automated electronic systems,” Tuck said, and giving people a choice about paying one part of their bill runs counter to that. “I had one city tell me it would be over a million dollars just to change their system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many customers might not even have known they’d paid an additional fee, she said, particularly if they used an auto-pay feature. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if customers paid the voluntary charge without meaning to, they could have had their money refunded, setting off another complicated accounting procedure, Tuck said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just a logistical nightmare,” she said. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seaton had a different view: “There has been a lot of thinking on this. That’s why (there would have been) a notification period beforehand to include people.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the bill wouldn’t have gone into effect until 2020, she noted—enough time for some of those logistical details to be ironed out. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lewis just wants relief from the brown stuff dribbling from her faucet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not safe,” she said. “It can’t be safe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Californians Try to Avoid Homelessness by Short-Circuiting Eviction",
"title": "Californians Try to Avoid Homelessness by Short-Circuiting Eviction",
"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>For the more than one-third of Californians living under or near the federal poverty level, eviction may be the first step toward homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several projects have been launched in California to help people at the turning point of eviction, trying to short-circuit the cycle of deepening poverty by preventing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">homelessness\u003c/a> before it starts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s one relatively small step that may have a huge impact for people facing eviction — getting an eviction lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely cheaper to keep someone in their house or to get them in a house quickly than it is to deal with all the services that come out of living on the street,” said Tai Glenn, chief counsel for the nonprofit Inner City Law Center in Los Angeles. The law center offers free legal help for those facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4,000 people a year helped by the law center, though, are just a fraction of the people who have been ordered to vacate their homes. More than 50,000 households get eviction notices every year in Los Angeles County — and statewide, according to advocates, that number jumps to 140,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters took an unprecedented step in June, passing a ballot measure to offer legal counsel to anyone facing eviction. That is expected to cost the city an additional $5.6 million a year, but advocates say it saves money by keeping people from homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, county officials have taken a different approach with a pilot project called Solid Ground, which uses an innovative whatever-it-takes approach — that includes legal advice — and concentrates on one community at highest risk for eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for legal advice for people facing eviction becomes clear outside a small office, down a long corridor at the labyrinthine Stanley Mosk Courthouse in downtown Los Angeles. A dozen people perched on benches outside Room 115 on a recent Friday morning, all waiting for that door to open. By 11 a.m., more than 30 people had already been seen there — each one of them about to be kicked out of their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the people who came to the courthouse was Terry Williams. He’s 71 years old and lives in South Central L.A. with his wife. Williams said his stomach dropped when he got the eviction notice. His wife has dementia, and they are living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It disturbed me a lot,” Williams said. “Yeah, I was really upset.” He didn’t know what he was going to do, until he talked to a free lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out they could help me, a load just left me,” Williams said. “I feel I got a chance. And that feels real good, when you got a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers don’t always stop evictions, but sometimes they can broker an agreement between landlord and tenant, or arrange payment plans, according to Glenn. But the biggest benefit for people is time. Tenants need some breathing room to find a new place, Glenn said, especially now, given the astronomically high price of rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nowadays, if someone gets evicted from their unit, the odds that they’ll find another unit they can afford in the same part of town or in the same county, really, is extremely rare,” Glenn said. “So people end up leaving their communities or becoming homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said he probably would have left his home, even without another place to live, because he had an eviction order to follow. Getting a few more weeks or months to work out a new living situation made a huge difference, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who don’t get legal advice and find themselves evicted take interim measures, homeless advocates said, such as staying with friends or relatives for awhile. When that welcome wears thin, they tend to bounce from place to place, their jobs and family support start to unravel. They might try sleeping in their car, if they have one, and eventually can end up living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why San Francisco voters recently passed \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_F,_City-Funded_Legal_Representation_for_Tenants_Facing_Eviction_(June_2018)\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, which funds nonprofits to provide legal help for almost all tenants facing eviction. The cost of the measure depends on a number of factors, but the San Francisco controller pegged it between $4.2 and $5.6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charley Goss of the San Francisco Apartment Association says the city could spend those millions every year in better ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could provide homeless services, build affordable housing or do a number of things that could tackle the root cause,” Goss said, “which is that housing is not affordable in a lot of jurisdictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting at the root cause of homelessness is a heavy lift. Even making sure renters know their rights and giving them some time to find a new place is quite a task in itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Solid Ground program, L.A. County analyzed what cities might be at higher risk for eviction, based on tenants’ incomes compared to rising rents and increasing property values. They also looked for places where the surrounding areas’ rent charges were similarly high — where it is more likely that, once evicted, people wouldn’t be able to relocate nearby, and might be at higher risk of homelessness. The number one city on the county’s list is Van Nuys in west L.A., and this month county officials began the first outreach stages of their project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot doesn’t just advise people on their legal rights. It also plans to try some unexpected and innovative approaches, Glenn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say you ended up at your sister’s house,” she said, “but you’re all sleeping on the floor because you don’t have furniture, and that’s particularly bugging her. If (the family members) felt like going and buying some bunk beds would keep you there and keep you off the streets, they will make that deal happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes when people have been evicted, relatives or friends may be reluctant to take even a token amount of rent money, so lawyers can broker small payments for a period of time — drafting, say, a six-month contract. That could provide stability for the people who were recently evicted, and make the arrangement more agreeable and relaxed for the relative or friend who’s helping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles and San Francisco officials hope their experiments will be picked up in other communities throughout California. If successful, renters like Terry Williams, who are just scraping by, won’t one day find themselves on the sidewalk with nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For the more than one-third of Californians living under or near the federal poverty level, eviction may be the first step toward homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several projects have been launched in California to help people at the turning point of eviction, trying to short-circuit the cycle of deepening poverty by preventing \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/homelessness-data-housing-charts/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">homelessness\u003c/a> before it starts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s one relatively small step that may have a huge impact for people facing eviction — getting an eviction lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely cheaper to keep someone in their house or to get them in a house quickly than it is to deal with all the services that come out of living on the street,” said Tai Glenn, chief counsel for the nonprofit Inner City Law Center in Los Angeles. The law center offers free legal help for those facing eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 4,000 people a year helped by the law center, though, are just a fraction of the people who have been ordered to vacate their homes. More than 50,000 households get eviction notices every year in Los Angeles County — and statewide, according to advocates, that number jumps to 140,000 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, voters took an unprecedented step in June, passing a ballot measure to offer legal counsel to anyone facing eviction. That is expected to cost the city an additional $5.6 million a year, but advocates say it saves money by keeping people from homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles, county officials have taken a different approach with a pilot project called Solid Ground, which uses an innovative whatever-it-takes approach — that includes legal advice — and concentrates on one community at highest risk for eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for legal advice for people facing eviction becomes clear outside a small office, down a long corridor at the labyrinthine Stanley Mosk Courthouse in downtown Los Angeles. A dozen people perched on benches outside Room 115 on a recent Friday morning, all waiting for that door to open. By 11 a.m., more than 30 people had already been seen there — each one of them about to be kicked out of their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the people who came to the courthouse was Terry Williams. He’s 71 years old and lives in South Central L.A. with his wife. Williams said his stomach dropped when he got the eviction notice. His wife has dementia, and they are living on a fixed income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It disturbed me a lot,” Williams said. “Yeah, I was really upset.” He didn’t know what he was going to do, until he talked to a free lawyer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I found out they could help me, a load just left me,” Williams said. “I feel I got a chance. And that feels real good, when you got a chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers don’t always stop evictions, but sometimes they can broker an agreement between landlord and tenant, or arrange payment plans, according to Glenn. But the biggest benefit for people is time. Tenants need some breathing room to find a new place, Glenn said, especially now, given the astronomically high price of rental housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nowadays, if someone gets evicted from their unit, the odds that they’ll find another unit they can afford in the same part of town or in the same county, really, is extremely rare,” Glenn said. “So people end up leaving their communities or becoming homeless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Williams said he probably would have left his home, even without another place to live, because he had an eviction order to follow. Getting a few more weeks or months to work out a new living situation made a huge difference, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people who don’t get legal advice and find themselves evicted take interim measures, homeless advocates said, such as staying with friends or relatives for awhile. When that welcome wears thin, they tend to bounce from place to place, their jobs and family support start to unravel. They might try sleeping in their car, if they have one, and eventually can end up living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s why San Francisco voters recently passed \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_F,_City-Funded_Legal_Representation_for_Tenants_Facing_Eviction_(June_2018)\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition F\u003c/a>, which funds nonprofits to provide legal help for almost all tenants facing eviction. The cost of the measure depends on a number of factors, but the San Francisco controller pegged it between $4.2 and $5.6 million a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charley Goss of the San Francisco Apartment Association says the city could spend those millions every year in better ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They could provide homeless services, build affordable housing or do a number of things that could tackle the root cause,” Goss said, “which is that housing is not affordable in a lot of jurisdictions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting at the root cause of homelessness is a heavy lift. Even making sure renters know their rights and giving them some time to find a new place is quite a task in itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the Solid Ground program, L.A. County analyzed what cities might be at higher risk for eviction, based on tenants’ incomes compared to rising rents and increasing property values. They also looked for places where the surrounding areas’ rent charges were similarly high — where it is more likely that, once evicted, people wouldn’t be able to relocate nearby, and might be at higher risk of homelessness. The number one city on the county’s list is Van Nuys in west L.A., and this month county officials began the first outreach stages of their project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot doesn’t just advise people on their legal rights. It also plans to try some unexpected and innovative approaches, Glenn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s say you ended up at your sister’s house,” she said, “but you’re all sleeping on the floor because you don’t have furniture, and that’s particularly bugging her. If (the family members) felt like going and buying some bunk beds would keep you there and keep you off the streets, they will make that deal happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes when people have been evicted, relatives or friends may be reluctant to take even a token amount of rent money, so lawyers can broker small payments for a period of time — drafting, say, a six-month contract. That could provide stability for the people who were recently evicted, and make the arrangement more agreeable and relaxed for the relative or friend who’s helping them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles and San Francisco officials hope their experiments will be picked up in other communities throughout California. If successful, renters like Terry Williams, who are just scraping by, won’t one day find themselves on the sidewalk with nowhere to go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "The Shrunken California Dream: Just Keeping a Place to Live",
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"headTitle": "The California Dream | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>On any given night in California there are about 134,000 people without a home, according to annual data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s nearly the equivalent of the population of Pasadena or Roseville, sleeping on the street, on a bench or in a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s homeless population jumped 13.7 percent between 2016 and 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those 134,000 Californians without a place to call home are the visible edge of a much larger, much deeper housing problem in the state. “We now know that there is a very close connection between housing costs and homelessness,” said Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Center for Vulnerable Populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The sky-high costs of renting or buying a home\u003c/a> mean many residents are just getting by. People are being forced to choose between paying their rent and buying food. They are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/jun/19/dimming-dream-retirement-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">selling their belongings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/refugees-housing-costs-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">working seven days a week\u003c/a>, doing whatever it takes to keep their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning Friday, Aug. 24, the California Dream media collaboration rolled out an exploration of why people fall into homelessness — and the innovative ways municipalities around the state are trying to help people keep their own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This much is clear: For many, the California Dream has been shrunk down to keeping a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to analysis by the National Low Income Housing Coalition, California has only \u003ca href=\"http://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/SHP_CA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">22 affordable and available rental homes\u003c/a> for every 100 extremely low-income households. Affordability in this case means total housing costs are at or below 30 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/faqs/843/how-is-area-median-income-calculated/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">area median income\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put another way, the state is short more than a million rental units that are affordable and available to extremely low-income Californians. “That probably describes more than any other reason why we have a homelessness crisis in California,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 29 percent of California renters spend more than half their income on rent, according to a study from the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. Paying more than about a third of income on housing can make it hard to afford basics like food, clothing, transportation and health care, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, households making half of the median income or less spend 62 percent of their income on rent according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/shruken-california-dream-homelessness-housing-crisis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Housing Partnership Corp.\u003c/a>, an agency created by the state Legislature to help preserve affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/San-Diego-2018-HNR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Diego\u003c/a>, that rises to 69 percent. In \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Orange-2018-HNR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Orange County\u003c/a>, people making half of the median income or less spend 78 percent on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For very low-income Californians, budgeting gets bleaker. In Los Angeles County, there are 600,000 Los Angeles County residents that spend 90 percent or more of their income on housing, according to \u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/publication/escape-routes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an analysis by the nonprofit Economic Roundtable\u003c/a>. The group found similar rates of extreme rent burdens in Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are areas where housing is expensive and incomes are polarized, and people at the bottom of the income distribution are having a really tough time keeping a roof over their heads,” said Daniel Flaming, president of the Economic Roundtable, a research group based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They probably are on food stamps, they probably get Medicaid, they may get food from food banks as well,” Flaming said. “But it’s extremely difficult. Virtually all of the liquid resources of the family are going to pay for rent. And if a shoe drops, if someone gets sick or someone loses a job or if someone leaves the household that’s contributing to paying rent, then that family can easily find itself on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to UCSF’s Kushel, many cities have had some successes getting people who are homeless into housing, but “what we’ve done much less of a good job is preventing new people from falling into homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first and most important thing,” said Kushel, “is to act and act quickly and aggressively to create more housing that’s affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building in California can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/07/11/84603/is-california-s-ceqa-environmental-law-protecting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a lengthy and expensive process\u003c/a>. According to the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, the cost of building \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/construction-costs-series\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 100-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> in the state was almost $425,000 per unit in 2016. That’s up from $265,000 per unit in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time the cost of building has jumped, redevelopment and state funding for affordable housing development shrunk. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/State-Housing-Need-2016.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Housing Partnership Corp.\u003c/a>, redevelopment and state funding declined by about $1.6 billion between 2008 and 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So some California cities are trying innovative ways to prevent and curb homelessness. In June, San Francisco voters approved \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_F,_City-Funded_Legal_Representation_for_Tenants_Facing_Eviction_(June_2018)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a proposition\u003c/a> to provide legal assistance to tenants facing eviction. There’s a pilot program underway in Los Angeles — also focused on keeping residents from eviction. Santa Monica is in the middle of a pilot program that provides rent assistance to low-income seniors. Oakland is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/06/oakland-council-to-consider-vacant-property-tax-ballot-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taxing vacant properties\u003c/a> in an effort to help increase housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the focus in the last decade has been on getting homeless people housed, according to Steve Berg from the National Alliance to End Homelessness. Today, “there’s a lot more interest in prevention,” Berg said. “More people are wanting to know what they can try out and what they can do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/series/californiadream/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Dream series\u003c/a> is a statewide media collaboration of CALmatters, KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio with support from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the James Irvine Foundation and the College Futures Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11660142\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1867\" height=\"512\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner.jpg 1867w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-160x44.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-800x219.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1020x280.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-1180x324.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-960x263.jpg 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-240x66.jpg 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-375x103.jpg 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/04/CADreamBanner-520x143.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1867px) 100vw, 1867px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "“We now know that there is a very close connection between housing costs and homelessness,” said Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Center for Vulnerable Populations.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>On any given night in California there are about 134,000 people without a home, according to annual data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s nearly the equivalent of the population of Pasadena or Roseville, sleeping on the street, on a bench or in a shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s homeless population jumped 13.7 percent between 2016 and 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And those 134,000 Californians without a place to call home are the visible edge of a much larger, much deeper housing problem in the state. “We now know that there is a very close connection between housing costs and homelessness,” said Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Center for Vulnerable Populations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/digging-data-attainable-california-dream-today/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The sky-high costs of renting or buying a home\u003c/a> mean many residents are just getting by. People are being forced to choose between paying their rent and buying food. They are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/2018/jun/19/dimming-dream-retirement-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">selling their belongings\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/refugees-housing-costs-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">working seven days a week\u003c/a>, doing whatever it takes to keep their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beginning Friday, Aug. 24, the California Dream media collaboration rolled out an exploration of why people fall into homelessness — and the innovative ways municipalities around the state are trying to help people keep their own place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This much is clear: For many, the California Dream has been shrunk down to keeping a place to live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to analysis by the National Low Income Housing Coalition, California has only \u003ca href=\"http://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/SHP_CA.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">22 affordable and available rental homes\u003c/a> for every 100 extremely low-income households. Affordability in this case means total housing costs are at or below 30 percent of \u003ca href=\"https://www.hudexchange.info/faqs/843/how-is-area-median-income-calculated/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">area median income\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Put another way, the state is short more than a million rental units that are affordable and available to extremely low-income Californians. “That probably describes more than any other reason why we have a homelessness crisis in California,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 29 percent of California renters spend more than half their income on rent, according to a study from the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. Paying more than about a third of income on housing can make it hard to afford basics like food, clothing, transportation and health care, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, households making half of the median income or less spend 62 percent of their income on rent according to the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/shruken-california-dream-homelessness-housing-crisis/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Housing Partnership Corp.\u003c/a>, an agency created by the state Legislature to help preserve affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/San-Diego-2018-HNR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Diego\u003c/a>, that rises to 69 percent. In \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Orange-2018-HNR.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Orange County\u003c/a>, people making half of the median income or less spend 78 percent on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For very low-income Californians, budgeting gets bleaker. In Los Angeles County, there are 600,000 Los Angeles County residents that spend 90 percent or more of their income on housing, according to \u003ca href=\"https://economicrt.org/publication/escape-routes/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">an analysis by the nonprofit Economic Roundtable\u003c/a>. The group found similar rates of extreme rent burdens in Santa Clara County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are areas where housing is expensive and incomes are polarized, and people at the bottom of the income distribution are having a really tough time keeping a roof over their heads,” said Daniel Flaming, president of the Economic Roundtable, a research group based in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They probably are on food stamps, they probably get Medicaid, they may get food from food banks as well,” Flaming said. “But it’s extremely difficult. Virtually all of the liquid resources of the family are going to pay for rent. And if a shoe drops, if someone gets sick or someone loses a job or if someone leaves the household that’s contributing to paying rent, then that family can easily find itself on the street.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to UCSF’s Kushel, many cities have had some successes getting people who are homeless into housing, but “what we’ve done much less of a good job is preventing new people from falling into homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first and most important thing,” said Kushel, “is to act and act quickly and aggressively to create more housing that’s affordable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building in California can be \u003ca href=\"https://www.scpr.org/news/2018/07/11/84603/is-california-s-ceqa-environmental-law-protecting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a lengthy and expensive process\u003c/a>. According to the Terner Center for Housing Innovation at UC Berkeley, the cost of building \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/construction-costs-series\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a 100-unit affordable housing project\u003c/a> in the state was almost $425,000 per unit in 2016. That’s up from $265,000 per unit in 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the same time the cost of building has jumped, redevelopment and state funding for affordable housing development shrunk. According to the \u003ca href=\"https://1p08d91kd0c03rlxhmhtydpr-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/State-Housing-Need-2016.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">California Housing Partnership Corp.\u003c/a>, redevelopment and state funding declined by about $1.6 billion between 2008 and 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So some California cities are trying innovative ways to prevent and curb homelessness. In June, San Francisco voters approved \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/San_Francisco,_California,_Proposition_F,_City-Funded_Legal_Representation_for_Tenants_Facing_Eviction_(June_2018)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a proposition\u003c/a> to provide legal assistance to tenants facing eviction. There’s a pilot program underway in Los Angeles — also focused on keeping residents from eviction. Santa Monica is in the middle of a pilot program that provides rent assistance to low-income seniors. Oakland is considering \u003ca href=\"https://www.eastbaytimes.com/2018/03/06/oakland-council-to-consider-vacant-property-tax-ballot-measure/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">taxing vacant properties\u003c/a> in an effort to help increase housing supply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Much of the focus in the last decade has been on getting homeless people housed, according to Steve Berg from the National Alliance to End Homelessness. 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"disqusTitle": "As Gig Companies Beg for Relief From Pro-labor Supreme Court Ruling, the Lobbying Is Fast and Furious",
"title": "As Gig Companies Beg for Relief From Pro-labor Supreme Court Ruling, the Lobbying Is Fast and Furious",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>For four years, Edhuar Arellano has left his house at 7 a.m. on weekdays to drive customers around the Bay Area for Lyft and Uber. Most days, he doesn’t get home to Santa Clara until 11 p.m. On weekends, he delivers pizzas to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like a lot of drivers plugging in to ride-hailing apps for work, he likes the flexibility the gig economy has offered. But given the choice, Arellano says he wishes he could just become an employee. That would get him paid vacation, benefits, overtime, his own health insurance and perhaps more say over his working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to accept whatever they want,” said the 55-year-old father of two grown children. “I can’t control anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That quandary is behind a ferocious battle quietly playing out in the Capitol in the final days of the legislative session, which ends Aug. 31. Lobbyists for ride-hailing companies and the California Chamber of Commerce are scrambling to delay until next year (and the next governor’s administration) a far-reaching California Supreme Court decision that could grant Arellano’s wish — and, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article216475550.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">businesses fear\u003c/a>, undermine the entire gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/2018/s222732.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">April ruling\u003c/a>, involving the nationwide delivery company Dynamex Operations West Inc. and its contract drivers, established a new test for enforcement of California wage laws, and made it much harder for companies in California to claim that independent contractors are not actually employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the ruling only applies to California, the state’s labor force is so huge that it has already had national impact. Shortly after the decision, U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanders.senate.gov/download/workplace-democracy-act-2018?inline=file\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a bill\u003c/a> to make a version of California’s new rule the federal standard, a move that only added urgency to employers’ calls for state lawmakers to hit the pause button on implementing the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Businesses are very concerned. The key is who’s going to be sued here in the near future,” said Allan Zaremberg, president of the California Chamber, which represents 50,000 businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d3482afb-4cce-4719-9ee0-195a3f5eed9c?src=embed\" title=\"Who are the gig workers?\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They should be, says labor leader Caitlin Vega, who has been similarly lobbying Capitol Democrats to refrain from meddling and let the Supreme Court decision move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies have made so much money already at the expense of workers,” Vega, the legislative director of the California Labor Federation, said Tuesday during a harried break between Capitol meetings. “We really see the Dynamex decision as core to rebuilding the middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal labor laws give employees a wide range of worker protections, from overtime pay and minimum wages to the right to unionize. But those rights don’t extend to independent contractors, whose ranks have grown dramatically in the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apps such as Uber, TaskRabbit and DoorDash, which match customers and services online and in real time, have given workers an unprecedented ability to freelance but they also have blurred traditional employer-employee relationships and, labor advocates say, invited exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 2 million people, from Lyft drivers to construction workers, consider themselves independent contractors in California. In 2017, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2018/independent-contractors-made-up-6-point-9-percent-of-employment-in-may-2017.htm#tab-2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>, about one-in-14 workers was an independent contractor nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state lawmakers don’t rewrite the law or stall its implementation for a few months, as businesses want — which the Legislature can legally do, though the clock is ticking — the Dynamex decision will subject businesses in California to a standard that is tougher than the federal government’s or most states’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Known as the “ABC test,” the standard requires companies to prove that people working for them as independent contractors are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Free from the company’s control when they’re on the job;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Doing work that falls outside the company’s normal business;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) And operating an independent business or trade beyond the job for which they were hired.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That’s a high bar for the many companies whose bottom lines have depended on large numbers of contractors to deliver a particular service. According to the business lobby, in the months since the Dynamex decision, law firms have received 1,200 demands for arbitration and 17 class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, business leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.theepochtimes.com/gig-firms-ask-california-to-rescue-them-from-court-ruling_2616920.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to members of Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration, warning that the new test would “decimate businesses,” and urging the governor and Legislature to suspend and then limit the court’s ruling to only workers involved in the Dynamex case. The letter also asked that the decision not apply to other contractors for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all those contractors are in tech, Chamber head Zaremberg points out. Emergency room doctors and accountants, for example, could also be impacted. Emergency hospitals and trauma centers contract their doctors through medical groups, and doctors generally work at a combination of hospitals and community clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Aimee Mullen, president of the California chapter of American College of Emergency Physicians, confirms that ER doctors are among those uncertain about their contractor status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of our members use that model. It’s choice. They like flexibility. They like working at multiple hospitals,” Mullen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation’s Vega contends that, disruptive though it may be, the Dynamex ruling is the right one, particularly on worker exploitation. The core group affected tends to be low-income and immigrant workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Dynamex decision was a victory for working people — truck drivers who are cheated out of wages, warehouse workers forced to risk their health and gig economy workers who want to be treated with dignity and respect,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article216805820.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Vega wrote\u003c/a> in a Sacramento Bee op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers see room for hybrid solutions. Edward Escobar, a San Francisco ride-hail driver of four years and founder of the Alliance for Independent Workers, a group formed by drivers three years ago, says he has seen a big decrease in how much these companies compensate drivers without a commensurate increase in control over working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escobar believes gig companies are trying to have it both ways, and should give their workers either true independence or full employment. His proposal: Let workers choose their own classification, with wage and benefit protection for those who choose to be employees, and more control for contractors over which rides to take and what prices to set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These tech titans have been taking advantage of these gray areas,” Escobar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Paramount) said earlier this month that while the Legislature is eager to delve into workforce issues, leaders do not have adequate time to act on it before the session ends next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Dynamex decision strikes at the core of what the future of work looks like in our society,” Rendon said in a statement. “From the decline of union membership to court rulings like the Janus decision, we’ve seen the continual erosion of workers’ rights. If the Legislature is to take action, we must do so thoughtfully with that in mind. That will not happen in the last three weeks of the legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor are the stakes likely to be lowered for workers like Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I don’t work, I have no money,” said the Lyft and Uber driver. “Everything is so expensive in Santa Clara and the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Lobbyists for ride-hailing companies and the California Chamber of Commerce are scrambling to delay until next year a far-reaching California Supreme Court decision that businesses fear could undermine the entire gig economy.",
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"title": "As Gig Companies Beg for Relief From Pro-labor Supreme Court Ruling, the Lobbying Is Fast and Furious | KQED",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/antoinette-siu/\">Antoinette Siu\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For four years, Edhuar Arellano has left his house at 7 a.m. on weekdays to drive customers around the Bay Area for Lyft and Uber. Most days, he doesn’t get home to Santa Clara until 11 p.m. On weekends, he delivers pizzas to make ends meet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like a lot of drivers plugging in to ride-hailing apps for work, he likes the flexibility the gig economy has offered. But given the choice, Arellano says he wishes he could just become an employee. That would get him paid vacation, benefits, overtime, his own health insurance and perhaps more say over his working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need to accept whatever they want,” said the 55-year-old father of two grown children. “I can’t control anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That quandary is behind a ferocious battle quietly playing out in the Capitol in the final days of the legislative session, which ends Aug. 31. Lobbyists for ride-hailing companies and the California Chamber of Commerce are scrambling to delay until next year (and the next governor’s administration) a far-reaching California Supreme Court decision that could grant Arellano’s wish — and, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article216475550.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">businesses fear\u003c/a>, undermine the entire gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/california/supreme-court/2018/s222732.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">April ruling\u003c/a>, involving the nationwide delivery company Dynamex Operations West Inc. and its contract drivers, established a new test for enforcement of California wage laws, and made it much harder for companies in California to claim that independent contractors are not actually employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the ruling only applies to California, the state’s labor force is so huge that it has already had national impact. Shortly after the decision, U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont introduced \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanders.senate.gov/download/workplace-democracy-act-2018?inline=file\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a bill\u003c/a> to make a version of California’s new rule the federal standard, a move that only added urgency to employers’ calls for state lawmakers to hit the pause button on implementing the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Businesses are very concerned. The key is who’s going to be sued here in the near future,” said Allan Zaremberg, president of the California Chamber, which represents 50,000 businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d3482afb-4cce-4719-9ee0-195a3f5eed9c?src=embed\" title=\"Who are the gig workers?\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They should be, says labor leader Caitlin Vega, who has been similarly lobbying Capitol Democrats to refrain from meddling and let the Supreme Court decision move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Companies have made so much money already at the expense of workers,” Vega, the legislative director of the California Labor Federation, said Tuesday during a harried break between Capitol meetings. “We really see the Dynamex decision as core to rebuilding the middle class.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal labor laws give employees a wide range of worker protections, from overtime pay and minimum wages to the right to unionize. But those rights don’t extend to independent contractors, whose ranks have grown dramatically in the gig economy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Apps such as Uber, TaskRabbit and DoorDash, which match customers and services online and in real time, have given workers an unprecedented ability to freelance but they also have blurred traditional employer-employee relationships and, labor advocates say, invited exploitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 2 million people, from Lyft drivers to construction workers, consider themselves independent contractors in California. In 2017, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.bls.gov/opub/ted/2018/independent-contractors-made-up-6-point-9-percent-of-employment-in-may-2017.htm#tab-2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">the Bureau of Labor Statistics\u003c/a>, about one-in-14 workers was an independent contractor nationally.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If state lawmakers don’t rewrite the law or stall its implementation for a few months, as businesses want — which the Legislature can legally do, though the clock is ticking — the Dynamex decision will subject businesses in California to a standard that is tougher than the federal government’s or most states’.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Known as the “ABC test,” the standard requires companies to prove that people working for them as independent contractors are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>A) Free from the company’s control when they’re on the job;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>B) Doing work that falls outside the company’s normal business;\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>C) And operating an independent business or trade beyond the job for which they were hired.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>That’s a high bar for the many companies whose bottom lines have depended on large numbers of contractors to deliver a particular service. According to the business lobby, in the months since the Dynamex decision, law firms have received 1,200 demands for arbitration and 17 class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last month, business leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.theepochtimes.com/gig-firms-ask-california-to-rescue-them-from-court-ruling_2616920.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to members of Gov. Jerry Brown’s administration, warning that the new test would “decimate businesses,” and urging the governor and Legislature to suspend and then limit the court’s ruling to only workers involved in the Dynamex case. The letter also asked that the decision not apply to other contractors for the next two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not all those contractors are in tech, Chamber head Zaremberg points out. Emergency room doctors and accountants, for example, could also be impacted. Emergency hospitals and trauma centers contract their doctors through medical groups, and doctors generally work at a combination of hospitals and community clinics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dr. Aimee Mullen, president of the California chapter of American College of Emergency Physicians, confirms that ER doctors are among those uncertain about their contractor status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of our members use that model. It’s choice. They like flexibility. They like working at multiple hospitals,” Mullen said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation’s Vega contends that, disruptive though it may be, the Dynamex ruling is the right one, particularly on worker exploitation. The core group affected tends to be low-income and immigrant workers, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Dynamex decision was a victory for working people — truck drivers who are cheated out of wages, warehouse workers forced to risk their health and gig economy workers who want to be treated with dignity and respect,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/opinion/op-ed/soapbox/article216805820.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Vega wrote\u003c/a> in a Sacramento Bee op-ed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some workers see room for hybrid solutions. Edward Escobar, a San Francisco ride-hail driver of four years and founder of the Alliance for Independent Workers, a group formed by drivers three years ago, says he has seen a big decrease in how much these companies compensate drivers without a commensurate increase in control over working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Escobar believes gig companies are trying to have it both ways, and should give their workers either true independence or full employment. His proposal: Let workers choose their own classification, with wage and benefit protection for those who choose to be employees, and more control for contractors over which rides to take and what prices to set.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These tech titans have been taking advantage of these gray areas,” Escobar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon (D-Paramount) said earlier this month that while the Legislature is eager to delve into workforce issues, leaders do not have adequate time to act on it before the session ends next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Dynamex decision strikes at the core of what the future of work looks like in our society,” Rendon said in a statement. “From the decline of union membership to court rulings like the Janus decision, we’ve seen the continual erosion of workers’ rights. If the Legislature is to take action, we must do so thoughtfully with that in mind. That will not happen in the last three weeks of the legislative session.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nor are the stakes likely to be lowered for workers like Arellano.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I don’t work, I have no money,” said the Lyft and Uber driver. “Everything is so expensive in Santa Clara and the Bay Area.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "legislature-has-been-snuffing-out-bills-that-aim-to-help-insured-homeowners-in-wildfire-country",
"title": "Legislature Has Been Snuffing Out Bills That Aim to Help Insured Homeowners in Wildfire Country",
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"headTitle": "Legislature Has Been Snuffing Out Bills That Aim to Help Insured Homeowners in Wildfire Country | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Jen Burt lives with her husband and two kids in the woods not far from Grass Valley, in a four-bedroom foothill house in a stand of black oak and cedar trees. Tucked away on a private road, the five-acre spread is a hallmark California dream — and a potential California nightmare: It’s in wildfire country. Last February, Burt’s insurer of six years canceled her fire insurance. The scramble for new coverage was pricey and harrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, like a lot of rural homeowners, Burt is hoping for a solution in the form of wildfire legislation. Of the more than 13.6 million homes in the state, about a third are in or near areas vulnerable to wildfire, and many homeowners are having trouble finding or keeping their fire insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of all the constituencies — from utility companies to first responders — clamoring for state help as firenados ravage California and legislators rush toward the Aug. 31 end of session, homeowners who live in fire-prone areas and fear losing coverage seem among the least likely to get legislative relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “new normal” of climate change-fueled natural disaster has also changed California’s policy landscape. Survivors of last year’s wine country fires want \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article215906605.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major upgrades in emergency communications\u003c/a>. Utility companies, which by law are responsible for fires in areas where their lines run, have lobbied hard for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-political-firestorm-about-to-hit-the-capitol-who-will-pay-for-wildfire-damages/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">break on their fire liability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have been working hard to address those issues, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california-wildfires/article/Lawmakers-drop-bid-to-change-utility-liability-13165611.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">varying degrees\u003c/a> of success and deals in varying stages. But an ambitious package of consumer protections proposed by the Department of Insurance earlier this year that would make it harder for insurers to raise rates or cancel coverage in high-risk areas has mostly been quashed or sidelined. As key lawmakers continued working over the weekend, among the possibilities they discussed: creating some sort of fund to help fire victims, modeled on the protections afforded to homeowners living in flood zones. How to fund that, however, remains an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance industry, meanwhile, insists California is a big market and that insurers can still spread their risk enough to remain in it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But soaring claims do drive up premiums, said Armand Feliciano, vice president of government relations at Property Casualty Insurers Association of America, a trade association representing about 1,000 insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you live in a very dry area,” said Feliciano, “it’s going to be very tough to spread that risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, views are mixed on how to handle development in fire-prone regions. In Nevada County, where Burt resides, 70 percent of some 50,200 homes are at high risk of fires, according to the state Insurance Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11687965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/FIRE-INSURANCE-CHART-INFOGRAPHIC-JPEG-800x1172.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1172\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some note that high premiums and policy cancellations send market signals that deter people from settling in wildfire country. Others argue that by the time homeowners notice the price of insurance, they’ve already made a home, and the state has a responsibility to protect them. And, they add, it is only in recent years that fire danger has spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Legislature, that debate has continued, even as the largest fire in state history, the Ranch Fire, blackened a swath of Mendocino, Lake and Colusa counties the size of Los Angeles. So far, insurers have largely prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 10 or so bills originally proposed (some have been combined), six have died or stalled, including measures that would have expedited fire victims’ claims, advanced payment, helped curb rogue adjusters and let those who have suffered a total loss rebuild at a different location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The few bills that remain have been substantially watered down from a consumer standpoint, says California Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of those bills were hijacked by the insurance industry one way or another, substantially and hostilely amended,” Jones said. “It was very disappointing, notwithstanding California’s worst wildfire, that the Legislature was not willing to pass strong consumer protection bills but instead allowed the insurance industry to water down or outright kill those bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the remaining measures is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB894\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 894\u003c/a>, authored by Sen. Bill Dodd, a Napa Democrat whose district was ravaged by last year’s Wine Country fires. Dodd’s bill would make it easier for homeowners to get coverage to rebuild, give them more time to claim living expenses after a disaster and extend policy renewal protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill, inspired by homeowners who discovered they were underinsured after last year’s fires, is bound for the Assembly floor after a tough fight in which its reach was narrowed by insurers. Dodd complained that lawmakers too readily buy insurers’ argument that any fire insurance legislation will increase costs for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a license to kill the bill,” Dodd said. “The insurance lobby in this building is incredibly strong with its influence on members and staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Marc Levine, a Greenbrae Democrat, also advanced two fire bills involving red tape issues. Passed in July, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1799\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1799\u003c/a> dealt with a chronic problem for disaster victims: the difficulty after a loss of simply getting a copy of complete policy documentation from insurers. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1797\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1797\u003c/a>, awaiting a signature from the governor, would require insurance companies to provide a homeowner with rebuilding cost estimates every other year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB824\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 824\u003c/a> from Bell Gardens Democratic Sen. Ricardo Lara, who is running to succeed Jones as insurance commissioner in November, aims to prevent insurers from dropping or not renewing homes after a disaster. It would ensure that homeowners get their policies renewed the year following a declaration of emergency in their area, and would require insurance companies to submit fire loss data to the state. The bill is up for a floor vote in the Assembly after initial opposition from the Property Casualty Insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Sektnan, the group’s vice president of state affairs, said insurers feared the initial mandates “would have a chilling effect on the entire market,” but backed off after the bill added some exceptions, such as allowing insurers to cancel in the case of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renewal, however, remains a worry. Besides consumers’ desire for coverage, fire insurance is a prerequisite for home mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2015 to 2016, the number of policy non-renewals went from 8,796 to 10,151 across all the counties, according to the Department of Insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in the wildland areas seen as at-risk of wildfires, policies purchased through the California Fair Access to Insurance Requirements Plan, an insurer of last resort for California homeowners, rose by about 8,000 between 2014 and 2017. Statewide, they total 30,432 policies — and although that may seem like a small number compared to the millions of homes insured by traditional carriers like AAA and Farmers, Jones calls them “the canary in the coal mine.” He said his office is fielding more homeowner complaints in high-risk areas about policy renewals, cancellations or premium increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in a crisis yet, but you can see where this problem is going to accelerate. California climate is changing for the worse, and the world is not doing anything fast enough to change the greenhouse gases to de-accelerate the temperature rise,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grass Valley, the Burts eventually found insurance after more than a month of looking. Jen Burt said their coverage with AAA is a bit more expensive than their previous policy with Grange, but other carriers would have doubled their premium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like so many Californians, they’re not leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our forever home,” she said. “We don’t plan to move from here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/FIRE-INSURANCE-SIDEBAR-INFOGRAPHIC-JPEG-800x1759.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1759\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartis an media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Of the more than 13.6 million homes in the state, about a third are in or near areas vulnerable to wildfire, and many homeowners are having trouble finding or keeping their fire insurance.",
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"title": "Legislature Has Been Snuffing Out Bills That Aim to Help Insured Homeowners in Wildfire Country | KQED",
"description": "Of the more than 13.6 million homes in the state, about a third are in or near areas vulnerable to wildfire, and many homeowners are having trouble finding or keeping their fire insurance.",
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"headline": "Legislature Has Been Snuffing Out Bills That Aim to Help Insured Homeowners in Wildfire Country",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/antoinette-siu/\">Antoinette Siu\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Jen Burt lives with her husband and two kids in the woods not far from Grass Valley, in a four-bedroom foothill house in a stand of black oak and cedar trees. Tucked away on a private road, the five-acre spread is a hallmark California dream — and a potential California nightmare: It’s in wildfire country. Last February, Burt’s insurer of six years canceled her fire insurance. The scramble for new coverage was pricey and harrowing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, like a lot of rural homeowners, Burt is hoping for a solution in the form of wildfire legislation. Of the more than 13.6 million homes in the state, about a third are in or near areas vulnerable to wildfire, and many homeowners are having trouble finding or keeping their fire insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But of all the constituencies — from utility companies to first responders — clamoring for state help as firenados ravage California and legislators rush toward the Aug. 31 end of session, homeowners who live in fire-prone areas and fear losing coverage seem among the least likely to get legislative relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “new normal” of climate change-fueled natural disaster has also changed California’s policy landscape. Survivors of last year’s wine country fires want \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article215906605.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">major upgrades in emergency communications\u003c/a>. Utility companies, which by law are responsible for fires in areas where their lines run, have lobbied hard for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-political-firestorm-about-to-hit-the-capitol-who-will-pay-for-wildfire-damages/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">break on their fire liability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers have been working hard to address those issues, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/california-wildfires/article/Lawmakers-drop-bid-to-change-utility-liability-13165611.php\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">varying degrees\u003c/a> of success and deals in varying stages. But an ambitious package of consumer protections proposed by the Department of Insurance earlier this year that would make it harder for insurers to raise rates or cancel coverage in high-risk areas has mostly been quashed or sidelined. As key lawmakers continued working over the weekend, among the possibilities they discussed: creating some sort of fund to help fire victims, modeled on the protections afforded to homeowners living in flood zones. How to fund that, however, remains an open question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The insurance industry, meanwhile, insists California is a big market and that insurers can still spread their risk enough to remain in it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But soaring claims do drive up premiums, said Armand Feliciano, vice president of government relations at Property Casualty Insurers Association of America, a trade association representing about 1,000 insurance companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you live in a very dry area,” said Feliciano, “it’s going to be very tough to spread that risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, views are mixed on how to handle development in fire-prone regions. In Nevada County, where Burt resides, 70 percent of some 50,200 homes are at high risk of fires, according to the state Insurance Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11687965\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/FIRE-INSURANCE-CHART-INFOGRAPHIC-JPEG-800x1172.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1172\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some note that high premiums and policy cancellations send market signals that deter people from settling in wildfire country. Others argue that by the time homeowners notice the price of insurance, they’ve already made a home, and the state has a responsibility to protect them. And, they add, it is only in recent years that fire danger has spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Legislature, that debate has continued, even as the largest fire in state history, the Ranch Fire, blackened a swath of Mendocino, Lake and Colusa counties the size of Los Angeles. So far, insurers have largely prevailed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 10 or so bills originally proposed (some have been combined), six have died or stalled, including measures that would have expedited fire victims’ claims, advanced payment, helped curb rogue adjusters and let those who have suffered a total loss rebuild at a different location.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The few bills that remain have been substantially watered down from a consumer standpoint, says California Insurance Commissioner Dave Jones.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most of those bills were hijacked by the insurance industry one way or another, substantially and hostilely amended,” Jones said. “It was very disappointing, notwithstanding California’s worst wildfire, that the Legislature was not willing to pass strong consumer protection bills but instead allowed the insurance industry to water down or outright kill those bills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the remaining measures is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB894\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 894\u003c/a>, authored by Sen. Bill Dodd, a Napa Democrat whose district was ravaged by last year’s Wine Country fires. Dodd’s bill would make it easier for homeowners to get coverage to rebuild, give them more time to claim living expenses after a disaster and extend policy renewal protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That bill, inspired by homeowners who discovered they were underinsured after last year’s fires, is bound for the Assembly floor after a tough fight in which its reach was narrowed by insurers. Dodd complained that lawmakers too readily buy insurers’ argument that any fire insurance legislation will increase costs for consumers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like a license to kill the bill,” Dodd said. “The insurance lobby in this building is incredibly strong with its influence on members and staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblyman Marc Levine, a Greenbrae Democrat, also advanced two fire bills involving red tape issues. Passed in July, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1799\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1799\u003c/a> dealt with a chronic problem for disaster victims: the difficulty after a loss of simply getting a copy of complete policy documentation from insurers. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1797\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">AB 1797\u003c/a>, awaiting a signature from the governor, would require insurance companies to provide a homeowner with rebuilding cost estimates every other year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB824\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 824\u003c/a> from Bell Gardens Democratic Sen. Ricardo Lara, who is running to succeed Jones as insurance commissioner in November, aims to prevent insurers from dropping or not renewing homes after a disaster. It would ensure that homeowners get their policies renewed the year following a declaration of emergency in their area, and would require insurance companies to submit fire loss data to the state. The bill is up for a floor vote in the Assembly after initial opposition from the Property Casualty Insurers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Sektnan, the group’s vice president of state affairs, said insurers feared the initial mandates “would have a chilling effect on the entire market,” but backed off after the bill added some exceptions, such as allowing insurers to cancel in the case of fraud.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renewal, however, remains a worry. Besides consumers’ desire for coverage, fire insurance is a prerequisite for home mortgages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2015 to 2016, the number of policy non-renewals went from 8,796 to 10,151 across all the counties, according to the Department of Insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, in the wildland areas seen as at-risk of wildfires, policies purchased through the California Fair Access to Insurance Requirements Plan, an insurer of last resort for California homeowners, rose by about 8,000 between 2014 and 2017. Statewide, they total 30,432 policies — and although that may seem like a small number compared to the millions of homes insured by traditional carriers like AAA and Farmers, Jones calls them “the canary in the coal mine.” He said his office is fielding more homeowner complaints in high-risk areas about policy renewals, cancellations or premium increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re not in a crisis yet, but you can see where this problem is going to accelerate. California climate is changing for the worse, and the world is not doing anything fast enough to change the greenhouse gases to de-accelerate the temperature rise,” Jones said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Grass Valley, the Burts eventually found insurance after more than a month of looking. Jen Burt said their coverage with AAA is a bit more expensive than their previous policy with Grange, but other carriers would have doubled their premium.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And like so many Californians, they’re not leaving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is our forever home,” she said. “We don’t plan to move from here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687966\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/FIRE-INSURANCE-SIDEBAR-INFOGRAPHIC-JPEG-800x1759.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1759\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartis an media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Poverty in California is Getting Better — Except Where it Isn’t",
"title": "Poverty in California is Getting Better — Except Where it Isn’t",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>California still has the nation’s highest poverty rate when you take into account the state’s high cost of living. But the number of people living in poverty here has dropped since the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were nearly 600,000 fewer impoverished Californians in 2016 than in 2011, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unequivocally positive. The state’s economic recovery took a long time to touch lower-income households, but a booming labor market and long overdue wage gains—as well as a strong safety net that kept things from getting worse—have finally benefited people living near the bottom of the income scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as housing prices have risen dramatically over the same period, the poverty rate dropped from nearly 22 percent in 2011 to about 19 percent in 2016, the most recent year poverty data is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-800x1096.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1096\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687437\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-800x1096.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-160x219.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-1020x1397.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-876x1200.png 876w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-960x1315.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-240x329.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-375x514.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-520x712.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM.png 1088w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like much of a decline. But the sheer size of California means any movement in the poverty rate is going to affect a huge number of people. And poverty rates don’t see a lot of movement year-to-year anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small changes in the poverty rate can be pretty meaningful,” said Sarah Bohn, research director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “Even like half of a percentage point can be really powerful in terms of the number of people who are poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the good news. But the decline in California’s overall poverty rate masks considerable geographic differences within the state. Some major swaths of California haven’t seen any decline in poverty at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County has not seen a statistically significant change in its poverty rate since 2011. About 1 in 5 residents of the county struggle to make ends meet, according to the institute’s poverty measure, which unlike the federal poverty metric takes into account housing costs and the benefits of government social programs. Out of the nine geographic regions the institute carves the state into for its analysis, the San Diego region is the second poorest, trailing only Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The greater Sacramento area has similarly seen no real movement in its poverty rate since the early years of the decade. Of regions analyzed, only Sacramento and its neighboring counties saw an increase in the number of people living below the poverty line due to population growth, not an increase in the poverty rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why have these areas lagged other parts of the state in reducing poverty?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers don’t fully know yet. Part of the explanation is simply methodological—a large margin of error on these estimates minimizes year-over-year changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another reason could be how the Great Recession of the late 2000s impacted different parts of the state. Bohn says that San Diego wasn’t hit as hard as other regions by the economic downturn, which ironically meant that an economic recovery wouldn’t lift local families as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the Central Valley, which was ravaged by the foreclosure crisis. Over 100,000 fewer Central Valley residents are living in poverty now than in 2011. The only other region to see an equivalent drop over the same period was Los Angeles County, which is much larger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poverty improvements in certain areas could be obscuring a broader trend: Low-income Californians leaving the state entirely. A recent report by Beacon Economics found that the state lost more than 500,000 households making less than $50,000 a year since 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-800x1366.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1366\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687446\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-800x1366.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-160x273.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-703x1200.png 703w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-240x410.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-375x640.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-520x888.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM.png 868w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California still has the nation’s highest poverty rate when you take into account the state’s high cost of living. But the number of people living in poverty here has dropped since the beginning of the decade.\r\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California still has the nation’s highest poverty rate when you take into account the state’s high cost of living. But the number of people living in poverty here has dropped since the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were nearly 600,000 fewer impoverished Californians in 2016 than in 2011, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">Public Policy Institute of California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unequivocally positive. The state’s economic recovery took a long time to touch lower-income households, but a booming labor market and long overdue wage gains—as well as a strong safety net that kept things from getting worse—have finally benefited people living near the bottom of the income scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as housing prices have risen dramatically over the same period, the poverty rate dropped from nearly 22 percent in 2011 to about 19 percent in 2016, the most recent year poverty data is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-800x1096.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1096\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687437\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-800x1096.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-160x219.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-1020x1397.png 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-876x1200.png 876w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-960x1315.png 960w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-240x329.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-375x514.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM-520x712.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-1.51.27-PM.png 1088w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like much of a decline. But the sheer size of California means any movement in the poverty rate is going to affect a huge number of people. And poverty rates don’t see a lot of movement year-to-year anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small changes in the poverty rate can be pretty meaningful,” said Sarah Bohn, research director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “Even like half of a percentage point can be really powerful in terms of the number of people who are poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the good news. But the decline in California’s overall poverty rate masks considerable geographic differences within the state. Some major swaths of California haven’t seen any decline in poverty at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County has not seen a statistically significant change in its poverty rate since 2011. About 1 in 5 residents of the county struggle to make ends meet, according to the institute’s poverty measure, which unlike the federal poverty metric takes into account housing costs and the benefits of government social programs. Out of the nine geographic regions the institute carves the state into for its analysis, the San Diego region is the second poorest, trailing only Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The greater Sacramento area has similarly seen no real movement in its poverty rate since the early years of the decade. Of regions analyzed, only Sacramento and its neighboring counties saw an increase in the number of people living below the poverty line due to population growth, not an increase in the poverty rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why have these areas lagged other parts of the state in reducing poverty?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers don’t fully know yet. Part of the explanation is simply methodological—a large margin of error on these estimates minimizes year-over-year changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But another reason could be how the Great Recession of the late 2000s impacted different parts of the state. Bohn says that San Diego wasn’t hit as hard as other regions by the economic downturn, which ironically meant that an economic recovery wouldn’t lift local families as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the Central Valley, which was ravaged by the foreclosure crisis. Over 100,000 fewer Central Valley residents are living in poverty now than in 2011. The only other region to see an equivalent drop over the same period was Los Angeles County, which is much larger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poverty improvements in certain areas could be obscuring a broader trend: Low-income Californians leaving the state entirely. A recent report by Beacon Economics found that the state lost more than 500,000 households making less than $50,000 a year since 2000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-800x1366.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1366\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11687446\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-800x1366.png 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-160x273.png 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-703x1200.png 703w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-240x410.png 240w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-375x640.png 375w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM-520x888.png 520w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/Screen-Shot-2018-08-17-at-2.27.09-PM.png 868w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Require Ethnic Studies to Graduate High School? State Inches Closer to The Idea",
"title": "Require Ethnic Studies to Graduate High School? State Inches Closer to The Idea",
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"content": "\u003cp>As a teacher in Los Angeles county, Jose Lara has fought for years to have ethnic studies taught in high schools across the state. He’s taught the course for 13 years and says he’s seen his students transform by studying their history—whether learning about \u003ca href=\"http://chavez.cde.ca.gov/ModelCurriculum/Public/index1.aspx\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a>, who led the farmworkers movement in the ’60s, or about \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=1309\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Angel Island\u003c/a>, a port of entry near San Francisco that limited Chinese immigration in the early 1900s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies helps students develop an academic identity,” he said. “It really builds empathy cross-culturally as well so it brings communities that may be different from one another closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But skeptics say the state couldn’t afford to require such a course. Some critics go even further, insisting the state shouldn’t reinforce “identity politics” and instead should laser-focus on shrinking the academic achievement gap for black and Latino students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week the Legislature—which had been considering \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2772\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a bill\u003c/a> to make California the first state to require ethnic studies for high school graduation—backed away from creating such a statewide mandate, citing costs estimated to top $400 million. Sponsors settled on a pilot program instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot would cover 10 to 15 school districts across the state that will opt in to have ethnic studies as a graduation requirement. Schools would begin applying next year and the program would create the requirement for some students as early as 2022, with schools reporting their findings in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2016\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">law\u003c/a> passed in 2016 already encourages high schools to offer an elective course in ethnic studies, and requires the state to create a model curriculum for the class by 2020. Currently only 1 percent of California’s public high school students take ethnic studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states, including Indiana and Oregon, have also boosted instruction of ethnic studies in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This needs to be taught,” said the bill’s author, Democratic Assemblymember Jose Medina of Riverside. “I don’t know how a person can say they’re educated without knowledge of other groups, other cultures, other histories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats who control the state Capitol—and even some Republicans—had voted for the statewide mandate, but its price tag led the California School Boards Association to oppose it. The new changes that water it down to a pilot program may help the bill overcome a key hurdle this week when the Senate Appropriations Committee will kill many bills that propose costly new programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the weaker version is unlikely to mollify critics who say schools shouldn’t impose another graduation requirement when so many students are struggling with English and math. Just 32 percent of 11th graders met math standards on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr17/yr17rel67a.asp\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state exams\u003c/a> last year, and 60 percent met standards for reading and writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very large segment of our black population, specifically they are boys who by a certain age in their educational career can’t read and write at the same level as their white counterparts,” said Republican Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez of Lake Elsinore, who voted against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think more of a focus on the essentials, the basics, for students is where the focus should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with students of color making up \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthYears.aspx?cds=00&agglevel=state&year=2017-18\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">more than 70 percent\u003c/a> of California’s public school population, some educators say a class in ethnic studies could boost student success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe this is critical to allow schools districts to adapt their courses to reflect the pupil demographics in their communities as an innovative strategy to constructively impact students both socially and academically,” state Superintendent Tom Torlakson said \u003ca href=\"https://a61.asmdc.org/press-releases/state-superintendent-tom-torlakson-voices-support-ethnic-studies-graduation\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina and Lara pointed to research that found students enrolled in an ethnic studies course fare better in other coursework as well. The \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/urban_education_reform/2017/07/can_ethnic_studies_courses_help_students_succeed_in_school_evidence_from_san_francisco.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a> followed 1,400 9th graders in the San Francisco Unified School District and found that for students taking ethnic studies, attendance increased by 21 percent, and their grade point averages improved by 1.4 points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles Unified School District, the ethnic studies \u003ca href=\"https://achieve.lausd.net/cms/lib/CA01000043/Centricity/Domain/226/Ethnic%20Studies%20Survey%20Course%20.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">curriculum\u003c/a> covers ethnic identities including African-American, Latino American, American Indian and Asian American. The course includes a PBS documentary on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/trte/learn/historyculture/index.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trail of Tears\u003c/a>, where thousands of Native Americans died while being forcibly removed by the federal government in the 1830s. It also covers contemporary developments, such as President Barack Obama’s 2013 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MHBdZWbncXI\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">speech\u003c/a> on Trayvon Martin, a 17-year-old unarmed African American fatally shot by George Zimmerman, a 28-year old neighborhood watch volunteer in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A model curriculum for the statewide course would include lessons on the student protests at San Francisco State University that first \u003ca href=\"https://ethnicstudies.sfsu.edu/home2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">ignited\u003c/a> the ethnic studies movement in 1968.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As a teacher in Los Angeles county, Jose Lara has fought for years to have ethnic studies taught in high schools across the state. He’s taught the course for 13 years and says he’s seen his students transform by studying their history—whether learning about \u003ca href=\"http://chavez.cde.ca.gov/ModelCurriculum/Public/index1.aspx\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Cesar Chavez\u003c/a>, who led the farmworkers movement in the ’60s, or about \u003ca href=\"http://www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=1309\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Angel Island\u003c/a>, a port of entry near San Francisco that limited Chinese immigration in the early 1900s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ethnic studies helps students develop an academic identity,” he said. “It really builds empathy cross-culturally as well so it brings communities that may be different from one another closer together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But skeptics say the state couldn’t afford to require such a course. Some critics go even further, insisting the state shouldn’t reinforce “identity politics” and instead should laser-focus on shrinking the academic achievement gap for black and Latino students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This week the Legislature—which had been considering \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB2772\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">a bill\u003c/a> to make California the first state to require ethnic studies for high school graduation—backed away from creating such a statewide mandate, citing costs estimated to top $400 million. Sponsors settled on a pilot program instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The pilot would cover 10 to 15 school districts across the state that will opt in to have ethnic studies as a graduation requirement. Schools would begin applying next year and the program would create the requirement for some students as early as 2022, with schools reporting their findings in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2016\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">law\u003c/a> passed in 2016 already encourages high schools to offer an elective course in ethnic studies, and requires the state to create a model curriculum for the class by 2020. Currently only 1 percent of California’s public high school students take ethnic studies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other states, including Indiana and Oregon, have also boosted instruction of ethnic studies in recent years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This needs to be taught,” said the bill’s author, Democratic Assemblymember Jose Medina of Riverside. “I don’t know how a person can say they’re educated without knowledge of other groups, other cultures, other histories.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats who control the state Capitol—and even some Republicans—had voted for the statewide mandate, but its price tag led the California School Boards Association to oppose it. The new changes that water it down to a pilot program may help the bill overcome a key hurdle this week when the Senate Appropriations Committee will kill many bills that propose costly new programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even the weaker version is unlikely to mollify critics who say schools shouldn’t impose another graduation requirement when so many students are struggling with English and math. Just 32 percent of 11th graders met math standards on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cde.ca.gov/nr/ne/yr17/yr17rel67a.asp\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">state exams\u003c/a> last year, and 60 percent met standards for reading and writing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a very large segment of our black population, specifically they are boys who by a certain age in their educational career can’t read and write at the same level as their white counterparts,” said Republican Assemblywoman Melissa Melendez of Lake Elsinore, who voted against the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think more of a focus on the essentials, the basics, for students is where the focus should be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But with students of color making up \u003ca href=\"https://dq.cde.ca.gov/dataquest/dqcensus/EnrEthYears.aspx?cds=00&agglevel=state&year=2017-18\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">more than 70 percent\u003c/a> of California’s public school population, some educators say a class in ethnic studies could boost student success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe this is critical to allow schools districts to adapt their courses to reflect the pupil demographics in their communities as an innovative strategy to constructively impact students both socially and academically,” state Superintendent Tom Torlakson said \u003ca href=\"https://a61.asmdc.org/press-releases/state-superintendent-tom-torlakson-voices-support-ethnic-studies-graduation\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">in a statement\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina and Lara pointed to research that found students enrolled in an ethnic studies course fare better in other coursework as well. The \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.edweek.org/edweek/urban_education_reform/2017/07/can_ethnic_studies_courses_help_students_succeed_in_school_evidence_from_san_francisco.html\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">study\u003c/a> followed 1,400 9th graders in the San Francisco Unified School District and found that for students taking ethnic studies, attendance increased by 21 percent, and their grade point averages improved by 1.4 points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Los Angeles Unified School District, the ethnic studies \u003ca href=\"https://achieve.lausd.net/cms/lib/CA01000043/Centricity/Domain/226/Ethnic%20Studies%20Survey%20Course%20.pdf\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">curriculum\u003c/a> covers ethnic identities including African-American, Latino American, American Indian and Asian American. The course includes a PBS documentary on the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nps.gov/trte/learn/historyculture/index.htm\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">Trail of Tears\u003c/a>, where thousands of Native Americans died while being forcibly removed by the federal government in the 1830s. It also covers contemporary developments, such as President Barack Obama’s 2013 \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MHBdZWbncXI\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">speech\u003c/a> on Trayvon Martin, a 17-year-old unarmed African American fatally shot by George Zimmerman, a 28-year old neighborhood watch volunteer in Florida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A model curriculum for the statewide course would include lessons on the student protests at San Francisco State University that first \u003ca href=\"https://ethnicstudies.sfsu.edu/home2\" rel=\"noopener\" target=\"_blank\">ignited\u003c/a> the ethnic studies movement in 1968.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Poverty in California is Getting Better—Except Where It Isn’t",
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"content": "\u003cp>California still has the nation’s highest poverty rate when you take into account the state’s high cost of living. But the number of people living in poverty here has dropped since the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were nearly 600,000 fewer impoverished Californians in 2016 than in 2011, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unequivocally positive. The state’s economic recovery took a long time to touch lower-income households, but a booming labor market and long overdue wage gains—as well as a strong safety net that kept things from getting worse—have finally benefited people living near the bottom of the income scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6eb45a65-e165-477c-8412-fd07031316bf?src=embed\" title=\"Poverty Rate CA \" width=\"550\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nEven as housing prices have risen dramatically over the same period, the poverty rate dropped from nearly 22 percent in 2011 to about 19 percent in 2016, the most recent year poverty data is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like much of a decline. But the sheer size of California means any movement in the poverty rate is going to affect a huge number of people. And poverty rates don’t see a lot of movement year-to-year anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small changes in the poverty rate can be pretty meaningful,” said Sarah Bohn, research director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “Even like half of a percentage point can be really powerful in terms of the number of people who are poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the good news. But the decline in California’s overall poverty rate masks considerable geographic differences within the state. Some major swaths of California haven’t seen any decline in poverty at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County has not seen a statistically significant change in its poverty rate since 2011. About 1 in 5 residents of the county struggle to make ends meet, according to the institute’s poverty measure, which unlike the federal poverty metric takes into account housing costs and the benefits of government social programs. Out of the nine geographic regions the institute carves the state into for its analysis, the San Diego region is the second poorest, trailing only Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The greater Sacramento area has similarly seen no real movement in its poverty rate since the early years of the decade. Of regions analyzed, only Sacramento and its neighboring counties saw an increase in the number of people living below the poverty line due to population growth, not an increase in the poverty rate).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why have these areas lagged other parts of the state in reducing poverty?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers don’t fully know yet. Part of the explanation is simply methodological—a large margin of error on these estimates minimizes year-over-year changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/42e7292e-e225-4169-8ea6-f6064aca8e8f?src=embed\" title=\"CA Map Poverty\" width=\"550\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nBut another reason could be how the Great Recession of the late 2000s impacted different parts of the state. Bohn says that San Diego wasn’t hit as hard as other regions by the economic downturn, which ironically meant that an economic recovery wouldn’t lift local families as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the Central Valley, which was ravaged by the foreclosure crisis. Over 100,000 fewer Central Valley residents are living in poverty now than in 2011. The only other region to see an equivalent drop over the same period was Los Angeles County, which is much larger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poverty improvements in certain areas could be obscuring a broader trend: Low-income Californians leaving the state entirely. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-housing-costs-migration-20180503-story.html\">report\u003c/a> by Beacon Economics found that the state lost more than 500,000 households making less than $50,000 a year since 2000.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/matt-levin/\">Matt Levin\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-poverty-region-county-better-worse/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California still has the nation’s highest poverty rate when you take into account the state’s high cost of living. But the number of people living in poverty here has dropped since the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were nearly 600,000 fewer impoverished Californians in 2016 than in 2011, according to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s unequivocally positive. The state’s economic recovery took a long time to touch lower-income households, but a booming labor market and long overdue wage gains—as well as a strong safety net that kept things from getting worse—have finally benefited people living near the bottom of the income scale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/6eb45a65-e165-477c-8412-fd07031316bf?src=embed\" title=\"Poverty Rate CA \" width=\"550\" height=\"750\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nEven as housing prices have risen dramatically over the same period, the poverty rate dropped from nearly 22 percent in 2011 to about 19 percent in 2016, the most recent year poverty data is available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That may not sound like much of a decline. But the sheer size of California means any movement in the poverty rate is going to affect a huge number of people. And poverty rates don’t see a lot of movement year-to-year anyway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Small changes in the poverty rate can be pretty meaningful,” said Sarah Bohn, research director at the Public Policy Institute of California. “Even like half of a percentage point can be really powerful in terms of the number of people who are poor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s the good news. But the decline in California’s overall poverty rate masks considerable geographic differences within the state. Some major swaths of California haven’t seen any decline in poverty at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County has not seen a statistically significant change in its poverty rate since 2011. About 1 in 5 residents of the county struggle to make ends meet, according to the institute’s poverty measure, which unlike the federal poverty metric takes into account housing costs and the benefits of government social programs. Out of the nine geographic regions the institute carves the state into for its analysis, the San Diego region is the second poorest, trailing only Los Angeles County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The greater Sacramento area has similarly seen no real movement in its poverty rate since the early years of the decade. Of regions analyzed, only Sacramento and its neighboring counties saw an increase in the number of people living below the poverty line due to population growth, not an increase in the poverty rate).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why have these areas lagged other parts of the state in reducing poverty?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers don’t fully know yet. Part of the explanation is simply methodological—a large margin of error on these estimates minimizes year-over-year changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/42e7292e-e225-4169-8ea6-f6064aca8e8f?src=embed\" title=\"CA Map Poverty\" width=\"550\" height=\"1000\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"border:none;\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cbr>\nBut another reason could be how the Great Recession of the late 2000s impacted different parts of the state. Bohn says that San Diego wasn’t hit as hard as other regions by the economic downturn, which ironically meant that an economic recovery wouldn’t lift local families as much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the Central Valley, which was ravaged by the foreclosure crisis. Over 100,000 fewer Central Valley residents are living in poverty now than in 2011. The only other region to see an equivalent drop over the same period was Los Angeles County, which is much larger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The poverty improvements in certain areas could be obscuring a broader trend: Low-income Californians leaving the state entirely. A recent \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/business/la-fi-housing-costs-migration-20180503-story.html\">report\u003c/a> by Beacon Economics found that the state lost more than 500,000 households making less than $50,000 a year since 2000.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "california-may-mandate-a-woman-in-the-boardroom-but-businesses-are-fighting-it",
"title": "California May Mandate a Woman in the Boardroom—But Businesses Are Fighting It",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is moving toward becoming the first state to require companies to have women on their boards—assuming the idea could survive a likely court challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparked by debates around fair pay, sexual harassment and workplace culture, two female state senators are spearheading a bill to promote greater gender representation in corporate decision-making. Of the 445 publicly traded companies in California, a quarter of them lack a single woman in their boardrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB826\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 826\u003c/a>, which won Senate approval with only Democratic votes and has until the end of August to clear the Assembly, would require publicly held companies headquartered in California to have at least one woman on their boards of directors by end of next year. By 2021, companies with boards of five directors must have at least two women, and companies with six-member boards must have at least three women. Firms failing to comply would face a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gender diversity brings a variety of perspectives to the table that can help foster new and innovative ideas,” said Democratic Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson of Santa Barbara, who is sponsoring the bill with Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego.\u003cbr>\n“It’s not only the right thing to do, it’s good for a company’s bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet critics of the bill say it violates the federal and state constitutions. Business associations say the rule would require companies to discriminate against men wanting to serve on boards, as well as conflict with corporate law that says the internal affairs of a corporation should be governed by the state law in which it is incorporated. This bill would apply to companies headquartered in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-11686729 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/WOMEN-ON-THE-BOARD-INFOGRAPHIC-JPG-e1534188717181.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"5264\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Barrera, senior vice president of policy at the California Chamber of Commerce, argued against the bill and said it only focuses “on one aspect of diversity” by singling out gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill basically mandates that we hire the woman above anybody else who we may be fulfilling for purposes of diversity,” she said at a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, a legislative analysis of the bill cautioned that it could get challenged on equal protection grounds, and that it would be difficult to defend, requiring the state to prove a compelling government interest in such a quota system for a private corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, California was the first state to pass \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SCR62\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a resolution,\u003c/a> authored by Jackson, calling on public companies to increase gender diversity. In response, about 20 percent of the companies headquartered in the state followed through with \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/56e8489162cd944a6424f542/t/5a3215a40d9297f7991e7582/1513231783352/California+Women+on+Boards+2017+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">putting women\u003c/a> on their boards, according to the research firm Board Governance Research. But the resolution was non-binding and expired in December 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries have been more proactive. Norway in 2007 was the first country to pass a law requiring 40 percent of corporate board seats be held by women, and Germany set a 30 percent requirement in 2015. Spain, France and Italy have also set quotas for public firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, smaller companies have fewer female directors. Out of 50 companies with the lowest revenues, 48 percent have no female directors, according to Board Governance Research. Only 8 percent of their board seats are held by women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/56e8489162cd944a6424f542/t/5a3215a40d9297f7991e7582/1513231783352/California+Women+on+Boards+2017+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> said larger companies did a better job of appointing women, with all 50 of the highest-revenue companies having at least one female director and 23 percent of board seats held by women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main issue is still that a lot of companies headquartered here don’t have women on their boards,” said Annalisa Barrett, clinical professor of finance at the University of San Diego’s School of Business. “We quite often like to think of California as progressive and a leader on social issues, so that’s kind of disappointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrett publishes an annual report of women on boards in California. Public companies are major employers in the state, and their financial performance has a big impact on public pension funds, mutual funds and investment portfolios. “Financial performance does really impact the broader community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Women Business Owners, a sponsor of the bill, says an economy as big as California’s ought to “set an example globally for enlightened business practice.” In a letter of support, the association cites \u003ca href=\"http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/will-gender-diversity-boards-really-boost-company-performance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studies\u003c/a> that suggest corporations with female directors perform better than those with no women on their boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One University of California, Davis \u003ca href=\"https://gsm.ucdavis.edu/sites/main/files/file-attachments/womenexecsummary11_16.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> did find that companies with more women serving on their boards saw a higher return on assets and equity, but the author acknowledges this may not suggest a cause-and-effect.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/antoinette-siu/ \">Antoinette Siu\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003cbr/>CALmatters\u003c/br>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is moving toward becoming the first state to require companies to have women on their boards—assuming the idea could survive a likely court challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sparked by debates around fair pay, sexual harassment and workplace culture, two female state senators are spearheading a bill to promote greater gender representation in corporate decision-making. Of the 445 publicly traded companies in California, a quarter of them lack a single woman in their boardrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB826\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">SB 826\u003c/a>, which won Senate approval with only Democratic votes and has until the end of August to clear the Assembly, would require publicly held companies headquartered in California to have at least one woman on their boards of directors by end of next year. By 2021, companies with boards of five directors must have at least two women, and companies with six-member boards must have at least three women. Firms failing to comply would face a fine.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Gender diversity brings a variety of perspectives to the table that can help foster new and innovative ideas,” said Democratic Sen. Hannah-Beth Jackson of Santa Barbara, who is sponsoring the bill with Senate President Pro Tem Toni Atkins of San Diego.\u003cbr>\n“It’s not only the right thing to do, it’s good for a company’s bottom line.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet critics of the bill say it violates the federal and state constitutions. Business associations say the rule would require companies to discriminate against men wanting to serve on boards, as well as conflict with corporate law that says the internal affairs of a corporation should be governed by the state law in which it is incorporated. This bill would apply to companies headquartered in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter wp-image-11686729 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/08/WOMEN-ON-THE-BOARD-INFOGRAPHIC-JPG-e1534188717181.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"5264\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Barrera, senior vice president of policy at the California Chamber of Commerce, argued against the bill and said it only focuses “on one aspect of diversity” by singling out gender.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bill basically mandates that we hire the woman above anybody else who we may be fulfilling for purposes of diversity,” she said at a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, a legislative analysis of the bill cautioned that it could get challenged on equal protection grounds, and that it would be difficult to defend, requiring the state to prove a compelling government interest in such a quota system for a private corporation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five years ago, California was the first state to pass \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140SCR62\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a resolution,\u003c/a> authored by Jackson, calling on public companies to increase gender diversity. In response, about 20 percent of the companies headquartered in the state followed through with \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/56e8489162cd944a6424f542/t/5a3215a40d9297f7991e7582/1513231783352/California+Women+on+Boards+2017+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">putting women\u003c/a> on their boards, according to the research firm Board Governance Research. But the resolution was non-binding and expired in December 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other countries have been more proactive. Norway in 2007 was the first country to pass a law requiring 40 percent of corporate board seats be held by women, and Germany set a 30 percent requirement in 2015. Spain, France and Italy have also set quotas for public firms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, smaller companies have fewer female directors. Out of 50 companies with the lowest revenues, 48 percent have no female directors, according to Board Governance Research. Only 8 percent of their board seats are held by women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 2017 \u003ca href=\"https://static1.squarespace.com/static/56e8489162cd944a6424f542/t/5a3215a40d9297f7991e7582/1513231783352/California+Women+on+Boards+2017+Report.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> said larger companies did a better job of appointing women, with all 50 of the highest-revenue companies having at least one female director and 23 percent of board seats held by women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The main issue is still that a lot of companies headquartered here don’t have women on their boards,” said Annalisa Barrett, clinical professor of finance at the University of San Diego’s School of Business. “We quite often like to think of California as progressive and a leader on social issues, so that’s kind of disappointing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Barrett publishes an annual report of women on boards in California. Public companies are major employers in the state, and their financial performance has a big impact on public pension funds, mutual funds and investment portfolios. “Financial performance does really impact the broader community,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Association of Women Business Owners, a sponsor of the bill, says an economy as big as California’s ought to “set an example globally for enlightened business practice.” In a letter of support, the association cites \u003ca href=\"http://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/will-gender-diversity-boards-really-boost-company-performance/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">studies\u003c/a> that suggest corporations with female directors perform better than those with no women on their boards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One University of California, Davis \u003ca href=\"https://gsm.ucdavis.edu/sites/main/files/file-attachments/womenexecsummary11_16.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> did find that companies with more women serving on their boards saw a higher return on assets and equity, but the author acknowledges this may not suggest a cause-and-effect.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "As Wildfire Debate Rages at Capitol, Utilities Have Doubled Dollars on Lobbying",
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"content": "\u003cp>Between last year’s deadly wildfires and this summer’s fatal blazes, utilities and insurers with a huge stake in the aftermath have poured more than $3.2 million into California campaign donations and another $5.2 million into lobbying at the state Capitol—a big spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also fiercely lobbying on wildfire bills: plaintiffs attorneys, local governments and electrical worker unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the final weeks of the Legislature’s session, lawmakers on a special wildfire committee are considering proposals to beef up safety of the electrical system and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-political-firestorm-about-to-hit-the-capitol-who-will-pay-for-wildfire-damages/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">change liability laws\u003c/a>. CALmatters reviewed new lobbying and campaign finance reports covering the first six months of the year. Here are the takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lobbying is up—by a lot\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state’s three big electric utilities together more than doubled their spending on lobbying during the first half of this year, compared with the same period last year. The increase was driven largely by Pacific Gas & Electric, which spent \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146888&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$2.2 million\u003c/a> on lobbying this year—triple what it spent in the first half of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between April and June this year, PG&E reported spending $1.1 million specifically lobbying on wildfire legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really the biggest issue facing our company today,” said PG&E spokeswoman Lynsey Paulo, adding that PG&E pays for lobbying expenses with shareholder funds, not money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686087/lawmakers-weigh-governors-controversial-proposal-to-limit-utility-liability-in-wildfires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lawmakers Weigh Governor’s Controversial Proposal to Limit Utility Liability in Wildfires\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>At issue: Who should be responsible to pay for fire damages? Under existing law, utilities are liable if fires are traced to their equipment—even if there’s no negligence. Gov. Jerry Brown has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/browns-fire-plan-to-help-utilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed\u003c/a> changing the law to relieve utilities of some liability—protection they desperately want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison, which provides power to much of Southern California, \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146844&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent $1.3 million\u003c/a> lobbying in the first half of this year—double what it spent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies are the utilities’ main adversary in this. If utilities become less liable, insurers will have to bear more of the costs from disasters. Insurance trade associations increased their spending on lobbying in the state Capitol by 51 percent this year over last.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>There’s a whole lotta wining and dining going on\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most of the money utilities and insurance companies spent on lobbying went to lobbyists, lawyers and publicity campaigns. But the total also includes every cocktail and steak the companies bought for government officials they are trying to influence—nearly $69,000 worth of goodies for the first half of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E treated GOP Sen. Anthony Cannella of Ceres — and six of his staff members — to a San Francisco Giants game in May. In July, Cannella was appointed to the committee crafting wildfire legislation. He declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, PG&E spent more than $3,000 entertaining government officials, including a breakfast in February for Sen. Bill Dodd, a Napa Democrat who is co-chair of the wildfire committee, and a lunch in June for Todd Derum, chief of the Sonoma division of Cal Fire, the agency investigating last year’s fires. Cal Fire has said PG&E’s equipment was involved in 16 fires, and that in 11 of those the company violated state safety codes. Cal Fire has not yet completed its investigation of the deadliest blaze, known as the Tubbs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison spent more than $45,000 entertaining officials. That included a $12,000 reception in January attended by more than 100 legislators and staff members, and a dinner in March at a Los Angeles steakhouse for Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is running for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Personal Insurance Federation of California \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146918&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent $14,300 \u003c/a>entertaining lawmakers and their staff, including an $8,500 reception in March and a $4,000 soiree at a Sacramento nightclub in April. In addition, the trade association treated officials to microbrews, sushi dinners and other goodies, such as a $53 cake for an assemblywoman’s chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rex Frazier, the Personal Insurance Federation lobbyist, said government decisions have a huge impact on the insurance business because it is so highly regulated. “With that,” he said, “comes relationship-building with legislators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The victims advocacy group is funded entirely by lawyers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fire victims are lobbying to preserve liability laws and pass new rules that could help prevent future wildfires. Their advocacy group \u003ca href=\"http://holdpgeaccountable.com/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Up From the Ashes\u003c/a> is represented by a lobbyist who lost his Santa Rosa home in the fires. The group blames PG&E and Edison for not doing enough to prevent last year’s disasters, some of which were sparked by power lines too close to branches and brush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up From the Ashes \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1405008&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent about $564,000\u003c/a> lobbying between April and June, with about $55,000 going to a lobbying firm and the rest to a publicity campaign. Where did the money come from? Essentially, law firms involved in lawsuits against utilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate their funding so we can have a voice,” said Patrick McCallum, the lobbyist for Up From the Ashes, which represents about 600 homeowners, businesses and local governments that lost property in last year’s fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>It’s a bipartisan love affair\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The industries involved in the fight over wildfire legislation aren’t playing favorites: they’ve showered dozens of Republican and Democratic legislators with large campaign contributions and pour huge sums into committees to elect politicians from both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2275466&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> gave $1.1 million\u003c/a> to California political campaigns this year, including $250,000 each to the California Democratic Party and the California Republican Party. It also gave $25,000 each to a GOP group called California Trailblazers and the Democratic campaign fighting a senator’s recall. In advance of the June primary, Edison gave $29,200 each to Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa, Democratic rivals in the gubernatorial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has given \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2276929&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than $900,000\u003c/a> in political donations this year, including $175,000 to the California Democratic Party and $110,000 to the California Republican Party. It’s also given $25,000 to a committee that supports moderate Republicans and $40,000 to one that supports moderate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, PG&E gave $150,000 to a campaign supporting Newsom for governor, and paid nearly $400,000 to a political consulting firm that ran Brown’s campaign for governor and is helping with Newsom’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Farmers insurance company \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2277181&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gave $96,500\u003c/a> to the state GOP and $10,000 each to the California Democratic Party and the Newsom campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>One lawmaker doesn’t want PG&E’s money\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 4, PG&E sent $1,000 to the re-election campaign for Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood. On June 30, he returned the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood declined to comment on why he sent back the PG&E money, instead saying through a spokeswoman that he did not solicit the donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s a clue: he represents parts of Santa Rosa devastated by last year’s fires. Now he sits on the wildfire committee, where he’s questioning whether the Legislature should change liability laws before Cal Fire completes its investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters.org\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California’s policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/laurel-rosenhall/\">Laurel Rosenhall\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CALmatters\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Between last year’s deadly wildfires and this summer’s fatal blazes, utilities and insurers with a huge stake in the aftermath have poured more than $3.2 million into California campaign donations and another $5.2 million into lobbying at the state Capitol—a big spike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also fiercely lobbying on wildfire bills: plaintiffs attorneys, local governments and electrical worker unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, in the final weeks of the Legislature’s session, lawmakers on a special wildfire committee are considering proposals to beef up safety of the electrical system and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/a-political-firestorm-about-to-hit-the-capitol-who-will-pay-for-wildfire-damages/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">change liability laws\u003c/a>. CALmatters reviewed new lobbying and campaign finance reports covering the first six months of the year. Here are the takeaways:\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Lobbying is up—by a lot\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The state’s three big electric utilities together more than doubled their spending on lobbying during the first half of this year, compared with the same period last year. The increase was driven largely by Pacific Gas & Electric, which spent \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146888&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$2.2 million\u003c/a> on lobbying this year—triple what it spent in the first half of 2017.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between April and June this year, PG&E reported spending $1.1 million specifically lobbying on wildfire legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is really the biggest issue facing our company today,” said PG&E spokeswoman Lynsey Paulo, adding that PG&E pays for lobbying expenses with shareholder funds, not money from customers.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11686087/lawmakers-weigh-governors-controversial-proposal-to-limit-utility-liability-in-wildfires\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Lawmakers Weigh Governor’s Controversial Proposal to Limit Utility Liability in Wildfires\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>At issue: Who should be responsible to pay for fire damages? Under existing law, utilities are liable if fires are traced to their equipment—even if there’s no negligence. Gov. Jerry Brown has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/newsletters/browns-fire-plan-to-help-utilities/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">proposed\u003c/a> changing the law to relieve utilities of some liability—protection they desperately want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison, which provides power to much of Southern California, \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146844&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent $1.3 million\u003c/a> lobbying in the first half of this year—double what it spent last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurance companies are the utilities’ main adversary in this. If utilities become less liable, insurers will have to bear more of the costs from disasters. Insurance trade associations increased their spending on lobbying in the state Capitol by 51 percent this year over last.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>There’s a whole lotta wining and dining going on\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Most of the money utilities and insurance companies spent on lobbying went to lobbyists, lawyers and publicity campaigns. But the total also includes every cocktail and steak the companies bought for government officials they are trying to influence—nearly $69,000 worth of goodies for the first half of this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E treated GOP Sen. Anthony Cannella of Ceres — and six of his staff members — to a San Francisco Giants game in May. In July, Cannella was appointed to the committee crafting wildfire legislation. He declined to comment for this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, PG&E spent more than $3,000 entertaining government officials, including a breakfast in February for Sen. Bill Dodd, a Napa Democrat who is co-chair of the wildfire committee, and a lunch in June for Todd Derum, chief of the Sonoma division of Cal Fire, the agency investigating last year’s fires. Cal Fire has said PG&E’s equipment was involved in 16 fires, and that in 11 of those the company violated state safety codes. Cal Fire has not yet completed its investigation of the deadliest blaze, known as the Tubbs Fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison spent more than $45,000 entertaining officials. That included a $12,000 reception in January attended by more than 100 legislators and staff members, and a dinner in March at a Los Angeles steakhouse for Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, who is running for governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Personal Insurance Federation of California \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146918&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent $14,300 \u003c/a>entertaining lawmakers and their staff, including an $8,500 reception in March and a $4,000 soiree at a Sacramento nightclub in April. In addition, the trade association treated officials to microbrews, sushi dinners and other goodies, such as a $53 cake for an assemblywoman’s chief of staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rex Frazier, the Personal Insurance Federation lobbyist, said government decisions have a huge impact on the insurance business because it is so highly regulated. “With that,” he said, “comes relationship-building with legislators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The victims advocacy group is funded entirely by lawyers\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Fire victims are lobbying to preserve liability laws and pass new rules that could help prevent future wildfires. Their advocacy group \u003ca href=\"http://holdpgeaccountable.com/index.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Up From the Ashes\u003c/a> is represented by a lobbyist who lost his Santa Rosa home in the fires. The group blames PG&E and Edison for not doing enough to prevent last year’s disasters, some of which were sparked by power lines too close to branches and brush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Up From the Ashes \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1405008&session=2017&view=activity\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">spent about $564,000\u003c/a> lobbying between April and June, with about $55,000 going to a lobbying firm and the rest to a publicity campaign. Where did the money come from? Essentially, law firms involved in lawsuits against utilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We appreciate their funding so we can have a voice,” said Patrick McCallum, the lobbyist for Up From the Ashes, which represents about 600 homeowners, businesses and local governments that lost property in last year’s fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>It’s a bipartisan love affair\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>The industries involved in the fight over wildfire legislation aren’t playing favorites: they’ve showered dozens of Republican and Democratic legislators with large campaign contributions and pour huge sums into committees to elect politicians from both parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Edison\u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2275466&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> gave $1.1 million\u003c/a> to California political campaigns this year, including $250,000 each to the California Democratic Party and the California Republican Party. It also gave $25,000 each to a GOP group called California Trailblazers and the Democratic campaign fighting a senator’s recall. In advance of the June primary, Edison gave $29,200 each to Gavin Newsom and Antonio Villaraigosa, Democratic rivals in the gubernatorial race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PG&E has given \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2276929&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">more than $900,000\u003c/a> in political donations this year, including $175,000 to the California Democratic Party and $110,000 to the California Republican Party. It’s also given $25,000 to a committee that supports moderate Republicans and $40,000 to one that supports moderate Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, PG&E gave $150,000 to a campaign supporting Newsom for governor, and paid nearly $400,000 to a political consulting firm that ran Brown’s campaign for governor and is helping with Newsom’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Farmers insurance company \u003ca href=\"http://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/PDFGen/pdfgen.prg?filingid=2277181&amendid=0\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">gave $96,500\u003c/a> to the state GOP and $10,000 each to the California Democratic Party and the Newsom campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>One lawmaker doesn’t want PG&E’s money\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>On June 4, PG&E sent $1,000 to the re-election campaign for Democratic Assemblyman Jim Wood. On June 30, he returned the money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wood declined to comment on why he sent back the PG&E money, instead saying through a spokeswoman that he did not solicit the donation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But here’s a clue: he represents parts of Santa Rosa devastated by last year’s fires. Now he sits on the wildfire committee, where he’s questioning whether the Legislature should change liability laws before Cal Fire completes its investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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