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"content": "\u003cp>As a historic 10-day heat wave threatened brownouts across California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/8.31.22-Heat-Proclamation.pdf?emrc=78e3fc\">last summer,\u003c/a> a small San Diego County school district did its part to help: It captured excess power from its electric school buses and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sdgenews.com/article/sdge-and-cajon-valley-union-school-district-flip-switch-regions-first-vehicle-grid-project\">sent it back to the state’s overwhelmed grid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven school buses provided enough power for 452 homes each day of the heat wave, and the buses were recharged only during off hours when the grid was not strained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California energy officials have high hopes that this new power source, called bidirectional charging, will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-electric-cars-grid/\">boost California’s power supply\u003c/a> as it ramps up its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">ambitious agenda of electrifying its cars\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2023/04/california-phases-out-diesel-trucks/\">trucks\u003c/a> and buses while switching to 100% clean energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called two-way charging technology a “game changer,” and said, “this is the future” during a speech last September, about a week after the heat wave ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB233\">bill\u003c/a> already approved by the state Senate in a 29-9 vote would require all new electric cars sold in California to be equipped with bidirectional technology by 2030. In the Assembly, two committees approved the bill earlier this month and it is now under consideration by a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This two-way charging has big potential — but also faces big obstacles. By 2035, California expects to have 12.5 million electric cars on the road, but it’s an open question how much California can rely on them to feed the grid. Automakers say the technology would add thousands of dollars to the cost of an electric car, and California’s utilities are still sorting out how to pay ratepayers for selling them the kilowatt hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ability to use electric cars, trucks and buses to feed energy back into the grid would be especially helpful during peak times for energy use, such as heatwaves. But relying on vehicles as a year-round power source may not be practical — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great idea conceptually…but we haven’t had the time to flesh out the details of what needs to happen for California to be able to power itself on electric vehicles,” said Orville Thomas, state policy director for CALSTART, a sustainable energy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Orville Thomas, state policy director, CALSTART\"]‘It’s a great idea conceptually … but we haven’t had the time to flesh out the details of what needs to happen for California to be able to power itself on electric vehicles.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should be on the menu of options that California has. Is it going to be the number one option? Definitely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, its use has been limited in California. Pacific Gas and Electric has a pilot program — the first in the nation — that lets up to 1,000 residential customers with bidirectional chargers sell power back to the utility. Some school districts also are experimenting with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about half a dozen electric car models currently are equipped with bidirectional capabilities, including the Hyundai Ioniq 5, Nissan Leaf and Ford F-150 Lightning. Tesla announced recently that all its models will have it by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric vehicles convert one type of energy, alternating current electricity, into another, direct current, which is stored in a battery. Bidirectional charging means that an electric vehicle can convert the energy it has stored in its battery and send it to other sources, such as home appliances or back to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11956108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM.png\" alt=\"A graphic image demonstrating how biodirectional charging can help bolster the power grid. A cartoon-like electric vehicle is pictured with various arrows pointing toward different areas it could help charge such as a transformer, home and a refrigerator.\" width=\"1602\" height=\"1340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM.png 1602w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-800x669.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-1020x853.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-1536x1285.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1602px) 100vw, 1602px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willett M. Kempton, a University of Delaware professor who has studied bidirectional charging for more than two decades, said the vast majority of the time a vehicle is parked and not using electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five percent of the time you’re using the car and you want to have enough energy — electricity or gasoline — to get to where you’re going and back. But most of the time, it’s just sitting there and some other use could be made of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kempton said these vehicles, properly managed, could be sources of reserve energy, supplanting backup sources that burn fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Poilasne, co-founder and CEO of Nuvve Holding Corp., which sells electric fleet charging services, said a big challenge is that cars are unreliable energy assets. “At any time, somebody might come in and unplug the car,” he said. But he added, as the technology becomes more reliable and affordable, bidirectional cars and fleets should increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The cost: $3,700 per car\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Denmark, bidirectional charging earns electric vehicle fleet owners who sell power to the grid $3,000 per vehicle a year, Poilasne said, adding that this reduces the average total cost of electric car ownership by about 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But citing the high cost, automakers oppose the Senate bill that would mandate the chargers for all new cars sold in California by 2030. It would increase the average cost of an electric car by $3,700, according to an opposition letter written by Curt Augustine of the Alliance for Automotive Innovation, which represents General Motors, Ford and other major auto companies.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Curt Augustine, senior director of state affairs, Alliance for Automotive Innovation\"]‘Not all customers will see an advantage of bidirectional charging, and therefore, should not have to pay more for a technology that they will not use.’[/pullquote]About $3,000 of that cost would be adding battery capacity to meet warranty requirements, while other costs are for hardware and software.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This technology is a competitive matter between vehicle manufacturers and should remain that way,” Augustine wrote. “Not all customers will see an advantage of bidirectional charging, and therefore, should not have to pay more for a technology that they will not use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas of CALSTART agreed, saying it should be optional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There might be a situation where there are people that want to do it and will pay a little extra for a car that is bidirectional, but there will also be people that just want to use a vehicle for driving,” he said. “Do we raise the price of electric vehicles for everybody?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Oakland who authored SB 233, said she wants to ensure that automakers don’t reserve the technology for only their higher-end models. She said since the relatively affordable Nissan Leaf has it, it can be widely available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said all consumers would benefit from the technology by selling energy to the grid or using the energy in emergencies. But she said another important reason is that it could end reliance on diesel generators during power emergencies like wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut.jpg\" alt='A public parking space is marked with the words \"public charging.\" An icon of a car with a lightning bolt is pictured above the parking space.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State officials and utilities hope that more electric cars and fleets of trucks and buses will be equipped with biodirectional charging, which could feed electricity back into the grid. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you have an EV you don’t need that diesel generator,” Skinner said. “Why would we want to encourage diesel generators? They’re extremely polluting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lu, an air pollution specialist with the California Energy Commission’s vehicle-grid integration unit, said the state is working with owners to identify the best times to charge — called smart charging — to protect the grid. Bidirectional charging takes the concept a step further, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Energy Commission is not yet ready to say how reliant California will be on bidirectional charging to provide sufficient power and meet the state’s 2045 mandate for carbon-free electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re fairly early in this process. California is very committed to load flexibility broadly, but where that load flexibility specifically comes from, how many megawatts or gigawatts are coming from any particular kind of resource? We’re working on that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s utilities are running pilot projects and studying how bidirectional charging might work and how electric car owners could be compensated for selling energy to the grid.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Chanel Parson, director of electrification, Southern California Edison\"]‘By selling it back to the grid when our rates are more expensive, then that actually helps reduce customers’ energy bills.’[/pullquote]The California Public Utilities Commission has studied the issue for more than a decade, said spokesperson Terrie D. Prosper, including funding pilot projects and establishing two working groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year many utilities signed a “Vehicle to Everything” \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.gov/sites/default/files/2022-04/OTT%20V2X%20MOU%20Final%20%281%29.pdf\">memorandum of understanding\u003c/a> with car manufacturers, state agencies, the federal government and others seeking to accelerate all aspects of bidirectional charging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Southern California Edison, which serves about 5 million businesses and residences, wants to go beyond using bidirectional charging as just an emergency backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chanel Parson, Edison’s director of electrification, said the utility is working on a rate program that would allow customers to sell their power back to the grid every day of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By selling it back to the grid when our rates are more expensive, then that actually helps reduce customers’ energy bills. And it could be so economically attractive that they’re actually making money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Gas and Electric, which serves 5.5 million electric customers in Northern California, said it is aggressively looking to build what it calls a robust vehicle-to-grid-integration. It has partnerships with \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3741-power-pg-e-bmw-north-america-start-v2x-testing-california\">BMW of North America\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3413-pg-e-ford-collaborate-bidirectional-electric-vehicle-charging-technology-customers-homes\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3410-pg-e-general-motors-collaborate-pilot-reimagine-use-electric-vehicles-backup-power-sources-customers\">General Motors\u003c/a> exploring bidirectional charging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility last year launched the nation’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3444-pg-e-launch-new-pilots-studying-electric-vehicle-bidirectional-charging-technology-homes-businesses-microgrids\">bidirectional charging pilot\u003c/a> available to residential customers, offering up to 1,000 customers $2,500 for enrolling and up to an additional $2,175, depending on their participation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power also is conducting a pilot project using a small fleet of Nissan Leafs. The utility hopes the technology will eventually provide power during peak load times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five years is definitely within reach,” said José María Paz, the utility’s project manager for vehicle-to-grid integration. “Technology is advancing quite fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School buses are a test case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The electric school buses at the Cajon Valley Union School District in San Diego County are among a number of school district pilot projects in California. Experts see school buses as a good option for two-way charging because they have set routes and are often parked during peak load times between 4 p.m. and 9 p.m.[aside label='More on Electric Vehicles' tag='electric-cars']Nationally, Nuvve has about 350 school buses connected to its platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Cajon Valley district, seven electric buses sent 767-kilowatt hours of power back to the grid during the heat wave between Aug. 17 and Sept. 9, according to Nuvve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with Nuvve, the buses power up when energy is less expensive, said Tysen Brodwolf, the district’s transportation director. Brodwolf said there are still several quirks, including the chargers not communicating properly with the grid or someone improperly plugging in a bus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’re getting there every day,” Brodwolf said. “We’re working through all those bumps and obviously, when you take on a pilot project, you have to take that into consideration that things aren’t necessarily going to go smoothly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Through bidirectional charging, electric car owners can sell energy to the grid or use it to power their homes. But will the costly technology become widespread?",
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"title": "How California’s Electric Cars Could Feed the Grid and Power People’s Homes | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As a historic 10-day heat wave threatened brownouts across California \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/8.31.22-Heat-Proclamation.pdf?emrc=78e3fc\">last summer,\u003c/a> a small San Diego County school district did its part to help: It captured excess power from its electric school buses and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sdgenews.com/article/sdge-and-cajon-valley-union-school-district-flip-switch-regions-first-vehicle-grid-project\">sent it back to the state’s overwhelmed grid\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The seven school buses provided enough power for 452 homes each day of the heat wave, and the buses were recharged only during off hours when the grid was not strained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California energy officials have high hopes that this new power source, called bidirectional charging, will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/01/california-electric-cars-grid/\">boost California’s power supply\u003c/a> as it ramps up its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/08/electric-cars-california-to-phase-out-gas-cars/\">ambitious agenda of electrifying its cars\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/climate-change/2023/04/california-phases-out-diesel-trucks/\">trucks\u003c/a> and buses while switching to 100% clean energy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom called two-way charging technology a “game changer,” and said, “this is the future” during a speech last September, about a week after the heat wave ended.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB233\">bill\u003c/a> already approved by the state Senate in a 29-9 vote would require all new electric cars sold in California to be equipped with bidirectional technology by 2030. In the Assembly, two committees approved the bill earlier this month and it is now under consideration by a third.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This two-way charging has big potential — but also faces big obstacles. By 2035, California expects to have 12.5 million electric cars on the road, but it’s an open question how much California can rely on them to feed the grid. Automakers say the technology would add thousands of dollars to the cost of an electric car, and California’s utilities are still sorting out how to pay ratepayers for selling them the kilowatt hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ability to use electric cars, trucks and buses to feed energy back into the grid would be especially helpful during peak times for energy use, such as heatwaves. But relying on vehicles as a year-round power source may not be practical — at least not yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a great idea conceptually…but we haven’t had the time to flesh out the details of what needs to happen for California to be able to power itself on electric vehicles,” said Orville Thomas, state policy director for CALSTART, a sustainable energy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s a great idea conceptually … but we haven’t had the time to flesh out the details of what needs to happen for California to be able to power itself on electric vehicles.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It should be on the menu of options that California has. Is it going to be the number one option? Definitely not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, its use has been limited in California. Pacific Gas and Electric has a pilot program — the first in the nation — that lets up to 1,000 residential customers with bidirectional chargers sell power back to the utility. Some school districts also are experimenting with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only about half a dozen electric car models currently are equipped with bidirectional capabilities, including the Hyundai Ioniq 5, Nissan Leaf and Ford F-150 Lightning. Tesla announced recently that all its models will have it by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electric vehicles convert one type of energy, alternating current electricity, into another, direct current, which is stored in a battery. Bidirectional charging means that an electric vehicle can convert the energy it has stored in its battery and send it to other sources, such as home appliances or back to the grid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11956108\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM.png\" alt=\"A graphic image demonstrating how biodirectional charging can help bolster the power grid. A cartoon-like electric vehicle is pictured with various arrows pointing toward different areas it could help charge such as a transformer, home and a refrigerator.\" width=\"1602\" height=\"1340\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM.png 1602w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-800x669.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-1020x853.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-160x134.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Screenshot-2023-07-20-at-12.34.58-PM-1536x1285.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1602px) 100vw, 1602px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Willett M. Kempton, a University of Delaware professor who has studied bidirectional charging for more than two decades, said the vast majority of the time a vehicle is parked and not using electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five percent of the time you’re using the car and you want to have enough energy — electricity or gasoline — to get to where you’re going and back. But most of the time, it’s just sitting there and some other use could be made of it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kempton said these vehicles, properly managed, could be sources of reserve energy, supplanting backup sources that burn fossil fuels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gregory Poilasne, co-founder and CEO of Nuvve Holding Corp., which sells electric fleet charging services, said a big challenge is that cars are unreliable energy assets. “At any time, somebody might come in and unplug the car,” he said. But he added, as the technology becomes more reliable and affordable, bidirectional cars and fleets should increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The cost: $3,700 per car\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In Denmark, bidirectional charging earns electric vehicle fleet owners who sell power to the grid $3,000 per vehicle a year, Poilasne said, adding that this reduces the average total cost of electric car ownership by about 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But citing the high cost, automakers oppose the Senate bill that would mandate the chargers for all new cars sold in California by 2030. It would increase the average cost of an electric car by $3,700, according to an opposition letter written by Curt Augustine of the Alliance for Automotive Innovation, which represents General Motors, Ford and other major auto companies.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About $3,000 of that cost would be adding battery capacity to meet warranty requirements, while other costs are for hardware and software.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This technology is a competitive matter between vehicle manufacturers and should remain that way,” Augustine wrote. “Not all customers will see an advantage of bidirectional charging, and therefore, should not have to pay more for a technology that they will not use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas of CALSTART agreed, saying it should be optional.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There might be a situation where there are people that want to do it and will pay a little extra for a car that is bidirectional, but there will also be people that just want to use a vehicle for driving,” he said. “Do we raise the price of electric vehicles for everybody?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Sen. Nancy Skinner, a Democrat from Oakland who authored SB 233, said she wants to ensure that automakers don’t reserve the technology for only their higher-end models. She said since the relatively affordable Nissan Leaf has it, it can be widely available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Skinner said all consumers would benefit from the technology by selling energy to the grid or using the energy in emergencies. But she said another important reason is that it could end reliance on diesel generators during power emergencies like wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11956111\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11956111\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut.jpg\" alt='A public parking space is marked with the words \"public charging.\" An icon of a car with a lightning bolt is pictured above the parking space.' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS32599_ElectricCars_AW_03-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State officials and utilities hope that more electric cars and fleets of trucks and buses will be equipped with biodirectional charging, which could feed electricity back into the grid. \u003ccite>(Anne Wernikoff/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you have an EV you don’t need that diesel generator,” Skinner said. “Why would we want to encourage diesel generators? They’re extremely polluting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jeffrey Lu, an air pollution specialist with the California Energy Commission’s vehicle-grid integration unit, said the state is working with owners to identify the best times to charge — called smart charging — to protect the grid. Bidirectional charging takes the concept a step further, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Energy Commission is not yet ready to say how reliant California will be on bidirectional charging to provide sufficient power and meet the state’s 2045 mandate for carbon-free electricity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re fairly early in this process. California is very committed to load flexibility broadly, but where that load flexibility specifically comes from, how many megawatts or gigawatts are coming from any particular kind of resource? We’re working on that,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s utilities are running pilot projects and studying how bidirectional charging might work and how electric car owners could be compensated for selling energy to the grid.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The California Public Utilities Commission has studied the issue for more than a decade, said spokesperson Terrie D. Prosper, including funding pilot projects and establishing two working groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year many utilities signed a “Vehicle to Everything” \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.gov/sites/default/files/2022-04/OTT%20V2X%20MOU%20Final%20%281%29.pdf\">memorandum of understanding\u003c/a> with car manufacturers, state agencies, the federal government and others seeking to accelerate all aspects of bidirectional charging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Southern California Edison, which serves about 5 million businesses and residences, wants to go beyond using bidirectional charging as just an emergency backup.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chanel Parson, Edison’s director of electrification, said the utility is working on a rate program that would allow customers to sell their power back to the grid every day of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By selling it back to the grid when our rates are more expensive, then that actually helps reduce customers’ energy bills. And it could be so economically attractive that they’re actually making money,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pacific Gas and Electric, which serves 5.5 million electric customers in Northern California, said it is aggressively looking to build what it calls a robust vehicle-to-grid-integration. It has partnerships with \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3741-power-pg-e-bmw-north-america-start-v2x-testing-california\">BMW of North America\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3413-pg-e-ford-collaborate-bidirectional-electric-vehicle-charging-technology-customers-homes\">Ford Motor Company\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3410-pg-e-general-motors-collaborate-pilot-reimagine-use-electric-vehicles-backup-power-sources-customers\">General Motors\u003c/a> exploring bidirectional charging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The utility last year launched the nation’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.pgecurrents.com/articles/3444-pg-e-launch-new-pilots-studying-electric-vehicle-bidirectional-charging-technology-homes-businesses-microgrids\">bidirectional charging pilot\u003c/a> available to residential customers, offering up to 1,000 customers $2,500 for enrolling and up to an additional $2,175, depending on their participation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Los Angeles Department of Water and Power also is conducting a pilot project using a small fleet of Nissan Leafs. The utility hopes the technology will eventually provide power during peak load times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Five years is definitely within reach,” said José María Paz, the utility’s project manager for vehicle-to-grid integration. “Technology is advancing quite fast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>School buses are a test case\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The electric school buses at the Cajon Valley Union School District in San Diego County are among a number of school district pilot projects in California. Experts see school buses as a good option for two-way charging because they have set routes and are often parked during peak load times between 4 p.m. and 9 p.m.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nationally, Nuvve has about 350 school buses connected to its platform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the Cajon Valley district, seven electric buses sent 767-kilowatt hours of power back to the grid during the heat wave between Aug. 17 and Sept. 9, according to Nuvve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working with Nuvve, the buses power up when energy is less expensive, said Tysen Brodwolf, the district’s transportation director. Brodwolf said there are still several quirks, including the chargers not communicating properly with the grid or someone improperly plugging in a bus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But we’re getting there every day,” Brodwolf said. “We’re working through all those bumps and obviously, when you take on a pilot project, you have to take that into consideration that things aren’t necessarily going to go smoothly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Californians Are Smoking Less. Why That Means Less Funding for Some Early Childhood Services",
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"content": "\u003cp>For 25 years, some of California’s best-known early childhood services have been funded by an almost ironic source: Taxes on cigarettes and other tobacco products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the deal voters made when they passed Proposition 10 in 1998, levying a tobacco tax and dedicating the money for programs that would help families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrangement was never supposed to last forever. Advocates for youth services have known from the beginning that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/california-tobacco-ban-bill/\">fewer people would smoke over time\u003c/a>, and the funding would fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the money for so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\">First 5 California\u003c/a> programs is starting to plummet and First 5 leaders around the state say they are beginning to trim their budgets and cut back on programs.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Amy Travis, executive director, First 5 Kern County\"]‘We know tobacco use is declining, so I think it’s a matter of asking what’s next? Is that alcohol, marijuana, sugary beverages?’[/pullquote] The trend is accelerating following last year’s approval of Proposition 31 to uphold a state law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-31-flavored-tobacco-ban/\">banning the sale of flavored tobacco products\u003c/a>, compelling youth programs to adjust their budget assumptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all expect revenues to go down, the question is what will be the magnitude,” said Michael Ong, chair of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DCDIC/CTCB/Pages/TobaccoEducationAndResearchOversightCommittee.aspx#:~:text=The%20Tobacco%20Education%20and%20Research,and%20for%20tobacco%2Drelated%20research.\">Tobacco Education and Research Oversight Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts are unfolding in different ways based on local decisions. For example, the First 5 in Stanislaus County most recently cut one of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.first5stan.org/familynetwork/planetbaby.shtm\">PlanetBaby!\u003c/a> programs, which provide support for pregnant women and moms of babies up to a year old. That comes in addition to other recent funding cuts for programs supporting foster children and dental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 funds a broad number of programs in partnership with nonprofits, local hospitals, clinics and county health and education offices. Services vary by county, but some of the programs they fund include: children’s mobile immunization clinics, dental services, developmental screenings, family case management, parenting classes, and home visits from a nurse for first-time mothers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First 5 California revenue falling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2026, the First 5 Association of California expects to receive almost 30% less from tobacco tax compared to 2021. It came up with yearly projections based on updated tobacco tax estimates from the state’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, First 5 projected it would receive approximately $348 million from California’s cigarette taxes this budget year. After voters passed the flavored tobacco ban, updated estimates show that First 5 expects to receive $38 million less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2026 that number could go down to $280 million, according to the projections. How much of that each local First 5 gets is based on a formula that takes into account a county’s birth rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s far less than First 5 received from tobacco taxes two decades ago. In 1999-2000, First 5 received about $690 million in tobacco tax revenue, the most ever, according to First 5 California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tacks on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdtfa.ca.gov/industry/cigarette-and-tobacco-products.htm\">$2.87 tax to each standard pack of cigarettes\u003c/a>. From 1989 to 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2023/03/424991/californias-anti-smoking-push-spurs-big-savings-health-costs#:~:text=Over%20three%20decades%20that%20witnessed,small%20but%20yielded%20large%20savings.\">California’s smoking rate\u003c/a> among adults has dropped from 22% to 10%, according to UCSF research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say tobacco tax projections should be taken cautiously as revenues are difficult to forecast immediately after a major change, such as the flavored tobacco ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ong, chair of the state tobacco oversight committee, said First 5s would ideally try to diversify their sources of revenue if they can. “But that’s a pretty tall order for county governments,” Ong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, tobacco tax dollars make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/pdf/about/budget_perf/annual_report_pdfs/Annual-Report-21-22.pdf\">about 73% of First 5’s annual budget (PDF)\u003c/a>, although this largely varies by county. For example, First 5 in Kern County relies almost entirely on tobacco taxes. Meanwhile, the First 5 in Monterey County said in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/pdf/about/budget_perf/annual_report_pdfs/Annual-Report-21-22.pdf\">most recent annual report (PDF)\u003c/a> that almost 40% of its funding now comes from grants and philanthropy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to replace tobacco tax money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last month, a Kern County grand jury \u003ca href=\"https://www.kerncounty.com/home/showpublisheddocument/10071/638227612221530000\">released a report\u003c/a> where it determined that its local First 5 would need to find additional revenue streams, other than tobacco, “to offset this downward spiral.” One possibility, according to the report: have California and local governments increase alcohol taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while taxes aren’t an easy sell to voters, especially in a red county like Kern, it’s important to consider all options, said Amy Travis, executive director of First 5 Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know it (tax) works,” said Travis. “We know tobacco use is declining, so I think it’s a matter of asking what’s next? Is that alcohol, marijuana, sugary beverages?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shammy Karim, executive director at First 5 Stanislaus County said any new funding stream should come at the state level to maintain some uniformity and equity in the types of services available in all 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to work in Santa Clara County, and in Santa Clara County, I could reach out to Google or Apple or other Silicon Valley organizations and say, here’s what I need. And most of the time, I would get it,” Karim said. “I don’t have the opportunity to do that here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, some immediate cuts are coming in the form of less funding for nonprofits that run shelter beds for families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t pull the rug underneath them but we have been working on a plan to reduce our funding in the homeless services arena,” said Kim Goll, the executive director of First 5 Orange County. While First 5 is not the only funder of these shelter services, losing their share could result in less staffing, for example, Goll said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community will feel those cuts and we’ll be a smaller organization because of the flavor ban.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For 25 years, some of California’s best-known early childhood services have been funded by an almost ironic source: Taxes on cigarettes and other tobacco products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was the deal voters made when they passed Proposition 10 in 1998, levying a tobacco tax and dedicating the money for programs that would help families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrangement was never supposed to last forever. Advocates for youth services have known from the beginning that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/california-tobacco-ban-bill/\">fewer people would smoke over time\u003c/a>, and the funding would fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the money for so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/\">First 5 California\u003c/a> programs is starting to plummet and First 5 leaders around the state say they are beginning to trim their budgets and cut back on programs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp> The trend is accelerating following last year’s approval of Proposition 31 to uphold a state law \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-voter-guide-2022/propositions/prop-31-flavored-tobacco-ban/\">banning the sale of flavored tobacco products\u003c/a>, compelling youth programs to adjust their budget assumptions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We all expect revenues to go down, the question is what will be the magnitude,” said Michael Ong, chair of the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdph.ca.gov/Programs/CCDPHP/DCDIC/CTCB/Pages/TobaccoEducationAndResearchOversightCommittee.aspx#:~:text=The%20Tobacco%20Education%20and%20Research,and%20for%20tobacco%2Drelated%20research.\">Tobacco Education and Research Oversight Committee\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts are unfolding in different ways based on local decisions. For example, the First 5 in Stanislaus County most recently cut one of its \u003ca href=\"https://www.first5stan.org/familynetwork/planetbaby.shtm\">PlanetBaby!\u003c/a> programs, which provide support for pregnant women and moms of babies up to a year old. That comes in addition to other recent funding cuts for programs supporting foster children and dental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First 5 funds a broad number of programs in partnership with nonprofits, local hospitals, clinics and county health and education offices. Services vary by county, but some of the programs they fund include: children’s mobile immunization clinics, dental services, developmental screenings, family case management, parenting classes, and home visits from a nurse for first-time mothers.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>First 5 California revenue falling\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2026, the First 5 Association of California expects to receive almost 30% less from tobacco tax compared to 2021. It came up with yearly projections based on updated tobacco tax estimates from the state’s Department of Finance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last spring, First 5 projected it would receive approximately $348 million from California’s cigarette taxes this budget year. After voters passed the flavored tobacco ban, updated estimates show that First 5 expects to receive $38 million less than that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2026 that number could go down to $280 million, according to the projections. How much of that each local First 5 gets is based on a formula that takes into account a county’s birth rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s far less than First 5 received from tobacco taxes two decades ago. In 1999-2000, First 5 received about $690 million in tobacco tax revenue, the most ever, according to First 5 California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California tacks on \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdtfa.ca.gov/industry/cigarette-and-tobacco-products.htm\">$2.87 tax to each standard pack of cigarettes\u003c/a>. From 1989 to 2019, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ucsf.edu/news/2023/03/424991/californias-anti-smoking-push-spurs-big-savings-health-costs#:~:text=Over%20three%20decades%20that%20witnessed,small%20but%20yielded%20large%20savings.\">California’s smoking rate\u003c/a> among adults has dropped from 22% to 10%, according to UCSF research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts say tobacco tax projections should be taken cautiously as revenues are difficult to forecast immediately after a major change, such as the flavored tobacco ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ong, chair of the state tobacco oversight committee, said First 5s would ideally try to diversify their sources of revenue if they can. “But that’s a pretty tall order for county governments,” Ong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, tobacco tax dollars make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/pdf/about/budget_perf/annual_report_pdfs/Annual-Report-21-22.pdf\">about 73% of First 5’s annual budget (PDF)\u003c/a>, although this largely varies by county. For example, First 5 in Kern County relies almost entirely on tobacco taxes. Meanwhile, the First 5 in Monterey County said in its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccfc.ca.gov/pdf/about/budget_perf/annual_report_pdfs/Annual-Report-21-22.pdf\">most recent annual report (PDF)\u003c/a> that almost 40% of its funding now comes from grants and philanthropy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How to replace tobacco tax money\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Last month, a Kern County grand jury \u003ca href=\"https://www.kerncounty.com/home/showpublisheddocument/10071/638227612221530000\">released a report\u003c/a> where it determined that its local First 5 would need to find additional revenue streams, other than tobacco, “to offset this downward spiral.” One possibility, according to the report: have California and local governments increase alcohol taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while taxes aren’t an easy sell to voters, especially in a red county like Kern, it’s important to consider all options, said Amy Travis, executive director of First 5 Kern County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know it (tax) works,” said Travis. “We know tobacco use is declining, so I think it’s a matter of asking what’s next? Is that alcohol, marijuana, sugary beverages?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shammy Karim, executive director at First 5 Stanislaus County said any new funding stream should come at the state level to maintain some uniformity and equity in the types of services available in all 58 counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I used to work in Santa Clara County, and in Santa Clara County, I could reach out to Google or Apple or other Silicon Valley organizations and say, here’s what I need. And most of the time, I would get it,” Karim said. “I don’t have the opportunity to do that here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Orange County, some immediate cuts are coming in the form of less funding for nonprofits that run shelter beds for families with young children.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t pull the rug underneath them but we have been working on a plan to reduce our funding in the homeless services arena,” said Kim Goll, the executive director of First 5 Orange County. While First 5 is not the only funder of these shelter services, losing their share could result in less staffing, for example, Goll said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our community will feel those cuts and we’ll be a smaller organization because of the flavor ban.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brandon Richards, deputy communications director, Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘What’s more upsetting, is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.[aside label='More on Mental Health Care' tag='mental-health']Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg\"]‘The opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care — and nobody is left out or left behind.’[/pullquote]Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954314/3-big-takeaways-from-californias-311-billion-budget-deal\">major proposal from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> to overhaul the state’s behavioral and mental health system is likely to take nearly $720 million away from services provided by county governments annually, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4782\">new analysis\u003c/a> from the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although that money would be reallocated within the system, in part to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">house homeless individuals with severe mental illness\u003c/a> and addiction disorders, the report authors note that Newsom and key legislators supporting the proposal have neither provided a complete justification for the changes nor have they published an analysis on how the changes may “negatively impact current services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Consequently, as the Legislature considers the proposal, we recommend asking the administration certain questions to assess whether the proposal is warranted,” the report states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom wants the Legislature to put his proposal before voters next year in tandem with a $4.68 billion bond measure to add psychiatric treatment beds. It would change how the state allocates money under the Mental Health Services Act, which levies a 1% tax on income above $1 million to fund behavioral health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Homelessness has become one of the most \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">high-profile challenges plaguing California\u003c/a>, increasing 32% in the past four years. Newsom, who promised to reduce homelessness, announced his intent during his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/03/gavin-newsom-legacy-tour/\">State of the State tour\u003c/a> to divert nearly one-third of the state’s Mental Health Services Act money to help address homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that time, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/04/mental-health-funding/\">local behavioral health providers and county officials\u003c/a> have criticized the proposal because of its potential to cut services and pit mental health programs against homeless services. The state has spent more than $20 billion on \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">housing and homelessness since 2018\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters, meanwhile, say reprioritizing how the money is spent is long overdue in light of the growing needs of the state’s homeless population as well as the addition of new funding sources for mental health programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, Newsom’s Deputy Communications Director Brandon Richards said “upsetting the status quo” was necessary in light of California’s changing health care needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mental health needs among California homeless\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A recent study from UC San Francisco found that two-thirds of \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">homeless individuals experience mental health conditions\u003c/a>, although income loss is the driving force behind the state’s homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What’s more upsetting is watching people continue to suffer on the streets with ineffective interventions and inability to access much-needed treatment,” Richards said. “A California behavioral health system of care that is more focused, more transparent, and more accountable for results is what all Californians deserve and what this historic reform aims to achieve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roughly one-third of the county mental health infrastructure in the state is supported by the Mental Health Services Act, which was approved by voters in 2004 as a ballot initiative. Substantial changes to the act, like the ones Newsom proposed, require voter approval. Last year the tax generated about $3.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of Newsom’s proposal say the new analysis bolsters their argument that the changes will result in significant cuts to current programs, particularly those that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/mental-health/2023/06/mental-health-funding-2/\">support children\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s office has so far “danced around” how much money would be cut, said Adrienne Shilton, a lobbyist for the California Alliance of Children and Family Services, which represents behavioral health providers in every county. The report is the first to quantify how the proposal would impact programs statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing in real dollars what the impact would be,” Shilton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis estimates spending on current programs would be reduced from $1.34 billion to $621 million under the plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing money in Gavin Newsom’s plan\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The report identified several key changes and unanswered questions for the Legislature to consider in \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Series/3\">Newsom’s plan\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Reduced flexibility: \u003c/strong>Counties would have less flexibility to determine how money is spent. Based on current expenditures, counties would be required to increase spending on housing by $493 million and on “full-service partnerships” by $121 million. “Full-service partnerships” include intensive wraparound services like case management, housing and employment support as well as clinical care.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Program cuts likely: \u003c/strong>To meet spending targets and caps, counties would likely need to reduce spending on current programs including “outpatient services, crisis response, prevention services, and outreach.”\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Less independent oversight: \u003c/strong>The proposed restructuring moves much of the program implementation and oversight authority to the Department of Health Care Services. The change “significantly limits” the independent oversight of the current Mental Health Services Oversight and Accountability Commission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Sacramento Mayor Darrell Steinberg, who helped author the original law and has been a key supporter of the changes, said the law was always meant to prioritize “the plight of people living with serious mental illness on our streets.”\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“It’s appropriate, in fact, it’s necessary to set priority status,” Steinberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Steinberg and Newsom’s office also contend that the state has invested heavily in the mental health safety net in other ways, including changes to the Medi-Cal system and a $4.4 billion one-time infusion into the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/03/california-children-mental-health-crisis/\">Children and Youth Behavioral Health Initiative\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s no longer a funding source that stands alone,” Steinberg said. “[Now], the opportunity is to weave all these pieces together so that everyone has access to care, and nobody is left out or left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, advocates say it is premature to assume those investments have had a positive impact and that many have not yet been implemented. In an opposition letter, Lishaun Francis, senior director for behavioral health at Children Now said the state “has yet to demonstrate that it has delivered” on its promises and that the proposal deprioritizes children and youth.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Advocates also say those funding sources, particularly Medi-Cal, won’t reimburse for the non-clinical programs like classroom interventions and family resource centers that have historically been supported by the Mental Health Services Act. Medi-Cal is the state’s health insurance program for extremely low-income Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Families need flexibility,” said Christine Stoner-Mertz, chief executive officer of the California Alliance of Child and Family Services. “We need community-designed practices, and we haven’t been successful in doing that with just Medi-Cal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The hardest parts of Grace Diaz’s caregiving job are the sleepless nights and aches and pains. And the time away from her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when Diaz’s client, an older Alzheimer’s patient, gets a good night’s sleep, Diaz wakes up at her slightest rustle or groan. Diaz’s shoulder bothers her because she often lifts her client from bed to wheelchair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lives with her client in Westminster, a city in Orange County, seven days a week, making $15.50 an hour and sending some to her children back home in the Philippines, from which she emigrated 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz, who is 56, worries that when she needs care, she won’t be able to afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it,” said Diaz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of California’s caregivers, Diaz says she needs a living wage, safer working conditions and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Grace Diaz, caregiver\"]‘We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important not just for in-home workers, advocates say, but for California’s Baby Boomers, who will need to hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s caregiver workforce is already too small, experts say, and many are aging immigrants like Diaz, earning near-minimum wages. A few state lawmakers have introduced bills to protect workers and encourage growth in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need for care is going to more than double in the next 12 years here in California, and it’s happening across the country,” said Arnulfo De La Cruz, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 2015, which represents long-term care workers throughout California. “We’re a country that’s aging, and how do we want to care for people when they age?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California caregivers undervalued, underpaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/05/wave-of-seniors-will-strain-california-caregiver-network-even-more/\">nearly 1 in 5 Californians\u003c/a> will be age 65 or older, according to the nonprofit Public Policy Institute of California. The state will be facing a shortage of as many as \u003ca href=\"https://mpa.aging.ca.gov/Goals/4\">3.2 million care workers\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CaliforniaDirectCareWorkforce.pdf\"> by then\u003c/a>, said Susan DeMarois, director of the California Department of Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregiving has been an undervalued field, largely because its workers are predominantly immigrant women, said Fernando Torres-Gil, director of the UCLA Center for Policy Research on Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t, as a society, value or honor persons that do caregiving,” Torres-Gil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California 80% of care workers are women, 74% are people of color and 47% are immigrants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.phinational.org/policy-research/workforce-data-center/#states=06&var=Citizenship\">according to PHI\u003c/a>, a New York-based research and elder policy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Californiau2019s caregiver workforce is mostly women and people of color\" aria-label=\"Split Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-LBBzY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/LBBzY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"366\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregivers who work in homes or nursing centers often earn minimum, or close to minimum, wages, Torres-Gil said, and they lack benefits and safety protections typical of 9-to-5 jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes careers in long-term care a hard sell for young people, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution is two-pronged, said Aquilina Soriano Versoza, executive director of the Pilipino Workers Center of Southern California. Long-term care workers should receive living wages and benefits good enough to attract and retain them, she said, and government systems should help Californians pay for the care they’ll need as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shortage of \u003cem>good\u003c/em> jobs,” she said of caregiving. “People are not going into care work, even though it’s one of the fastest growing jobs, because of the conditions and what it’s paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Caregivers’ pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and counties help set that pay. The state’s In-Home Supportive Services Program serves 700,000 Californians, paying for in-home care for low-income residents age 65 and older and others who are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s funded with a mix of government money. A state audit in \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-109.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> showed California contributing $4.5 billion, counties $1.6 billion and the federal government $7.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-home program pays caregivers, who help people stay in their homes. Caregivers’ pay rates are negotiated by the counties where they work and the unions that represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers often complain about slow negotiations stymied by regional politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Contracts for the stateu2019s In-Home Supportive Services Program are negotiated with each county. What does your county pay providers?\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TuUnA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TuUnA/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"406\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, for instance, six years of bargaining for a new contract yielded a recent county offer of 50 cents an hour more on the $15.50 base pay. Sandy Moreno, who left a career in labor to care for her grandmother, said showing up at county supervisors’ meetings didn’t change things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels like they don’t really care about IHSS providers,” she said. “No matter how many times we go to their sessions to talk about our work, to let them know we need to invest in this program, it just feels like we’re at the end of their list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Public Authority and SEIU Local 2015 also are in active negotiations for caregiver contracts. Sal Quintero, the only Latino Fresno County supervisor, said he supports organized labor and caregivers — his brother was a caregiver — but “we have to be careful with our county budget and see what’s affordable for us as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Statewide bargaining?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few state lawmakers introduced bills designed to improve pay and working conditions for caregivers.[aside label='More Stories on Caregivers' tag='caregivers']Assemblymember Matt Haney, a Democrat from San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1672\">authored a bill\u003c/a> earlier this year to shift collective bargaining for publicly funded caregiver contracts from counties to the state. Labor supporters said that would make contracts fairer across the state and allow care workers to move across county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would you want caring for someone you love,” asked De La Cruz, “someone who’s making poverty wages, no retirement and little benefits? Or someone who has a living wage and is able to have benefits to care for their own families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Assembly, but Haney said he pulled it before a Senate vote after agreeing, in discussions with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration, that the state needs time to flesh out logistics and finances for statewide bargaining for caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14307615/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1100\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB102\">Newsom’s budget includes $1.5 million\u003c/a> for a working group on the issue. Haney said he expects its findings in 2025. Newsom also agreed to increase state fines for counties that fail to promptly reach contract agreements with caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Domestic Workers said in a statement, “This is a vital first step towards bringing equity and a true living wage” to in-home caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Haney’s proposal said counties have varying needs and costs of living that statewide rates likely won’t address. Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, said in a statement he voted against the bill because it would impose a one-size-fits-all approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we can actually support these workers is by focusing on policies in Sacramento that address our affordability crisis,” he said. “For example, stopping the upcoming gas tax increase July 1 would greatly benefit IHSS workers, who drive more than other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In-home worker safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Senator María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB686\">introduced a proposal this year\u003c/a> to include home caregivers in the state’s oversight of workplace safety. Her bill, which targets a variety of domestic workers, passed the Senate and is in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, California’s safety work rules don’t apply to domestic workers, including caregivers in private homes. If approved, Durazo’s bill would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/03/domestic-worker-safety/\">change that\u003c/a>. It’s her third bill to improve domestic worker safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020 she proposed extending the Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) protections to domestic workers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/governor-vetoes-bill-domestic-workers/\">but Newsom vetoed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman's hand is seen on the shoulder of another older woman's shoulder. The older woman is in a wheelchair and is looking up at her caregiver in blue scrubs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Diaz, a caregiver, at the home of her client in Orange County on June 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, taking feedback from Newsom, she proposed creating an advisory committee on domestic workers for Cal/OSHA. That led to California’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/documents/Voluntary-Industry-Guidelines-SB-321.pdf\">voluntary occupational health and safety guidelines\u003c/a> for domestic workers.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Senator María Elena Durazo (D-Los Angeles)\"]‘It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home. They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.’[/pullquote]If Durazo’s latest bill becomes law, Cal/OSHA would have the authority to develop and enforce its health and safety guidance for employers, making in-home work safer and more desirable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home,” Durazo said. “They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds like a good idea to Diaz, who said it would help caregivers in difficult employment situations. Caregiving is not for the faint of heart, she said. It requires physical and emotional strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes her client yells at her out of the blue, she said. On better days, they do arm exercises in the garden or listen to soothing music in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz likes her work. With her own family thousands of miles away, Diaz said her client has become like family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s like a mother to me,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The hardest parts of Grace Diaz’s caregiving job are the sleepless nights and aches and pains. And the time away from her family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when Diaz’s client, an older Alzheimer’s patient, gets a good night’s sleep, Diaz wakes up at her slightest rustle or groan. Diaz’s shoulder bothers her because she often lifts her client from bed to wheelchair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lives with her client in Westminster, a city in Orange County, seven days a week, making $15.50 an hour and sending some to her children back home in the Philippines, from which she emigrated 20 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz, who is 56, worries that when she needs care, she won’t be able to afford it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take care of the elderly, but I’m not even sure that, if I stay here, I’m going to have the same care that I’m giving right now — if I’ll be able to afford it,” said Diaz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like many of California’s caregivers, Diaz says she needs a living wage, safer working conditions and benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s important not just for in-home workers, advocates say, but for California’s Baby Boomers, who will need to hire them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s caregiver workforce is already too small, experts say, and many are aging immigrants like Diaz, earning near-minimum wages. A few state lawmakers have introduced bills to protect workers and encourage growth in the workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The need for care is going to more than double in the next 12 years here in California, and it’s happening across the country,” said Arnulfo De La Cruz, president of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) Local 2015, which represents long-term care workers throughout California. “We’re a country that’s aging, and how do we want to care for people when they age?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California caregivers undervalued, underpaid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>By 2030, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2019/05/wave-of-seniors-will-strain-california-caregiver-network-even-more/\">nearly 1 in 5 Californians\u003c/a> will be age 65 or older, according to the nonprofit Public Policy Institute of California. The state will be facing a shortage of as many as \u003ca href=\"https://mpa.aging.ca.gov/Goals/4\">3.2 million care workers\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/CaliforniaDirectCareWorkforce.pdf\"> by then\u003c/a>, said Susan DeMarois, director of the California Department of Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregiving has been an undervalued field, largely because its workers are predominantly immigrant women, said Fernando Torres-Gil, director of the UCLA Center for Policy Research on Aging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t, as a society, value or honor persons that do caregiving,” Torres-Gil said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California 80% of care workers are women, 74% are people of color and 47% are immigrants, \u003ca href=\"https://www.phinational.org/policy-research/workforce-data-center/#states=06&var=Citizenship\">according to PHI\u003c/a>, a New York-based research and elder policy nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Californiau2019s caregiver workforce is mostly women and people of color\" aria-label=\"Split Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-LBBzY\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/LBBzY/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"366\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caregivers who work in homes or nursing centers often earn minimum, or close to minimum, wages, Torres-Gil said, and they lack benefits and safety protections typical of 9-to-5 jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That makes careers in long-term care a hard sell for young people, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The solution is two-pronged, said Aquilina Soriano Versoza, executive director of the Pilipino Workers Center of Southern California. Long-term care workers should receive living wages and benefits good enough to attract and retain them, she said, and government systems should help Californians pay for the care they’ll need as they age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shortage of \u003cem>good\u003c/em> jobs,” she said of caregiving. “People are not going into care work, even though it’s one of the fastest growing jobs, because of the conditions and what it’s paid.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Caregivers’ pay\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The state and counties help set that pay. The state’s In-Home Supportive Services Program serves 700,000 Californians, paying for in-home care for low-income residents age 65 and older and others who are disabled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s funded with a mix of government money. A state audit in \u003ca href=\"https://www.auditor.ca.gov/pdfs/reports/2020-109.pdf\">2020\u003c/a> showed California contributing $4.5 billion, counties $1.6 billion and the federal government $7.2 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-home program pays caregivers, who help people stay in their homes. Caregivers’ pay rates are negotiated by the counties where they work and the unions that represent them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Workers often complain about slow negotiations stymied by regional politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"Contracts for the stateu2019s In-Home Supportive Services Program are negotiated with each county. What does your county pay providers?\" aria-label=\"Table\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-TuUnA\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/TuUnA/2/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"406\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, for instance, six years of bargaining for a new contract yielded a recent county offer of 50 cents an hour more on the $15.50 base pay. Sandy Moreno, who left a career in labor to care for her grandmother, said showing up at county supervisors’ meetings didn’t change things.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It just feels like they don’t really care about IHSS providers,” she said. “No matter how many times we go to their sessions to talk about our work, to let them know we need to invest in this program, it just feels like we’re at the end of their list.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Fresno County Public Authority and SEIU Local 2015 also are in active negotiations for caregiver contracts. Sal Quintero, the only Latino Fresno County supervisor, said he supports organized labor and caregivers — his brother was a caregiver — but “we have to be careful with our county budget and see what’s affordable for us as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Statewide bargaining?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A few state lawmakers introduced bills designed to improve pay and working conditions for caregivers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Assemblymember Matt Haney, a Democrat from San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1672\">authored a bill\u003c/a> earlier this year to shift collective bargaining for publicly funded caregiver contracts from counties to the state. Labor supporters said that would make contracts fairer across the state and allow care workers to move across county lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who would you want caring for someone you love,” asked De La Cruz, “someone who’s making poverty wages, no retirement and little benefits? Or someone who has a living wage and is able to have benefits to care for their own families?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill passed the Assembly, but Haney said he pulled it before a Senate vote after agreeing, in discussions with Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration, that the state needs time to flesh out logistics and finances for statewide bargaining for caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/14307615/embed?auto=1\" width=\"800\" height=\"1100\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB102\">Newsom’s budget includes $1.5 million\u003c/a> for a working group on the issue. Haney said he expects its findings in 2025. Newsom also agreed to increase state fines for counties that fail to promptly reach contract agreements with caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The United Domestic Workers said in a statement, “This is a vital first step towards bringing equity and a true living wage” to in-home caregivers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of Haney’s proposal said counties have varying needs and costs of living that statewide rates likely won’t address. Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, said in a statement he voted against the bill because it would impose a one-size-fits-all approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The way we can actually support these workers is by focusing on policies in Sacramento that address our affordability crisis,” he said. “For example, stopping the upcoming gas tax increase July 1 would greatly benefit IHSS workers, who drive more than other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>In-home worker safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Senator María Elena Durazo, a Democrat from Los Angeles, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB686\">introduced a proposal this year\u003c/a> to include home caregivers in the state’s oversight of workplace safety. Her bill, which targets a variety of domestic workers, passed the Senate and is in the Assembly Appropriations Committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently, California’s safety work rules don’t apply to domestic workers, including caregivers in private homes. If approved, Durazo’s bill would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/03/domestic-worker-safety/\">change that\u003c/a>. It’s her third bill to improve domestic worker safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020 she proposed extending the Division of Occupational Safety and Health (Cal/OSHA) protections to domestic workers, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2020/10/governor-vetoes-bill-domestic-workers/\">but Newsom vetoed it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955600\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955600\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg\" alt=\"A woman's hand is seen on the shoulder of another older woman's shoulder. The older woman is in a wheelchair and is looking up at her caregiver in blue scrubs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaregiver02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Grace Diaz, a caregiver, at the home of her client in Orange County on June 7, 2023. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2021, taking feedback from Newsom, she proposed creating an advisory committee on domestic workers for Cal/OSHA. That led to California’s first \u003ca href=\"https://www.dir.ca.gov/dosh/documents/Voluntary-Industry-Guidelines-SB-321.pdf\">voluntary occupational health and safety guidelines\u003c/a> for domestic workers.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home. They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If Durazo’s latest bill becomes law, Cal/OSHA would have the authority to develop and enforce its health and safety guidance for employers, making in-home work safer and more desirable, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very isolating job, to be one caregiver in a person’s home,” Durazo said. “They’re vulnerable to exploitation. So we want to make sure … they would have the same rights as other workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sounds like a good idea to Diaz, who said it would help caregivers in difficult employment situations. Caregiving is not for the faint of heart, she said. It requires physical and emotional strength.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes her client yells at her out of the blue, she said. On better days, they do arm exercises in the garden or listen to soothing music in the living room.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diaz likes her work. With her own family thousands of miles away, Diaz said her client has become like family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s like a mother to me,” Diaz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "californias-fight-against-wildfires-turns-to-ai-drones-and-satellites",
"title": "California's Fight Against Wildfires Turns to AI, Drones and Satellites",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954879/how-californias-firefighter-union-could-get-guaranteed-raises-forever\">Cal Fire\u003c/a> Battalion Chief Jon Heggie wasn’t expecting much to worry about when a late summer fire erupted north of Santa Cruz, home to California’s moist and cool “asbestos forests.” This place doesn’t burn, he thought, with just three notable fires there in 70 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heggie’s job was to predict for the crews where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/wildfires\">wildfire\u003c/a> might go and when, working through calculations based on topography, weather and fuels — the “immutable” basics. For fire behavior analysts like Heggie, predictable and familiar are manageable, while weird and unexpected are synonyms for danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that 2020 fire was anything but predictable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 3 a.m. on Aug. 16, ominous thunder cells formed over the region. Tens of thousands of lightning strikes rained down, creating a convulsion of fire that became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/8/16/czu-lightning-complex-including-warnella-fire/\">CZU Lightning Complex\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By noon there were nearly two dozen fires burning, and not nearly enough people to handle them. Flames were roaring throughout the Coast Range in deep-shaded forests and waist-high ferns in sight of the Pacific Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one had ever seen anything like it.\u003cem> \u003c/em>The blaze defied predictions and ran unchecked for a month. The fire spread to San Mateo County, burned through 86,000 acres, destroyed almost 1,500 structures and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/czu-lighting-complex-fire-victim-died-trying-to-flee-flames-6-rescued-while-trying-to-return-to-evacuated-homes/\">killed a fleeing resident\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was astonishing to see that behavior and consumption of heavy fuels,” Heggie said. “Seeing the devastation was mind-boggling. Things were burning outside the norm. I hadn’t seen anything burn that intensely in my 30 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost as troubling was what this fire \u003cem>didn’t\u003c/em> do — it didn’t back off at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have burning periods increase in the afternoon, and we saw continuous high-intensity burns in the night,” Heggie said. “That’s when we are supposed to make up ground. That didn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jon Heggie, battalion chief, Cal Fire\"]‘Seeing the devastation was mind-boggling. Things were burning outside the norm. I hadn’t seen anything burn that intensely in my 30 years.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That 2020 summer of fires, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/07/california-fires-2020/\">the worst in California history\u003c/a>, recalibrated what veteran firefighters understand about fire behavior: Nothing \u003cem>is\u003c/em> as it \u003cem>was.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Intensified by climate change, especially warmer nights and longer droughts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-wildfires-explained/\">California’s fires often morph into megafires\u003c/a>, and even gigafires covering more than a million acres. U.S. wildfires have been \u003ca href=\"https://cires.colorado.edu/news/us-fires-four-times-larger-three-times-more-frequent-2000\">four times larger and three times more frequent\u003c/a> since 2000, according to University of Colorado researchers. And other scientists recently predicted that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2213815120\">up to 52% more California forest acreage\u003c/a> will burn in summertime over the next two decades because of the changing climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California now heads into its peak time for wildfires, even with last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2022/12/california-wildfires-2022/\">quiet season\u003c/a> and the end of its three-year drought, the specter of megafires hasn’t receded. Last winter’s record winter rains, rather than tamping down fire threats, have promoted lush growth, which provides more fuel for summer fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire officials warn that this year’s conditions are similar to the summer and fall of 2017 — when a rainy winter was followed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2017\">one of the state’s most destructive fire seasons\u003c/a>, killing 47 people and destroying almost 11,000 structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955548\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955548 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"Pictured in a dark room with two, large LCD screens illuminated with maps displayed on them. Two people are observing the screens with one man pointing up toward the screen on the left.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Forest Service teams deploy drones to capture photographs and infrared images, which are used to map fires to find areas where flames are still active and where they might spread. \u003ccite>(Andrew Avitt/US Forest Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the size and power of modern wildfires, but their capricious behavior that has confounded fire veterans — the feints and shifts that bedevil efforts to predict what a fire might do and then devise strategies to stop it. It’s a dangerous calculation: In the literal heat of a fire, choices are consequential. People’s lives and livelihoods are at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire crews now often find themselves outflanked. Responding to larger and more erratic and intense fires requires more personnel and equipment. And staging crews and engines where flames are expected to go have been thrown off-kilter.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘We live in this new reality. … We’re enlisting cutting-edge technology in our efforts to fight wildfires, exploring how innovations like artificial intelligence can help us identify threats quicker and deploy resources smarter.’[/pullquote]“We live in this new reality,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a recent Cal Fire event, “where we can’t necessarily attach ourselves to some of the more predictive models of the past because of a world that is getting a lot hotter, a lot drier and a lot more uncertain because of climate change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalFire has responded by tapping into all the new technology — such as drones, military satellites, infrared images and AI-assisted maps — that can be brought to bear during a fire. Commanders now must consider a broader range of possibilities so they can pivot when the firefront shifts in an unexpected way. The agency also has beefed up its ability to fight nighttime fires with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/what-we-do/fire-protection/aviation-program\">new fleet of Fire Hawk helicopters\u003c/a> equipped to fly in darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has thrown every possible data point at the problem with its year-old \u003ca href=\"https://fireforecast.caloes.ca.gov/\">Wildfire Threat and Intelligence Integration Center\u003c/a>, which pulls information from dozens of federal, state and private sources to create a minute-by-minute picture of conditions conducive to sparking or spreading fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re enlisting cutting-edge technology in our efforts to fight wildfires,” Newsom said, “exploring how innovations like artificial intelligence can help us identify threats quicker and deploy resources smarter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unforeseen assault on a coastal town\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2017/12/4/thomas-fire/\">2017 Thomas Fire\u003c/a> stands as an example of what happens when a massive fire, ignited after a rainy winter, veers and shifts in unexpected ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blaze in coastal Ventura and Santa Barbara counties struck in December when fire season normally quieted down. Fire veterans knew fall and winter fires were tamed by a blanket of moist air and fog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t happen.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tim Chavez, assistant chief, Cal Fire\"]‘I looked at the maps and we both came to the conclusion that Carpinteria would be fine, don’t worry. Sure enough, that night it burned into Carpinteria and they had to evacuate the town.’[/pullquote]“We were on day five or six, and the incident commander comes to me and asks, ‘Are we going to have to evacuate Carpinteria tonight?’,” said Cal Fire Assistant Chief Tim Chavez, who was the fire behavior analyst for the Thomas Fire.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>“I looked at the maps and we both came to the conclusion that Carpinteria would be fine, don’t worry. Sure enough, that night it burned into Carpinteria and they had to evacuate the town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on fire and weather data and informed hunches, no one expected the fire to continue advancing overnight. And, as the winds calmed, no one predicted the blaze would move toward the small seaside community of 13,000 south of Santa Barbara. But high temperatures, low humidity and a steep, dry landscape that hadn’t felt flames in more than 30 years drew the Thomas Fire to the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sudden shift put the town in peril. Some 300 residents were evacuated in the middle of the night as the blaze moved into the eastern edge of Carpinteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the fire, which was sparked by power lines downed by high winds, \u003ca href=\"https://vcfd.org/news/vcfd-determines-cause-of-the-thomas-fire/\">burned for nearly 40 days\u003c/a>, spread across 281,000 acres, destroyed more than 1,000 homes and other buildings and killed two people, including a firefighter. At the time, it was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2017/12/23/us/thomas-fire-california/index.html\">largest wildfire\u003c/a> in California’s modern history; now, just six years later, it ranks at number eight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955543\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955543 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A wildfire rushes toward a mansion in Southern California with two palm trees seen in the home's backyard. The sky is black and the fire glows an ominous, bright orange and red.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Thomas Fire threatened homes near the 101 freeway in Ventura on Dec. 5, 2017. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The unforeseen assault on Carpenteria was an I-told-you-so from nature, the sort of humbling slap-down that fire behavior analysts in California are experiencing more and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve learned more from being wrong than from being right,” Chavez said. “You cannot do this job and not be surprised by something you see. Even the small fires will surprise you sometimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warmer nights, drought and lack of fog alter fire behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the past 20 years have brought a profound — and perhaps irreversible — \u003ca href=\"https://santamariatimes.com/photos-welcome-to-the-age-of-fire-california-wildfires-explained/collection_539ecbd3-827e-5387-aa14-518705d05980.html#1\">shift in the norms of wildfire behavior\u003c/a> and intensity. Fires burn along the coast even when there are no desert winds to drive them, fires refuse to lay down at night and fires pierced the so-called Redwood Curtain, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/04/big-basin-park-heals-wildfires/\">burning 97% of California’s oldest state park\u003c/a>, Big Basin Redwoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes in wildfires are driven by an array of factors: a megadrought from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-022-01290-z\">driest period recorded\u003c/a> in the Western U.S.\u003cem> \u003c/em>in the past 1,200 years, the loss of fog along the California coast, and stubborn nighttime temperatures that propel flames well into the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California's nighttime fire conditions have worsened\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-jyRUo\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/jyRUo/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"662\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher temperatures and longer dry periods are linked to worsening fires in Western forests, with an eightfold increase from 1985 to 2017 in severely burned acreage, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1029/2020GL089858\">2020 study\u003c/a>. “Warmer and drier fire seasons corresponded with higher severity fire,” the researchers wrote, suggesting that “climate change will contribute to increased fire severity in future decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are seeing is a dramatic increase in extreme fire behavior,” Heggie said. “When you have a drought lasting 10 years, devastating the landscape, you have dead fuel loading and available fuel for when these fires start. That’s the catalyst for megafire. That’s been the driving force for change in fire behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-11955555\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED-160x320.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED-768x1536.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 33% of coastal summer fog has vanished since the turn of the century, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.0915062107\">researchers at UC Berkeley\u003c/a>. That blanket of cool, moist air that kept major fires out of coastal areas can no longer be relied upon to safeguard California’s redwood forests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters are losing another ally, too, with the significant increase in overnight temperatures. \u003ca href=\"https://cires.colorado.edu/news/hotter-drier-nights-mean-more-runaway-fires\">Nighttime fires\u003c/a> were about 28% more intense in 2020 than in 2003. And there are more of them — 11 more “flammable nights” every year than 40 years ago, an increase of more than 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upshot is that fires are increasingly less likely to “lie down” at night when fire crews could work to get ahead of the flames. The loss of those hours to perform critical suppression work — and the additional nighttime spread — gives California crews less time to catch up with fast-moving blazes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, fire whirls and so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/video/2022/aug/11/firenado-sparked-by-hot-winds-and-wildfires-burns-in-california-video\">firenados\u003c/a> are more common as a feature of erratic fire behavior. The twisting vortex of flames, heat and wind can rise in columns hundreds of feet high and are spun by high winds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firenados are more than frightening to behold: They spread embers and strew debris for miles and make already dangerous fires all the more risky. One was spotted \u003ca href=\"https://www.desertsun.com/story/news/2022/08/11/brush-fire-sparks-firenado-southern-california/10303678002/\">north of Los Angeles\u003c/a> last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fires are “really changing, and it’s a combination of all kinds of different changes,” said Jennifer Balch, director of the Environmental Data Science Innovation and Inclusion Lab at the University of Colorado Boulder and a longtime fire researcher who tracks trends that drive wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing fog. We’re seeing drier conditions longer and later into the season. And so what that means for California right now is, under these record heat waves, we’re also now butting up against the Santa Ana wind conditions,” she said. “I think we’re loading the dice in a certain direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fire behaviorist’s routine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Among the many specialists at work are fire behavior analysts, who are responsible for predicting a fire’s daily movements for the incident commander. As a fire rages, Cal Fire analysts get their information in an avalanche of highly technical data, including wind force and direction, temperature and humidity, the shape and height of slopes, the area’s burn history, which fuels are on the ground and, in some cases, how likely they are to burn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gleaned from satellites, drones, planes, remote sensors and computer mapping, the information is spat out in real-time and triaged by the fire behavior analyst, who often uses a computer program to prepare models to predict what the fire is likely to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That information is synthesized and relayed — quickly — to fire bosses. Laptops and hand-held computers are ubiquitous on modern firelines, replacing the time-honored practice of spreading a dog-eared map on the hood of a truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On a typical day I would get up at 4:30 or 5,” said Chavez, who has served as a fire behavior analyst for much of his career. “We get an infrared fire map from overnight aircraft, and that tells us where the fire is active. Other planes fly in a grid pattern and we look at those still images.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>I might look at computer models, fire spread models, and the weather forecast. There’s other data that tells you what fuels are in the area. You plug all that in to see where the fire will be 24 hours from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the fire camp’s 8 a.m. briefing, “You get two minutes to tell people what to watch out for,” he said. Throughout the day, Chavez says he monitors available data and hitches a helicopter ride to view the fire from the air. At another meeting at 5 p.m., he and other officers prepare the next day’s incident action plan. Then he’s back to collating more weather and fire data. The aim is to get to bed before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955545\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955545 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with blond hair and glasses stands in front of a white board that's covered in handwritten graphs and figures. It appears she's inside a classroom or lab.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘We’re losing fog. We’re seeing drier conditions longer and later into the season … I think we’re loading the dice in a certain direction,’ said Jennifer Balch, director of the Environmental Data Science Innovation and Inclusion Lab at the University of Colorado Boulder. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The importance of the fire behavior analyst’s job is reflected by the sophistication of the tools available: real-time NOAA satellite data, weather information from military flights, radar, computer-generated maps showing a 100-year history of previous burns in the area as well as the current fuel load and its combustibility, airplane and drone surveillance and AI-enabled models of future fire movements. Aircraft flying over fires provide more detail, faster, about what’s inside fire plumes, critical information to fire bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the National Guard is entering the fourth year of an agreement to share non-classified information pulled from military satellites that scan for heat signatures from the boost phase of ballistic missiles. When those heat images are associated with wildfires, the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalguard.mil/News/Article/3223104/fireguard-program-enhances-national-guard-wildfire-fighting/\">FireGuard system\u003c/a> can transmit detailed information to Cal Fire every 15 minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meteorologist Craig Clements, director of the Fire Weather Research Laboratory at San Jose State University, has chased fires for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can pull up on a fire, and the radar starts spinning and you’re peering into a plume within four minutes,” Clements said. “It gives us information about the particles inside, the structure of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955546\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955546 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot of a map of California and then a pop-up screen on top of the map shows coding in various colors.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This map was produced by supercomputers at a lab at University of Colorado Boulder that is using metadata to better understand large wildfires and their increasingly erratic behavior. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fire behavior decisions are not totally reliant on outside data inputs. Seasoned fire commanders remain firmly committed to a reliable indicator: the hair on the back of their necks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fireline experience and hard-earned knowledge still count when formulating tactics. But it’s a measure of how norms have shifted that even institutional knowledge can fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Future of firefighting: AI crunches billions of data points\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest leap is applying artificial intelligence to understand fire behavior. Neil Sahota, an AI adviser to the United Nations and a lecturer at UC Irvine, is developing systems to train a computer to review reams of data and come to a predictive conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is not to replace fire behavior analysts and jettison their decades of fireline experience, Sahota said, but to augment their work — and, mostly, to move much faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can crunch billions of different data points in near real-time, in seconds,” he said. “The challenge is, what’s the right data? We may think there are seven variables that go into a wildfire, for example. AI may come back saying there are thousands.”[aside label='More Stories on California Wildfires' tag='wildfires']In order for their information to be useful, computers have to be taught: What’s the difference between a Boy Scout campfire and a wildfire? How to distinguish between an arsonist starting a fire and a firefighter setting a backfire with a drip torch?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the dizzying speed at which devices have been employed on the modern fireline, most fire behavior computer models are still based on algorithms devised by Mark Finney, a revered figure in the field of fire science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.firelab.org/\">Missoula Fire Sciences Laboratory\u003c/a> in Montana, Finney has studied fire behavior through observation and, especially, by starting all manner of fires in combustion chambers and in the field. In another lab in Missoula, scientists bake all types of wood in special ovens to determine how fuels burn at different moisture levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Finney is unimpressed by much of the sophisticated technology brought to bear on wildfires as they burn. He said it provides only an illusion of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you are in a position to have to fight these extreme fires, you’ve already lost,” he said. “Don’t let anybody kid you, we do not suppress these fires, we don’t control them. We wait for the weather.”[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mark Finney, research forester, US Forest Service\"]‘Once you are in a position to have to fight these extreme fires, you’ve already lost. Don’t let anybody kid you, we do not suppress these fires, we don’t control them. We wait for the weather.’[/pullquote]The Missoula research group developed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.firelab.org/project/national-fire-danger-rating-system\">National Fire Danger Rating System\u003c/a> in 1972, which is still in place today. Among the fire behavior tools Finney designed is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fs.usda.gov/rmrs/tools/farsite\">FARSITE system\u003c/a>, a simulation of fire growth invaluable to frontline fire bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finney and colleagues are working on a next-generation version of the behavior prediction system, which is now undergoing real-world tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This equation has an awful lot of assumptions in it,” he said. “We’re getting there. Nature is a lot more complicated. There are still a number of mysteries on fire behavior. We don’t have a road map to follow that tells us that this is good enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By far the best use of the predictive tools that he and others have developed is to learn how to \u003cem>avoid \u003c/em>firestarts, he said, by thinning and clearing forests to reduce the threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to tell you that the key to solving these problems is more research. But if we just stopped doing research and just use what we know, we’d be a lot better off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, research about fire behavior races on, driven by the belief that you can’t fight an enemy you don’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955547\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955547 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a black and white checkered, button-up shirt, stands amid mountain and trees in Colorado.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Koontz is a postdoc researcher at University of Colorado Boulder who leads a project focusing on better understanding of California’s megafires to provide fire bosses the best information to fight fires. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://earthlab.colorado.edu/our-team/michael-koontz\">Mike Koontz\u003c/a> is on the front lines of that battle, tucked into a semicircle of supercomputers. Koontz leads a team of researchers in Boulder, Colo., studying a new, volatile and compelling topic: California megafires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We began to see a clear uptick in extreme fire behavior in California since the 2000s,” said Koontz, a postdoctoral researcher with the Earth Lab at University of Colorado Boulder. “We keyed in on fires that moved quickly and blew up over a short period of time.” California is a trove of extreme fires, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koontz is using supercomputers to scrape databases, maps and satellite images and apply the data to an analytical framework of his devising. The team tracks significant fires that grow unexpectedly, and layers in weather conditions, topography, fire spread rates and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What comes out is a rough sketch of the elements driving California’s fires to grow so large. The next hurdle is to get the information quickly into the hands of fire commanders, Koontz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal: if not a new bible for fighting fires, at least an updated playbook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11954879/how-californias-firefighter-union-could-get-guaranteed-raises-forever\">Cal Fire\u003c/a> Battalion Chief Jon Heggie wasn’t expecting much to worry about when a late summer fire erupted north of Santa Cruz, home to California’s moist and cool “asbestos forests.” This place doesn’t burn, he thought, with just three notable fires there in 70 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Heggie’s job was to predict for the crews where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/wildfires\">wildfire\u003c/a> might go and when, working through calculations based on topography, weather and fuels — the “immutable” basics. For fire behavior analysts like Heggie, predictable and familiar are manageable, while weird and unexpected are synonyms for danger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that 2020 fire was anything but predictable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around 3 a.m. on Aug. 16, ominous thunder cells formed over the region. Tens of thousands of lightning strikes rained down, creating a convulsion of fire that became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2020/8/16/czu-lightning-complex-including-warnella-fire/\">CZU Lightning Complex\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By noon there were nearly two dozen fires burning, and not nearly enough people to handle them. Flames were roaring throughout the Coast Range in deep-shaded forests and waist-high ferns in sight of the Pacific Ocean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No one had ever seen anything like it.\u003cem> \u003c/em>The blaze defied predictions and ran unchecked for a month. The fire spread to San Mateo County, burned through 86,000 acres, destroyed almost 1,500 structures and \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/czu-lighting-complex-fire-victim-died-trying-to-flee-flames-6-rescued-while-trying-to-return-to-evacuated-homes/\">killed a fleeing resident\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was astonishing to see that behavior and consumption of heavy fuels,” Heggie said. “Seeing the devastation was mind-boggling. Things were burning outside the norm. I hadn’t seen anything burn that intensely in my 30 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost as troubling was what this fire \u003cem>didn’t\u003c/em> do — it didn’t back off at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would have burning periods increase in the afternoon, and we saw continuous high-intensity burns in the night,” Heggie said. “That’s when we are supposed to make up ground. That didn’t happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Seeing the devastation was mind-boggling. Things were burning outside the norm. I hadn’t seen anything burn that intensely in my 30 years.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That 2020 summer of fires, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/07/california-fires-2020/\">the worst in California history\u003c/a>, recalibrated what veteran firefighters understand about fire behavior: Nothing \u003cem>is\u003c/em> as it \u003cem>was.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Intensified by climate change, especially warmer nights and longer droughts, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-wildfires-explained/\">California’s fires often morph into megafires\u003c/a>, and even gigafires covering more than a million acres. U.S. wildfires have been \u003ca href=\"https://cires.colorado.edu/news/us-fires-four-times-larger-three-times-more-frequent-2000\">four times larger and three times more frequent\u003c/a> since 2000, according to University of Colorado researchers. And other scientists recently predicted that \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2213815120\">up to 52% more California forest acreage\u003c/a> will burn in summertime over the next two decades because of the changing climate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As California now heads into its peak time for wildfires, even with last year’s \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/california-wildfires/2022/12/california-wildfires-2022/\">quiet season\u003c/a> and the end of its three-year drought, the specter of megafires hasn’t receded. Last winter’s record winter rains, rather than tamping down fire threats, have promoted lush growth, which provides more fuel for summer fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire officials warn that this year’s conditions are similar to the summer and fall of 2017 — when a rainy winter was followed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2017\">one of the state’s most destructive fire seasons\u003c/a>, killing 47 people and destroying almost 11,000 structures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955548\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955548 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01.jpg\" alt=\"Pictured in a dark room with two, large LCD screens illuminated with maps displayed on them. Two people are observing the screens with one man pointing up toward the screen on the left.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/111822-USFS-Drone-Program-CM-01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">US Forest Service teams deploy drones to capture photographs and infrared images, which are used to map fires to find areas where flames are still active and where they might spread. \u003ccite>(Andrew Avitt/US Forest Service)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not just the size and power of modern wildfires, but their capricious behavior that has confounded fire veterans — the feints and shifts that bedevil efforts to predict what a fire might do and then devise strategies to stop it. It’s a dangerous calculation: In the literal heat of a fire, choices are consequential. People’s lives and livelihoods are at stake.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire crews now often find themselves outflanked. Responding to larger and more erratic and intense fires requires more personnel and equipment. And staging crews and engines where flames are expected to go have been thrown off-kilter.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We live in this new reality. … We’re enlisting cutting-edge technology in our efforts to fight wildfires, exploring how innovations like artificial intelligence can help us identify threats quicker and deploy resources smarter.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We live in this new reality,” Gov. Gavin Newsom said at a recent Cal Fire event, “where we can’t necessarily attach ourselves to some of the more predictive models of the past because of a world that is getting a lot hotter, a lot drier and a lot more uncertain because of climate change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CalFire has responded by tapping into all the new technology — such as drones, military satellites, infrared images and AI-assisted maps — that can be brought to bear during a fire. Commanders now must consider a broader range of possibilities so they can pivot when the firefront shifts in an unexpected way. The agency also has beefed up its ability to fight nighttime fires with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/what-we-do/fire-protection/aviation-program\">new fleet of Fire Hawk helicopters\u003c/a> equipped to fly in darkness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state has thrown every possible data point at the problem with its year-old \u003ca href=\"https://fireforecast.caloes.ca.gov/\">Wildfire Threat and Intelligence Integration Center\u003c/a>, which pulls information from dozens of federal, state and private sources to create a minute-by-minute picture of conditions conducive to sparking or spreading fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re enlisting cutting-edge technology in our efforts to fight wildfires,” Newsom said, “exploring how innovations like artificial intelligence can help us identify threats quicker and deploy resources smarter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An unforeseen assault on a coastal town\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.fire.ca.gov/incidents/2017/12/4/thomas-fire/\">2017 Thomas Fire\u003c/a> stands as an example of what happens when a massive fire, ignited after a rainy winter, veers and shifts in unexpected ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blaze in coastal Ventura and Santa Barbara counties struck in December when fire season normally quieted down. Fire veterans knew fall and winter fires were tamed by a blanket of moist air and fog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I looked at the maps and we both came to the conclusion that Carpinteria would be fine, don’t worry. Sure enough, that night it burned into Carpinteria and they had to evacuate the town.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We were on day five or six, and the incident commander comes to me and asks, ‘Are we going to have to evacuate Carpinteria tonight?’,” said Cal Fire Assistant Chief Tim Chavez, who was the fire behavior analyst for the Thomas Fire.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>“I looked at the maps and we both came to the conclusion that Carpinteria would be fine, don’t worry. Sure enough, that night it burned into Carpinteria and they had to evacuate the town.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Based on fire and weather data and informed hunches, no one expected the fire to continue advancing overnight. And, as the winds calmed, no one predicted the blaze would move toward the small seaside community of 13,000 south of Santa Barbara. But high temperatures, low humidity and a steep, dry landscape that hadn’t felt flames in more than 30 years drew the Thomas Fire to the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sudden shift put the town in peril. Some 300 residents were evacuated in the middle of the night as the blaze moved into the eastern edge of Carpinteria.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the fire, which was sparked by power lines downed by high winds, \u003ca href=\"https://vcfd.org/news/vcfd-determines-cause-of-the-thomas-fire/\">burned for nearly 40 days\u003c/a>, spread across 281,000 acres, destroyed more than 1,000 homes and other buildings and killed two people, including a firefighter. At the time, it was the \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2017/12/23/us/thomas-fire-california/index.html\">largest wildfire\u003c/a> in California’s modern history; now, just six years later, it ranks at number eight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955543\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955543 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A wildfire rushes toward a mansion in Southern California with two palm trees seen in the home's backyard. The sky is black and the fire glows an ominous, bright orange and red.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/040723-THOMAS-FIRE-AP-JCH-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Thomas Fire threatened homes near the 101 freeway in Ventura on Dec. 5, 2017. \u003ccite>(Jae C. Hong/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The unforeseen assault on Carpenteria was an I-told-you-so from nature, the sort of humbling slap-down that fire behavior analysts in California are experiencing more and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve learned more from being wrong than from being right,” Chavez said. “You cannot do this job and not be surprised by something you see. Even the small fires will surprise you sometimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Warmer nights, drought and lack of fog alter fire behavior\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Scientists say the past 20 years have brought a profound — and perhaps irreversible — \u003ca href=\"https://santamariatimes.com/photos-welcome-to-the-age-of-fire-california-wildfires-explained/collection_539ecbd3-827e-5387-aa14-518705d05980.html#1\">shift in the norms of wildfire behavior\u003c/a> and intensity. Fires burn along the coast even when there are no desert winds to drive them, fires refuse to lay down at night and fires pierced the so-called Redwood Curtain, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/04/big-basin-park-heals-wildfires/\">burning 97% of California’s oldest state park\u003c/a>, Big Basin Redwoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The changes in wildfires are driven by an array of factors: a megadrought from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-022-01290-z\">driest period recorded\u003c/a> in the Western U.S.\u003cem> \u003c/em>in the past 1,200 years, the loss of fog along the California coast, and stubborn nighttime temperatures that propel flames well into the night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"California's nighttime fire conditions have worsened\" aria-label=\"Map\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-jyRUo\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/jyRUo/5/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"662\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher temperatures and longer dry periods are linked to worsening fires in Western forests, with an eightfold increase from 1985 to 2017 in severely burned acreage, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://agupubs.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1029/2020GL089858\">2020 study\u003c/a>. “Warmer and drier fire seasons corresponded with higher severity fire,” the researchers wrote, suggesting that “climate change will contribute to increased fire severity in future decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we are seeing is a dramatic increase in extreme fire behavior,” Heggie said. “When you have a drought lasting 10 years, devastating the landscape, you have dead fuel loading and available fuel for when these fires start. That’s the catalyst for megafire. That’s been the driving force for change in fire behavior.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft wp-image-11955555\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"500\" height=\"1000\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED-160x320.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/Fire-Tornado_6.9.22-SIZED-768x1536.jpg 768w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 500px) 100vw, 500px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 33% of coastal summer fog has vanished since the turn of the century, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnas.org/doi/full/10.1073/pnas.0915062107\">researchers at UC Berkeley\u003c/a>. That blanket of cool, moist air that kept major fires out of coastal areas can no longer be relied upon to safeguard California’s redwood forests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firefighters are losing another ally, too, with the significant increase in overnight temperatures. \u003ca href=\"https://cires.colorado.edu/news/hotter-drier-nights-mean-more-runaway-fires\">Nighttime fires\u003c/a> were about 28% more intense in 2020 than in 2003. And there are more of them — 11 more “flammable nights” every year than 40 years ago, an increase of more than 40%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upshot is that fires are increasingly less likely to “lie down” at night when fire crews could work to get ahead of the flames. The loss of those hours to perform critical suppression work — and the additional nighttime spread — gives California crews less time to catch up with fast-moving blazes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, fire whirls and so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/video/2022/aug/11/firenado-sparked-by-hot-winds-and-wildfires-burns-in-california-video\">firenados\u003c/a> are more common as a feature of erratic fire behavior. The twisting vortex of flames, heat and wind can rise in columns hundreds of feet high and are spun by high winds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Firenados are more than frightening to behold: They spread embers and strew debris for miles and make already dangerous fires all the more risky. One was spotted \u003ca href=\"https://www.desertsun.com/story/news/2022/08/11/brush-fire-sparks-firenado-southern-california/10303678002/\">north of Los Angeles\u003c/a> last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fires are “really changing, and it’s a combination of all kinds of different changes,” said Jennifer Balch, director of the Environmental Data Science Innovation and Inclusion Lab at the University of Colorado Boulder and a longtime fire researcher who tracks trends that drive wildfires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re losing fog. We’re seeing drier conditions longer and later into the season. And so what that means for California right now is, under these record heat waves, we’re also now butting up against the Santa Ana wind conditions,” she said. “I think we’re loading the dice in a certain direction.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fire behaviorist’s routine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Among the many specialists at work are fire behavior analysts, who are responsible for predicting a fire’s daily movements for the incident commander. As a fire rages, Cal Fire analysts get their information in an avalanche of highly technical data, including wind force and direction, temperature and humidity, the shape and height of slopes, the area’s burn history, which fuels are on the ground and, in some cases, how likely they are to burn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gleaned from satellites, drones, planes, remote sensors and computer mapping, the information is spat out in real-time and triaged by the fire behavior analyst, who often uses a computer program to prepare models to predict what the fire is likely to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That information is synthesized and relayed — quickly — to fire bosses. Laptops and hand-held computers are ubiquitous on modern firelines, replacing the time-honored practice of spreading a dog-eared map on the hood of a truck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“On a typical day I would get up at 4:30 or 5,” said Chavez, who has served as a fire behavior analyst for much of his career. “We get an infrared fire map from overnight aircraft, and that tells us where the fire is active. Other planes fly in a grid pattern and we look at those still images.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>I might look at computer models, fire spread models, and the weather forecast. There’s other data that tells you what fuels are in the area. You plug all that in to see where the fire will be 24 hours from now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the fire camp’s 8 a.m. briefing, “You get two minutes to tell people what to watch out for,” he said. Throughout the day, Chavez says he monitors available data and hitches a helicopter ride to view the fire from the air. At another meeting at 5 p.m., he and other officers prepare the next day’s incident action plan. Then he’s back to collating more weather and fire data. The aim is to get to bed before midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955545\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955545 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with blond hair and glasses stands in front of a white board that's covered in handwritten graphs and figures. It appears she's inside a classroom or lab.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-03-CM-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">‘We’re losing fog. We’re seeing drier conditions longer and later into the season … I think we’re loading the dice in a certain direction,’ said Jennifer Balch, director of the Environmental Data Science Innovation and Inclusion Lab at the University of Colorado Boulder. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The importance of the fire behavior analyst’s job is reflected by the sophistication of the tools available: real-time NOAA satellite data, weather information from military flights, radar, computer-generated maps showing a 100-year history of previous burns in the area as well as the current fuel load and its combustibility, airplane and drone surveillance and AI-enabled models of future fire movements. Aircraft flying over fires provide more detail, faster, about what’s inside fire plumes, critical information to fire bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the National Guard is entering the fourth year of an agreement to share non-classified information pulled from military satellites that scan for heat signatures from the boost phase of ballistic missiles. When those heat images are associated with wildfires, the agency’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.nationalguard.mil/News/Article/3223104/fireguard-program-enhances-national-guard-wildfire-fighting/\">FireGuard system\u003c/a> can transmit detailed information to Cal Fire every 15 minutes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meteorologist Craig Clements, director of the Fire Weather Research Laboratory at San Jose State University, has chased fires for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can pull up on a fire, and the radar starts spinning and you’re peering into a plume within four minutes,” Clements said. “It gives us information about the particles inside, the structure of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955546\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955546 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A screenshot of a map of California and then a pop-up screen on top of the map shows coding in various colors.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-04-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">This map was produced by supercomputers at a lab at University of Colorado Boulder that is using metadata to better understand large wildfires and their increasingly erratic behavior. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Fire behavior decisions are not totally reliant on outside data inputs. Seasoned fire commanders remain firmly committed to a reliable indicator: the hair on the back of their necks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fireline experience and hard-earned knowledge still count when formulating tactics. But it’s a measure of how norms have shifted that even institutional knowledge can fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Future of firefighting: AI crunches billions of data points\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the biggest leap is applying artificial intelligence to understand fire behavior. Neil Sahota, an AI adviser to the United Nations and a lecturer at UC Irvine, is developing systems to train a computer to review reams of data and come to a predictive conclusion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is not to replace fire behavior analysts and jettison their decades of fireline experience, Sahota said, but to augment their work — and, mostly, to move much faster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can crunch billions of different data points in near real-time, in seconds,” he said. “The challenge is, what’s the right data? We may think there are seven variables that go into a wildfire, for example. AI may come back saying there are thousands.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In order for their information to be useful, computers have to be taught: What’s the difference between a Boy Scout campfire and a wildfire? How to distinguish between an arsonist starting a fire and a firefighter setting a backfire with a drip torch?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the dizzying speed at which devices have been employed on the modern fireline, most fire behavior computer models are still based on algorithms devised by Mark Finney, a revered figure in the field of fire science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Working from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.firelab.org/\">Missoula Fire Sciences Laboratory\u003c/a> in Montana, Finney has studied fire behavior through observation and, especially, by starting all manner of fires in combustion chambers and in the field. In another lab in Missoula, scientists bake all types of wood in special ovens to determine how fuels burn at different moisture levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Finney is unimpressed by much of the sophisticated technology brought to bear on wildfires as they burn. He said it provides only an illusion of control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you are in a position to have to fight these extreme fires, you’ve already lost,” he said. “Don’t let anybody kid you, we do not suppress these fires, we don’t control them. We wait for the weather.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘Once you are in a position to have to fight these extreme fires, you’ve already lost. Don’t let anybody kid you, we do not suppress these fires, we don’t control them. We wait for the weather.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Missoula research group developed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.firelab.org/project/national-fire-danger-rating-system\">National Fire Danger Rating System\u003c/a> in 1972, which is still in place today. Among the fire behavior tools Finney designed is the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fs.usda.gov/rmrs/tools/farsite\">FARSITE system\u003c/a>, a simulation of fire growth invaluable to frontline fire bosses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finney and colleagues are working on a next-generation version of the behavior prediction system, which is now undergoing real-world tests.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This equation has an awful lot of assumptions in it,” he said. “We’re getting there. Nature is a lot more complicated. There are still a number of mysteries on fire behavior. We don’t have a road map to follow that tells us that this is good enough.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By far the best use of the predictive tools that he and others have developed is to learn how to \u003cem>avoid \u003c/em>firestarts, he said, by thinning and clearing forests to reduce the threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would love to tell you that the key to solving these problems is more research. But if we just stopped doing research and just use what we know, we’d be a lot better off.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, research about fire behavior races on, driven by the belief that you can’t fight an enemy you don’t understand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955547\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11955547 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a black and white checkered, button-up shirt, stands amid mountain and trees in Colorado.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/090822-COLORADO-WILDFIRE-BEHAVIOR-AO-CM-79-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mike Koontz is a postdoc researcher at University of Colorado Boulder who leads a project focusing on better understanding of California’s megafires to provide fire bosses the best information to fight fires. \u003ccite>(Aaron Ontivaeroz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://earthlab.colorado.edu/our-team/michael-koontz\">Mike Koontz\u003c/a> is on the front lines of that battle, tucked into a semicircle of supercomputers. Koontz leads a team of researchers in Boulder, Colo., studying a new, volatile and compelling topic: California megafires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We began to see a clear uptick in extreme fire behavior in California since the 2000s,” said Koontz, a postdoctoral researcher with the Earth Lab at University of Colorado Boulder. “We keyed in on fires that moved quickly and blew up over a short period of time.” California is a trove of extreme fires, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Koontz is using supercomputers to scrape databases, maps and satellite images and apply the data to an analytical framework of his devising. The team tracks significant fires that grow unexpectedly, and layers in weather conditions, topography, fire spread rates and other factors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What comes out is a rough sketch of the elements driving California’s fires to grow so large. The next hurdle is to get the information quickly into the hands of fire commanders, Koontz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The goal: if not a new bible for fighting fires, at least an updated playbook.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Arturo Villanueva, Oxnard farmworker\"]‘So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented. We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”[aside postID=news_11946661 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_277_SafetyNet-1020x680.jpg']Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lucas Zucker, co-executive director, CAUSE\"]‘Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants.’[/pullquote]California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Bill Essayli (R-Bakersfield)\"]‘We have to prioritize. If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.’[/pullquote]In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Driving a tractor for his job in the Oxnard lettuce fields doesn’t make Arturo Villanueva rich, but it’s usually been enough to make rent and support his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farm labor is the only thing the 37-year-old father of five says he knows how to do well. When months of rain flooded the fields and made most of his usual work in February and March impossible, he struggled to earn enough to cover rent and allow his family “to live well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His family cut back on the amount and type of food they purchased. They rarely left the house, to save money on gas. They tried to buy only what they absolutely needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months later, Villanueva still isn’t working his usual hours because rainy weather delayed planting some crops by at least two months. California set aside \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">$95 million\u003c/a> in \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/inforesources/cdss-programs/immigration-services/immigrant-storm-services\">state funds\u003c/a> to help people like him \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/05/california-flooding-fund/\">who lost work\u003c/a> or experienced hardships due to storms and floods, but Villanueva told CalMatters in June he didn’t know how to access it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented,” he said in Spanish. “We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers — and not just those working in the fields.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villanueva can’t receive unemployment insurance because he’s undocumented — one of about \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/immigrants-in-california/\">2.3 million Californians\u003c/a> whose immigration status bars them from receiving a variety of social safety net benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His predicament illustrates the gaps that remain in California’s safety net for undocumented immigrants despite a two-decade-long expansion of social and health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘So many of us who work in the fields are undocumented. We who are the most affected receive the least. I would like there to be support for the undocumented workers.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a major reversal since the 1990s, California has opened up government programs to undocumented residents more than any other state — issuing driver’s licenses, college scholarships, low-income tax credits, direct cash aid during the pandemic and now Medi-Cal health coverage. In 2025 California will be the first state to issue food stamps to undocumented immigrants, allowing those 55 and older to qualify.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But budget realities are putting the brakes on other expansions that advocates want like a $330 million proposal to offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lucas Zucker, co-executive director of the \u003ca href=\"https://causenow.org/\">Central Coast nonprofit CAUSE\u003c/a>, which advocates for working class and immigrant workers\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said it can be a difficult hurdle to extend benefits because some Americans view immigrants primarily as a source of labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Providing someone a social safety net when they’re not able to work is almost counterintuitive to this racist and kind of exploitative way that we’ve been viewing immigrants in this country,” Zucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955364\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955364\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg\" alt=\"A man in a blue T-shirt walks through rows of lettuce crops in a field in Oxnard, California. The sky is gray above and farm equipment is seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Arturo Villanueva, 37, a tractor driver, walks through a lettuce field in Oxnard on July 2, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie Leopo-Bermudez/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California has worked around limits in federal law that bar many immigrants — those with and without legal status — from social programs. That has meant building its own, state-funded programs during years of flush budget surpluses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this year, lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom had to plug a $31.5 billion deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has backed several program expansions including public health coverage for immigrants, which will total $2.6 billion annually. But he has said he wants to avoid cutting services in deficit years, so he \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/12/california-budget-deficit-safety-net/\">won’t commit\u003c/a> to further expanding programs unless the state has funds to sustain them long-term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposal for an unemployment program for workers like Villanueva failed to gain funding in the state budget for the second year in a row. \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">A bill\u003c/a> to create the program at a cost of $330 million a year — not counting implementation costs — has passed the Senate and awaits a hearing in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Newsom vetoed a similar measure last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Governor will weigh the merits of any bill that eventually reaches his desk,” Daniel Lopez, a spokesperson for Newsom, said in an email. “The state will continue to be a leader and uphold the dignity and respect of everyone who calls California home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics argue further expanding services to undocumented immigrants is financially unsustainable for the state.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember Bill Essayli, a Riverside Republican, opposes the unemployment proposal, saying the state should instead spend its funds paying off the existing unemployment system’s $20 billion loan from the federal government, to avoid raising payroll taxes on businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to prioritize,” he said. “If you really care about getting people out of poverty, you’d help ease the burden on businesses so they can hire people and pay them living wages.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, to advocates, some proposals are popular enough with the Democratic supermajority to seem inevitable. Nourish California, a food policy advocacy group, is pushing the state to open its food stamps program to all low-income undocumented immigrants, regardless of age, said Betzabel Estudillo, director of engagement at Nourish California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature has been very supportive and so has the governor,” she said. “The question is about when.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s 1.1 million undocumented workers \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">make up 6%\u003c/a> of its labor force, according to UC Merced’s Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2019, undocumented immigrants paid an estimated $3.7 billion in state and local taxes, \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/about\">according to\u003c/a> USC’s California Immigrant Data Portal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, like the rest of the population, immigrant workers are aging, so they’ll increasingly need retirement support and health care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a report this year UC Merced estimated 165,000 of \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/a_golden_age.pdf\">California’s undocumented workers\u003c/a> were older than 55 in 2019, the highest “since Mexican mass migration began in the 1970s.” Undocumented immigrants also make up \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">the largest share\u003c/a> of Californians without health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leisy Abrego, chair of Chicana/o Studies at UCLA, said California has shown it can do more to help immigrants\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>in the absence of federal immigration policy reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s an economic need for immigrant labor, and California, they realize that that need is being met,” Abrego said. “And advocates are wanting to treat those people meeting those needs as human beings who also need health care, who also need educational opportunities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California’s road to inclusion\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Before she qualified for full Medi-Cal coverage in 2022, Oliva Huerta had learned to live with little or sporadic medical care for a host of illnesses, including anxiety and pain linked to diabetes, high blood pressure and a cancer battle in the 1990s. Medi-Cal was paying for emergency care only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 61, she’s unable to do much besides care for her four grandkids while their parents work in Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when staff at \u003ca href=\"https://locator.lacounty.gov/dcfs/Location/3173568/maternal-and-child-health-access\">Maternal and Child Health Access\u003c/a>, a health nonprofit in Los Angeles, helped Huerta switch her emergency coverage to full coverage, she noticed an immediate difference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She was able to select a primary care doctor at the clinic where she usually went for specialist care. She could see a doctor for non-emergency care much quicker. Recently she scheduled a mammogram and consulted with a urologist in a virtual appointment.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It can be hard for undocumented people,” Huerta said in Spanish. “I imagine a lot of other people are benefitting like we are.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medi-Cal began covering undocumented children in 2018 and adults up to age 26 in 2020. Last May, older undocumented immigrants like Huerta became eligible. She is \u003ca href=\"https://data.chhs.ca.gov/dataset/eligible-older-adult-expansion-individuals-enrolled-in-medi-cal/resource/7271b885-7340-49e2-ba56-5435b698a972\">one of nearly 350,000\u003c/a>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>who have signed up for full, state-funded coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955365\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg\" alt=\"A woman with a relaxed expression poses with her hands clasped in front of her beside some large plants.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersFarmworkers03-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Oliva Huerta, outside the Maternal and Child Health Access office in Los Angeles on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Next January coverage will open to low-income immigrants of all ages; an estimated 700,000 will be eligible. The full-fledged expansion will cost $2.6 billion a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It marks a significant turnaround from the policy debates of 1994 when California voters passed a measure barring immigrants without legal status from public services such as non-emergency health care, elementary and secondary schools and public colleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure drew mass protests, but passed with 59% of the vote. A federal judge ultimately blocked it from taking effect on constitutional grounds. But activists saw xenophobic sentiments that galvanized them to rally around immigrants’ rights. Abrego said many Latino advocates and politicians today \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2019/11/looking-back-on-proposition-187-the-initiative-that-transformed-california-politics/\">remain fueled\u003c/a> by opposition to the policies of the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2001, California became one of the first states to make undocumented students eligible for in-state tuition at public colleges, if they’d graduated from high school in-state. Ten years later, it allowed undocumented students to get state financial aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2013, California allowed undocumented residents to get driver’s licenses. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/01/drivers-licenses-undocumented-immigrants/\">More than 1 million\u003c/a> have received them since 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, the state \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/09/18/governor-newsom-signs-bill-putting-money-back-into-the-pockets-of-more-california-workers-and-their-families/#:~:text=SACRAMENTO%20%E2%80%93%20Governor%20Gavin%20Newsom%20today,Child%20Tax%20Credit%20(YCTC).\">allowed\u003c/a> undocumented tax filers to receive the state’s earned income tax credit, returning thousands of dollars to low-income families each year. That year Californians \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/about-ftb/data-reports-plans/California-Earned-Income-Tax-Credit-and-Young-Child-Tax-credit-Report.pdf\">claimed $120 million more\u003c/a> in tax credits than the year before, according to the Franchise Tax Board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Policymakers continue to make new proposals for immigrants living without legal status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1536\">introduced this year\u003c/a> would give undocumented residents access to the Cash Assistance Program for Immigrants, a state-funded\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>benefit created for elderly and disabled residents who don’t qualify for Social Security because federal law bars most noncitizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB4\">Another bill\u003c/a> aims to let undocumented residents who earn too much to qualify for Medi-Cal get subsidized health insurance in the Covered California marketplace\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>That move would require federal approval.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Immigrant poverty\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Poverty plunged in California from 16.4% in 2019 to nearly 12% in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/11/child-tax-credit/\">thanks to such pandemic aid programs\u003c/a> as expanded child tax credits and food and cash assistance, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/poverty-in-california/\">according to\u003c/a> the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But undocumented immigrants were much harder hit. While 16% of immigrant Californians lived in poverty in 2021, 25% of undocumented immigrants did.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1876285921003752#:~:text=Children%20in%20immigrant%20families%20are%20becoming%20a%20larger%20share%20of,of%20all%20children%20in%20poverty.&text=The%20vast%20majority%20of%20children,91%25)%20are%20US%20citizens.\">disparities extend\u003c/a> to immigrants’ children — many of whom are U.S.-born. Thirteen percent of children in immigrant families live in poverty in California, which is double the rate for children of parents who are U.S. citizens, according to Patricia Malagon, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A March analysis by the Public Policy Institute predicts that fully expanding Medi-Cal next year could \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/the-impact-of-health-insurance-on-poverty-in-california/\">lower poverty\u003c/a> among non-citizen Californians by up to 3%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The programs that reduce poverty the most are tax credits and CalFresh — the state’s food stamps program, said Paulette Cha, a Public Policy Institute researcher.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>California already uses its own funds to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">pay for food assistance\u003c/a> for about 35,000 legally present immigrants — primarily recent green card holders — who are barred from the traditional food stamps program by federal law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Undocumented immigrants who are 55 and older \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/06/california-food-assistance/\">will qualify\u003c/a> in October 2025; administration officials said they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/05/california-budget-deficit-newsom/\">need time\u003c/a> to make computer system upgrades before enrolling new recipients. At its peak, the state estimates 75,000 older immigrants will get food assistance at a cost of $113 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Unemployment benefits battle\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Advocates want California officials to commit to food stamps for undocumented immigrants of all ages. And they’re disappointed at the lack of action on unemployment benefits. Colorado and New York have started programs to pay jobless benefits to undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers passed a bill last year to start a pilot program that would pay unemployment benefits to workers who are ineligible because of immigration status, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Newsom vetoed\u003c/a> it, citing costs amid signs of a deficit. This spring hundreds of activists and workers marched on the Capitol to demand the benefits, pointing to those who lost work in both the pandemic and this year’s floods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill this year would give undocumented workers who lose work $300 in weekly benefits for up to 20 weeks, the maximum time allowed in the traditional unemployment program. Aside from the cost of benefits, the Economic Development Department estimates it would need at least $271 million to implement the program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In May, after Newsom presented a bigger deficit than previously predicted, advocates pared down their proposal to instead seek a working group to study the issue. Still, that failed to make it into the budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates with the Safety Net For All Coalition said they hoped lawmakers could still reach a deal to fund the working group during this\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That leaves relief still unavailable for California farmworkers — over half of whom are undocumented — still recovering from the winter floods, and the pandemic before them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jorge Ruiz, a Santa Maria area farmworker, is one of them. Usually, he works year-round, rotating between labor-intensive crops like lettuce, broccoli, grapes and other vegetables. Beginning in December, months of heavy rain cost him $3,000 to $4,000 in lost wages, he said. Plus his family is still recovering from the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Simply put, the government has tossed us aside,” Ruiz said in Spanish. “Even though we use all of our strength to get those products to the store, the government leaves us behind and doesn’t help us. So we are left without money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers have been busy over the last decade trying to make it easier to build homes across a housing-strapped state. But there’s an 840-mile-long exception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an undulating band that generally runs 1,000 yards from the shoreline, the 12 members of the California Coastal Commission have the final say over what gets built, where and how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters empowered the commission to protect the state’s iconic beaches in 1972, responding to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/28/688219307/how-californias-worst-oil-spill-turned-beaches-black-and-the-nation-green\">crisis of despoiled seas\u003c/a> and the prospect of the Miami-fication of the California coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But five decades later, the state faces a different crisis as millions of Californians struggle to find an affordable place to call home. Now, a growing number of legislators and housing advocates are trying to wrest away some of the commission’s power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">fast-track apartment development\u003c/a> in parts of the state that haven’t met their state-set housing goals, exempting them from lengthy public hearings and environmental legal challenges. The coast is no exception, effectively cutting the Coastal Commission out of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commission members, staff and environmental advocates say the bill may be the most direct assault yet at the agency’s voter-backed mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you start exempting classes of development from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/coastact.pdf\">Coastal Act (PDF)\u003c/a> there will be no shutting that barn door,” said Sarah Christie, a lobbyist for the commission. “You’re going to lose some of the best things about California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as rising seas threaten to bring down bluffs and flood beachfront neighborhoods, coastal advocates argue that carefully considered development is more important than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies reject the argument that the commission is the only thing standing in the way of a development free-for-all, since current zoning rules and environmental protection laws would still apply. Ending what has become the regular practice of exempting the coast from California’s most aggressive pro-housing development laws is also fair, they argue. California’s beachfront happens to be home to some of the state’s richest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coastal zone is much whiter and wealthier than the rest of the state,” Wiener noted at a recent Assembly committee hearing. “The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1674113439395090432\">exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me\u003c/a>.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"State Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco)\"]‘The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me.’[/pullquote]Wiener said he plans to introduce tweaks to the bill before its next hearing on July 10 in an effort to “compromise” with the commission. But the two sides remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between the state’s aggressive housing goals and its longstanding commitment to coastal preservation is particularly acute in Southern California, where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-07/housing-building-density-zoning-coastal-inland-empire-southern-california-scag\">latest round of state housing goals\u003c/a> shifted the bulk of the region’s planned growth from inland communities — the traditional, sprawling outlets for pent-up housing demand — to coastal ones. That includes cities like Santa Monica, Malibu, Los Angeles, Encinitas and San Diego, all of which fall at least in part, if not entirely, within the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have the Coastal Commission, with their ‘less is more’ mindset saying, ‘no, you can’t build here’ … how are cities even supposed to attempt to achieve meeting that (housing) goal?” said Elizabeth Hansburg, executive director of People For Housing, a pro-housing advocacy group in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Pederson, who served as chief counsel for the commission before retiring in 2018, said it’s possible for the state to build up the coast while maintaining “really strong protections” in undeveloped coastal land and for delicate ecosystems. In fact, he said, if the alternative to building in dense coastal cities is encouraging car-oriented sprawl in the exurbs, the two goals may necessarily go hand in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From an environmental perspective, from a climate policy perspective, from a housing perspective and from a transportation perspective, I think it makes a lot of sense to encourage more multifamily housing in the coastal zone,” said Pederson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the Coastal Commission hold the line?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first time the Legislature has taken a crack at the Coastal Commission’s authority. It’s not even the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Assemblymember David Alvarez, a Democrat, introduced a bill in February that would encourage developers to set aside units for lower income residents by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1287\">allowing them to build higher and denser projects\u003c/a>. The bill builds on past “density bonus” policies that have made their way through the Legislature. But unlike its predecessors — and unlike some of the most significant housing bills in recent years, including one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/duplex-housing-resistance/\">allows the construction of duplexes in areas zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a> across the state — Alvarez’s bill explicitly went out of its way to include the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in April, the bill reached the Assembly Natural Resources Committee and a coastal exception was added back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair Luz Rivas of Arleta, and other Democrats including Gail Pellerin of Santa Cruz and Dawn Addis of San Luis Obispo, made clear at the hearing that overriding the commission was a no-go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez accepted the change rather than see his bill die. But he was visibly frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard a statement that coastal access is important and that people should have the opportunity to visit the coast,” he said, referring to one of the commission’s key mandates to keep California beaches open to the public. “People should also have the opportunity to live on the coast, not just visit the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The ocean is coming’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far Wiener’s bill has not met the same fate, though it goes before the same committee later this month. His bill also, arguably, represents a bigger challenge to the commission’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://cahcd.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=29fd695819064f38afee6c9880c30ae3\">most of the state’s cities and counties\u003c/a>, proposed multiplexes and apartment projects are allowed to skirt lengthy public approval processes. Instead they get automatic approval as long as they check the right boxes — among them, offering a certain share of units at below-market rents or prices and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/california-housing-development/\">abiding by stricter labor standards\u003c/a>.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11952870,news_11943154,news_11929505\"]But the Coastal Commission doesn’t \u003cem>do\u003c/em> box checking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along much of the coast, the commission has to approve city growth and zoning plans. In neighborhoods especially close to the water, foes of proposed developments can appeal directly to the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in cities that haven’t come up with their own coastal protection plans, which \u003ca href=\"https://documents.coastal.ca.gov/assets/rflg/LCPStatusSummaryChart_October%202020.pdf\">includes about a quarter of coastal cities (PDF)\u003c/a> including Los Angeles, the Coastal Commission enforces the law alone, armed only with the Coastal Act. And the act itself is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=PRC&division=20.&title=&part=&chapter=3.&article=1.\">fairly light on specifics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s for good reason, said Christie, the commission lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ensuring that a proposed development is built “far enough away from an eroding bluff that it’s not going to fall into the ocean in 20 years, there is no objective standard that can speak to that complexity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change and rising sea levels add yet another level of complexity and another reason not to rush development, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last thing that California should be doing is concentrating more new development in these hazardous flood-prone areas,” she said. “It’s going to be a managed retreat or an unmanaged retreat because the ocean is coming and nature bats last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That view is shared by all 12 members of the commission, who are appointed by the governor or the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a lot of time and effort in evaluating each and every project that comes before us,” said Commissioner Dayna Bochco during a June 7 hearing. “You can’t just make a mathematical formula as to what works in any given project on the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/caste-discrimination-bill/#wm-story-2\">voted unanimously to oppose Wiener’s bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Must fit plans for California coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill does include its own set of checks on which projects get the red-carpet treatment and which get closer review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to receive the fast-tracked approval process, the land in question already has to be zoned by local governments for housing. A proposed building has to have pre-existing “urban” development on at least three of its four sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to estimates put together by California YIMBY, a pro-housing development organization that supports the bill, of the nearly 1.5 million acres within the coastal zone, the bill would allow for streamlined development on just 277,160 acres. The vast majority of the land — wetlands, floodplains, beaches and river channels — either are explicitly exempted from the bill or aren’t zoned for housing by locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955110\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie speaks into a handheld microphone in front of a building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks during a protest in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Approximately 85% of the Coastal Zone is already excluded from the bill. The remaining 15% are existing urbanized, developed communities,” Wiener said in a written statement. He added that the state “can’t afford to continue excluding these areas if we are to meet our climate goals — the lack of housing in coastal zones these exclusions produce already means coastal workers have to drive 10% more on average than their inland counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies also reject the idea that proper planning for rising oceans requires detailed, site-by-site analysis. The senator’s office pointed to voluntary planning guidelines produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayadapt.org/\">San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oneshoreline.org/\">San Mateo County Flood Control District\u003c/a>. The San Mateo County planning document builds on \u003ca href=\"https://webapps.usgs.gov/infrm/estbfe/\">nationwide flood risk mapping\u003c/a> from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though his office has yet to provide details, Wiener said his proposed compromise language to the Coastal Commission includes preserving the current discretionary review process for the most at-risk slivers of the coast and adding specific “objective development standards” around rising sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that anyone can say with certainty how much shore the sea is likely to swallow across the entire coast in the coming decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody admits that it’s not a hard science, it’s probabilities,” said Joseph Smith, a land-use consultant for \u003ca href=\"https://www.californiacoastalworks.com/\">California Coastal Works\u003c/a> who advises developers and governments navigating the Coastal Act. “But if it is absolutely important to get housing into the coastal zone, then yes, you could pick a number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a California coast for all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The commission and its defenders say pro-housing advocates and legislators are picking on the wrong enemy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first decade of its life, the Coastal Commission was empowered to make the construction of affordable housing a condition of its approval of residential projects. In 1981, the Legislature took that power away over the commission’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revoking that power will “make sure that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/GroteCoastalCommissionTestimony.pdf\">ability to live near the coast is reserved for the wealthy\u003c/a>,” then-Chairman Lenard Grote warned at a legislative hearing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Jordan, founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-lopez-kitchen-20160809-snap-story.html\">nonprofit California Coastal Protection Network\u003c/a>, is a familiar face at the state’s public hearings, where she regularly challenges oceanside projects for violations of the Coastal Act. A recent win: the Poseidon Water \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-desalination-plant-coastal-commission/\">desalination project in Huntington Beach\u003c/a>, which the Coastal Commission rejected last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature ‘broke’ it and now it needs to ‘fix’ it,” Jordan said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s supporters regularly stress that it has never rejected a proposed affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many developers — including those who build deed-restricted units for lower-income residents — the possibility of years of delay with no certain outcome has created a “chilling effect,” said Jeannette Temple, a San Diego land use consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an affordable housing developer, you’re already operating on the margins, so most of the time my clients, and people my clients know, don’t even look in the coastal zone,” she said. “In my opinion it’s just another kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">redlining\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The California Coastal Commission has broad authority to protect the state's shoreline. Now, some want to curtail its power over affordable housing proposals.",
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"title": "Why California's Affordable Housing Crisis Threatens Its Powerful Coastal Commission | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers have been busy over the last decade trying to make it easier to build homes across a housing-strapped state. But there’s an 840-mile-long exception.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an undulating band that generally runs 1,000 yards from the shoreline, the 12 members of the California Coastal Commission have the final say over what gets built, where and how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters empowered the commission to protect the state’s iconic beaches in 1972, responding to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/01/28/688219307/how-californias-worst-oil-spill-turned-beaches-black-and-the-nation-green\">crisis of despoiled seas\u003c/a> and the prospect of the Miami-fication of the California coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But five decades later, the state faces a different crisis as millions of Californians struggle to find an affordable place to call home. Now, a growing number of legislators and housing advocates are trying to wrest away some of the commission’s power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legislation by San Francisco Democratic Sen. Scott Wiener would \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-housing-law-union-dispute-2/\">fast-track apartment development\u003c/a> in parts of the state that haven’t met their state-set housing goals, exempting them from lengthy public hearings and environmental legal challenges. The coast is no exception, effectively cutting the Coastal Commission out of the process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commission members, staff and environmental advocates say the bill may be the most direct assault yet at the agency’s voter-backed mandate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Once you start exempting classes of development from the \u003ca href=\"https://www.coastal.ca.gov/coastact.pdf\">Coastal Act (PDF)\u003c/a> there will be no shutting that barn door,” said Sarah Christie, a lobbyist for the commission. “You’re going to lose some of the best things about California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And as rising seas threaten to bring down bluffs and flood beachfront neighborhoods, coastal advocates argue that carefully considered development is more important than ever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies reject the argument that the commission is the only thing standing in the way of a development free-for-all, since current zoning rules and environmental protection laws would still apply. Ending what has become the regular practice of exempting the coast from California’s most aggressive pro-housing development laws is also fair, they argue. California’s beachfront happens to be home to some of the state’s richest residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The coastal zone is much whiter and wealthier than the rest of the state,” Wiener noted at a recent Assembly committee hearing. “The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/FromBenC/status/1674113439395090432\">exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The idea we would be applying state housing law inland … while we literally exempt whiter, wealthier coastal communities is offensive to me.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Wiener said he plans to introduce tweaks to the bill before its next hearing on July 10 in an effort to “compromise” with the commission. But the two sides remain far apart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tension between the state’s aggressive housing goals and its longstanding commitment to coastal preservation is particularly acute in Southern California, where the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2019-11-07/housing-building-density-zoning-coastal-inland-empire-southern-california-scag\">latest round of state housing goals\u003c/a> shifted the bulk of the region’s planned growth from inland communities — the traditional, sprawling outlets for pent-up housing demand — to coastal ones. That includes cities like Santa Monica, Malibu, Los Angeles, Encinitas and San Diego, all of which fall at least in part, if not entirely, within the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you have the Coastal Commission, with their ‘less is more’ mindset saying, ‘no, you can’t build here’ … how are cities even supposed to attempt to achieve meeting that (housing) goal?” said Elizabeth Hansburg, executive director of People For Housing, a pro-housing advocacy group in Orange County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christopher Pederson, who served as chief counsel for the commission before retiring in 2018, said it’s possible for the state to build up the coast while maintaining “really strong protections” in undeveloped coastal land and for delicate ecosystems. In fact, he said, if the alternative to building in dense coastal cities is encouraging car-oriented sprawl in the exurbs, the two goals may necessarily go hand in hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From an environmental perspective, from a climate policy perspective, from a housing perspective and from a transportation perspective, I think it makes a lot of sense to encourage more multifamily housing in the coastal zone,” said Pederson.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will the Coastal Commission hold the line?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This isn’t the first time the Legislature has taken a crack at the Coastal Commission’s authority. It’s not even the first time this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego Assemblymember David Alvarez, a Democrat, introduced a bill in February that would encourage developers to set aside units for lower income residents by \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1287\">allowing them to build higher and denser projects\u003c/a>. The bill builds on past “density bonus” policies that have made their way through the Legislature. But unlike its predecessors — and unlike some of the most significant housing bills in recent years, including one that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2022/04/duplex-housing-resistance/\">allows the construction of duplexes in areas zoned for single-family homes\u003c/a> across the state — Alvarez’s bill explicitly went out of its way to include the coastal zone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, in April, the bill reached the Assembly Natural Resources Committee and a coastal exception was added back in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chair Luz Rivas of Arleta, and other Democrats including Gail Pellerin of Santa Cruz and Dawn Addis of San Luis Obispo, made clear at the hearing that overriding the commission was a no-go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez accepted the change rather than see his bill die. But he was visibly frustrated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I heard a statement that coastal access is important and that people should have the opportunity to visit the coast,” he said, referring to one of the commission’s key mandates to keep California beaches open to the public. “People should also have the opportunity to live on the coast, not just visit the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘The ocean is coming’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>So far Wiener’s bill has not met the same fate, though it goes before the same committee later this month. His bill also, arguably, represents a bigger challenge to the commission’s authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In \u003ca href=\"https://cahcd.maps.arcgis.com/apps/webappviewer/index.html?id=29fd695819064f38afee6c9880c30ae3\">most of the state’s cities and counties\u003c/a>, proposed multiplexes and apartment projects are allowed to skirt lengthy public approval processes. Instead they get automatic approval as long as they check the right boxes — among them, offering a certain share of units at below-market rents or prices and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/05/california-housing-development/\">abiding by stricter labor standards\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the Coastal Commission doesn’t \u003cem>do\u003c/em> box checking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along much of the coast, the commission has to approve city growth and zoning plans. In neighborhoods especially close to the water, foes of proposed developments can appeal directly to the commission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in cities that haven’t come up with their own coastal protection plans, which \u003ca href=\"https://documents.coastal.ca.gov/assets/rflg/LCPStatusSummaryChart_October%202020.pdf\">includes about a quarter of coastal cities (PDF)\u003c/a> including Los Angeles, the Coastal Commission enforces the law alone, armed only with the Coastal Act. And the act itself is \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/codes_displayText.xhtml?lawCode=PRC&division=20.&title=&part=&chapter=3.&article=1.\">fairly light on specifics\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s for good reason, said Christie, the commission lobbyist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ensuring that a proposed development is built “far enough away from an eroding bluff that it’s not going to fall into the ocean in 20 years, there is no objective standard that can speak to that complexity,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Climate change and rising sea levels add yet another level of complexity and another reason not to rush development, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The last thing that California should be doing is concentrating more new development in these hazardous flood-prone areas,” she said. “It’s going to be a managed retreat or an unmanaged retreat because the ocean is coming and nature bats last.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That view is shared by all 12 members of the commission, who are appointed by the governor or the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We take a lot of time and effort in evaluating each and every project that comes before us,” said Commissioner Dayna Bochco during a June 7 hearing. “You can’t just make a mathematical formula as to what works in any given project on the coast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/caste-discrimination-bill/#wm-story-2\">voted unanimously to oppose Wiener’s bill\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Must fit plans for California coast\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The bill does include its own set of checks on which projects get the red-carpet treatment and which get closer review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to receive the fast-tracked approval process, the land in question already has to be zoned by local governments for housing. A proposed building has to have pre-existing “urban” development on at least three of its four sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to estimates put together by California YIMBY, a pro-housing development organization that supports the bill, of the nearly 1.5 million acres within the coastal zone, the bill would allow for streamlined development on just 277,160 acres. The vast majority of the land — wetlands, floodplains, beaches and river channels — either are explicitly exempted from the bill or aren’t zoned for housing by locals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955110\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955110\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white man in a suit and tie speaks into a handheld microphone in front of a building.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1278\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/RS53926_032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022-qut-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks during a protest in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Approximately 85% of the Coastal Zone is already excluded from the bill. The remaining 15% are existing urbanized, developed communities,” Wiener said in a written statement. He added that the state “can’t afford to continue excluding these areas if we are to meet our climate goals — the lack of housing in coastal zones these exclusions produce already means coastal workers have to drive 10% more on average than their inland counterparts.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wiener and his allies also reject the idea that proper planning for rising oceans requires detailed, site-by-site analysis. The senator’s office pointed to voluntary planning guidelines produced by the \u003ca href=\"https://www.bayadapt.org/\">San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://oneshoreline.org/\">San Mateo County Flood Control District\u003c/a>. The San Mateo County planning document builds on \u003ca href=\"https://webapps.usgs.gov/infrm/estbfe/\">nationwide flood risk mapping\u003c/a> from the Federal Emergency Management Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though his office has yet to provide details, Wiener said his proposed compromise language to the Coastal Commission includes preserving the current discretionary review process for the most at-risk slivers of the coast and adding specific “objective development standards” around rising sea levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not that anyone can say with certainty how much shore the sea is likely to swallow across the entire coast in the coming decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody admits that it’s not a hard science, it’s probabilities,” said Joseph Smith, a land-use consultant for \u003ca href=\"https://www.californiacoastalworks.com/\">California Coastal Works\u003c/a> who advises developers and governments navigating the Coastal Act. “But if it is absolutely important to get housing into the coastal zone, then yes, you could pick a number.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Building a California coast for all\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The commission and its defenders say pro-housing advocates and legislators are picking on the wrong enemy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first decade of its life, the Coastal Commission was empowered to make the construction of affordable housing a condition of its approval of residential projects. In 1981, the Legislature took that power away over the commission’s objections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revoking that power will “make sure that the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/07/GroteCoastalCommissionTestimony.pdf\">ability to live near the coast is reserved for the wealthy\u003c/a>,” then-Chairman Lenard Grote warned at a legislative hearing at the time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Jordan, founder of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-lopez-kitchen-20160809-snap-story.html\">nonprofit California Coastal Protection Network\u003c/a>, is a familiar face at the state’s public hearings, where she regularly challenges oceanside projects for violations of the Coastal Act. A recent win: the Poseidon Water \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2022/05/california-desalination-plant-coastal-commission/\">desalination project in Huntington Beach\u003c/a>, which the Coastal Commission rejected last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Legislature ‘broke’ it and now it needs to ‘fix’ it,” Jordan said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commission’s supporters regularly stress that it has never rejected a proposed affordable housing project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for many developers — including those who build deed-restricted units for lower-income residents — the possibility of years of delay with no certain outcome has created a “chilling effect,” said Jeannette Temple, a San Diego land use consultant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an affordable housing developer, you’re already operating on the margins, so most of the time my clients, and people my clients know, don’t even look in the coastal zone,” she said. “In my opinion it’s just another kind of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2016/10/19/498536077/interactive-redlining-map-zooms-in-on-americas-history-of-discrimination\">redlining\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's Caste Discrimination Bill Now Moves to Full Assembly Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>An effort to ban \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">caste discrimination in California\u003c/a> survived in committee Wednesday, July 5, despite months of opposition organized by groups that alleged the bill would unfairly target South Asians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a>, authored by Fremont Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, would add caste — a centuries-old social hierarchy system that has historically determined what jobs or education people can attain — to the list of protected classes in the state’s civil rights, employment and housing laws, alongside race, gender and sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would be the first law of its kind in the nation has been watered down somewhat, but was approved in a 9-0 vote by the Assembly Judiciary Committee and now goes to the full Assembly. The Senate approved a similar version by a 34-1 vote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that passed through the committee today includes amendments added over the weekend that categorize caste as a subset of ancestry — an already protected trait under state anti-discrimination laws. Wahab accepted that amendment, saying it represented a concept of the bill her office “discussed at length weeks ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the senator rejected earlier\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>suggestions from Assembly Judiciary Chairperson \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-maienschein-1969/\">Brian Maienschein\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/robert-rivas-new-speaker/#wm-story-1\">remove the word “caste” from the bill\u003c/a> and replace it with “inherited social status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions,” Wahab said in a statement after the committee’s hearing, which drew around 200 people representing both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Fremont Democratic Sen. Aisha Wahab, the bill’s author\"]‘SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters said current laws don’t go far enough to protect against caste-based discrimination because it’s difficult to make such claims against an employer or potential landlord who may share the same race or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SB403?src=hashtag_click\">SB 403\u003c/a> is a critical bill to make California a just and equitable place for all,” said workplace lawyer Tarina Mand, one of the two witnesses who spoke in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, supporters marched out of the hearing room chanting “SB 403 zindabad,” which translates to “Long live SB 403.” They continued to celebrate outside the Capitol with more chanting, joyful embraces and even a little dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just feet away, opponents also regrouped, but in more somber tones — reflecting on their efforts, and a pledge by some to keep fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents — including groups who organized against a similar ordinance in Seattle — said the prevalence of caste in South Asian countries would lead to racial profiling. They oppose any mention of “caste” in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HinduAmerican/status/1676773377460039684?s=20\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, which organized some of the opposition, said he was disappointed, but that the group plans to continue to try to “educate lawmakers on the issue” before the full Assembly votes on the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it was a step in the right direction but not far enough,” he told CalMatters after the hearing. “We’re disappointed that the committee didn’t remove ‘caste’ entirely from even the clarification of ancestry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a concession to critics, Wahab \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/gavin-newsom-pushback/#wm-story-1\">amended the bill on June 15 to strip out language\u003c/a> that references any South Asian origins of caste, but said that did not change the intent of the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955063\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside the Assembly Judiciary Committee chambers: There is a California state flag hanging in the background. There are various women in suits and business attire listening to one another. Seats with skinny, black microphones are also seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters testify on a caste discrimination bill before the Assembly Judiciary Committee at the state Capitol in Sacramento on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/caste-discrimination-california/\">latest example of international conflict coming to California\u003c/a>, a magnet for immigrants. Due to immigration laws that favor skilled workers, immigrants from India’s lower caste are more recent arrivals — and some are left to escape discrimination, only to confront it in the workplace and social settings here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While caste systems exist in several countries, it’s commonly associated with India, where it was outlawed in 1950 but its legacy remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But trying to legislate such conflicts is difficult and controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature. Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield signed on as a co-sponsor of the bill.[aside postID=news_11952543 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMatters01-1020x679.jpg']Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> of San Jose, who is on the committee, hadn’t spoken on the bill — until today. In an emotional testimony at times, he spoke about the divisions he had witnessed and said he understood concerns from constituents, but concluded that the amendments address those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, there are certain things we must do as a state to protect everyone in our state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan American in the Legislature, isn’t South Asian, but represents many in her district. Since introducing the bill, she said she has been threatened and she’s now the target of a recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/alex-lee-1995/\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/evan-low-1983/\">Evan Low\u003c/a> represent parts of Silicon Valley, where many tech workers are South Asian and where allegations of caste bias have hit top companies, including Cisco and Google. In a June letter, they suggested pausing the bill for further study. While Low leads the California Asian American and Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus, the group declined to take a position on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>An effort to ban \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952188/california-caste-discrimination\">caste discrimination in California\u003c/a> survived in committee Wednesday, July 5, despite months of opposition organized by groups that alleged the bill would unfairly target South Asians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB403\">Senate Bill 403\u003c/a>, authored by Fremont Democratic Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/aisha-wahab-1987/\">Aisha Wahab\u003c/a>, would add caste — a centuries-old social hierarchy system that has historically determined what jobs or education people can attain — to the list of protected classes in the state’s civil rights, employment and housing laws, alongside race, gender and sexual orientation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What would be the first law of its kind in the nation has been watered down somewhat, but was approved in a 9-0 vote by the Assembly Judiciary Committee and now goes to the full Assembly. The Senate approved a similar version by a 34-1 vote in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill that passed through the committee today includes amendments added over the weekend that categorize caste as a subset of ancestry — an already protected trait under state anti-discrimination laws. Wahab accepted that amendment, saying it represented a concept of the bill her office “discussed at length weeks ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the senator rejected earlier\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>suggestions from Assembly Judiciary Chairperson \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/brian-maienschein-1969/\">Brian Maienschein\u003c/a>, a San Diego Democrat, to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/robert-rivas-new-speaker/#wm-story-1\">remove the word “caste” from the bill\u003c/a> and replace it with “inherited social status.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“SB 403 will end caste discrimination. The definition and protections included in this bill will protect millions,” Wahab said in a statement after the committee’s hearing, which drew around 200 people representing both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters said current laws don’t go far enough to protect against caste-based discrimination because it’s difficult to make such claims against an employer or potential landlord who may share the same race or national origin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/SB403?src=hashtag_click\">SB 403\u003c/a> is a critical bill to make California a just and equitable place for all,” said workplace lawyer Tarina Mand, one of the two witnesses who spoke in support of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the vote, supporters marched out of the hearing room chanting “SB 403 zindabad,” which translates to “Long live SB 403.” They continued to celebrate outside the Capitol with more chanting, joyful embraces and even a little dancing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just feet away, opponents also regrouped, but in more somber tones — reflecting on their efforts, and a pledge by some to keep fighting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents — including groups who organized against a similar ordinance in Seattle — said the prevalence of caste in South Asian countries would lead to racial profiling. They oppose any mention of “caste” in the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Samir Kalra, managing director of the \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/HinduAmerican/status/1676773377460039684?s=20\">Hindu American Foundation\u003c/a>, which organized some of the opposition, said he was disappointed, but that the group plans to continue to try to “educate lawmakers on the issue” before the full Assembly votes on the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We feel it was a step in the right direction but not far enough,” he told CalMatters after the hearing. “We’re disappointed that the committee didn’t remove ‘caste’ entirely from even the clarification of ancestry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a concession to critics, Wahab \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/06/gavin-newsom-pushback/#wm-story-1\">amended the bill on June 15 to strip out language\u003c/a> that references any South Asian origins of caste, but said that did not change the intent of the legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11955063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11955063\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg\" alt=\"Inside the Assembly Judiciary Committee chambers: There is a California state flag hanging in the background. There are various women in suits and business attire listening to one another. Seats with skinny, black microphones are also seen in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersCaste02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters testify on a caste discrimination bill before the Assembly Judiciary Committee at the state Capitol in Sacramento on July 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Semantha Norris/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The bill is the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/caste-discrimination-california/\">latest example of international conflict coming to California\u003c/a>, a magnet for immigrants. Due to immigration laws that favor skilled workers, immigrants from India’s lower caste are more recent arrivals — and some are left to escape discrimination, only to confront it in the workplace and social settings here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While caste systems exist in several countries, it’s commonly associated with India, where it was outlawed in 1950 but its legacy remains.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But trying to legislate such conflicts is difficult and controversial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are two South Asians in the Legislature. Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jasmeet-bains-1985/\">Jasmeet Bains\u003c/a> from Bakersfield signed on as a co-sponsor of the bill.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/ash-kalra-1972/\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> of San Jose, who is on the committee, hadn’t spoken on the bill — until today. In an emotional testimony at times, he spoke about the divisions he had witnessed and said he understood concerns from constituents, but concluded that the amendments address those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, there are certain things we must do as a state to protect everyone in our state,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wahab, the first Afghan American in the Legislature, isn’t South Asian, but represents many in her district. Since introducing the bill, she said she has been threatened and she’s now the target of a recall campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymembers \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/alex-lee-1995/\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/evan-low-1983/\">Evan Low\u003c/a> represent parts of Silicon Valley, where many tech workers are South Asian and where allegations of caste bias have hit top companies, including Cisco and Google. In a June letter, they suggested pausing the bill for further study. While Low leads the California Asian American and Pacific Islander Legislative Caucus, the group declined to take a position on the matter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A new homeless outreach program pairing a social worker with a police officer in Grass Valley, a small town in the Sierra Nevada foothills, seemed to be working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state-funded effort sent the team to homeless encampments, where they helped build trust among vulnerable people and persuaded them to accept help, according to the nonprofit Hospitality House, which ran the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It blew past its goal of engaging 90 people in three years, instead meeting with more than 200. It even helped move some people directly into housing, including an 80-year-old veteran.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the three-year grant paying for that outreach ended in June, there was no money to replace it. So the program came to a screeching halt, to the disappointment of all involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO, League of California Cities\"]‘It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.[aside postID=news_11949327 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/RS58533_080_KQED_WoodStreetOaklandCalTrans_09082022-1020x680.jpg']The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Nancy Baglietto, executive director, Hospitality House\"]‘We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from. It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.’[/pullquote]Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.[aside label='More on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='homelessness']“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is a profound loss to not be able to do this,” said Nancy Baglietto, executive director of Hospitality House.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That loss embodies the worst fears of homeless service providers across California, as they struggle to piece together new funding sources after their state grants expire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many had hoped that Gov. Gavin Newsom and legislative leaders would change that dynamic in the state budget deal they announced last week by committing ongoing funds for homelessness that nonprofits, cities and counties could rely on year after year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It didn’t happen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, Newsom and lawmakers settled on another round of one-time funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really defies logic that the state budget once again fails to include funding to match the scale of the crisis we are experiencing,” said Carolyn Coleman, executive director and CEO of the League of California Cities, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/whatmatters/2023/04/california-homeless-cities/\">pressed Newsom’s administration for a guaranteed $3 billion a year in homelessness funding\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Unprecedented’ homelessness funding under Newsom\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As California grapples with how to provide for its massive population of more than 170,000 unhoused residents, Newsom has stepped up homelessness funding to unprecedented levels. He’s funneled nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since the 2018–19 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, for the third year in a row, the state budget allocates $1 billion to the Homeless Housing, Assistance and Prevention fund, which local officials can use for housing, outreach at encampments, emergency shelters and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the vast majority of Newsom’s homelessness spending has been in one-time grants, which providers say makes it difficult to fund the kind of long-term programs that could make a noticeable dent in the crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954915\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11954915 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg\" alt=\"There are tents, belongings scattered and stacked, RVs in the background, a random shopping cart, and more. Many blue tarps cover the tops of the encampment area.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/07/CalMattersUnhousedLA02-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An encampment in Los Angeles, on June 20, 2023. \u003ccite>(Julie A Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>California would need to spend \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/12/20/what-will-it-cost-to-end-homelessness-in-california-8-billion-a-year-for-12-years/\">$8.1 billion a year for a dozen years\u003c/a> to eliminate homelessness in the state, according to \u003ca href=\"https://calneeds.csh.org/\">a report by the Corporation for Supportive Housing and the California Housing Partnership\u003c/a>, two nonprofit advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office defended this approach to funding homelessness, pointing out that the state has provided an “unprecedented” $15.3 billion for the issue since he took office at the start of 2019.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor has also \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/19/governor-newsom-proposes-modernization-of-californias-behavioral-health-system-and-more-mental-health-housing/#:~:text=Amend%20the%20Mental%20Health%20Services,people%20with%20substance%20use%20disorders.\">proposed a 2024 ballot measure to amend the Mental Health Services Act\u003c/a> that would provide $1 billion a year for housing for people with mental illnesses and substance abuse disorders. That amendment would require voter approval to take effect.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This budget provides not just funding to address homelessness — it builds in the accountability needed to ensure that tax dollars are being maximized to produce real results,” Daniel Lopez, Newsom’s deputy communications director, said in an emailed statement. “Ultimately, the challenge of homelessness and housing must be met not only with dollars, but it also requires strong accountability coupled with financial resources to make lasting progress for our state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To be eligible for homelessness funding under this budget, cities and counties must submit homeless action plans — in coordination with other jurisdictions in their region — that detail the progress they’ve made.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Short-term homeless services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There was some momentum this year to move away from one-time spending on homelessness. More than two dozen state legislators \u003ca href=\"https://www.calcities.org/docs/default-source/advocacy/ad-67-2023-24-budget-request-housing-and-homelessness.pdf?sfvrsn=4fbcd4a9_3/AD-67-2023-24-Budget-Request-Housing-and-Homel\">signed a letter in May supporting the League of California Cities’ demand (PDF)\u003c/a> for $3 billion a year. A coalition led by the California State Association of Counties also called for ongoing funds and drafted bill language it urged legislators to adopt.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that proved to be a tough ask with Newsom’s office projecting a $30 billion-plus budget deficit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, city and county leaders, legislators and homelessness nonprofits have been clamoring for a source of ongoing funding to tackle the homelessness crisis. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/luz-rivas-1974/\">Assemblymember Luz Rivas, a Democrat from Arleta\u003c/a>, pushed a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB71\">bill in 2021\u003c/a> that would have established ongoing homelessness funding by \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/01/13/new-bill-would-fight-homelessness-by-raising-californias-corporate-tax-rates/\">raising taxes on large businesses\u003c/a>, but the bill died without making it out of the Assembly. Last year, California voters rejected a \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2022/01/31/could-betting-on-sports-games-help-solve-californias-homelessness-crisis/\">ballot measure to legalize sports betting\u003c/a>, which would have directed fees and taxes from those wages into a fund for homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Baglietto, of Hospitality House, says that type of permanent funding could have helped save her organization’s Grass Valley outreach program.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hospitality House and the Grass Valley Police Department received $575,000 in 2020 through a state violence intervention program. The city put the money toward homeless outreach as a way to prevent unhoused people from experiencing violence in encampments, and also to reduce confrontations between police and unhoused people. By the time the grant ran out this year, Grass Valley’s crime rate had improved and the city was no longer eligible for the money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It wasn’t the first time the nonprofit was forced to scramble because of unreliable state funding. Hospitality House’s 65-bed homeless shelter was once largely funded by state grants. Several years ago, the state changed how that money was allocated — focusing on permanent housing instead of shelter — and Hospitality House’s portion dried up. So the nonprofit cobbled together funding from a dozen different sources to fill the hole left by the state money, Baglietto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Hospitality House keeps its shelter open through money from \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">CalAIM, Newsom’s recent Medi-Cal expansion\u003c/a>. The nonprofit still has a “massive” gap, which it is temporarily filling with federal COVID funds designed to help businesses retain employees. That money runs out next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know each year where the funding is going to come from,” Baglietto said. “It’s kind of a nail-biting scenario.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Havoc’ for California nonprofits\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Union Station Homeless Services, which coordinates programs throughout the San Gabriel Valley in Los Angeles County, faces the same issues, said CEO Anne Miskey. Every budget cycle, her team has to spend two or three months piecing together their financing as the funding they get from the state changes or ends. Sometimes, the parameters for a state grant shift and clients Union Station has been working with for years suddenly are no longer eligible.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is just creating havoc in our sector,” Miskey said. “And this is why people are leaving. It’s not the clients. It’s not the work. It’s this piece.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new state budget has some new language around homelessness funding. It requires that anyone applying for a grant be part of a regional plan that lays out the specific roles and responsibilities of each participant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was something the \u003ca href=\"https://www.counties.org/sites/main/files/file-attachments/at_home_-_accountability_details_-_final_5-19-23.pdf?1684533540\">California State Association of Counties pushed for (PDF)\u003c/a>, arguing that currently cities, counties and other groups too often fight over who should be building shelters, offering mental health help or providing other homeless services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget also promises that it is the Legislature’s “intent” to provide additional the same funding in the 2024-25 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s not enough, said Graham Knaus, CEO of the California State Association of Counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Counties cannot budget based on legislative intent,” he said. “Nobody can. We certainly can’t make multi-year commitments based upon intent where there’s no clarity about what’s going to happen next year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "How California’s Firefighter Union Could Get Guaranteed Raises, Forever",
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"content": "\u003cp>California wildfire firefighters could be in for a big pay raise soon through a rare legislative move that would require the state to boost their salaries automatically, effectively cutting the governor’s office out of negotiations over their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the California Department of Forestry and Protection – or Cal Fire – has been unable to compete with local departments that offer better salaries and in turn has been losing its members at an escalating pace, union leaders say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now have a world where you can work at Target and In-N-Out and make $22 an hour and our starting firefighter makes $15.56 an hour,” said Cal Fire Local 2881 president Tim Edwards. “Who’s gonna want to put their life on the line in a time where the state really needs firefighters when they can go work somewhere else and make more money?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after several years of devastating wildfires, state lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1254\">advancing a bill\u003c/a> that would lock in automatic pay increases for them. It would compel the state human resources department to calculate wage increases for the 8,000 or so state firefighters every year based on what other 20 local fire departments pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would boost the salary for Cal Fire employees to within a 15% range of the top 20 highest-paying fire departments in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember Heath Flora\"]‘If I learned anything in the past decade, it’s that our wildfire season is absolutely out of control. It really never ends.’[/pullquote]If the bill becomes law, the firefighter union would become just the second group of California public employees to gain automatic pay raises instead of having to bargain over wage increases with the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other is the union that represents \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Highway Patrol officers\u003c/a>. The CHP contract sets officers’ pay on a formula that accounts for wages at other large California police departments. It’s a lucrative perk. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article266447621.html\">CHP officers received a 6.2% wage increase\u003c/a> — the biggest they have seen in 20 years and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article251983518.html\">more than double what Newsom\u003c/a> gave to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article264796239.html\">other public employee unions that year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers, including Republicans, say it’s time for Cal Fire to gain the same kind of wage guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cal Fire is one of the greatest public safety organizations, in my opinion, in the world,” said Assemblymember Heath Flora, a Republican from Ripon who sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want the men and women in this state to be paid properly and for some reason we always felt like they’re overlooked. And I don’t really understand it,” said Flora, a former firefighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is moving forward as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-paychecks/\">Newsom administration bargains with unions\u003c/a> representing more than half of the state workforce, some of whom are demanding 30% raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firefighter pay bill passed through the Assembly and is now headed to the Senate appropriations committee with no opposition even as the state faces \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">a projected $32 billion defici\u003c/a>t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire itself has not weighed in on the bill. Edwards, the union leader, said the department lost 10% of its firefighters last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California wildfires strain overworked crews\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11949914,science_1980766\" label=\"Related Posts\"]Cal Fire is the state’s largest fire department. It’s responsible for fighting wildfires, as well as protecting urban areas in several parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intensity of wildfires in California is projected to worsen. The state saw its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/07/california-fires-2020/\">worst wildfire season on record in 2020\u003c/a>, taking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-firefighters-trauma-wildfires/\">a toll on firefighters\u003c/a> who spent weeks in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Professional Firefighters, an umbrella union that represents some 30,000 firefighters, is lobbying for the pay bill. The union in a written statement to lawmakers said the risks of short staffing compounds the dangers that come with the line of work and “also presents long-term health impacts from extended exposure to toxic smoke with no respiratory protection as well as the negative repercussions for behavioral health from lack of sleep, overwork, and months on end spent away from family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire union in its most recent contract attempted to address difficult working conditions by bargaining for a schedule that would give its members a better work-life balance. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2022/12/cal-fire-labor-contract/\">Cal Fire firefighters usually work four 72-hour shifts\u003c/a> each month. Local fire departments tend to operate on 54-hour shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I learned anything in the past decade, it’s that our wildfire season is absolutely out of control. It really never ends,” Flora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal Fire fighter salaries lag\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, Cal Fire Local 2881 would still have to bargain with the governor over issues like discipline and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire firefighters are paid through a complicated formula that accounts for their scheduled overtime hours. Their hourly wages are as low as minimum wage, but their take-home pay adds up through overtime and other compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nThe average monthly total compensation for a Cal Fire battalion chief was $29,697, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Documents/2020-California-Firefighter-Total-Compensation-Survey.pdf\">2020 salary survey\u003c/a>. That was about 40.7% below what 20 local fire departments of various sizes paid firefighters at that rank, the survey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-ranking firefighters earned $19,288 monthly in total monthly compensation, which was 15.8% below what local departments paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Legislature, critics of public employee unions characterize the bill as a reckless giveaway to a powerful labor organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firefighters are already among the best-paid government workers in the state,” said Will Swaim, president of California Policy Center, an advocacy group that is critical of California public employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one else in California gets that deal,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Genest, the former finance director under Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, also called promises of future raised “irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governors and legislators always regret having made such promises when our budget goes out of balance,” he wrote in an email. “The wise move is to make decisions about the allocation of state revenues each year and even then to be careful not to spend more on anything than is prudent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California wildfire firefighters could be in for a big pay raise soon through a rare legislative move that would require the state to boost their salaries automatically, effectively cutting the governor’s office out of negotiations over their wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, the California Department of Forestry and Protection – or Cal Fire – has been unable to compete with local departments that offer better salaries and in turn has been losing its members at an escalating pace, union leaders say.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now have a world where you can work at Target and In-N-Out and make $22 an hour and our starting firefighter makes $15.56 an hour,” said Cal Fire Local 2881 president Tim Edwards. “Who’s gonna want to put their life on the line in a time where the state really needs firefighters when they can go work somewhere else and make more money?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, after several years of devastating wildfires, state lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1254\">advancing a bill\u003c/a> that would lock in automatic pay increases for them. It would compel the state human resources department to calculate wage increases for the 8,000 or so state firefighters every year based on what other 20 local fire departments pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would boost the salary for Cal Fire employees to within a 15% range of the top 20 highest-paying fire departments in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If the bill becomes law, the firefighter union would become just the second group of California public employees to gain automatic pay raises instead of having to bargain over wage increases with the governor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The other is the union that represents \u003ca href=\"https://www.thecahp.org/\">California Highway Patrol officers\u003c/a>. The CHP contract sets officers’ pay on a formula that accounts for wages at other large California police departments. It’s a lucrative perk. Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article266447621.html\">CHP officers received a 6.2% wage increase\u003c/a> — the biggest they have seen in 20 years and \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article251983518.html\">more than double what Newsom\u003c/a> gave to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/the-state-worker/article264796239.html\">other public employee unions that year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawmakers, including Republicans, say it’s time for Cal Fire to gain the same kind of wage guarantee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cal Fire is one of the greatest public safety organizations, in my opinion, in the world,” said Assemblymember Heath Flora, a Republican from Ripon who sponsored the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I really want the men and women in this state to be paid properly and for some reason we always felt like they’re overlooked. And I don’t really understand it,” said Flora, a former firefighter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is moving forward as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2023/06/california-paychecks/\">Newsom administration bargains with unions\u003c/a> representing more than half of the state workforce, some of whom are demanding 30% raises.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The firefighter pay bill passed through the Assembly and is now headed to the Senate appropriations committee with no opposition even as the state faces \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">a projected $32 billion defici\u003c/a>t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire itself has not weighed in on the bill. Edwards, the union leader, said the department lost 10% of its firefighters last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California wildfires strain overworked crews\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cal Fire is the state’s largest fire department. It’s responsible for fighting wildfires, as well as protecting urban areas in several parts of the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intensity of wildfires in California is projected to worsen. The state saw its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2021/07/california-fires-2020/\">worst wildfire season on record in 2020\u003c/a>, taking \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/california-firefighters-trauma-wildfires/\">a toll on firefighters\u003c/a> who spent weeks in the field.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Professional Firefighters, an umbrella union that represents some 30,000 firefighters, is lobbying for the pay bill. The union in a written statement to lawmakers said the risks of short staffing compounds the dangers that come with the line of work and “also presents long-term health impacts from extended exposure to toxic smoke with no respiratory protection as well as the negative repercussions for behavioral health from lack of sleep, overwork, and months on end spent away from family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cal Fire union in its most recent contract attempted to address difficult working conditions by bargaining for a schedule that would give its members a better work-life balance. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/wildfires/2022/12/cal-fire-labor-contract/\">Cal Fire firefighters usually work four 72-hour shifts\u003c/a> each month. Local fire departments tend to operate on 54-hour shifts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I learned anything in the past decade, it’s that our wildfire season is absolutely out of control. It really never ends,” Flora said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cal Fire fighter salaries lag\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If the bill passes, Cal Fire Local 2881 would still have to bargain with the governor over issues like discipline and working conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal Fire firefighters are paid through a complicated formula that accounts for their scheduled overtime hours. Their hourly wages are as low as minimum wage, but their take-home pay adds up through overtime and other compensation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nThe average monthly total compensation for a Cal Fire battalion chief was $29,697, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhr.ca.gov/state-hr-professionals/Documents/2020-California-Firefighter-Total-Compensation-Survey.pdf\">2020 salary survey\u003c/a>. That was about 40.7% below what 20 local fire departments of various sizes paid firefighters at that rank, the survey said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lower-ranking firefighters earned $19,288 monthly in total monthly compensation, which was 15.8% below what local departments paid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Outside of the Legislature, critics of public employee unions characterize the bill as a reckless giveaway to a powerful labor organization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Firefighters are already among the best-paid government workers in the state,” said Will Swaim, president of California Policy Center, an advocacy group that is critical of California public employee unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No one else in California gets that deal,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Genest, the former finance director under Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, also called promises of future raised “irresponsible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Governors and legislators always regret having made such promises when our budget goes out of balance,” he wrote in an email. “The wise move is to make decisions about the allocation of state revenues each year and even then to be careful not to spend more on anything than is prudent.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom are poised to enact a package of bills that aim to speed up lawsuits that entangle large projects, such as solar farms and reservoirs, and relax protection of about three dozen wildlife species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Senate and Assembly leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/content/analyses\">unveiled the five bills\u003c/a> earlier this week as they negotiated the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">state’s $310 billion 2023-24 budget\u003c/a>. The deal ended a standoff over the governor’s infrastructure package, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">he unveiled last month\u003c/a> in an effort to streamline renewable energy facilities, water reservoirs, bridges, railways and similar projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package of bills will make its way through the Legislature on an accelerated schedule. The bills include an urgency clause — meaning they would take effect immediately when Newsom signs but they also will require a two-thirds vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearings have been scheduled for committees in both houses today. Debate may largely end up being a formality as the package \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">has already been negotiated\u003c/a> by Newsom and lawmakers behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate and negotiations focused on how California can speed up major projects that benefit the public while ensuring the environment is protected. The wide-ranging collection of bills take aim at broad swaths of state environmental policies shaping how state agencies approve large projects. For instance, the plan to build the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/california-sites-reservoir/\">Sites reservoir\u003c/a> to add dams and store more Sacramento River water has been stalled for years as it undergoes environmental reviews and engineering planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_149_ceqa_judicial_streamlining_final.pdf\">sets a time limit (PDF)\u003c/a> for legal challenges for specified water, transportation and energy projects under the landmark California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which can entangle projects in court for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another gives the state Department of Fish and Wildlife new authority to issue permits \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_147_fps_final.pdf\">allowing species that are designated “fully protected,” (PDF)\u003c/a> such as the greater sandhill crane and golden eagle, to be harmed by similar types of projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise that Newsom and lawmakers reached seems to have accomplished what compromises rarely do: Environmentalists \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">who initially criticized Newsom’s package\u003c/a> say they are satisfied with the changes, and businesses and water agencies, which \u003ca href=\"https://antr.assembly.ca.gov/sites/antr.assembly.ca.gov/files/June%207%2C%202022%20Info%20Hearing%20Documents.pdf\">have backed the package from the beginning (PDF)\u003c/a>, support the changes, too.[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Victoria Rome, director of California government affairs, Natural Resource Defense Council\"]‘It’s good that it’s resolved, and that it’s better than it was and that the budget was able to move forward. But I would say to accelerate clean energy infrastructure, we have a lot more to do as a state.’[/pullquote]The proposals “are really going to help move the needle on water infrastructure projects that are needed to address the impacts of climate change,” said Adam Quinonez, director of state legislative and regulatory relations at the Association of California Water Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/press-releases/california-legislature-strengthens-infrastructure-trailer-bill-package-protect\">changes won over the Natural Resources Defense Council\u003c/a>, which had pages of concerns about the potential environmental harms caused by Newsom’s original proposals, such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">provisions that might have expedited the deeply divisive Delta tunnel.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good that it’s resolved, and that it’s better than it was and that the budget was able to move forward,” said Victoria Rome, the Natural Resource Defense Council’s director of California government affairs. “But I would say to accelerate clean energy infrastructure, we have a lot more to do as a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the wildlife bill would ease some existing protections, \u003ca href=\"https://ca.audubon.org/contact/mike-lynes\">Mike Lynes\u003c/a>, Audubon California’s director of public policy, hopes that in practice it would actually increase enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, it really will fall on the Department of Fish and Wildlife to make sure that these are good permits, and that the law is enforced,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s in these bills? And what impact will they have on infrastructure projects and the environment?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s happening with CEQA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the bills, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB149\">SB 149,\u003c/a> takes aim at the often lengthy lawsuits brought under CEQA, which tasks public agencies with assessing possible harms of proposed development. Lawsuits by the public and advocacy groups can entangle projects like housing developments, highway interchanges, and solar farms for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would set a 270-day limit for wrapping up these environmental challenges for water, energy, transportation and semiconductor projects. The projects must be \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_149_ceqa_judicial_streamlining_final.pdf\">certified by the governor by 2033 (PDF)\u003c/a> and meet certain criteria. These could potentially include water recycling plants, aqueduct repair, bikeways and railways, wildlife crossings, solar and wind farms, zero-emission vehicle infrastructure, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to concerns that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">this would expedite the Delta tunnel\u003c/a>, there’s now an explicit carveout saying that particular water project no longer qualifies for the faster timeline. [aside label=\"More Coverage\" tag=\"california-energy\"]There’s a big caveat, though: The 270-day limit only applies “to the extent feasible” — a decision that judges would make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So will the time limit actually speed up cases? That remains to be seen, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/bio/david-pettit\">David Pettit\u003c/a>, senior attorney at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “I think it sends a signal to the judiciary that the Legislature wants these cases hustled up,” Pettit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in practice, he said, there are other major time sinks for the legal process beyond the length of litigation, such as preparing the paperwork behind an agency’s environmental assessment to create what’s called the administrative record. This is critical ammunition in legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s original version of the bill sparked a battle over which emails should be disclosed in the administrative record by excluding any internal communications that didn’t make it to the final decision makers. Assembly consultants warned this could allow state agencies to pick and choose which documents to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, under the latest iteration, all emails related to the project must continue to be revealed in the administrative record, and only emails over minutia like scheduling can be excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is most emails that are actually pertinent to the project — not like, ‘How about those Dodgers?’ — they will go into the record,” Pettit said. “That is important, because sometimes people will talk candidly over email in a way that others might not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the effects on wildlife?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB147\">SB 147\u003c/a> would allow projects to \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/infrastructure-streamlining-and-workforce-equity\">receive permits to kill certain wildlife species\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fully-Protected\">that are classified as “fully protected.”\u003c/a> Thirty-seven species — including the golden eagle, greater sandhill crane, bighorn sheep, several coastal marsh birds, 10 fish and several reptiles and amphibians — are listed as fully protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, only certain types of projects that are considered beneficial to the public could get the new permits, including repairing aqueducts and other water infrastructure, building wind and solar installations, and transportation projects, including wildlife crossings, that don’t increase traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal Endangered Species Acts would still protect rare wildlife and be unaffected by the bill. But it would alter another, stronger protection under state law: “Fully protected” species \u003ca href=\"https://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/volumes/44/2/Biber.pdf\">began in the 1960s (PDF)\u003c/a> as part of an early effort to protect California’s animals, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fully-Protected\">California condor and southern sea otter.\u003c/a> Of those, all but 10 are also listed under the California Endangered Species Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954599\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923.jpg\" alt=\"A falcon flies in the sky with the Bay Bridge in the background.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A peregrine falcon flies over the Bay Bridge in San Francisco. The falcons would no longer be classified as a ‘fully protected species’ under the infrastructure bills. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike the endangered species acts, which allow wildlife agencies to grant permission to “take” or harm a species, so-called “fully protected” species cannot be killed except in rare cases, such as scientific research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To obtain the new permits, developers and other applicants would need to show that their plans to compensate for the harm to these species actually improves conservation — a more stringent standard than required by the California Endangered Species Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This addresses an enforcement gap: Regulators have little authority to make developers work with them to ensure projects take steps to reduce their impacts on those species. “There’s no hook for the regulatory agencies to demand avoidance and mitigation measures, because they’re unwilling to enforce the laws as written,” Audubon’s Lynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fish and Wildlife Director Chuck Bonham told a Senate committee that without a permit process to allow harm to fully protected species, project developers are left with little recourse if their projects could disrupt these animals. As a result, “every project proponent faces an unnecessary risk for project planning, financing and construction.” [pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Mike Lynes, director of public policy, Audubon California\"]‘We certainly don’t want to be reducing protections for pelicans and peregrine falcons, but it’s also understandable to be looking to transition them off the list.’[/pullquote]Three species would also lose their status as fully protected: the American peregrine falcon, brown pelican and a fish called the thicktail chub. The falcon and pelican had been listed as endangered species but are now considered recovered, largely due to the 1972 ban on the pesticide DDT; \u003ca href=\"http://www.nativefishlab.net/library/textpdf/18493.pdf\">the chub is considered extinct (PDF).\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly don’t want to be reducing protections for pelicans and peregrine falcons, but it’s also understandable to be looking to transition them off the list,” Lynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest version overhauls Newsom’s original proposal to scrap the “fully protected” designation entirely, which environmentalists worried would significantly weaken protections for these species. Delta communities were especially concerned, seeing it as one of several moves to push the Delta tunnel project forward by targeting the greater sandhill crane, which winters in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new version of the bill explicitly says that a Delta tunnel project would not qualify for permits to take the crane or any other fully protected species.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will this actually streamline projects?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The multibillion-dollar question is whether these regulations will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">actually help California build big things faster\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration said they are critical to bolster California’s chances when competing against other states for $28 billion in discretionary funds from the federal Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and the Inflation Reduction Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be extremely difficult if not impossible to draw a straight line that if you pass judicial streamlining, we get the federal dollars here in California,” said Adam Regele, a vice president at the California Chamber of Commerce. “But what it does do is it makes us more competitive.”[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"David Pettit, senior attorney, Natural Resources Defense Council.\"]‘How do we know that this package will actually speed things up? Because I’m not seeing it.’[/pullquote]The Natural Resources Defense Council’s Pettit is skeptical that this will in fact streamline lengthy and litigious approvals under CEQA. He pointed to the loophole establishing a nine-month time limit for court challenges only “to the extent feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we know that this package will actually speed things up? Because I’m not seeing it,” Pettit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s deputy communications director, Alex Stack, said he couldn’t name any specific projects that would benefit or ones that had been specifically denied federal funding because of California’s existing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he expects the bills to cut the timeline for major builds in California by up to almost a third. That includes for transit projects, wind and solar installations, semiconductor plants and water storage projects like Sites reservoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s climate denial to preserve the status quo — to delay these projects is to delay climate action, clean energy, safe drinking water, and put millions more Californians at risk of devastating climate impacts,” Stack told CalMatters last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Will California's Infrastructure Deal Speed Up Water, Clean Energy Projects? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California lawmakers and Gov. Gavin Newsom are poised to enact a package of bills that aim to speed up lawsuits that entangle large projects, such as solar farms and reservoirs, and relax protection of about three dozen wildlife species.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom and Senate and Assembly leaders \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/content/analyses\">unveiled the five bills\u003c/a> earlier this week as they negotiated the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2023/06/california-budget-deal-what-you-need-to-know/\">state’s $310 billion 2023-24 budget\u003c/a>. The deal ended a standoff over the governor’s infrastructure package, which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">he unveiled last month\u003c/a> in an effort to streamline renewable energy facilities, water reservoirs, bridges, railways and similar projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The package of bills will make its way through the Legislature on an accelerated schedule. The bills include an urgency clause — meaning they would take effect immediately when Newsom signs but they also will require a two-thirds vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hearings have been scheduled for committees in both houses today. Debate may largely end up being a formality as the package \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">has already been negotiated\u003c/a> by Newsom and lawmakers behind closed doors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate and negotiations focused on how California can speed up major projects that benefit the public while ensuring the environment is protected. The wide-ranging collection of bills take aim at broad swaths of state environmental policies shaping how state agencies approve large projects. For instance, the plan to build the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/02/california-sites-reservoir/\">Sites reservoir\u003c/a> to add dams and store more Sacramento River water has been stalled for years as it undergoes environmental reviews and engineering planning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the bills \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_149_ceqa_judicial_streamlining_final.pdf\">sets a time limit (PDF)\u003c/a> for legal challenges for specified water, transportation and energy projects under the landmark California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA), which can entangle projects in court for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another gives the state Department of Fish and Wildlife new authority to issue permits \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_147_fps_final.pdf\">allowing species that are designated “fully protected,” (PDF)\u003c/a> such as the greater sandhill crane and golden eagle, to be harmed by similar types of projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The compromise that Newsom and lawmakers reached seems to have accomplished what compromises rarely do: Environmentalists \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">who initially criticized Newsom’s package\u003c/a> say they are satisfied with the changes, and businesses and water agencies, which \u003ca href=\"https://antr.assembly.ca.gov/sites/antr.assembly.ca.gov/files/June%207%2C%202022%20Info%20Hearing%20Documents.pdf\">have backed the package from the beginning (PDF)\u003c/a>, support the changes, too.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘It’s good that it’s resolved, and that it’s better than it was and that the budget was able to move forward. But I would say to accelerate clean energy infrastructure, we have a lot more to do as a state.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The proposals “are really going to help move the needle on water infrastructure projects that are needed to address the impacts of climate change,” said Adam Quinonez, director of state legislative and regulatory relations at the Association of California Water Agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/press-releases/california-legislature-strengthens-infrastructure-trailer-bill-package-protect\">changes won over the Natural Resources Defense Council\u003c/a>, which had pages of concerns about the potential environmental harms caused by Newsom’s original proposals, such as \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">provisions that might have expedited the deeply divisive Delta tunnel.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s good that it’s resolved, and that it’s better than it was and that the budget was able to move forward,” said Victoria Rome, the Natural Resource Defense Council’s director of California government affairs. “But I would say to accelerate clean energy infrastructure, we have a lot more to do as a state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the wildlife bill would ease some existing protections, \u003ca href=\"https://ca.audubon.org/contact/mike-lynes\">Mike Lynes\u003c/a>, Audubon California’s director of public policy, hopes that in practice it would actually increase enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, it really will fall on the Department of Fish and Wildlife to make sure that these are good permits, and that the law is enforced,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So what’s in these bills? And what impact will they have on infrastructure projects and the environment?\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What’s happening with CEQA?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the bills, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB149\">SB 149,\u003c/a> takes aim at the often lengthy lawsuits brought under CEQA, which tasks public agencies with assessing possible harms of proposed development. Lawsuits by the public and advocacy groups can entangle projects like housing developments, highway interchanges, and solar farms for years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill would set a 270-day limit for wrapping up these environmental challenges for water, energy, transportation and semiconductor projects. The projects must be \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/sites/senate.ca.gov/files/senate_select_committee_on_infrastructure_streamlining_and_workforce_equity_-_sb_149_ceqa_judicial_streamlining_final.pdf\">certified by the governor by 2033 (PDF)\u003c/a> and meet certain criteria. These could potentially include water recycling plants, aqueduct repair, bikeways and railways, wildlife crossings, solar and wind farms, zero-emission vehicle infrastructure, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a nod to concerns that \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/06/california-water-lawmakers-newsom-delta/\">this would expedite the Delta tunnel\u003c/a>, there’s now an explicit carveout saying that particular water project no longer qualifies for the faster timeline. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>There’s a big caveat, though: The 270-day limit only applies “to the extent feasible” — a decision that judges would make.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So will the time limit actually speed up cases? That remains to be seen, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/bio/david-pettit\">David Pettit\u003c/a>, senior attorney at the Natural Resources Defense Council. “I think it sends a signal to the judiciary that the Legislature wants these cases hustled up,” Pettit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in practice, he said, there are other major time sinks for the legal process beyond the length of litigation, such as preparing the paperwork behind an agency’s environmental assessment to create what’s called the administrative record. This is critical ammunition in legal challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s original version of the bill sparked a battle over which emails should be disclosed in the administrative record by excluding any internal communications that didn’t make it to the final decision makers. Assembly consultants warned this could allow state agencies to pick and choose which documents to disclose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, under the latest iteration, all emails related to the project must continue to be revealed in the administrative record, and only emails over minutia like scheduling can be excluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is most emails that are actually pertinent to the project — not like, ‘How about those Dodgers?’ — they will go into the record,” Pettit said. “That is important, because sometimes people will talk candidly over email in a way that others might not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the effects on wildlife?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB147\">SB 147\u003c/a> would allow projects to \u003ca href=\"https://www.senate.ca.gov/infrastructure-streamlining-and-workforce-equity\">receive permits to kill certain wildlife species\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fully-Protected\">that are classified as “fully protected.”\u003c/a> Thirty-seven species — including the golden eagle, greater sandhill crane, bighorn sheep, several coastal marsh birds, 10 fish and several reptiles and amphibians — are listed as fully protected.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, only certain types of projects that are considered beneficial to the public could get the new permits, including repairing aqueducts and other water infrastructure, building wind and solar installations, and transportation projects, including wildlife crossings, that don’t increase traffic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and federal Endangered Species Acts would still protect rare wildlife and be unaffected by the bill. But it would alter another, stronger protection under state law: “Fully protected” species \u003ca href=\"https://environs.law.ucdavis.edu/volumes/44/2/Biber.pdf\">began in the 1960s (PDF)\u003c/a> as part of an early effort to protect California’s animals, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://wildlife.ca.gov/Conservation/Fully-Protected\">California condor and southern sea otter.\u003c/a> Of those, all but 10 are also listed under the California Endangered Species Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954599\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954599\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923.jpg\" alt=\"A falcon flies in the sky with the Bay Bridge in the background.\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1046\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/peregrine-falcon-ap-062923-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A peregrine falcon flies over the Bay Bridge in San Francisco. The falcons would no longer be classified as a ‘fully protected species’ under the infrastructure bills. \u003ccite>(Marcio Jose Sanchez/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike the endangered species acts, which allow wildlife agencies to grant permission to “take” or harm a species, so-called “fully protected” species cannot be killed except in rare cases, such as scientific research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To obtain the new permits, developers and other applicants would need to show that their plans to compensate for the harm to these species actually improves conservation — a more stringent standard than required by the California Endangered Species Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This addresses an enforcement gap: Regulators have little authority to make developers work with them to ensure projects take steps to reduce their impacts on those species. “There’s no hook for the regulatory agencies to demand avoidance and mitigation measures, because they’re unwilling to enforce the laws as written,” Audubon’s Lynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fish and Wildlife Director Chuck Bonham told a Senate committee that without a permit process to allow harm to fully protected species, project developers are left with little recourse if their projects could disrupt these animals. As a result, “every project proponent faces an unnecessary risk for project planning, financing and construction.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We certainly don’t want to be reducing protections for pelicans and peregrine falcons, but it’s also understandable to be looking to transition them off the list.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Three species would also lose their status as fully protected: the American peregrine falcon, brown pelican and a fish called the thicktail chub. The falcon and pelican had been listed as endangered species but are now considered recovered, largely due to the 1972 ban on the pesticide DDT; \u003ca href=\"http://www.nativefishlab.net/library/textpdf/18493.pdf\">the chub is considered extinct (PDF).\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We certainly don’t want to be reducing protections for pelicans and peregrine falcons, but it’s also understandable to be looking to transition them off the list,” Lynes said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest version overhauls Newsom’s original proposal to scrap the “fully protected” designation entirely, which environmentalists worried would significantly weaken protections for these species. Delta communities were especially concerned, seeing it as one of several moves to push the Delta tunnel project forward by targeting the greater sandhill crane, which winters in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new version of the bill explicitly says that a Delta tunnel project would not qualify for permits to take the crane or any other fully protected species.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Will this actually streamline projects?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The multibillion-dollar question is whether these regulations will \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2023/05/gavin-newsom-ceqa-reform/\">actually help California build big things faster\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Newsom administration said they are critical to bolster California’s chances when competing against other states for $28 billion in discretionary funds from the federal Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and the Inflation Reduction Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be extremely difficult if not impossible to draw a straight line that if you pass judicial streamlining, we get the federal dollars here in California,” said Adam Regele, a vice president at the California Chamber of Commerce. “But what it does do is it makes us more competitive.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘How do we know that this package will actually speed things up? Because I’m not seeing it.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Natural Resources Defense Council’s Pettit is skeptical that this will in fact streamline lengthy and litigious approvals under CEQA. He pointed to the loophole establishing a nine-month time limit for court challenges only “to the extent feasible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“How do we know that this package will actually speed things up? Because I’m not seeing it,” Pettit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s deputy communications director, Alex Stack, said he couldn’t name any specific projects that would benefit or ones that had been specifically denied federal funding because of California’s existing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he said he expects the bills to cut the timeline for major builds in California by up to almost a third. That includes for transit projects, wind and solar installations, semiconductor plants and water storage projects like Sites reservoir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s climate denial to preserve the status quo — to delay these projects is to delay climate action, clean energy, safe drinking water, and put millions more Californians at risk of devastating climate impacts,” Stack told CalMatters last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "What California Can Learn From Texas' Shrinking Unhoused Population",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>LaVoy Darden is looking for someone. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Making the rounds through Houston’s homeless encampments as an outreach specialist for a local nonprofit group, he offers snacks, builds trust, and puts people on a waitlist for affordable housing. On good days he gets to tell them they’re moving into a home. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>But first, he has to find them. Today it’s a scorching 93 degrees, and there aren’t as many people out and about as usual. He spends hours combing the streets of Houston in his van — stopping along the way to update other clients on their housing searches — before he spots her.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>He leans out the driver’s-side window and yells. “Hey! You move in Monday!” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending someone from the street into permanent housing is the ultimate goal for Darden and legions of other outreach workers like him all over America. But it seems to happen more often in Houston, where the unhoused population shrank by more than half over the past decade. Compare that to California’s major cities, where the population surged by double-digits, and in some cases triple-digits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just Houston. Texas as a whole last year recorded a 28% drop in homelessness since 2012, while California’s unhoused population grew by 43% over the same period. In Texas, 81 people are unhoused for every 100,000 residents. In California, the rate is more than five times worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954467\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01.jpg\" alt=\"A man with long dreadlocks and a tan hat sits inside his vehicle as he writes on a piece of paper that's attached to a clipboard. A parking lot of cars is seen in the background, along with trees. The key is in the vehicle's ignition.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LaVoy Darden with Search Homeless Services drives through his service area looking for clients in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And that’s despite the fact that Texas spends far fewer state dollars on homelessness. Last year, not counting federal money, Texas put $19.7 million into its three main homelessness programs — equal to about $806 per unhoused person. California, on the other hand, poured $1.85 billion into its three main programs — or $10,786 for every unhoused person.[aside postID=news_11949978 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/001_KQED_WoodStreet_JessicaFountaine_01052023-1020x680.jpg']How do residents view homelessness in each state? The difference is stark: Homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://poll.qu.edu/poll-release?releaseid=3868\">the No. 1 issue on California voters’ minds\u003c/a>, according to a recent Quinnipiac University poll. In a 2020 poll of Texas residents, \u003ca href=\"https://www.texaslyceum.org/assets/docs/Poll/2020/2020%20Lyceum%20Day%201%20Executive_Summary.pdf\">it didn’t even crack the top 10 (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-texas-comparison/\">Texas doing so much better\u003c/a> on homelessness? Right-leaning observers are quick to blame the discrepancy on California’s too-progressive policies. Liberals may distrust the statistics coming out of Texas. But the reality is more nuanced — as California leaders are realizing, while their cities and nonprofits send delegation after delegation to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With homelessness causing major tension in many California cities, and local and state efforts to get people off the streets continuing to fall short, Golden State leaders are desperate for new solutions. So desperate, that they’re going to a state whose deep-red policies California Democrats are better known for scorning than emulating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/bRrVN/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s homelessness response team visited Houston earlier this year. City and county representatives from the Los Angeles area went last fall. They came away jealous of some of the advantages Houston has over California cities — such as the lower housing costs that make it easier for the Texas metropolis to find or build homes for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Californians also were impressed by the way the city coordinates with the county and other local organizations, prioritizes funding for permanent housing instead of temporary shelters and finds places for people before clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What those folks are doing — really focusing on housing folks — is working,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, two city council members from the East Bay city of Richmond headed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/austin-tiny-homes-california/\">Austin to tour a 51-acre tiny home community\u003c/a> that provides permanent housing for 350-and-counting unhoused residents. Elected officials from Sacramento trekked to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/texas-homeless-shelter/\">San Antonio to see a 1,600-person shelter\u003c/a> that offers everything from dental care to counseling — serving nearly the city’s entire unhoused population in one place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Tiny homes used as residences at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. Right: An employee plants sunflowers at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-800x265.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-2048x678.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1920x635.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tiny homes used as residences at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. Right: An employee plants sunflowers at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many experts agree California can learn something from these homeless solutions. But unless the Golden State fixes its housing affordability crisis decades in the making, copying the Lone Star State will get us only so far, said Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elected officials in California are desperate for quick-fix solutions,” he said. “They want a silver bullet to be able to solve homelessness for them. And so when they see results like what’s happening in Houston … they say, ‘that’s great, we want that.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California Democrats often at odds with Texas GOP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Texas may seem like an unlikely place for California to find inspiration on anything — especially social services. After all, the Republican-led state is completely out of sync with California’s liberal majorities on everything from guns to abortion to LGBTQ rights — feeding an ongoing public feud between Gov. Gavin Newsom and his Texas counterpart, Gov. Greg Abbott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the animosity, the California Legislature and some Golden State cities don’t even allow publicly funded travel to Texas. Some Californians who have made the trip have had to seek exemptions by arguing the travel is in their jurisdiction’s best interest.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"California Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion.’[/pullquote]“When best practices are happening somewhere, don’t worry about what state they’re in,” said state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/dave-cortese-1956/\">Sen. Dave Cortese\u003c/a>, a Silicon Valley Democrat. “I have no problem looking them right in the eye and saying, ‘I don’t like where you’re going in terms of reproductive rights. I don’t like where you’re going in terms of your stubbornness on mass shootings and gun safety. But I do like what you’re doing on the housing front and I’d like to replicate some of that.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attitudes toward homelessness also differ widely between the two states. Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2023/\">70% of Californians said homelessness is a “big problem”\u003c/a> in their part of the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California poll. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-see-a-rise-in-homelessness-in-their-communities/\">up from 63% in 2019\u003c/a>. By contrast, just \u003ca href=\"https://www.texaslyceum.org/assets/docs/Poll/2020/2020%20Lyceum%20Day%201%20Executive_Summary.pdf\">3% of Texans polled in 2020 said homelessness was the most important issue facing their state (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the nonprofit Texas Lyceum.[aside postID=news_11926519 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2022/09/RS57341_027_KQED_WoodStreetEncampment_07192022-qut-1-1020x680.jpg']The three Texas cities getting the most attention from California — Houston, Austin and San Antonio — are blue islands in a red state. Houston, a bustling metropolis of 2.3 million people, is Texas’ largest city. Austin, the state’s capital and a mecca for artists, students and foodies, is famously quirky — and urges everyone to “keep Austin weird.” San Antonio lures tourists with the historic Alamo mission and picturesque, restaurant-lined river walk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese, who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">recently called for an audit of California’s homelessness spending\u003c/a>, tried to bring a version of the Austin tiny home village to Santa Clara County while serving as a county supervisor several years ago, but the idea never got off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others in California argue what the Golden State is doing so far isn’t working, even though Newsom poured nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since he took office and vowed the issue is a top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-homelessness-camps-newsom/\">Newsom said last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954471\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05.jpg\" alt=\"A man is seen outside of his makeshift tent, with a shopping cart full of his belongings, warming his hands by a small fire. It's nighttime. A "No Parking Anytime" sign in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His administration is well aware of the buzz around the Texas programs. Hafsa Kaka, the governor’s new senior adviser on homelessness, said Newsom’s policies compare well against the Texas sites.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Hafsa Kaka, Gov. Gavin Newsom’s senior adviser on homelessness\"]‘California continues to make unprecedented investments into housing and homelessness which includes shelter and wrap-around supportive services, cleaning up encampments, and creating more housing.’[/pullquote]Houston, Austin and San Antonio employ the same “housing first” approach that California has used for years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Austin built 350 small homes, we are putting 1,200 across the state, including 500 in Los Angeles,” she said in an emailed statement sent on behalf of Newsom’s office. “California continues to make unprecedented investments into housing and homelessness which includes shelter and wrap-around supportive services, cleaning up encampments, and creating more housing. The state has invested more to increase housing supply than ever before in our history while holding local governments accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the difference in outcomes in Texas versus California is unmistakable. The Houston area’s unhoused population dropped 57% between 2012 and last year, dipping to 3,124, according to the federally mandated point-in-time count. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/14/headway/houston-homeless-people.html\">A New York Times article\u003c/a> published last year highlighted the “remarkable progress,” catapulting the city that was already known in wonky homeless policy circles into the national limelight — and catching California’s attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s unhoused population increased 106% over the same period. Sacramento County’s jumped a whopping 230%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/2vIpF/10/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree the point-in-time counts supplying those numbers — which generally rely on volunteers and outreach workers tallying every unhoused person they see over one night — miss portions of the unhoused community. But the counts can be a useful tool to measure the change in a city’s unhoused population.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cheaper rent, more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One reason more people find housing in Texas: costs. The median rent for a one-bedroom home in the state was $1,233 in early June, according to Zillow. In California, it was $2,200 — making it harder for people to get and stay housed here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Land and construction costs are cheaper in Texas, too, and the Lone Star State has fewer regulations that restrict construction. The city of Houston, for example, has no zoning — coupled with a strong mayor who can push projects through — making it easier to build and harder to block housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11954580\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-800x622.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"622\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-800x622.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-1020x793.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-160x124.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-1536x1194.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM.png 1610w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://socds.huduser.gov/permits/output_annual.odb\">Texas permitted more than twice as many\u003c/a> new homes \u003ca href=\"https://socds.huduser.gov/permits/output_annual.odb\">as California\u003c/a>, even though California has about 9 million more residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means even when a California city is doing everything right, it’s still not going to be as successful as its Texas counterpart in reducing homelessness, said Jennifer Loving, CEO of nonprofit Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, who visited Houston in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do all the same stuff,” she said. “And the major difference is how much housing they have, how quickly it’s getting built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/4cd4fb85-56dc-4fd9-bc53-a1a394daf2c8?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fhousing%2F2023%2F06%2Fcalifornia-houston-homeless-solutions%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite its lower housing costs and dramatic drop in homelessness, Houston hasn’t managed to get everyone off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>As Darden, the outreach worker, continues his rounds, he ends up under the Highway Spur 527 overpass, where seven tents are arranged on a dirt lot amid a few dining room chairs and other scattered furniture. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Several of the people Darden speaks to at the camp already are housed or in the process of getting housing.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Allison Hillman, left, and LaVoy Darden, right, with Search Homeless Services speak with a client about potential future housing in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. Right: A homeless encampment under Interstate Highway 69 in downtown Houston on May 5, 2023.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-800x265.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-2048x678.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1920x635.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Allison Hillman, left, and LaVoy Darden, right, with Search Homeless Services speak with a client about potential future housing in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. Right: A homeless encampment under Interstate Highway 69 in downtown Houston on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>One of them is 71-year-old Albert Mack, who has been homeless in Houston off-and-on for 15 years, alternating time on the street with housing placements that didn’t pan out. He left his last apartment because the neighborhood was too dangerous, he said. Now, he’s once again on his way to living indoors — he’s just waiting for a copy of his birth certificate from his home state of Alabama. He’s excited. This time, Mack said, he’s going to stay housed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I can take me a shower every day,” he said. “I can be inside. I don’t have to worry about nobody bothering me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More permanent housing, and collaboration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When people like Mack get housed, it’s not only because rent is cheaper. Texas cities are doing other things differently than California, and Houston is a good example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas’ largest city pours its homeless funding — including COVID emergency dollars — into long-term housing instead of shelters that offer a temporary fix. Most of that housing is in privately-owned apartments, where vouchers help formerly homeless people pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, on the other hand, divides its resources between temporary and permanent homeless solutions. The state funneled COVID funds into short-term hotels that as of last year had given 50,000 people — almost 30% of the state’s unhoused population — brief respites from the street. Newsom’s administration later used COVID and general funds to turn nearly 13,000 hotel rooms, apartments and other units into longer-term homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d528338b-0ce5-422e-b71e-2db4f5079124?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fhousing%2F2023%2F06%2Fcalifornia-houston-homeless-solutions%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Texas’ largest city, government agencies have a reputation for working together. Houston collaborates with Harris County and local nonprofits on a shared plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, by contrast, four different local government groups apply separately for limited homelessness funding from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what we haven’t done is come together with a single plan,” said Cheri Todoroff, executive director of Los Angeles County’s Homeless Initiative, who went to Houston in September. “And that’s really what we were looking to learn from Houston.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County is working on creating a collaborative leadership commission, mirroring Houston’s, that would include elected officials, businesses, nonprofits and other leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strict homeless enforcement in Texas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other parts of Texas’ approach to homelessness are more punitive than practices favored by California cities and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The red state passed a law \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/20/texas-homeless-camps-ban-legislature/\">banning encampments throughout Texas\u003c/a> in 2021, obligating cities to clear camps and empowering law enforcement to cite and fine campers. California Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">proposed two similar bills this year\u003c/a>, but got no traction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual cities in Texas also have their own local camping bans. In Austin, for example, police sometimes force unhoused residents to move out of encampments, even if they have nowhere else to go, and cite them if they don’t comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954474\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08.jpg\" alt=\"City workers in yellow and orange reflective vests work out in the hot Houston heat cleaning up an encampment. A man is pictured using a push-broom in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temporary Workers, contracted by the Texas Department of Transportation, remove trash and personal belongings from a homeless encampment under US Route 290 at Westgate Boulevard in Austin, Texas on Nov. 4, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Texas Gov. Abbott cultivates a hard-line stance against homelessness — leading a charge to clear encampments on state property, publicly attacking Austin’s Democratic leaders for being too soft on homelessness and pushing for the state’s camping ban. “No one has a right to urinate & defecate wherever they want,” he tweeted before the camping ban passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeming to take a page out of Texas’ book, California cities also are growing increasingly punitive. For instance, San Diego recently \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofsandiego.org/2023/06/14/san-diego-city-council-approves-crack-down-on-homeless-camps/\">approved a controversial encampment ban\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">other cities have taken similar steps\u003c/a>. But a major difference: Due to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">2018 federal court ruling Martin v. Boise\u003c/a>, California cities cannot clear camps or unilaterally ban encampments unless they have shelter beds to offer. Texas, in a different federal district, is not subject to that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Houston’s approach also might not translate well in California. Because Houston prioritizes long-term housing — the city and its county partners have moved more than 28,000 people into permanent housing since 2012 — it neglects the type of short-term shelters that quickly get someone off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five days a week, 60-year-old Rachel Gonzales goes to The Beacon day center to eat breakfast and lunch, shower and do her laundry. At night, when the center is closed, she heads across the street to sleep on the sidewalk — without even a tent to protect her from the elements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beacon staff are trained to connect clients to permanent housing, and last year, about two-thirds of those who signed up gained a place to live. But the process can take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales has been waiting since November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s gonna be anytime soon,” she said. “You gotta think day by day. You can’t think about tomorrow, because if you think about tomorrow, think about a week from now, you’ll actually go crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Encampments still visible in Houston\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Houston’s lack of shelter beds and long wait times for housing allowed homeless encampments to proliferate, frustrating local residents — as they have in California. In 2018, the city began a push to “decommission” homeless camps. Now, former homeless camps dot the landscape — grassy strips by the side of the road or patches of dirt under overpasses that used to hold dozens of tents, but now are empty and circled by chain-link fences.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Terry Hardison, Houston navigation center resident\"]‘They make you realize you somebody again.’[/pullquote]How homeless camps are removed is one of the most contentious issues of the homelessness debate in California. Though the Boise ruling prevents cities in the Golden State from clearing camps without offering the occupants shelter, activists say many people aren’t given options that work for them. Some people may not be willing to give up a beloved pet in exchange for a bed in an animal-free shelter, for example, while others may have mental health conditions that make it hard to sleep in a crowded room. As a result, they instead scatter throughout the streets, losing contact with their caseworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Houston, when it’s time to clear a camp, outreach workers spend a month or more getting to know the occupants and figuring out what they need. Anyone they can’t immediately house generally is offered a spot in the city’s 100-bed navigation center, which opened in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The navigation center is a big step up from traditional shelters where dozens of people sleep together, occupants have to leave early each morning, and residents often see no discernible path to long-term housing. At the navigation center, people sleep four to a room, can bring pets, and during the day can relax in a comfy living room with TVs, a pool table and snacks. Entire encampments move into the center at once, allowing people to maintain close friendships forged on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make you realize you somebody again,” said 51-year-old Terry Hardison, who has been unhoused off and on since 1999. He was living under a bridge before coming to the navigation center. On a recent Saturday afternoon, he sat on the couch in the center’s common room, watching “G.I. Joe” on the TV with friends.[aside label='More on California’s Unhoused Community' tag='wood-street']But with only 100 beds, the navigation center can’t come close to accommodating everyone. People Darden meets on the street constantly ask how they can get in. He has to tell them the hard truth: Most often, they can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those lucky enough to get a spot, there’s one big way the navigation center differs from a regular shelter: It gets people into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 57 occupants who moved through the navigation center since it opened, as of early May, 91% went into permanent housing — and it generally takes just 30 days. Navigation center clients are bumped up to the top of Houston’s housing waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has navigation centers, but they haven’t been nearly as successful because there’s often no direct path from there into long-term housing. San Francisco’s largest center, for example, reported just 8% of the people who left its program ended up in permanent housing last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09.jpg\" alt='A man with calm expression and a friendly smile poses for a portrait. He has a T-shirt on that reads, \"Search.\"' width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LaVoy Darden with Search Homeless Services in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For other people, housing success stories play out outside the walls of the navigation center. Back in Darden’s outreach van, he’s making someone’s day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The woman on the side of the road hears Darden yell, telling her she’s moving into her new apartment Monday. She’d been referred for a placement before and never followed through. But this time, after one of her friends recently died on the street, Darden believes she’s ready to end her homelessness.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The woman stops what she’s doing and breaks into a happy dance. The dream of a permanent place to call home — something that seems so impossible for so many people living in tents and cars from Texas to California — is finally hers.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Darden grins. “Whew, I feel a lot better now,” he says, steering the outreach van back toward his office.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“It feels great. Just to see the look on their face.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>LaVoy Darden is looking for someone. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Making the rounds through Houston’s homeless encampments as an outreach specialist for a local nonprofit group, he offers snacks, builds trust, and puts people on a waitlist for affordable housing. On good days he gets to tell them they’re moving into a home. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>But first, he has to find them. Today it’s a scorching 93 degrees, and there aren’t as many people out and about as usual. He spends hours combing the streets of Houston in his van — stopping along the way to update other clients on their housing searches — before he spots her.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>He leans out the driver’s-side window and yells. “Hey! You move in Monday!” \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sending someone from the street into permanent housing is the ultimate goal for Darden and legions of other outreach workers like him all over America. But it seems to happen more often in Houston, where the unhoused population shrank by more than half over the past decade. Compare that to California’s major cities, where the population surged by double-digits, and in some cases triple-digits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s not just Houston. Texas as a whole last year recorded a 28% drop in homelessness since 2012, while California’s unhoused population grew by 43% over the same period. In Texas, 81 people are unhoused for every 100,000 residents. In California, the rate is more than five times worse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954467\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954467\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01.jpg\" alt=\"A man with long dreadlocks and a tan hat sits inside his vehicle as he writes on a piece of paper that's attached to a clipboard. A parking lot of cars is seen in the background, along with trees. The key is in the vehicle's ignition.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas01-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LaVoy Darden with Search Homeless Services drives through his service area looking for clients in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And that’s despite the fact that Texas spends far fewer state dollars on homelessness. Last year, not counting federal money, Texas put $19.7 million into its three main homelessness programs — equal to about $806 per unhoused person. California, on the other hand, poured $1.85 billion into its three main programs — or $10,786 for every unhoused person.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>How do residents view homelessness in each state? The difference is stark: Homelessness is \u003ca href=\"https://poll.qu.edu/poll-release?releaseid=3868\">the No. 1 issue on California voters’ minds\u003c/a>, according to a recent Quinnipiac University poll. In a 2020 poll of Texas residents, \u003ca href=\"https://www.texaslyceum.org/assets/docs/Poll/2020/2020%20Lyceum%20Day%201%20Executive_Summary.pdf\">it didn’t even crack the top 10 (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Why is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-texas-comparison/\">Texas doing so much better\u003c/a> on homelessness? Right-leaning observers are quick to blame the discrepancy on California’s too-progressive policies. Liberals may distrust the statistics coming out of Texas. But the reality is more nuanced — as California leaders are realizing, while their cities and nonprofits send delegation after delegation to Texas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With homelessness causing major tension in many California cities, and local and state efforts to get people off the streets continuing to fall short, Golden State leaders are desperate for new solutions. So desperate, that they’re going to a state whose deep-red policies California Democrats are better known for scorning than emulating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/bRrVN/1/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José’s homelessness response team visited Houston earlier this year. City and county representatives from the Los Angeles area went last fall. They came away jealous of some of the advantages Houston has over California cities — such as the lower housing costs that make it easier for the Texas metropolis to find or build homes for people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the Californians also were impressed by the way the city coordinates with the county and other local organizations, prioritizes funding for permanent housing instead of temporary shelters and finds places for people before clearing encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What those folks are doing — really focusing on housing folks — is working,” said Alex Visotzky, senior California policy fellow for the National Alliance to End Homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In April, two city council members from the East Bay city of Richmond headed to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/austin-tiny-homes-california/\">Austin to tour a 51-acre tiny home community\u003c/a> that provides permanent housing for 350-and-counting unhoused residents. Elected officials from Sacramento trekked to \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/texas-homeless-shelter/\">San Antonio to see a 1,600-person shelter\u003c/a> that offers everything from dental care to counseling — serving nearly the city’s entire unhoused population in one place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954518\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Tiny homes used as residences at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. Right: An employee plants sunflowers at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-800x265.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-2048x678.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-1-JV-KQED-1920x635.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Tiny homes used as residences at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. Right: An employee plants sunflowers at Community First! Village in Austin, Texas on May 12, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Many experts agree California can learn something from these homeless solutions. But unless the Golden State fixes its housing affordability crisis decades in the making, copying the Lone Star State will get us only so far, said Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Elected officials in California are desperate for quick-fix solutions,” he said. “They want a silver bullet to be able to solve homelessness for them. And so when they see results like what’s happening in Houston … they say, ‘that’s great, we want that.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>California Democrats often at odds with Texas GOP\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Texas may seem like an unlikely place for California to find inspiration on anything — especially social services. After all, the Republican-led state is completely out of sync with California’s liberal majorities on everything from guns to abortion to LGBTQ rights — feeding an ongoing public feud between Gov. Gavin Newsom and his Texas counterpart, Gov. Greg Abbott.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Adding to the animosity, the California Legislature and some Golden State cities don’t even allow publicly funded travel to Texas. Some Californians who have made the trip have had to seek exemptions by arguing the travel is in their jurisdiction’s best interest.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“When best practices are happening somewhere, don’t worry about what state they’re in,” said state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/dave-cortese-1956/\">Sen. Dave Cortese\u003c/a>, a Silicon Valley Democrat. “I have no problem looking them right in the eye and saying, ‘I don’t like where you’re going in terms of reproductive rights. I don’t like where you’re going in terms of your stubbornness on mass shootings and gun safety. But I do like what you’re doing on the housing front and I’d like to replicate some of that.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attitudes toward homelessness also differ widely between the two states. Earlier this year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2023/\">70% of Californians said homelessness is a “big problem”\u003c/a> in their part of the state, according to a Public Policy Institute of California poll. That’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/californians-see-a-rise-in-homelessness-in-their-communities/\">up from 63% in 2019\u003c/a>. By contrast, just \u003ca href=\"https://www.texaslyceum.org/assets/docs/Poll/2020/2020%20Lyceum%20Day%201%20Executive_Summary.pdf\">3% of Texans polled in 2020 said homelessness was the most important issue facing their state (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to the nonprofit Texas Lyceum.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The three Texas cities getting the most attention from California — Houston, Austin and San Antonio — are blue islands in a red state. Houston, a bustling metropolis of 2.3 million people, is Texas’ largest city. Austin, the state’s capital and a mecca for artists, students and foodies, is famously quirky — and urges everyone to “keep Austin weird.” San Antonio lures tourists with the historic Alamo mission and picturesque, restaurant-lined river walk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cortese, who \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/04/california-homeless-spending-audit/\">recently called for an audit of California’s homelessness spending\u003c/a>, tried to bring a version of the Austin tiny home village to Santa Clara County while serving as a county supervisor several years ago, but the idea never got off the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others in California argue what the Golden State is doing so far isn’t working, even though Newsom poured nearly $21 billion into housing and homelessness since he took office and vowed the issue is a top priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t want to see any more people die in the streets and call that compassion,” \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2022/01/california-homelessness-camps-newsom/\">Newsom said last year\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954471\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954471\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05.jpg\" alt=\"A man is seen outside of his makeshift tent, with a shopping cart full of his belongings, warming his hands by a small fire. It's nighttime. A "No Parking Anytime" sign in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas05-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Muhammad, who declined to provide his last name, warms his hand at a fire near his tent in Sacramento. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>His administration is well aware of the buzz around the Texas programs. Hafsa Kaka, the governor’s new senior adviser on homelessness, said Newsom’s policies compare well against the Texas sites.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘California continues to make unprecedented investments into housing and homelessness which includes shelter and wrap-around supportive services, cleaning up encampments, and creating more housing.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Houston, Austin and San Antonio employ the same “housing first” approach that California has used for years, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While Austin built 350 small homes, we are putting 1,200 across the state, including 500 in Los Angeles,” she said in an emailed statement sent on behalf of Newsom’s office. “California continues to make unprecedented investments into housing and homelessness which includes shelter and wrap-around supportive services, cleaning up encampments, and creating more housing. The state has invested more to increase housing supply than ever before in our history while holding local governments accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the difference in outcomes in Texas versus California is unmistakable. The Houston area’s unhoused population dropped 57% between 2012 and last year, dipping to 3,124, according to the federally mandated point-in-time count. \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/14/headway/houston-homeless-people.html\">A New York Times article\u003c/a> published last year highlighted the “remarkable progress,” catapulting the city that was already known in wonky homeless policy circles into the national limelight — and catching California’s attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s unhoused population increased 106% over the same period. Sacramento County’s jumped a whopping 230%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/2vIpF/10/\" width=\"800\" height=\"800\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Experts agree the point-in-time counts supplying those numbers — which generally rely on volunteers and outreach workers tallying every unhoused person they see over one night — miss portions of the unhoused community. But the counts can be a useful tool to measure the change in a city’s unhoused population.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Cheaper rent, more housing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One reason more people find housing in Texas: costs. The median rent for a one-bedroom home in the state was $1,233 in early June, according to Zillow. In California, it was $2,200 — making it harder for people to get and stay housed here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Land and construction costs are cheaper in Texas, too, and the Lone Star State has fewer regulations that restrict construction. The city of Houston, for example, has no zoning — coupled with a strong mayor who can push projects through — making it easier to build and harder to block housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11954580\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-800x622.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"622\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-800x622.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-1020x793.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-160x124.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM-1536x1194.png 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/Screenshot-2023-06-29-at-11.58.06-AM.png 1610w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, \u003ca href=\"https://socds.huduser.gov/permits/output_annual.odb\">Texas permitted more than twice as many\u003c/a> new homes \u003ca href=\"https://socds.huduser.gov/permits/output_annual.odb\">as California\u003c/a>, even though California has about 9 million more residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means even when a California city is doing everything right, it’s still not going to be as successful as its Texas counterpart in reducing homelessness, said Jennifer Loving, CEO of nonprofit Destination: Home in Santa Clara County, who visited Houston in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do all the same stuff,” she said. “And the major difference is how much housing they have, how quickly it’s getting built.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/4cd4fb85-56dc-4fd9-bc53-a1a394daf2c8?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fhousing%2F2023%2F06%2Fcalifornia-houston-homeless-solutions%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"700\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But despite its lower housing costs and dramatic drop in homelessness, Houston hasn’t managed to get everyone off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>As Darden, the outreach worker, continues his rounds, he ends up under the Highway Spur 527 overpass, where seven tents are arranged on a dirt lot amid a few dining room chairs and other scattered furniture. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Several of the people Darden speaks to at the camp already are housed or in the process of getting housing.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954519\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954519\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Left: Allison Hillman, left, and LaVoy Darden, right, with Search Homeless Services speak with a client about potential future housing in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. Right: A homeless encampment under Interstate Highway 69 in downtown Houston on May 5, 2023.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"847\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-800x265.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1020x337.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-160x53.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1536x508.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-2048x678.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/230629-CM-TEXAS-COMBO-2-JV-KQED-1920x635.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Allison Hillman, left, and LaVoy Darden, right, with Search Homeless Services speak with a client about potential future housing in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. Right: A homeless encampment under Interstate Highway 69 in downtown Houston on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>One of them is 71-year-old Albert Mack, who has been homeless in Houston off-and-on for 15 years, alternating time on the street with housing placements that didn’t pan out. He left his last apartment because the neighborhood was too dangerous, he said. Now, he’s once again on his way to living indoors — he’s just waiting for a copy of his birth certificate from his home state of Alabama. He’s excited. This time, Mack said, he’s going to stay housed.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“I can take me a shower every day,” he said. “I can be inside. I don’t have to worry about nobody bothering me.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More permanent housing, and collaboration\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When people like Mack get housed, it’s not only because rent is cheaper. Texas cities are doing other things differently than California, and Houston is a good example.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Texas’ largest city pours its homeless funding — including COVID emergency dollars — into long-term housing instead of shelters that offer a temporary fix. Most of that housing is in privately-owned apartments, where vouchers help formerly homeless people pay the rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California, on the other hand, divides its resources between temporary and permanent homeless solutions. The state funneled COVID funds into short-term hotels that as of last year had given 50,000 people — almost 30% of the state’s unhoused population — brief respites from the street. Newsom’s administration later used COVID and general funds to turn nearly 13,000 hotel rooms, apartments and other units into longer-term homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://e.infogram.com/d528338b-0ce5-422e-b71e-2db4f5079124?parent_url=https%3A%2F%2Fcalmatters.org%2Fhousing%2F2023%2F06%2Fcalifornia-houston-homeless-solutions%2F&src=embed#async_embed\" width=\"800\" height=\"850\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in Texas’ largest city, government agencies have a reputation for working together. Houston collaborates with Harris County and local nonprofits on a shared plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, by contrast, four different local government groups apply separately for limited homelessness funding from the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that what we haven’t done is come together with a single plan,” said Cheri Todoroff, executive director of Los Angeles County’s Homeless Initiative, who went to Houston in September. “And that’s really what we were looking to learn from Houston.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County is working on creating a collaborative leadership commission, mirroring Houston’s, that would include elected officials, businesses, nonprofits and other leaders.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Strict homeless enforcement in Texas\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other parts of Texas’ approach to homelessness are more punitive than practices favored by California cities and state officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The red state passed a law \u003ca href=\"https://www.texastribune.org/2021/05/20/texas-homeless-camps-ban-legislature/\">banning encampments throughout Texas\u003c/a> in 2021, obligating cities to clear camps and empowering law enforcement to cite and fine campers. California Republicans \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">proposed two similar bills this year\u003c/a>, but got no traction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Individual cities in Texas also have their own local camping bans. In Austin, for example, police sometimes force unhoused residents to move out of encampments, even if they have nowhere else to go, and cite them if they don’t comply.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954474\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954474\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08.jpg\" alt=\"City workers in yellow and orange reflective vests work out in the hot Houston heat cleaning up an encampment. A man is pictured using a push-broom in the background.\" width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas08-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temporary Workers, contracted by the Texas Department of Transportation, remove trash and personal belongings from a homeless encampment under US Route 290 at Westgate Boulevard in Austin, Texas on Nov. 4, 2019. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Texas Gov. Abbott cultivates a hard-line stance against homelessness — leading a charge to clear encampments on state property, publicly attacking Austin’s Democratic leaders for being too soft on homelessness and pushing for the state’s camping ban. “No one has a right to urinate & defecate wherever they want,” he tweeted before the camping ban passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seeming to take a page out of Texas’ book, California cities also are growing increasingly punitive. For instance, San Diego recently \u003ca href=\"https://voiceofsandiego.org/2023/06/14/san-diego-city-council-approves-crack-down-on-homeless-camps/\">approved a controversial encampment ban\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">other cities have taken similar steps\u003c/a>. But a major difference: Due to the \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">2018 federal court ruling Martin v. Boise\u003c/a>, California cities cannot clear camps or unilaterally ban encampments unless they have shelter beds to offer. Texas, in a different federal district, is not subject to that ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other aspects of Houston’s approach also might not translate well in California. Because Houston prioritizes long-term housing — the city and its county partners have moved more than 28,000 people into permanent housing since 2012 — it neglects the type of short-term shelters that quickly get someone off the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five days a week, 60-year-old Rachel Gonzales goes to The Beacon day center to eat breakfast and lunch, shower and do her laundry. At night, when the center is closed, she heads across the street to sleep on the sidewalk — without even a tent to protect her from the elements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Beacon staff are trained to connect clients to permanent housing, and last year, about two-thirds of those who signed up gained a place to live. But the process can take months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gonzales has been waiting since November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think it’s gonna be anytime soon,” she said. “You gotta think day by day. You can’t think about tomorrow, because if you think about tomorrow, think about a week from now, you’ll actually go crazy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Encampments still visible in Houston\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Houston’s lack of shelter beds and long wait times for housing allowed homeless encampments to proliferate, frustrating local residents — as they have in California. In 2018, the city began a push to “decommission” homeless camps. Now, former homeless camps dot the landscape — grassy strips by the side of the road or patches of dirt under overpasses that used to hold dozens of tents, but now are empty and circled by chain-link fences.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>How homeless camps are removed is one of the most contentious issues of the homelessness debate in California. Though the Boise ruling prevents cities in the Golden State from clearing camps without offering the occupants shelter, activists say many people aren’t given options that work for them. Some people may not be willing to give up a beloved pet in exchange for a bed in an animal-free shelter, for example, while others may have mental health conditions that make it hard to sleep in a crowded room. As a result, they instead scatter throughout the streets, losing contact with their caseworkers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Houston, when it’s time to clear a camp, outreach workers spend a month or more getting to know the occupants and figuring out what they need. Anyone they can’t immediately house generally is offered a spot in the city’s 100-bed navigation center, which opened in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The navigation center is a big step up from traditional shelters where dozens of people sleep together, occupants have to leave early each morning, and residents often see no discernible path to long-term housing. At the navigation center, people sleep four to a room, can bring pets, and during the day can relax in a comfy living room with TVs, a pool table and snacks. Entire encampments move into the center at once, allowing people to maintain close friendships forged on the streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They make you realize you somebody again,” said 51-year-old Terry Hardison, who has been unhoused off and on since 1999. He was living under a bridge before coming to the navigation center. On a recent Saturday afternoon, he sat on the couch in the center’s common room, watching “G.I. Joe” on the TV with friends.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But with only 100 beds, the navigation center can’t come close to accommodating everyone. People Darden meets on the street constantly ask how they can get in. He has to tell them the hard truth: Most often, they can’t.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those lucky enough to get a spot, there’s one big way the navigation center differs from a regular shelter: It gets people into permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 57 occupants who moved through the navigation center since it opened, as of early May, 91% went into permanent housing — and it generally takes just 30 days. Navigation center clients are bumped up to the top of Houston’s housing waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California also has navigation centers, but they haven’t been nearly as successful because there’s often no direct path from there into long-term housing. San Francisco’s largest center, for example, reported just 8% of the people who left its program ended up in permanent housing last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11954475\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11954475\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09.jpg\" alt='A man with calm expression and a friendly smile poses for a portrait. He has a T-shirt on that reads, \"Search.\"' width=\"1200\" height=\"800\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/CalMattersTexas09-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1200px) 100vw, 1200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">LaVoy Darden with Search Homeless Services in Houston, Texas on May 5, 2023. \u003ccite>(Jordan Vonderhaar/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For other people, housing success stories play out outside the walls of the navigation center. Back in Darden’s outreach van, he’s making someone’s day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The woman on the side of the road hears Darden yell, telling her she’s moving into her new apartment Monday. She’d been referred for a placement before and never followed through. But this time, after one of her friends recently died on the street, Darden believes she’s ready to end her homelessness.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The woman stops what she’s doing and breaks into a happy dance. The dream of a permanent place to call home — something that seems so impossible for so many people living in tents and cars from Texas to California — is finally hers.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Darden grins. “Whew, I feel a lot better now,” he says, steering the outreach van back toward his office.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“It feels great. Just to see the look on their face.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
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"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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