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"content": "\u003cdiv id=\"storytext\" class=\"storytext storylocation linkLocation\">\n\u003cp>Five states are voting this fall on whether marijuana should be legal, like alcohol, for recreational use. That has sparked questions about what we know — and don't know — about marijuana's effect on the brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research is scarce. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency classifies marijuana as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dea.gov/druginfo/ds.shtml\">Schedule I drug\u003c/a>. That classification puts up barriers to conducting research on it, including a cumbersome \u003ca href=\"http://www.deadiversion.usdoj.gov/21cfr/cfr/1301/1301_18.htm\">DEA approval\u003c/a> application and a requirement that scientists \u003ca href=\"http://grants.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not99-091.html\">procure\u003c/a> very specific marijuana plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One long-term study in New Zealand compared the IQs of people at age 13 and then through adolescence and adulthood to age 38. Those who used pot heavily from adolescence onward showed an average 8 percent drop in IQ. People who never smoked, by contrast, showed slightly increased IQ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics pounced on \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/109/40/E2657.full.pdf\">the study\u003c/a>, which was published in 2012, because it didn't adjust for many other things that affect IQ such as home life or family income. And there's no proof the IQ differences are due to pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those critics, \u003ca href=\"http://domstat.med.ucla.edu/pages/nicholas-jackson\">Nicholas Jackson\u003c/a>, now a senior statistician at the University of California, Los Angeles, wondered what would happen if he could rule out some of those elements by comparing twins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Individuals that share the same genes, grew up in the same household, where the difference between them was that one of the twins was using marijuana and one was not,\" Jackson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson and \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joshua_Isen\">Joshua Isen\u003c/a>, now an assistant professor of psychology at the University of South Alabama, conducted \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/113/5/E500.abstract\">a study\u003c/a> comparing IQ tests of twins age 9 to 12, before either had smoked marijuana, and then seven to 10 years later, after one had started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If marijuana was causing IQ decline, what we would expect to see is that the twin who goes on and uses marijuana should have IQ deficits,\" Jackson says. \"We don't find that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>IQ scores for both twins varied slightly over time. And for twins who smoked marijuana, there was no significant difference in effect between daily and occasional use. So was the New Zealand finding wrong? The authors did not comment for this story, but have said that the twins study of teenagers does not address the effects of decades of heavy marijuana use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana seems to affect a particular kind of intelligence, like short term retention of vocabulary words and other information that you might learn in school, says \u003ca href=\"http://www.albany.edu/psychology/20874.php\">Mitch Earleywine\u003c/a>, a professor of psychology at the University of Albany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They haven't learned a whole lot of vocabulary words or they never learned the capital of Maine because they were high at school that day,\" he says. \"But when it comes to things that are more liquid intelligence, more fluid intelligence, they're usually pretty good at those because it requires just intelligence in the moment, so to speak.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not clear how marijuana use may keep Augusta from being filed next to \"capital of Maine\" in the brain. Some studies that \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3930618/\">compare brain scans\u003c/a> of teenagers who use marijuana to those who don't show thinner, less dense connections between lobes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugabuse.gov/about-nida/directors-page/biography-dr-nora-volkow\">Nora Volkow\u003c/a>, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, says brains with less connectivity don't work as well as they should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You could expect that that will decrease your capacity to memorize things and to learn them which is necessary to you to actually further develop your cognitive abilities,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkow says there's little proof that marijuana causes poor brain connections. Studies so far have not compared brains before and after pot. Maybe kids who are already having trouble in school are more likely to try marijuana. Still, she is convinced that marijuana is bad for the brains of adults who began smoking in their youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who regularly smoked marijuana as teens, \"are achieving much less both in their education as well as their profession as well as their economic earnings,\" Volkow says. \"They also tend to be much more dissatisfied with life. Many studies have shown that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NIDA is one of several agencies behind a major study that will map the effects of marijuana and other substances on brain development. The Adolescent Brain and Cognitive Development Study (ABCD) will follow 10,000 9- to 10- year-olds through early adulthood, using neuroimaging to map changes in the brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as of now, the research suggests if you don't start young and don't use marijuana often, there's not much evidence of permanent harm to the brain. That's led some experts in marijuana brain science to say it might be OK to make pot legal, with strong oversight. That includes \u003ca href=\"http://drkevinhill.com/three-big-reasons-marijuana-is-misunderstood/\">Kevin Hill,\u003c/a> an assistant professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not sure how I would vote [on the Massachusetts ballot question] at this point. I want to see sensible marijuana policy that works, that gives people what they want while limiting risk,\" says Hill, who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Marijuana-Unbiased-Truth-World%C2%92s-Popular/dp/1616495596\">Marijuana: The Unbiased Truth about the World's Most Popular Weed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts is one of five states, including Arizona, California, Maine and Nevada, that will vote in November on legalizing recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill would like to see stronger regulation of marijuana if it becomes legal, with limits on advertising and of edible products that attract children, as well as a higher rate of taxation than the proposed 12 percent. If Massachusetts approves marijuana for recreational use, it would not be legal for anyone under age 21, when most, but not all, brain development occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of a reporting partnership with NPR, WBUR and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"tags\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cdiv id=\"storytext\" class=\"storytext storylocation linkLocation\">\n\u003cp>Five states are voting this fall on whether marijuana should be legal, like alcohol, for recreational use. That has sparked questions about what we know — and don't know — about marijuana's effect on the brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Research is scarce. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency classifies marijuana as a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dea.gov/druginfo/ds.shtml\">Schedule I drug\u003c/a>. That classification puts up barriers to conducting research on it, including a cumbersome \u003ca href=\"http://www.deadiversion.usdoj.gov/21cfr/cfr/1301/1301_18.htm\">DEA approval\u003c/a> application and a requirement that scientists \u003ca href=\"http://grants.nih.gov/grants/guide/notice-files/not99-091.html\">procure\u003c/a> very specific marijuana plants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One long-term study in New Zealand compared the IQs of people at age 13 and then through adolescence and adulthood to age 38. Those who used pot heavily from adolescence onward showed an average 8 percent drop in IQ. People who never smoked, by contrast, showed slightly increased IQ.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics pounced on \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/109/40/E2657.full.pdf\">the study\u003c/a>, which was published in 2012, because it didn't adjust for many other things that affect IQ such as home life or family income. And there's no proof the IQ differences are due to pot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of those critics, \u003ca href=\"http://domstat.med.ucla.edu/pages/nicholas-jackson\">Nicholas Jackson\u003c/a>, now a senior statistician at the University of California, Los Angeles, wondered what would happen if he could rule out some of those elements by comparing twins.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Individuals that share the same genes, grew up in the same household, where the difference between them was that one of the twins was using marijuana and one was not,\" Jackson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackson and \u003ca href=\"https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joshua_Isen\">Joshua Isen\u003c/a>, now an assistant professor of psychology at the University of South Alabama, conducted \u003ca href=\"http://www.pnas.org/content/113/5/E500.abstract\">a study\u003c/a> comparing IQ tests of twins age 9 to 12, before either had smoked marijuana, and then seven to 10 years later, after one had started.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If marijuana was causing IQ decline, what we would expect to see is that the twin who goes on and uses marijuana should have IQ deficits,\" Jackson says. \"We don't find that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>IQ scores for both twins varied slightly over time. And for twins who smoked marijuana, there was no significant difference in effect between daily and occasional use. So was the New Zealand finding wrong? The authors did not comment for this story, but have said that the twins study of teenagers does not address the effects of decades of heavy marijuana use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marijuana seems to affect a particular kind of intelligence, like short term retention of vocabulary words and other information that you might learn in school, says \u003ca href=\"http://www.albany.edu/psychology/20874.php\">Mitch Earleywine\u003c/a>, a professor of psychology at the University of Albany.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They haven't learned a whole lot of vocabulary words or they never learned the capital of Maine because they were high at school that day,\" he says. \"But when it comes to things that are more liquid intelligence, more fluid intelligence, they're usually pretty good at those because it requires just intelligence in the moment, so to speak.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not clear how marijuana use may keep Augusta from being filed next to \"capital of Maine\" in the brain. Some studies that \u003ca href=\"http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3930618/\">compare brain scans\u003c/a> of teenagers who use marijuana to those who don't show thinner, less dense connections between lobes. \u003ca href=\"https://www.drugabuse.gov/about-nida/directors-page/biography-dr-nora-volkow\">Nora Volkow\u003c/a>, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, says brains with less connectivity don't work as well as they should.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You could expect that that will decrease your capacity to memorize things and to learn them which is necessary to you to actually further develop your cognitive abilities,\" she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volkow says there's little proof that marijuana causes poor brain connections. Studies so far have not compared brains before and after pot. Maybe kids who are already having trouble in school are more likely to try marijuana. Still, she is convinced that marijuana is bad for the brains of adults who began smoking in their youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who regularly smoked marijuana as teens, \"are achieving much less both in their education as well as their profession as well as their economic earnings,\" Volkow says. \"They also tend to be much more dissatisfied with life. Many studies have shown that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>NIDA is one of several agencies behind a major study that will map the effects of marijuana and other substances on brain development. The Adolescent Brain and Cognitive Development Study (ABCD) will follow 10,000 9- to 10- year-olds through early adulthood, using neuroimaging to map changes in the brain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as of now, the research suggests if you don't start young and don't use marijuana often, there's not much evidence of permanent harm to the brain. That's led some experts in marijuana brain science to say it might be OK to make pot legal, with strong oversight. That includes \u003ca href=\"http://drkevinhill.com/three-big-reasons-marijuana-is-misunderstood/\">Kevin Hill,\u003c/a> an assistant professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm not sure how I would vote [on the Massachusetts ballot question] at this point. I want to see sensible marijuana policy that works, that gives people what they want while limiting risk,\" says Hill, who wrote \u003ca href=\"https://www.amazon.com/Marijuana-Unbiased-Truth-World%C2%92s-Popular/dp/1616495596\">Marijuana: The Unbiased Truth about the World's Most Popular Weed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Massachusetts is one of five states, including Arizona, California, Maine and Nevada, that will vote in November on legalizing recreational marijuana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hill would like to see stronger regulation of marijuana if it becomes legal, with limits on advertising and of edible products that attract children, as well as a higher rate of taxation than the proposed 12 percent. If Massachusetts approves marijuana for recreational use, it would not be legal for anyone under age 21, when most, but not all, brain development occurs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of a reporting partnership with NPR, WBUR and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://www.kaiserhealthnews.org/\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"tags\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Sugar Industry Funded 1960s Harvard Research That Blamed Heart Disease on Fat",
"title": "Sugar Industry Funded 1960s Harvard Research That Blamed Heart Disease on Fat",
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"content": "\u003cp>The sugar industry began funding research that cast doubt on sugar's role in heart disease — in part by pointing the finger at fat — as early as the 1960s, according to an analysis of newly uncovered documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis published Monday is based on correspondence between a sugar trade group and researchers at Harvard University, and is the latest example showing how food and beverage makers attempt to shape public understanding of nutrition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the group now known as the Sugar Association internally discussed a campaign to address \"negative attitudes toward sugar\" after studies began emerging linking sugar with heart disease, according to documents dug up from public archives. The following year the group approved \"Project 226,\" which entailed paying Harvard researchers today's equivalent of $48,900 for an article reviewing the scientific literature, supplying materials they wanted reviewed, and receiving drafts of the article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting article published in 1967 concluded there was \"no doubt\" that reducing cholesterol and saturated fat was the only dietary intervention needed to prevent heart disease. The researchers overstated the consistency of the literature on fat and cholesterol, while downplaying studies on sugar, according to the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Let me assure you this is quite what we had in mind and we look forward to its appearance in print,\" wrote an employee of the sugar industry group to one of the authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sugar industry's funding and role were not disclosed when the article was published by the New England Journal of Medicine. The journal, which did not require such disclosures at the time, began requesting author disclosures in 1984.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an editorial published Monday that accompanied the sugar industry analysis, New York University professor of nutrition Marion Nestle noted that for decades following the study, scientists and health officials focused on reducing saturated fat, not sugar, to prevent heart disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While scientists are still working to understand links between diet and heart disease, concern has shifted in recent years to sugar and carbohydrates, and away from fat, Nestle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A committee advising the federal government on dietary guidelines says the available evidence shows \"no appreciable relationship\" between the dietary cholesterol and heart disease, although it still recommended limiting saturated fats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Heart Association cites a study published in 2014 in saying that too much added sugar can increase risk of heart disease, though the authors of that study says the biological reasons for the link are not completely understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings published Monday are part of an ongoing project by a former dentist, Cristin Kearns, to reveal the sugar industry's decades-long efforts to counter science linking sugar with negative health effects, including diabetes. The latest work, published in the journal JAMA Internal Medicine, is based primarily on 31 pages of correspondence between the sugar group and one of the Harvard researchers who authored the review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Sugar Association said it \"should have exercised greater transparency in all of its research activities,\" but that funding disclosures were not the norm when the review was published. The group also questioned Kearns' \"continued attempts to reframe historical occurrences\" to play into the current public sentiment against sugar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sugar Association said it was a \"disservice\" that industry-funded research in general is considered \"tainted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies including Coca-Cola Co. and Kellogg Co. as well as groups for agricultural products like beef and blueberries regularly fund studies that become a part of scientific literature, are cited by other researchers, and are touted in press releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies say they adhere to scientific standards, and many researchers feel that industry funding is critical to advancing science given the growing competition for government funds. But critics say such studies are often thinly veiled marketing that undermine efforts to improve public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Food company sponsorship, whether or not intentionally manipulative, undermines public trust in nutrition science, contributes to public confusion about what to eat,\" wrote Nestle, a longtime critic of industry funding of science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors of the analysis note they were unable to interview key actors quoted in the documents because they are no longer alive. They also note there is no direct evidence the sugar industry wrote or changed the manuscript, that the documents provide a limited window into the activities of the sugar industry group and that the roles of other industries and nutrition leaders in shaping the discussion about heart disease were not studied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, they say the documents underscore why policy makers should consider giving less weight to industry-funded studies. Although funding disclosures are now common practice in the scientific community, the role sponsors play behind the scenes is still not always clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the Associated Press reported on a study funded by the candy industry's trade group that found children who eat candy tend to weigh less than those who don't. The National Confectioners Association, which touted the findings in a press release, provided feedback to the authors on a draft even though a disclosure said it had no role in the paper. The association said its suggestions didn't alter the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, the AP also reported on emails showing Coca-Cola was instrumental in creating a nonprofit that said its mission was to fight obesity, even though the group publicly said the soda maker had \"no input\" into its activities. A document circulated at Coke said the group would counter the \"shrill rhetoric\" of \"public health extremists.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coca-Cola subsequently conceded that it had not been transparent, and the group later disbanded.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The sugar industry began funding research that cast doubt on sugar's role in heart disease — in part by pointing the finger at fat — as early as the 1960s, according to an analysis of newly uncovered documents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis published Monday is based on correspondence between a sugar trade group and researchers at Harvard University, and is the latest example showing how food and beverage makers attempt to shape public understanding of nutrition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1964, the group now known as the Sugar Association internally discussed a campaign to address \"negative attitudes toward sugar\" after studies began emerging linking sugar with heart disease, according to documents dug up from public archives. The following year the group approved \"Project 226,\" which entailed paying Harvard researchers today's equivalent of $48,900 for an article reviewing the scientific literature, supplying materials they wanted reviewed, and receiving drafts of the article.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The resulting article published in 1967 concluded there was \"no doubt\" that reducing cholesterol and saturated fat was the only dietary intervention needed to prevent heart disease. The researchers overstated the consistency of the literature on fat and cholesterol, while downplaying studies on sugar, according to the analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Let me assure you this is quite what we had in mind and we look forward to its appearance in print,\" wrote an employee of the sugar industry group to one of the authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The sugar industry's funding and role were not disclosed when the article was published by the New England Journal of Medicine. The journal, which did not require such disclosures at the time, began requesting author disclosures in 1984.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an editorial published Monday that accompanied the sugar industry analysis, New York University professor of nutrition Marion Nestle noted that for decades following the study, scientists and health officials focused on reducing saturated fat, not sugar, to prevent heart disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While scientists are still working to understand links between diet and heart disease, concern has shifted in recent years to sugar and carbohydrates, and away from fat, Nestle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A committee advising the federal government on dietary guidelines says the available evidence shows \"no appreciable relationship\" between the dietary cholesterol and heart disease, although it still recommended limiting saturated fats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The American Heart Association cites a study published in 2014 in saying that too much added sugar can increase risk of heart disease, though the authors of that study says the biological reasons for the link are not completely understood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The findings published Monday are part of an ongoing project by a former dentist, Cristin Kearns, to reveal the sugar industry's decades-long efforts to counter science linking sugar with negative health effects, including diabetes. The latest work, published in the journal JAMA Internal Medicine, is based primarily on 31 pages of correspondence between the sugar group and one of the Harvard researchers who authored the review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement, the Sugar Association said it \"should have exercised greater transparency in all of its research activities,\" but that funding disclosures were not the norm when the review was published. The group also questioned Kearns' \"continued attempts to reframe historical occurrences\" to play into the current public sentiment against sugar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sugar Association said it was a \"disservice\" that industry-funded research in general is considered \"tainted.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies including Coca-Cola Co. and Kellogg Co. as well as groups for agricultural products like beef and blueberries regularly fund studies that become a part of scientific literature, are cited by other researchers, and are touted in press releases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Companies say they adhere to scientific standards, and many researchers feel that industry funding is critical to advancing science given the growing competition for government funds. But critics say such studies are often thinly veiled marketing that undermine efforts to improve public health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Food company sponsorship, whether or not intentionally manipulative, undermines public trust in nutrition science, contributes to public confusion about what to eat,\" wrote Nestle, a longtime critic of industry funding of science.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The authors of the analysis note they were unable to interview key actors quoted in the documents because they are no longer alive. They also note there is no direct evidence the sugar industry wrote or changed the manuscript, that the documents provide a limited window into the activities of the sugar industry group and that the roles of other industries and nutrition leaders in shaping the discussion about heart disease were not studied.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevertheless, they say the documents underscore why policy makers should consider giving less weight to industry-funded studies. Although funding disclosures are now common practice in the scientific community, the role sponsors play behind the scenes is still not always clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the Associated Press reported on a study funded by the candy industry's trade group that found children who eat candy tend to weigh less than those who don't. The National Confectioners Association, which touted the findings in a press release, provided feedback to the authors on a draft even though a disclosure said it had no role in the paper. The association said its suggestions didn't alter the findings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In November, the AP also reported on emails showing Coca-Cola was instrumental in creating a nonprofit that said its mission was to fight obesity, even though the group publicly said the soda maker had \"no input\" into its activities. A document circulated at Coke said the group would counter the \"shrill rhetoric\" of \"public health extremists.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Coca-Cola subsequently conceded that it had not been transparent, and the group later disbanded.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Study: High School and College Students Are Not Using Illegal Drugs as Much as Their Parents Once Did",
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"content": "\u003cp>High school students and young adults are much less likely to use illicit drugs than their parents, according to data released Thursday. And compared to baby boomers, young adults today look like outright angels. Except for their acceptance of marijuana, that is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This report comes from a running, four-decade-long study of drug, tobacco and alcohol use from the University of Michigan. This most recent iteration shows that people in their 40s and 50s used far more drugs in their youth than do people in their teens and 20s today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The proportion of Americans in their 40s and 50s who have experience with illicit drugs is quite shocking,\" says \u003ca href=\"http://home.isr.umich.edu/research/researcher-profiles/lloyd-johnston/\">Lloyd Johnston\u003c/a>, a research scientist at the University of Michigan and the lead investigator on the study. \"It's a great majority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not counting marijuana, over 70 percent of people in their 50s have used illegal drugs in their lifetimes. Including marijuana, the proportion soars to about 85 percent of people in their 50s. Back when these people were in college, nearly half of them were using illegal drugs compared to around 40 percent of college-aged adults today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, young people have been increasingly shunning psychoactive substances for a while now. Cigarette use is at an all-time low, with 20.5 percent of college students saying they smoked in 2015 compared to 44.5 percent in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"res493140124\" class=\"bucketwrap statichtml\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe the most important of all is the decline in narcotic drugs like Vicodin and OxyContin and so forth,\" Johnston says. Use of prescription opioids by college students has dropped from 8.7 percent in 2003 to 3.3 percent in 2015. \"That's despite the fact that we know from the news that the use and misuse of narcotic drugs is a growing problem in the country,\" Johnston says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is not completely clear, Johnston says, but it probably has to do with young people learning to be wary. \"When someone sees a substance is dangerous, they tend to avoid it,\" he says. \"And one of the things we've seen is an increased in perceived risk for a number of drugs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to marijuana, the trend reverses. \"For the most part, among both college and high school students their perception of how dangerous [cannabis] is has dropped like a rock,\" Johnston says. That tracks closely with how use of cannabis, which has been steadily rising for the past couple of decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy debate around the legalization of recreational and medical marijuana is probably making the drug seem a lot less dangerous, Johnston thinks. \"It's hard to see what else would account for such a dramatic change in perceived risk,\" he says. \u003ca href=\"http://www.centeronaddiction.org/addiction-research/reports/national-survey-american-attitudes-substance-abuse-teens-parents-2011\">Other\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://online.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/cyber.2014.0620\">studies\u003c/a> have shown that negative messages about cannabis are rare on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And negative opinions or information about other drugs floating on the Internet could make them seem more dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after synthetic marijuana, also called spice, became popular, videos on YouTube and Twitter showed terrifying effects the drug had on users. This report shows an abrupt drop in spice use, from 8.5 percent of college students to 1.5 percent in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The use of the Internet has certainly increased information exchange from objective sources and other people the same age,\" Johnston says. \"Perhaps young people today are more informed about things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's also a lot of federal funding available for drug prevention programs that target young people, particularly high school-aged students, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.umass.edu/sphhs/person/faculty/jennifer-m-whitehill\">Jennifer Whitehill\u003c/a>, a public health researcher at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. And a lot of drug awareness campaigns didn't get started until after the 80s. That could also contribute to the declining use of drugs among young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the reason, the declines in illicit drug use don't mean our society is going to become drug-free. The last period of declining drug use was in the late 80s, and Johnston says after that efforts to reduce drug use started dropping off after that. \"Congress spent less time and money on the drug issue and, most importantly, the media dropped the drug issue.\" That gave a bump to drug use in the 90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline right now could just be setting the stage for another resurgence of illegal drug use, Johnston says. \"As we're seeing a period of decline in illicit drugs, there's less attention to the issue, and young people grow up knowing less about why they shouldn't use them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>High school students and young adults are much less likely to use illicit drugs than their parents, according to data released Thursday. And compared to baby boomers, young adults today look like outright angels. Except for their acceptance of marijuana, that is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This report comes from a running, four-decade-long study of drug, tobacco and alcohol use from the University of Michigan. This most recent iteration shows that people in their 40s and 50s used far more drugs in their youth than do people in their teens and 20s today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The proportion of Americans in their 40s and 50s who have experience with illicit drugs is quite shocking,\" says \u003ca href=\"http://home.isr.umich.edu/research/researcher-profiles/lloyd-johnston/\">Lloyd Johnston\u003c/a>, a research scientist at the University of Michigan and the lead investigator on the study. \"It's a great majority.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Not counting marijuana, over 70 percent of people in their 50s have used illegal drugs in their lifetimes. Including marijuana, the proportion soars to about 85 percent of people in their 50s. Back when these people were in college, nearly half of them were using illegal drugs compared to around 40 percent of college-aged adults today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fact, young people have been increasingly shunning psychoactive substances for a while now. Cigarette use is at an all-time low, with 20.5 percent of college students saying they smoked in 2015 compared to 44.5 percent in 1999.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv id=\"res493140124\" class=\"bucketwrap statichtml\">\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\"Maybe the most important of all is the decline in narcotic drugs like Vicodin and OxyContin and so forth,\" Johnston says. Use of prescription opioids by college students has dropped from 8.7 percent in 2003 to 3.3 percent in 2015. \"That's despite the fact that we know from the news that the use and misuse of narcotic drugs is a growing problem in the country,\" Johnston says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reason is not completely clear, Johnston says, but it probably has to do with young people learning to be wary. \"When someone sees a substance is dangerous, they tend to avoid it,\" he says. \"And one of the things we've seen is an increased in perceived risk for a number of drugs.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when it comes to marijuana, the trend reverses. \"For the most part, among both college and high school students their perception of how dangerous [cannabis] is has dropped like a rock,\" Johnston says. That tracks closely with how use of cannabis, which has been steadily rising for the past couple of decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy debate around the legalization of recreational and medical marijuana is probably making the drug seem a lot less dangerous, Johnston thinks. \"It's hard to see what else would account for such a dramatic change in perceived risk,\" he says. \u003ca href=\"http://www.centeronaddiction.org/addiction-research/reports/national-survey-american-attitudes-substance-abuse-teens-parents-2011\">Other\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"http://online.liebertpub.com/doi/full/10.1089/cyber.2014.0620\">studies\u003c/a> have shown that negative messages about cannabis are rare on social media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And negative opinions or information about other drugs floating on the Internet could make them seem more dangerous.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after synthetic marijuana, also called spice, became popular, videos on YouTube and Twitter showed terrifying effects the drug had on users. This report shows an abrupt drop in spice use, from 8.5 percent of college students to 1.5 percent in 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The use of the Internet has certainly increased information exchange from objective sources and other people the same age,\" Johnston says. \"Perhaps young people today are more informed about things.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's also a lot of federal funding available for drug prevention programs that target young people, particularly high school-aged students, says \u003ca href=\"https://www.umass.edu/sphhs/person/faculty/jennifer-m-whitehill\">Jennifer Whitehill\u003c/a>, a public health researcher at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. And a lot of drug awareness campaigns didn't get started until after the 80s. That could also contribute to the declining use of drugs among young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever the reason, the declines in illicit drug use don't mean our society is going to become drug-free. The last period of declining drug use was in the late 80s, and Johnston says after that efforts to reduce drug use started dropping off after that. \"Congress spent less time and money on the drug issue and, most importantly, the media dropped the drug issue.\" That gave a bump to drug use in the 90s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decline right now could just be setting the stage for another resurgence of illegal drug use, Johnston says. \"As we're seeing a period of decline in illicit drugs, there's less attention to the issue, and young people grow up knowing less about why they shouldn't use them.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "California Insurers May Be Exploiting Outrage Over Drug Prices to Inflate Health Plan Premiums, Consumer Advocates Say",
"title": "California Insurers May Be Exploiting Outrage Over Drug Prices to Inflate Health Plan Premiums, Consumer Advocates Say",
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"content": "\u003cp>Rising drug costs are often blamed for driving up health insurance premiums, but a major consumer group says the numbers don’t add up — at least in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocacy group Consumers Union says two of California's largest insurers may be exploiting the outrage over high drug prices to artificially inflate their premiums for individual coverage under the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators are independently examining the issue and pressing both Anthem Inc. and Blue Shield of California to justify their rate hikes of nearly 20 percent before open enrollment this fall. Together, the insurers cover more than half of enrollees in the state’s insurance exchange, Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the uproar over expensive hepatitis C pills and, more recently, the $600 price tag for EpiPens, the growth in spending on prescription drugs has been slowing. After a 12 percent jump in 2014, drug costs are expected to climb by roughly 7 percent next year, according to federal officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of prescription drugs is an issue,” said Dena Mendelsohn, a staff attorney at Consumers Union in San Francisco. “But pharmaceutical expenses may be the factor most open to exploitation by health plans searching for a Trojan horse with which to usher in excessively priced insurance rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In detailed comments recently filed with the California Department of Managed Health Care, Consumers Union asked why the cost projections submitted by Anthem and Blue Shield are so much higher than some of their competitors and other industry-wide figures. (The Consumers Union comments are included in rate filing documents \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=XbZWkzRmrkA%24\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=0QtDat9Z%2fL8%24\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the managed care agency has requested more information from both companies ahead of an Oct. 3 deadline to finish its review into whether their premium increases are reasonable. Blue Shield has proposed an average 19.4 percent increase for about 550,000 individual policyholders, both in the Covered California exchange and outside the marketplace. Anthem, the nation’s second-largest health insurer, wants a 17.2 percent increase for nearly 580,000 customers in and outside the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency can pressure the insurers to reduce the increases by calling them into question, but it doesn’t have the authority to block them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeking additional information and clarity from Anthem and Blue Shield on their filings,” said spokeswoman Rachel Arrezola. “We cannot discuss findings until we’ve completed our review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make the case for substantial rate hikes, both Anthem and Blue Shield cited higher drug spending as a major factor. Anthem forecast a 17.7 percent jump in prescription drug costs for 2017; Blue Shield was close behind at 15.2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blue Shield said soaring drug costs are one reason it lost money on individual policies in the first half of this year. The company said pharmacy costs on a per-member basis rose more than 30 percent last year in the individual market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not using any sleight of hand to justify rate increases,” said Steve Shivinsky, a spokesman for Blue Shield, a nonprofit health plan based in San Francisco. “Our numbers reflect what we’re experiencing in the market, not some national average or trend. We’re seeing a dramatic inflation in cost for run-of-the-mill drugs like EpiPen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem declined to answer specific questions about its rates while the state review is pending. In a statement, the company said “factors such as increased use of medical services and added costs of drugs and medical therapies put upward pressure on rates and underscore the additional work that needs to be done to moderate the growth in health care costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other big insurers in the California exchange saw things differently, according to their regulatory filings. HMO giant Kaiser Permanente predicts a 6 percent increase in drug costs next year and Health Net Inc. estimated 11 percent. Consumers Union asked regulators to seek a detailed justification for Health Net’s average rate increase of 9.4 percent as well, \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=bSEB7eCDslo%24\" target=\"_blank\">documents\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Other state exchanges are facing even steeper rate hikes, approaching 60 percent from some major insurers reporting heavy losses under the health law. Consumers Union said the questionable data it found in California may apply to insurers elsewhere and it urges all regulators to conduct a thorough review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s likely happening across the country with insurers using this as an opportunity to raise rates more than they should,” Mendelsohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many health insurers insist their losses in the individual market are substantial and higher rates are necessary to make the Obamacare marketplaces sustainable for the long term. In crafting 2017 rates, insurers said they had the benefit of detailed data on exchange customers for the first time, and it showed they had underpriced the coverage compared to the services used by members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug costs are just one factor pushing up premiums. Another is the discontinuation of a federal reinsurance program later this year that helps insurers with large claims. Also, many companies have complained about higher than expected costs for people who sign up outside the regular open enrollment period, citing special circumstances such as a job loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal data and several industry reports suggest that drug costs are leveling off nationwide after a spike from several high-priced hepatitis C medications bursting on the market. Prescription drug spending grew 3.9 percent for the past 12 months through July, according to the Altarum Institute. That’s down from 8.5 percent for the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a moderation of the cost trend,” said Barbara Gniewek, a partner and health benefits expert at consulting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers. “The hepatitis C drugs were a tsunami and really caught people off guard. But I don’t see those types of blockbusters in the pipeline right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gniewek said the drug cost projections from Anthem and Blue Shield are outliers. “I haven’t seen numbers that high,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other health policy experts, however, said there’s ample evidence that drug costs are forcing premiums higher, particularly in the more volatile individual market, and insurers might have good reason to fear the worst from drug makers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there has been some moderation in drug costs, I don’t think insurers have any confidence it will last,” said Paul Ginsburg, a health economist and professor at the University of Southern California. “They are waiting for the next major drug launch. They were burned by hepatitis C and might be more conservative now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s health exchange negotiated the rate increases with Blue Shield and Anthem, and the agency vetted them before they were announced in July. The two big insurers drove the statewide rate increase on the exchange to 13.2 percent for next year, a sharp uptick from 4 percent average increases the previous two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendelsohn questioned why large insurers such as Anthem and Blue Shield can’t use their market power to better control pharmacy costs and whether the companies are fully accounting for the rebates they receive from drug manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shivinsky acknowledged that there’s more Blue Shield could do to address drug prices. “We’re looking at changes in our formulary and how we purchase drugs in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Rising drug costs are often blamed for driving up health insurance premiums, but a major consumer group says the numbers don’t add up — at least in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocacy group Consumers Union says two of California's largest insurers may be exploiting the outrage over high drug prices to artificially inflate their premiums for individual coverage under the Affordable Care Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State regulators are independently examining the issue and pressing both Anthem Inc. and Blue Shield of California to justify their rate hikes of nearly 20 percent before open enrollment this fall. Together, the insurers cover more than half of enrollees in the state’s insurance exchange, Covered California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the uproar over expensive hepatitis C pills and, more recently, the $600 price tag for EpiPens, the growth in spending on prescription drugs has been slowing. After a 12 percent jump in 2014, drug costs are expected to climb by roughly 7 percent next year, according to federal officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The cost of prescription drugs is an issue,” said Dena Mendelsohn, a staff attorney at Consumers Union in San Francisco. “But pharmaceutical expenses may be the factor most open to exploitation by health plans searching for a Trojan horse with which to usher in excessively priced insurance rates.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In detailed comments recently filed with the California Department of Managed Health Care, Consumers Union asked why the cost projections submitted by Anthem and Blue Shield are so much higher than some of their competitors and other industry-wide figures. (The Consumers Union comments are included in rate filing documents \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=XbZWkzRmrkA%24\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=0QtDat9Z%2fL8%24\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Separately, the managed care agency has requested more information from both companies ahead of an Oct. 3 deadline to finish its review into whether their premium increases are reasonable. Blue Shield has proposed an average 19.4 percent increase for about 550,000 individual policyholders, both in the Covered California exchange and outside the marketplace. Anthem, the nation’s second-largest health insurer, wants a 17.2 percent increase for nearly 580,000 customers in and outside the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state agency can pressure the insurers to reduce the increases by calling them into question, but it doesn’t have the authority to block them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeking additional information and clarity from Anthem and Blue Shield on their filings,” said spokeswoman Rachel Arrezola. “We cannot discuss findings until we’ve completed our review.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To make the case for substantial rate hikes, both Anthem and Blue Shield cited higher drug spending as a major factor. Anthem forecast a 17.7 percent jump in prescription drug costs for 2017; Blue Shield was close behind at 15.2 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blue Shield said soaring drug costs are one reason it lost money on individual policies in the first half of this year. The company said pharmacy costs on a per-member basis rose more than 30 percent last year in the individual market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are not using any sleight of hand to justify rate increases,” said Steve Shivinsky, a spokesman for Blue Shield, a nonprofit health plan based in San Francisco. “Our numbers reflect what we’re experiencing in the market, not some national average or trend. We’re seeing a dramatic inflation in cost for run-of-the-mill drugs like EpiPen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem declined to answer specific questions about its rates while the state review is pending. In a statement, the company said “factors such as increased use of medical services and added costs of drugs and medical therapies put upward pressure on rates and underscore the additional work that needs to be done to moderate the growth in health care costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two other big insurers in the California exchange saw things differently, according to their regulatory filings. HMO giant Kaiser Permanente predicts a 6 percent increase in drug costs next year and Health Net Inc. estimated 11 percent. Consumers Union asked regulators to seek a detailed justification for Health Net’s average rate increase of 9.4 percent as well, \u003ca href=\"http://wpso.dmhc.ca.gov/RateReview/Detail.aspx?lrh=bSEB7eCDslo%24\" target=\"_blank\">documents\u003c/a> show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Other state exchanges are facing even steeper rate hikes, approaching 60 percent from some major insurers reporting heavy losses under the health law. Consumers Union said the questionable data it found in California may apply to insurers elsewhere and it urges all regulators to conduct a thorough review.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s likely happening across the country with insurers using this as an opportunity to raise rates more than they should,” Mendelsohn said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many health insurers insist their losses in the individual market are substantial and higher rates are necessary to make the Obamacare marketplaces sustainable for the long term. In crafting 2017 rates, insurers said they had the benefit of detailed data on exchange customers for the first time, and it showed they had underpriced the coverage compared to the services used by members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug costs are just one factor pushing up premiums. Another is the discontinuation of a federal reinsurance program later this year that helps insurers with large claims. Also, many companies have complained about higher than expected costs for people who sign up outside the regular open enrollment period, citing special circumstances such as a job loss.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal data and several industry reports suggest that drug costs are leveling off nationwide after a spike from several high-priced hepatitis C medications bursting on the market. Prescription drug spending grew 3.9 percent for the past 12 months through July, according to the Altarum Institute. That’s down from 8.5 percent for the previous year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are seeing a moderation of the cost trend,” said Barbara Gniewek, a partner and health benefits expert at consulting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers. “The hepatitis C drugs were a tsunami and really caught people off guard. But I don’t see those types of blockbusters in the pipeline right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gniewek said the drug cost projections from Anthem and Blue Shield are outliers. “I haven’t seen numbers that high,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other health policy experts, however, said there’s ample evidence that drug costs are forcing premiums higher, particularly in the more volatile individual market, and insurers might have good reason to fear the worst from drug makers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Even though there has been some moderation in drug costs, I don’t think insurers have any confidence it will last,” said Paul Ginsburg, a health economist and professor at the University of Southern California. “They are waiting for the next major drug launch. They were burned by hepatitis C and might be more conservative now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s health exchange negotiated the rate increases with Blue Shield and Anthem, and the agency vetted them before they were announced in July. The two big insurers drove the statewide rate increase on the exchange to 13.2 percent for next year, a sharp uptick from 4 percent average increases the previous two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mendelsohn questioned why large insurers such as Anthem and Blue Shield can’t use their market power to better control pharmacy costs and whether the companies are fully accounting for the rebates they receive from drug manufacturers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shivinsky acknowledged that there’s more Blue Shield could do to address drug prices. “We’re looking at changes in our formulary and how we purchase drugs in the future,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Half of Americans Take Prescription Drugs That Could Lead to Addiction",
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"content": "\u003cp>Almost half of all Americans take prescription painkillers, tranquilizers, stimulants or sedatives, according to results of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.samhsa.gov/data/sites/default/files/NSDUH-FFR2-2015/NSDUH-FFR2-2015.htm\">federal survey\u003c/a> released Thursday. The prevalent use of these drugs could help explain why millions of Americans end up misusing or abusing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for the first time, the government's National Survey on Drug Use decided to ask the people it interviewed about all uses of prescription medicines, not just inappropriate use. The survey found that 119 million Americans over the age of 12 took prescription psychotherapeutic drugs. That's 45 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, about 19 million Americans didn't follow a prescription. Most misuse involved people who acquired the drugs from friends or family. More than a third had a prescription but took those drugs excessively. And about 5 percent bought drugs from a dealer or stranger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, 16 percent of all prescription drug use was actually misuse, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's no question that these drugs help alleviate pain and suffering for millions of Americans. But it's also clear that the system encourages overuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of us go to the doctor and feel like we don't get our money's worth if we don't come out with a prescription, right?\" Kim Johnson told Shots. She is director of the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment at the federal \u003ca href=\"http://www.samhsa.gov/\">Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just like any drug, the more it's out there, the more it's available, the more likely it is to be abused,\" she said. And many of these drugs pose an additional risk because of their physical effects, including in some cases their addictive properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is trying to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/media/modules/dpk/2016/dpk-pod/rr6501e1er-ebook.pdf\">reform prescribing practices\u003c/a>, particularly for opioid drugs, to reduce the overuse of these pain medications. The new survey also documents the dire need for affordable and accessible treatment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One in 12 people aged 12 or over needed treatment for substance use disorder, yet nearly 90 percent of those people didn't get specialty treatment that could have helped them toward recovery,\" said Kana Enomoto, SAMHSA's principal deputy administrator, at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That need for treatment pertains not just to prescription drug abuse but to street drugs such as heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to expand access to treatment and we need to do it now,\" said Michael Botticelli, director of the White House \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp\">Office of National Drug Control Policy\u003c/a>. \"Because, like every other disease, people who want treatment should be able to get it. And it should not be dependent on where they live or how much money they have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Obama's budget for fiscal year 2017 called for more than $1 billion to expand access to drug treatment, but Congress has not acted on it.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Almost half of all Americans take prescription painkillers, tranquilizers, stimulants or sedatives, according to results of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.samhsa.gov/data/sites/default/files/NSDUH-FFR2-2015/NSDUH-FFR2-2015.htm\">federal survey\u003c/a> released Thursday. The prevalent use of these drugs could help explain why millions of Americans end up misusing or abusing them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, for the first time, the government's National Survey on Drug Use decided to ask the people it interviewed about all uses of prescription medicines, not just inappropriate use. The survey found that 119 million Americans over the age of 12 took prescription psychotherapeutic drugs. That's 45 percent of the population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of those, about 19 million Americans didn't follow a prescription. Most misuse involved people who acquired the drugs from friends or family. More than a third had a prescription but took those drugs excessively. And about 5 percent bought drugs from a dealer or stranger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All told, 16 percent of all prescription drug use was actually misuse, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There's no question that these drugs help alleviate pain and suffering for millions of Americans. But it's also clear that the system encourages overuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Any of us go to the doctor and feel like we don't get our money's worth if we don't come out with a prescription, right?\" Kim Johnson told Shots. She is director of the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment at the federal \u003ca href=\"http://www.samhsa.gov/\">Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just like any drug, the more it's out there, the more it's available, the more likely it is to be abused,\" she said. And many of these drugs pose an additional risk because of their physical effects, including in some cases their addictive properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is trying to \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdc.gov/media/modules/dpk/2016/dpk-pod/rr6501e1er-ebook.pdf\">reform prescribing practices\u003c/a>, particularly for opioid drugs, to reduce the overuse of these pain medications. The new survey also documents the dire need for affordable and accessible treatment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"One in 12 people aged 12 or over needed treatment for substance use disorder, yet nearly 90 percent of those people didn't get specialty treatment that could have helped them toward recovery,\" said Kana Enomoto, SAMHSA's principal deputy administrator, at a news conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That need for treatment pertains not just to prescription drug abuse but to street drugs such as heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We need to expand access to treatment and we need to do it now,\" said Michael Botticelli, director of the White House \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/ondcp\">Office of National Drug Control Policy\u003c/a>. \"Because, like every other disease, people who want treatment should be able to get it. And it should not be dependent on where they live or how much money they have.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>President Obama's budget for fiscal year 2017 called for more than $1 billion to expand access to drug treatment, but Congress has not acted on it.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Glaring Disparities in Health Plan Benefits Persist Despite Federal and State Efforts",
"title": "Glaring Disparities in Health Plan Benefits Persist Despite Federal and State Efforts",
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"content": "\u003cp>Tracey Stahl lost part of a leg to bone cancer last fall, and she has to wince through bouts of crippling pain from an ill-fitting artificial limb because of a strange health insurance limit: Her plan covers just one limb per lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She now has to weigh whether to dump the nearly $9,000 cost of a new leg on her credit card as she fights her insurance company over the restriction. \"I feel — it's embarrassing to say — paralyzed about what to do,\" said Stahl, from her home in Penfield, New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caiti Riley's left leg was amputated below the knee at age 4 due to a rare birth defect. The San Antonio resident is 31 now and covered by the best insurance she's ever had. Her plan is paying most of the roughly $5,000 bill for a new running leg to complement the one she uses every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I work out every day, there's nothing really that I can't do now,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glaring differences in insurance coverage persist for amputees, children with autism and others in need of certain expensive treatments even after the Affordable Care Act set new standards as part of its push to expand and improve coverage, and despite efforts by states to mandate coverage for some treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These differences don't develop simply because some people pay more for better coverage. Instead, they stem from random factors like what state someone lives in or who happens to provide their coverage — and often people can do nothing about it. The federal health care law largely leaves decisions on what actually gets covered up to states or employers who provide insurance for their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These gaps can bury patients in debt or force them to skip care. And they may become more common as health care costs continue to rise and insurers and employers look for ways to control that expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Sabrina Corlette thinks nothing short of federal action can close these coverage gaps, and she doesn't see that happening anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think you would need to see Congress say, 'Ok, we need more uniformity here,'\" said Corlette, a Georgetown Health Policy Institute professor. \"And I just don't see this Congress or any near-term Congress stepping in and wanting to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States have passed about 1,800 mandates requiring the coverage of various treatments or conditions, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. But those mandates don't extend beyond state borders, and they don't apply to the self-funded coverage offered by nearly all large employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Carolina, for example, recently became one of 44 states to require coverage of autism treatments — and it won't help Iris Castillo one bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raleigh, North Carolina, resident said it felt like a cold bucket of water had been tossed on her when she learned that insurance from her new job won't cover applied behavior analysis therapy for her 9-year-old son, Alex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours of this daily therapy, which is a standard treatment for autistic children, have helped Alex learn simple tasks like how to brush his teeth or say hi to another kid. Castillo worries that her son will regress if treatment stops. But it can cost more than $40,000 a year, far beyond what Castillo's family can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You don't feel like you're in control,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her employer's coverage is self-funded, which means it pays its own health care bills instead of buying coverage from an insurer. That also means it doesn't have to comply with most state coverage mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers have been slowly switching to this type of coverage for several years to help control what has become one of their largest expenses and to avoid some of the requirements imposed by the ACA, said Robert Laszewski, a health care consultant and former insurance executive. He expects gaps or differences in coverage to become more common as health expenses grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers and employers routinely cover organ transplants, heart procedures and other expensive surgeries. But coverage still varies widely for a range of patients that also includes people recovering from eating disorders like anorexia and women who need breast reduction surgery to ease back pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of a particular treatment, the need for it in a covered population and lingering disagreements over necessity help explain some coverage differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bariatric surgery, which can improve the health of obese patients by limiting food intake, can cost $7,000 to $30,000. Coverage is improving, and Dr. John Morton estimates that about 75 percent of patients who need the surgery have some insurance for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the quality of that coverage varies widely, according to the Stanford School of Medicine surgeon. Some plans only cover the procedure for severely obese patients, while others may charge deductibles of around $10,000, which can dissuade many from having surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An annual survey of large employers by the benefits firm Mercer found that 40 percent offered no coverage for infertility treatment last year. Some companies don't view it as essential to a person's health, while others with an eye toward attracting and keeping good workers, have started offering the coverage to help LGBT patients conceive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We see a lot of variation between employers, and it's extremely confusing to the consumer,\" said Dr. David Kaplan, a senior partner at Mercer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracey Stahl, who lost her leg to cancer, got a prosthesis in January, but her leg shrank so the artificial limb no longer fits. This forces her to use crutches or a wheelchair when she has to walk more than a short distance. If the pain grows too intense, she retreats to bed and keeps her leg elevated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She bought her coverage on New York's public insurance exchange. Her insurer, Excellus BlueCross BlueShield, said the coverage it sells there follows a model set by the state. The insurer rejected Stahl's claim for a new limb in May and then rejected her appeal in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, Caiti Riley said her previous insurance capped limb coverage at $2,500 every four years, which she likened to \"a smack in the face.\" Now her coverage is so good she says she almost feels bad about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what the challenges are,\" she said. \"If you go out and get in a car accident and lose your leg, you're not going to be prepared for something like this.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Tracey Stahl lost part of a leg to bone cancer last fall, and she has to wince through bouts of crippling pain from an ill-fitting artificial limb because of a strange health insurance limit: Her plan covers just one limb per lifetime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She now has to weigh whether to dump the nearly $9,000 cost of a new leg on her credit card as she fights her insurance company over the restriction. \"I feel — it's embarrassing to say — paralyzed about what to do,\" said Stahl, from her home in Penfield, New York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caiti Riley's left leg was amputated below the knee at age 4 due to a rare birth defect. The San Antonio resident is 31 now and covered by the best insurance she's ever had. Her plan is paying most of the roughly $5,000 bill for a new running leg to complement the one she uses every day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I work out every day, there's nothing really that I can't do now,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glaring differences in insurance coverage persist for amputees, children with autism and others in need of certain expensive treatments even after the Affordable Care Act set new standards as part of its push to expand and improve coverage, and despite efforts by states to mandate coverage for some treatments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These differences don't develop simply because some people pay more for better coverage. Instead, they stem from random factors like what state someone lives in or who happens to provide their coverage — and often people can do nothing about it. The federal health care law largely leaves decisions on what actually gets covered up to states or employers who provide insurance for their workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These gaps can bury patients in debt or force them to skip care. And they may become more common as health care costs continue to rise and insurers and employers look for ways to control that expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researcher Sabrina Corlette thinks nothing short of federal action can close these coverage gaps, and she doesn't see that happening anytime soon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I think you would need to see Congress say, 'Ok, we need more uniformity here,'\" said Corlette, a Georgetown Health Policy Institute professor. \"And I just don't see this Congress or any near-term Congress stepping in and wanting to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>States have passed about 1,800 mandates requiring the coverage of various treatments or conditions, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. But those mandates don't extend beyond state borders, and they don't apply to the self-funded coverage offered by nearly all large employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Carolina, for example, recently became one of 44 states to require coverage of autism treatments — and it won't help Iris Castillo one bit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Raleigh, North Carolina, resident said it felt like a cold bucket of water had been tossed on her when she learned that insurance from her new job won't cover applied behavior analysis therapy for her 9-year-old son, Alex.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hours of this daily therapy, which is a standard treatment for autistic children, have helped Alex learn simple tasks like how to brush his teeth or say hi to another kid. Castillo worries that her son will regress if treatment stops. But it can cost more than $40,000 a year, far beyond what Castillo's family can afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You don't feel like you're in control,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her employer's coverage is self-funded, which means it pays its own health care bills instead of buying coverage from an insurer. That also means it doesn't have to comply with most state coverage mandates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers have been slowly switching to this type of coverage for several years to help control what has become one of their largest expenses and to avoid some of the requirements imposed by the ACA, said Robert Laszewski, a health care consultant and former insurance executive. He expects gaps or differences in coverage to become more common as health expenses grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Insurers and employers routinely cover organ transplants, heart procedures and other expensive surgeries. But coverage still varies widely for a range of patients that also includes people recovering from eating disorders like anorexia and women who need breast reduction surgery to ease back pain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cost of a particular treatment, the need for it in a covered population and lingering disagreements over necessity help explain some coverage differences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bariatric surgery, which can improve the health of obese patients by limiting food intake, can cost $7,000 to $30,000. Coverage is improving, and Dr. John Morton estimates that about 75 percent of patients who need the surgery have some insurance for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the quality of that coverage varies widely, according to the Stanford School of Medicine surgeon. Some plans only cover the procedure for severely obese patients, while others may charge deductibles of around $10,000, which can dissuade many from having surgery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An annual survey of large employers by the benefits firm Mercer found that 40 percent offered no coverage for infertility treatment last year. Some companies don't view it as essential to a person's health, while others with an eye toward attracting and keeping good workers, have started offering the coverage to help LGBT patients conceive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We see a lot of variation between employers, and it's extremely confusing to the consumer,\" said Dr. David Kaplan, a senior partner at Mercer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tracey Stahl, who lost her leg to cancer, got a prosthesis in January, but her leg shrank so the artificial limb no longer fits. This forces her to use crutches or a wheelchair when she has to walk more than a short distance. If the pain grows too intense, she retreats to bed and keeps her leg elevated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She bought her coverage on New York's public insurance exchange. Her insurer, Excellus BlueCross BlueShield, said the coverage it sells there follows a model set by the state. The insurer rejected Stahl's claim for a new limb in May and then rejected her appeal in July.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Texas, Caiti Riley said her previous insurance capped limb coverage at $2,500 every four years, which she likened to \"a smack in the face.\" Now her coverage is so good she says she almost feels bad about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I know what the challenges are,\" she said. \"If you go out and get in a car accident and lose your leg, you're not going to be prepared for something like this.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Teen pregnancy is way down. And a study suggests that the reason is increased, and increasingly effective, use of contraceptives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>From 2007 to 2013, births to teens age 15 to 19 dropped by 36 percent; pregnancies fell by 25 percent from 2007 to 2011, according to federal data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that wasn’t because teens were shunning sex. The amount of sex being had by teenagers during that time period was largely unchanged, says the study, which was published online in the Journal of Adolescent Health. And it wasn’t because they were having more abortions. Abortion has been declining among all age groups, and particularly among teenagers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rather, the researchers from the Guttmacher Institute and Columbia University found that “improvement in contraceptive use” accounted for the entire reduced risk of pregnancy over the five-year period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“By definition, if teens are having the same amount of sex but getting pregnant less often, it’s because of contraception,” said Laura Lindberg, the study’s lead author and a Guttmacher researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No single contraceptive method stood out as singularly effective, said the researchers. Instead, they found that teens were using contraceptives more often, combining methods more often, and using more effective methods, such as the birth control pill, IUDs and implants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the use of any contraceptive at all makes a big difference, said Lindberg. “If a teen uses no method they have an 85 percent chance of getting pregnant [within a year]. Using anything is way more effective than that 85 percent risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downturn in teen births actually dates back to the early 1990s, the authors say, with the rate dropping by 57 percent between 1991 and 2013. The increase in contraceptive use dates to the mid-1990s, with the use of any contraceptive at the most recent sexual encounter rising from 66 to 86 percent from 1995 to 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Huber, who advocates for programs that urge teens to wait to have sex rather than provide information about contraception, says the study is biased toward birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As public health experts and policymakers, we must normalize sexual delay more than we normalize teen sex, even with contraception,” said a statement from Huber, president and CEO of Ascend, a group that promotes abstinence education. “We believe youth deserve the best opportunity for a healthy future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recent policy changes could help drop the teen pregnancy rate even more. One is the Affordable Care Act requirement that boosted insurance coverage for contraception, starting in 2012. The other is the 2014 recommendation from the American Academy of Pediatrics that sexually active teenagers be offered “long-acting reversible contraception” methods such as implants and intrauterine devices, which are highly effective and do not require any additional action, such as remembering to take a daily pill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lindberg noted that just as for older women, teens should be offered a full choice of contraceptives. “In the end, the best method for anyone is one that they are willing and able to use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No single contraceptive method stood out as singularly effective, said the researchers. Instead, they found that teens were using contraceptives more often, combining methods more often, and using more effective methods, such as the birth control pill, IUDs and implants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Also, the use of any contraceptive at all makes a big difference, said Lindberg. “If a teen uses no method they have an 85 percent chance of getting pregnant [within a year]. Using anything is way more effective than that 85 percent risk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The downturn in teen births actually dates back to the early 1990s, the authors say, with the rate dropping by 57 percent between 1991 and 2013. The increase in contraceptive use dates to the mid-1990s, with the use of any contraceptive at the most recent sexual encounter rising from 66 to 86 percent from 1995 to 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Valerie Huber, who advocates for programs that urge teens to wait to have sex rather than provide information about contraception, says the study is biased toward birth control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As public health experts and policymakers, we must normalize sexual delay more than we normalize teen sex, even with contraception,” said a statement from Huber, president and CEO of Ascend, a group that promotes abstinence education. “We believe youth deserve the best opportunity for a healthy future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More recent policy changes could help drop the teen pregnancy rate even more. One is the Affordable Care Act requirement that boosted insurance coverage for contraception, starting in 2012. The other is the 2014 recommendation from the American Academy of Pediatrics that sexually active teenagers be offered “long-acting reversible contraception” methods such as implants and intrauterine devices, which are highly effective and do not require any additional action, such as remembering to take a daily pill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lindberg noted that just as for older women, teens should be offered a full choice of contraceptives. “In the end, the best method for anyone is one that they are willing and able to use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by Kaiser Health News, an editorially independent program of the Kaiser Family Foundation.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Connie Fuller sits on a wood-framed bed in her Oakland apartment. Clear tubes snake from an oxygen machine to her nose. Her essentials are strewn around her, within arms reach. She's confined to her bed due to obesity and lung disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller needs daily assistance, and because her family is not regularly involved in her care, a program called the \u003ca href=\"http://accarealliance.org/\">Alameda County Care Alliance\u003c/a> helps her manage it. The free program fills the gap for people with advanced illnesses; some live in their homes and others live in facilities. The program serves over 550 people -- most of them are low-income, most African-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Owens buzzes in to Fuller's apartment and greets her. Owens is a community care navigator, one of just seven, from the alliance. Her job is something between a family member and unofficial social worker. She doesn’t provide services herself, but connects people with serious illnesses to them. Services can range from Meals on Wheels to occupational therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just because you’re in a circumstance where you can only pay a limited amount to your caregivers, that doesn’t mean that you have to settle for mediocre care,\" Owens tells Fuller. \"It can happen and we won’t stop until we find it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance started a few years ago and is centered around five “hub” churches in Alameda County; \u003ca href=\"https://www.allen-temple.org/\">Allen Temple Baptist\u003c/a> in East Oakland is the lead. Funding comes from Kaiser Permanente’s Community Benefit Program, The San Francisco Foundation, and California Health Care Foundation. While the program is non-denominational, being based out of a religious institution has advantages. It helps mobilize volunteers -- over a hundred supplement the work of the community care navigators -- and it allows access to those who are harder-to-reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The faith community really is viewed as a trusted entity,\" says\u003cbr>\nAllen Temple Baptist Church’s Reverend Cynthia Perrilliat, \"particularly in African-American communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perrilliat heads the alliance, and says she and other partners saw a need for this type of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are so many folks that are very lonely that have no family support,\" she says. \"Sometimes just having someone that you can connect with, or share with, or listen to you is so important.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/281986435\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County Care Alliance is expanding within Alameda County and beginning to build out services in Richmond, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This way, more folks like Fuller can link to the resources they need. \"I’m here by myself,\" Fuller says, \"but the people that come and see me, that’s my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who do want a spiritual component to their care, the alliance can provide it. Today, Fuller chooses this. Owens leads the two in a melodic prayer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Thank you god for the life of Connie dear god,\" Owens says. \"Thank you god for all that you have done for her.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two keep their eyes closed, heads bowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Amen and thank you god,\" Owens says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller responds, \"Amen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_auto_sidebar]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Connie Fuller sits on a wood-framed bed in her Oakland apartment. Clear tubes snake from an oxygen machine to her nose. Her essentials are strewn around her, within arms reach. She's confined to her bed due to obesity and lung disease.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller needs daily assistance, and because her family is not regularly involved in her care, a program called the \u003ca href=\"http://accarealliance.org/\">Alameda County Care Alliance\u003c/a> helps her manage it. The free program fills the gap for people with advanced illnesses; some live in their homes and others live in facilities. The program serves over 550 people -- most of them are low-income, most African-American.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alexis Owens buzzes in to Fuller's apartment and greets her. Owens is a community care navigator, one of just seven, from the alliance. Her job is something between a family member and unofficial social worker. She doesn’t provide services herself, but connects people with serious illnesses to them. Services can range from Meals on Wheels to occupational therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Just because you’re in a circumstance where you can only pay a limited amount to your caregivers, that doesn’t mean that you have to settle for mediocre care,\" Owens tells Fuller. \"It can happen and we won’t stop until we find it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alliance started a few years ago and is centered around five “hub” churches in Alameda County; \u003ca href=\"https://www.allen-temple.org/\">Allen Temple Baptist\u003c/a> in East Oakland is the lead. Funding comes from Kaiser Permanente’s Community Benefit Program, The San Francisco Foundation, and California Health Care Foundation. While the program is non-denominational, being based out of a religious institution has advantages. It helps mobilize volunteers -- over a hundred supplement the work of the community care navigators -- and it allows access to those who are harder-to-reach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The faith community really is viewed as a trusted entity,\" says\u003cbr>\nAllen Temple Baptist Church’s Reverend Cynthia Perrilliat, \"particularly in African-American communities.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perrilliat heads the alliance, and says she and other partners saw a need for this type of care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There are so many folks that are very lonely that have no family support,\" she says. \"Sometimes just having someone that you can connect with, or share with, or listen to you is so important.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/281986435&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/281986435'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Alameda County Care Alliance is expanding within Alameda County and beginning to build out services in Richmond, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This way, more folks like Fuller can link to the resources they need. \"I’m here by myself,\" Fuller says, \"but the people that come and see me, that’s my family.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For those who do want a spiritual component to their care, the alliance can provide it. Today, Fuller chooses this. Owens leads the two in a melodic prayer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Thank you god for the life of Connie dear god,\" Owens says. \"Thank you god for all that you have done for her.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two keep their eyes closed, heads bowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Amen and thank you god,\" Owens says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fuller responds, \"Amen.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_auto_sidebar]\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It’s long been a problem for the nation’s hospitals: A staggering number of medical supplies — from surgical gloves to sponges to medications — go unused and are discarded after surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent study by researchers at the University of California, San Francisco has put a price tag on that waste: almost $1,000 per procedure examined at the academic medical center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The research, published in May in the Journal of Neurosurgery, examined 58 neurosurgeries performed by 14 different surgeons at UCSF Medical Center, a leading academic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the most unused and discarded supplies were sponges, blue towels and gloves. The most expensive item wasted, according to the study, was “surgifoam,” a sponge used to stop bleeding. One such sponge can cost close to $4,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers projected that wasted supplies could cost $2.9 million a year in UCSF’s neurosurgery department alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that might be an underestimate: Nurses reported they were less likely to open disposable supplies when they knew they were under observation for the study. Unopened supplies can be reused, but once they are opened they must be used or thrown away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As health care costs continue to skyrocket, it is important to look for ways to contain them, said Dr. Michael Lawton, a neurosurgeon at UCSF and one of the study’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawton, who was also one of the 14 surgeons observed in the study, said he performs about 400 surgeries per year. If nearly $1,000 per procedure is being wasted on potentially reusable supplies, about $400,000 could be saved per year — for just one surgeon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These savings could translate into teaching and research opportunities, and also allow more patients to come in” for treatment, Lawton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Yoon, one of the principal UCSF researchers on the study, said they weren’t only looking at costs but also at the environmental impact of wasted supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operating rooms in the U.S. produce more than 2,000 tons of waste per day, he said. Some of it is biological and must be safely disposed of. Part of the research involved identifying which surgeries generated the most waste. Spinal procedures, for example, are among the most wasteful, the researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also learned that the length of a surgeon’s experience bore no relation to the volume of squandered supplies. More experienced surgeons were not necessarily more frugal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is little agreement on how hospitals should address operating room wastefulness. Each hospital or hospital system handles waste in its own way, Yoon explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers also recommend price transparency for surgeons. A “feedback system,” Lawton explained, would allow them to compare where they stand relative to their peers in terms of cost per procedure. While not available yet, such a system could encourage better management of operating room supplies, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another potential way to limit waste is to review surgeons’ “preference cards” — the list of instruments and other items they request for each procedure, Yoon said. Removing unnecessary items from the list and clarifying which ones should be opened at the beginning of a procedure could help save supplies, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three of UCSF’s hospitals have been working to reduce waste, said Gail Lee, the director of sustainability for the hospitals and the UCSF campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some medical devices, whether used or unused during surgery, can be reprocessed by an FDA-approved third party company and sold back to the hospital for about half the original sales price, Lee explained. This allows hospitals to save money and cut down on the volume of disposable supplies that end up in landfill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This strategy saved UCSF hospitals about $1.1 million over the past year, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2011-12, UCSF hospitals diverted 14,000 pounds of would-be waste from landfill by reprocessing both surgery and patient care devices. By last year, that amount had more than quadrupled to 62,000 pounds, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to do better each year,” she said, “but we recognize there is always opportunity to improve.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s long been a problem for the nation’s hospitals: A staggering number of medical supplies — from surgical gloves to sponges to medications — go unused and are discarded after surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent study by researchers at the University of California, San Francisco has put a price tag on that waste: almost $1,000 per procedure examined at the academic medical center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The research, published in May in the Journal of Neurosurgery, examined 58 neurosurgeries performed by 14 different surgeons at UCSF Medical Center, a leading academic hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the most unused and discarded supplies were sponges, blue towels and gloves. The most expensive item wasted, according to the study, was “surgifoam,” a sponge used to stop bleeding. One such sponge can cost close to $4,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers projected that wasted supplies could cost $2.9 million a year in UCSF’s neurosurgery department alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And that might be an underestimate: Nurses reported they were less likely to open disposable supplies when they knew they were under observation for the study. Unopened supplies can be reused, but once they are opened they must be used or thrown away.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As health care costs continue to skyrocket, it is important to look for ways to contain them, said Dr. Michael Lawton, a neurosurgeon at UCSF and one of the study’s authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawton, who was also one of the 14 surgeons observed in the study, said he performs about 400 surgeries per year. If nearly $1,000 per procedure is being wasted on potentially reusable supplies, about $400,000 could be saved per year — for just one surgeon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These savings could translate into teaching and research opportunities, and also allow more patients to come in” for treatment, Lawton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James Yoon, one of the principal UCSF researchers on the study, said they weren’t only looking at costs but also at the environmental impact of wasted supplies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operating rooms in the U.S. produce more than 2,000 tons of waste per day, he said. Some of it is biological and must be safely disposed of. Part of the research involved identifying which surgeries generated the most waste. Spinal procedures, for example, are among the most wasteful, the researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They also learned that the length of a surgeon’s experience bore no relation to the volume of squandered supplies. More experienced surgeons were not necessarily more frugal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is little agreement on how hospitals should address operating room wastefulness. Each hospital or hospital system handles waste in its own way, Yoon explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers also recommend price transparency for surgeons. A “feedback system,” Lawton explained, would allow them to compare where they stand relative to their peers in terms of cost per procedure. While not available yet, such a system could encourage better management of operating room supplies, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another potential way to limit waste is to review surgeons’ “preference cards” — the list of instruments and other items they request for each procedure, Yoon said. Removing unnecessary items from the list and clarifying which ones should be opened at the beginning of a procedure could help save supplies, he explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three of UCSF’s hospitals have been working to reduce waste, said Gail Lee, the director of sustainability for the hospitals and the UCSF campus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some medical devices, whether used or unused during surgery, can be reprocessed by an FDA-approved third party company and sold back to the hospital for about half the original sales price, Lee explained. This allows hospitals to save money and cut down on the volume of disposable supplies that end up in landfill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This strategy saved UCSF hospitals about $1.1 million over the past year, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fiscal year 2011-12, UCSF hospitals diverted 14,000 pounds of would-be waste from landfill by reprocessing both surgery and patient care devices. By last year, that amount had more than quadrupled to 62,000 pounds, Lee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We continue to do better each year,” she said, “but we recognize there is always opportunity to improve.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>This year, taxpayers will cover about 70 percent of what is spent on health care in California, according to \u003ca href=\"http://healthpolicy.ucla.edu/publications/search/pages/detail.aspx?PubID=1547\" target=\"_blank\">a new analysis\u003c/a> released Wednesday by the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people assume that the U.S. health care system is primarily supported by private dollars, such as insurance premiums from employer-based coverage, said Gerald Kominski, director of the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research and the study’s lead author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s no longer the case, at least in California — mostly because of its massive expansion of Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this myth that we have a mostly privately funded health care system, but we’re approaching a point in which almost three quarters of this system is funded by public money,” Kominski said. “Now a question to ask ourselves is: when do we reach the tipping point and say ‘this is essentially a public system?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of $367 billion estimated to be spent on health care in the state in 2016, $260 billion will be from taxpayer money, according to the research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, public funds paid for about 45 percent of the country’s $3 trillion in health care expenditures in 2014 through public insurance programs such as Medicaid, Medicare and programs for low-income children, according to federal data. But that estimate may be too low — it’s probably closer to 65 percent as suggested in a \u003ca href=\"http://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2015.302997\" target=\"_blank\">separate national study\u003c/a>, according to Kominski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Medicare and Medi-Cal alone account for roughly 47 percent of health care expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California we’ve had a much larger Medi-Cal expansion than anyone expected,” he said, noting that almost one-third of the state’s population is covered by the health program for low-income people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were surprised, however, to see how big a role was played by county health programs that often serve indigent populations — $10 billion, or nearly 3 percent of the state’s total health care spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers counted a “hidden” public expenditure that other federal studies do not: tax subsidies for employer-based health insurance, Kominski added. That makes up another 12 percent of the state’s health care spending, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the Affordable Care Act took effect, it was true that the health care system in California was mostly private, Kominski said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maribeth Shannon, a director at the California Health Care Foundation, agreed that the ACA greatly accelerated the shift. (California Healthline is an editorially independent publication of the California Health Care Foundation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It used to be that most Americans were covered by their employer. Today, far fewer are, Shannon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a combination of things,” she said. “After the ACA you now have more generous eligibility guidelines for public programs. You also have the factor of an aging population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing national population of people over 65 will mean higher health care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People 65 and older are generally covered by Medicare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this new dominance of public spending in health care, the researchers concluded that a single-payer health care system is more feasible than previously believed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a majority of Californians, a public-run system is already the reality,” said Andrea Sorensen, a graduate student at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, who co-authored the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, a service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This year, taxpayers will cover about 70 percent of what is spent on health care in California, according to \u003ca href=\"http://healthpolicy.ucla.edu/publications/search/pages/detail.aspx?PubID=1547\" target=\"_blank\">a new analysis\u003c/a> released Wednesday by the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many people assume that the U.S. health care system is primarily supported by private dollars, such as insurance premiums from employer-based coverage, said Gerald Kominski, director of the UCLA Center for Health Policy Research and the study’s lead author.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that’s no longer the case, at least in California — mostly because of its massive expansion of Medi-Cal, the state’s version of Medicaid, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this myth that we have a mostly privately funded health care system, but we’re approaching a point in which almost three quarters of this system is funded by public money,” Kominski said. “Now a question to ask ourselves is: when do we reach the tipping point and say ‘this is essentially a public system?’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of $367 billion estimated to be spent on health care in the state in 2016, $260 billion will be from taxpayer money, according to the research.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, public funds paid for about 45 percent of the country’s $3 trillion in health care expenditures in 2014 through public insurance programs such as Medicaid, Medicare and programs for low-income children, according to federal data. But that estimate may be too low — it’s probably closer to 65 percent as suggested in a \u003ca href=\"http://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2015.302997\" target=\"_blank\">separate national study\u003c/a>, according to Kominski.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, Medicare and Medi-Cal alone account for roughly 47 percent of health care expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In California we’ve had a much larger Medi-Cal expansion than anyone expected,” he said, noting that almost one-third of the state’s population is covered by the health program for low-income people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were surprised, however, to see how big a role was played by county health programs that often serve indigent populations — $10 billion, or nearly 3 percent of the state’s total health care spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers counted a “hidden” public expenditure that other federal studies do not: tax subsidies for employer-based health insurance, Kominski added. That makes up another 12 percent of the state’s health care spending, the data shows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the Affordable Care Act took effect, it was true that the health care system in California was mostly private, Kominski said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maribeth Shannon, a director at the California Health Care Foundation, agreed that the ACA greatly accelerated the shift. (California Healthline is an editorially independent publication of the California Health Care Foundation.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It used to be that most Americans were covered by their employer. Today, far fewer are, Shannon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a combination of things,” she said. “After the ACA you now have more generous eligibility guidelines for public programs. You also have the factor of an aging population.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A growing national population of people over 65 will mean higher health care costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People 65 and older are generally covered by Medicare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of this new dominance of public spending in health care, the researchers concluded that a single-payer health care system is more feasible than previously believed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For a majority of Californians, a public-run system is already the reality,” said Andrea Sorensen, a graduate student at the UCLA Fielding School of Public Health, who co-authored the study.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by \u003ca href=\"http://khn.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Kaiser Health News\u003c/a>, which publishes \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiahealthline.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Healthline\u003c/a>, a service of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.chcf.org/\" target=\"_blank\">California Health Care Foundation\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"YbUVpLIvFMgTsbGdsQNByRf5SCgvYSw0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About MapLight\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>MapLight is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. More information about MapLight can be found \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/about-maplight\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Soda tax proponents in four cities have only raised 15 percent of the funds they did in 2014's San Francisco's initiative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About MapLight\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>MapLight is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. More information about MapLight can be found \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/about-maplight\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Update: Lawmakers Pass Measure to End Surprise Out-of-Network Medical Bills",
"title": "Update: Lawmakers Pass Measure to End Surprise Out-of-Network Medical Bills",
"headTitle": "Price Check | State of Health | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5:00 p.m., Wednesday Aug. 31:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe California Assembly passed AB 72 late this afternoon. The bill heads next to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk. It passed by a huge margin with bipartisan support, unlike a similar bill last year which stalled by three votes on the last day of the 2015 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWhen Nancy Randle prepared for the birth of her third child, she was careful to play by the health insurance rules: She got referrals and went to her insurer's recommended hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What she didn’t know was that some doctors, like the one who did a hearing test on her baby, were out of network. She didn’t think to ask. After she came home, she got a surprise bill for that test: $250.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I didn’t even realize this was a loophole or that it would affect me,\" Randle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loophole occurs when out-of-network doctors -- anesthesiologists, radiologists and others -- provide care at a patient's in-network hospital or clinic, but charge their out-of-network fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the issue, a bipartisan group of state legislators introduced AB 72 to put a stop to surprise, out-of-network bills for non-emergency services. Assemblymember Rob Bonta (D-Alameda) is one of the bill's six co-authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill will be the first of its kind in terms of strength of consumer protections, and it will be a model for the rest of the nation,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, patients who go to in-network health facilities will pay in-network prices. Insurance companies would compensate out-of-network doctors for treatment, either at the average procedure rate for the region or at 125 percent of what Medicare pays, whichever is greatest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill opposition comes from groups representing doctors, like the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. Dr. Jane Orient is the executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The quality of care will go down, and patients will have fewer choices,\" Orient said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says doctors won’t be compensated at the rate they need to keep their practices running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill failed on the final day of last year’s legislative session, but AB 72 looks like it will see a different outcome, given revisions to last year’s text and wider-ranging support.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 5:00 p.m., Wednesday Aug. 31:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nThe California Assembly passed AB 72 late this afternoon. The bill heads next to Gov. Jerry Brown’s desk. It passed by a huge margin with bipartisan support, unlike a similar bill last year which stalled by three votes on the last day of the 2015 legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original Post:\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nWhen Nancy Randle prepared for the birth of her third child, she was careful to play by the health insurance rules: She got referrals and went to her insurer's recommended hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What she didn’t know was that some doctors, like the one who did a hearing test on her baby, were out of network. She didn’t think to ask. After she came home, she got a surprise bill for that test: $250.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I didn’t even realize this was a loophole or that it would affect me,\" Randle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/280779549'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loophole occurs when out-of-network doctors -- anesthesiologists, radiologists and others -- provide care at a patient's in-network hospital or clinic, but charge their out-of-network fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To address the issue, a bipartisan group of state legislators introduced AB 72 to put a stop to surprise, out-of-network bills for non-emergency services. Assemblymember Rob Bonta (D-Alameda) is one of the bill's six co-authors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This bill will be the first of its kind in terms of strength of consumer protections, and it will be a model for the rest of the nation,\" Bonta said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If signed into law, patients who go to in-network health facilities will pay in-network prices. Insurance companies would compensate out-of-network doctors for treatment, either at the average procedure rate for the region or at 125 percent of what Medicare pays, whichever is greatest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bill opposition comes from groups representing doctors, like the Association of American Physicians and Surgeons. Dr. Jane Orient is the executive director.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The quality of care will go down, and patients will have fewer choices,\" Orient said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says doctors won’t be compensated at the rate they need to keep their practices running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A similar bill failed on the final day of last year’s legislative session, but AB 72 looks like it will see a different outcome, given revisions to last year’s text and wider-ranging support.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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"title": "SOLD OUT: Rethinking Housing in America",
"tagline": "A new future for housing",
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"info": "Tech Nation is a weekly public radio program, hosted by Dr. Moira Gunn. Founded in 1993, it has grown from a simple interview show to a multi-faceted production, featuring conversations with noted technology and science leaders, and a weekly science and technology-related commentary.",
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