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They, in their discretion, decided to arrest not only law-abiding adults, [but] a 17-year-old child and an adult with Down syndrome,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday morning, Centro Legal learned that the minor had been transferred to New York, where he is presumably being held at a youth detention center operated by the Department of Health and Human Services. The 21-year-old with Down syndrome was taken to a detention center in Tacoma, Washington. At least some of the other adults were also transferred to Washington, though Engen said Centro Legal does not know all of their statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The six people, some of whom advocates believe are related, were detained at their home near 79th Street and Hillside Road in East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the raid, the county’s rapid response hotline received a call from a detained individual’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Engen said she hadn’t seen any proof of a warrant to search the house, she said that in most instances where ICE detains people at private residences, it happens when someone inside allows ICE access. Although people have the right not to open their doors, it often feels like they cannot in the moment, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the arrests, all of the individuals were first taken to ICE’s field office in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, Nikolas De Bremaeker, one of Centro Legal’s attorneys who has been in communication with the detained individuals, said the minor, a 17-year-old boy, was forced to remain in a cement-floored holding cell for hours with just a piece of plastic to use as a blanket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was terrified. He was in tears,” De Bremaeker said. “When I had to explain that his family members had been transferred, he burrowed down in tears, just feeling left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the evening, he was taken to sleep at a hotel before being returned to custody at the office on Wednesday morning. While it is illegal under federal law for ICE to detain a minor for more than 24 hours in facilities that don’t meet specific standards in most cases, Engen said a hotel stay does not constitute release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t released to a hotel where he had freedom of movement,” she said. “He was brought to a hotel where he was then being guarded by ICE overnight.”[aside postID=news_12051954 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/NationalGuardTrumpAP.jpg']Engen added that the others were forced to stay in the immigration office overnight, which isn’t set up to house people. ICE’s policy says detainees should not be kept in holding facilities for more than 12 hours, “absent exceptional circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard reports of people being held there overnight, sleeping on the floor with no mattress, no blankets, inadequate food, inadequate water,” she said. “We haven’t been able to get detailed reports of the conditions of these specific people, [but] with many others in similar circumstances, we’ve gotten confirmation that they’re held in very inhumane conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Centro Legal’s attorneys, Nikolas De Bremaeker, has been advocating for the minor and the young adult with Down syndrome to be released, but was given very little contact with the detainees before their transfers out of state on Thursday, Engen told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They operate in the shadows. They do everything possible to prevent attorneys from having access to their clients,” she said, adding that the young people have also been prohibited from communicating with their families. “Other than very, very minimal contact last night, [both] have been prohibited from having any contact with family members, which is blatantly illegal given their inability to — the minor being underage and the adult being disabled — to consent to things, sign documents themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engen said the incident should be a reminder that people have the right to decline ICE officials’ entrance to their homes and can revoke permission at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wasn’t an instance of ICE roaming the streets or roaming a neighborhood looking for people; it’s just an example to highlight the importance of knowing what your rights are,” she said. “Once they are allowed into your home, [ICE] can pick up anybody they see, and that appears to be exactly what happened here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall \u003c/a>contributed to this report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday morning, Centro Legal learned that the minor had been transferred to New York, where he is presumably being held at a youth detention center operated by the Department of Health and Human Services. The 21-year-old with Down syndrome was taken to a detention center in Tacoma, Washington. At least some of the other adults were also transferred to Washington, though Engen said Centro Legal does not know all of their statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The six people, some of whom advocates believe are related, were detained at their home near 79th Street and Hillside Road in East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after the raid, the county’s rapid response hotline received a call from a detained individual’s family member.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Engen said she hadn’t seen any proof of a warrant to search the house, she said that in most instances where ICE detains people at private residences, it happens when someone inside allows ICE access. Although people have the right not to open their doors, it often feels like they cannot in the moment, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the arrests, all of the individuals were first taken to ICE’s field office in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a press conference Thursday, Nikolas De Bremaeker, one of Centro Legal’s attorneys who has been in communication with the detained individuals, said the minor, a 17-year-old boy, was forced to remain in a cement-floored holding cell for hours with just a piece of plastic to use as a blanket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was terrified. He was in tears,” De Bremaeker said. “When I had to explain that his family members had been transferred, he burrowed down in tears, just feeling left behind.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the evening, he was taken to sleep at a hotel before being returned to custody at the office on Wednesday morning. While it is illegal under federal law for ICE to detain a minor for more than 24 hours in facilities that don’t meet specific standards in most cases, Engen said a hotel stay does not constitute release.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He wasn’t released to a hotel where he had freedom of movement,” she said. “He was brought to a hotel where he was then being guarded by ICE overnight.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Engen added that the others were forced to stay in the immigration office overnight, which isn’t set up to house people. ICE’s policy says detainees should not be kept in holding facilities for more than 12 hours, “absent exceptional circumstances.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve heard reports of people being held there overnight, sleeping on the floor with no mattress, no blankets, inadequate food, inadequate water,” she said. “We haven’t been able to get detailed reports of the conditions of these specific people, [but] with many others in similar circumstances, we’ve gotten confirmation that they’re held in very inhumane conditions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of Centro Legal’s attorneys, Nikolas De Bremaeker, has been advocating for the minor and the young adult with Down syndrome to be released, but was given very little contact with the detainees before their transfers out of state on Thursday, Engen told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They operate in the shadows. They do everything possible to prevent attorneys from having access to their clients,” she said, adding that the young people have also been prohibited from communicating with their families. “Other than very, very minimal contact last night, [both] have been prohibited from having any contact with family members, which is blatantly illegal given their inability to — the minor being underage and the adult being disabled — to consent to things, sign documents themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE did not respond to KQED’s request for comment by the time of publication.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Engen said the incident should be a reminder that people have the right to decline ICE officials’ entrance to their homes and can revoke permission at any time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This wasn’t an instance of ICE roaming the streets or roaming a neighborhood looking for people; it’s just an example to highlight the importance of knowing what your rights are,” she said. “Once they are allowed into your home, [ICE] can pick up anybody they see, and that appears to be exactly what happened here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ahall\">Alex Hall \u003c/a>contributed to this report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo que hace poco fue uno de los centros comerciales más concurridos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">de San José\u003c/a> es ahora un lugar mucho más tranquilo. En la Placita Tropicana, situada en la esquina de las calles Story y King, los vestidos de quinceañera siguen brillando, las pupusas siguen chisporroteando y el pan dulce se hornea cada mañana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero ahora la gente tiene demasiado miedo de salir”, afirma Elizabeth Ramírez, quien trabaja en Joyería Cruz, una boutique y tienda de ropa. “A veces se corre la voz que en la Tropicana está migración y la gente se desaparece, se queda totalmente solo y las ventas bajan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los clientes vienen, dice, a menudo tienen miedo de que haya agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés) cerca. “Cuando veo esa mirada en sus caras, les doy estas tarjetas”, dice, mostrando dos juegos de tarjetas: uno rojo y otro amarillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">La tarjeta roja\u003c/a>, proporcionada por el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes, enumera los derechos que alguien tiene si se topa con agentes federales de inmigración. Pero es la tarjeta amarilla la que tiene un mensaje mucho más directo: “Protege nuestra comunidad. Si ves a la migra, ¡repórtala!”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las tarjetas amarillas son de \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">la Red de Respuesta Rápida en el Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>, una coalición de 11 organizaciones comunitarias y cientos de voluntarios que trabajan las 24 horas del día para verificar posibles avistamientos de ICE. Muchos voluntarios son inmigrantes o hijos de inmigrantes, todos impulsados por la convicción de que las familias inmigrantes tienen un hogar en San José y South Bay, sin importar su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12051670 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, coordinadora de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, habla con un dueño de negocio sobre cómo reportar actividades de ICE y los esfuerzos de la red para verificar avistamientos en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El objetivo: difundir información fiable sobre las actividades de ICE lo más rápido posible. La línea directa de la red conecta a quien llame con voluntarios capacitados que pueden confirmar o desmentir rumores sobre operativos de inmigración. Si ICE está presente, la red alerta rápidamente a miles de miembros de la comunidad a través de las redes sociales y chats grupales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La red ahora está redoblando sus esfuerzos, tomando en cuenta que el gobierno del presidente Donald Trump ha aumentado el presupuesto de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">en 75 mil millones de dólares\u003c/a>. Cuando no están atendiendo la línea directa, los voluntarios enseñan a vecinos cómo identificar correctamente a los agentes de ICE, e incluso cómo prepararse para una posible separación familiar. Aunque el Área de la Bahía no ha visto redadas de inmigración a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">la misma escala a las que se vieron en Los Ángeles\u003c/a> a principios de este verano, los voluntarios no quieren que su comunidad sea tomada por sorpresa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando la respuesta rápida envía alertas, no está pidiendo permiso al Gobierno”, afirma Socorro Montaño, codirectora de \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos Unidos por una Nueva América\u003c/a> (LUNA), un grupo con sede en San José que forma parte de \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">la Red de Respuesta Rápida en el Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>. “En cuestión de minutos, la red está teniendo un impacto tangible en la vida de las personas … Es el poder del pueblo sin tener que ceder poder en la esfera política”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un viernes reciente, Montaño visitó a Ramírez en su tienda para asegurarse de que tuviera suficientes tarjetas. La red, dice Montaño, es tan fuerte como la comunidad que la impulsa. “Todos los que tienen nuestro número guardado, todos los que alguna vez nos han llamado o han compartido el número con un ser querido, forman parte de la red”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Para mí, todo esto sí sirve”, dice Ramírez. Cuando oye un rumor en WhatsApp sobre que ICE se está moviendo por San José, lo primero que ella hace es consultar la red de respuesta rápida. En cuestión de minutos, comparte con sus seres queridos la información verificada por los voluntarios. “Cada quien toma lo que necesita. Para mí, ha sido un apoyo bien grande”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando no están gestionando las líneas telefónicas, Montaño y otros voluntarios visitan negocios por todo el sur de la Bahía para repartir tarjetas e informar a los residentes. Su siguiente parada: una joyería y relojería situada a pocos metros, llena del zumbido y el chirrido de las máquinas de pulir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro. Mucho gusto”, se presenta Montaño. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, el propietario de la tienda, había visto las tarjetas rojas antes, pero no sabía nada de la red. “Se paraliza uno con toda esta situación”, dice. “En verdad no sabía qué pasaría si me detuvieran. Ahora, ya lo sé.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Quién contesta el teléfono?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mientras Montaño y otros difunden el mensaje, otros integrantes de la red esperan a que lleguen las llamadas. A menudo es difícil cubrir la línea directa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando contestas una llamada, puedes oír lo angustiada que está la gente”, dice Carmen Torres, organizadora de Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network (SIREN), otro grupo de la coalición. Sólo este año, la línea directa ha recibido miles de llamadas. Algunas son falsas alarmas: la gente confunde a los agentes de policía de San José con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (izquierda), una de las coordinadoras de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, habla con otros integrantes de la red en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. La Red de Respuesta Rápida opera una línea directa para movilizar voluntarios y apoyar a familias inmigrantes durante acciones de ICE. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pero a veces, las personas que llaman se sienten abrumadas por el miedo a que ICE separe a su familia. “La gente nos dice que ha estado llamando a todas partes para encontrar un abogado, pero nadie acepta nuevos casos”, dice Torres. “¿Qué más les podemos decir?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Como dicen en inglés, ‘I go to the wall’. Es un muro y no puedes hacer nada en ese momento”, agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La demanda por servicios legales en el Área de la Bahía es tan grande en este momento que la red sólo puede movilizar abogados en situaciones urgentes. Tomando en cuenta esta limitación, SIREN también ayuda a las familias a hacer planes en caso de que un padre o tutor sea detenido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces, la gente se asusta solo con oír la palabra ‘planificar’, porque significa pensar que nos puede pasar lo peor”, dice María Aceves, que, junto con su marido, Eliseo, lleva más de 20 años como voluntaria en SIREN y otras iniciativas a favor de los inmigrantes. “Pero yo les digo que lo mejor que podemos hacer es estar preparados e investigar cómo prepararnos y defendernos, en lugar de quedarnos en casa con miedo”.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003cbr>\nEl miedo a la deportación no sólo afecta a los negocios de San José. En las comunidades de \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">inmigrantes de California\u003c/a> y del \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">resto del país\u003c/a>, cada vez hay menos gente \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">comprando\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">trabajando\u003c/a> o incluso \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">llevando a sus hijos a la escuela\u003c/a>. Los distritos escolares en la región del Valle Central, que han visto un aumento de las medidas de control de la inmigración, registraron un aumento medio del 22 % en ausiencias estudiantiles a principios de este año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sabemos que [Trump] no nos va durar toda la vida. Nomás son cuatro años, pero en esos cuatro años nos pueden destruir”, dice Aceves. Como inmigrante, comprende el miedo que sienten otros miembros de su comunidad, pero insiste en que hay que afrontarlo directamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me dice mi hija a veces, ‘Mamá, ya no deberías de ir de voluntario'”, dice. “Pero le digo que tengo ya su edad haciendo esto. Me gusta … Ustedes ya saben lo que tienen que hacer en caso de que algo pase. Yo voy con Dios por delante de mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres dice que le da gusto dar a las personas información precisa sobre operativos de inmigración para que puedan continuar con sus vidas. El lema de la red, después de todo, es “Poder, no pánico”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No sabemos lo que está pensando Trump. No sabemos lo que está pensando la migra. Pero sí sabemos cuáles derechos tenemos”, ella sostiene. “Vamos a la comunidad, les damos la información de cómo defenderse y luego venimos acá a contestar los teléfonos. Es un círculo para nosotros”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Un original de San José\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sol de verano se eleva sobre Alum Rock, y el calor llena las calles de este vecindario que por décadas ha sido poblado por familias mexicanas. Montaño, acompañada de dos activistas de la organización Amigos de Guadalupe, va de negocio en negocio para hablar sobre la red de respuesta rápida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos vendedores las reconocen y muestran con orgullo las tarjetas rojas y amarillas que han colocado cerca de sus puertas. Otros las reciben por primera vez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051672\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051672\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">María Moreno (centro), residente de San José por más de 40 años y dueña de una tienda de dulces, conversa con Socorro Montaño, coordinadora de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, sobre cómo reportar actividades del ICE en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Siempre hay que tener la tarjetita”, dice María Moreno, residente en San José desde hace más de 40 años y propietaria de una tienda de dulces en Alum Rock. “Se las voy a dar a mis clientes. Ya no hay que tener miedo cuando estemos en la calle”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchas de las tiendas de Alum Rock pertenecen a familias mexicanas y chicanas desde hace generaciones. Pero también hay restaurantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">vietnamitas, sudasiáticos y colombianos\u003c/a>, lo que refleja en gran medida cómo la cultura y la economía de San José dependen de la mano de obra inmigrante. Más del 40 por ciento de la población de la ciudad \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">es extranjera\u003c/a>, un porcentaje superior al de San Francisco y Nueva York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Montaño, proteger a los inmigrantes de la ciudad de la deportación es parte de lo que significa ser de San José. Nacida y criada en la ciudad, una parte de su familia emigró recientemente de Nicaragua, mientras que la otra lleva tres generaciones viviendo en el condado de Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Soy una chica de la Bahía”, dice. “Casi dondequiera que esté, nuestra comunidad es tan profunda y sólida que sé que puedo encontrar gente de confianza”.[aside label='Más en español' tag='kqed-en-espanol']Tras las elecciones de 2016, un pequeño grupo de voluntarios formó la red de respuesta rápida en el condado de Santa Clara. A medida que se unieron más grupos, el alcance de la red se amplió: tanto la \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">ciudad de San José\u003c/a> como \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">funcionarios del condado\u003c/a> la incluyen ahora como recurso. Se están \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">formando redes similares en todo el país\u003c/a>, inspiradas en la creencia de que las comunidades de inmigrantes pueden, con sus propia capacidad y recursos, responder al gobierno federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, Montaño y otros buscan garantizar que este trabajo pueda mantenerse durante los próximos cuatro años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hace unas semanas, me hicieron una pregunta durante una reunión: ‘Si pudieras vivir en cualquier parte del mundo, ¿dónde vivirías?'”, cuenta Montaño. “Yo respondí, ‘San José, California’. Este es mi hogar. Y este es el hogar que estoy construyendo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12050993/a-day-in-the-life-of-san-joses-rapid-response-network-built-to-resist-ice-fear\">\u003cem>Read in English\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lo que hace poco fue uno de los centros comerciales más concurridos \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">de San José\u003c/a> es ahora un lugar mucho más tranquilo. En la Placita Tropicana, situada en la esquina de las calles Story y King, los vestidos de quinceañera siguen brillando, las pupusas siguen chisporroteando y el pan dulce se hornea cada mañana.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Pero ahora la gente tiene demasiado miedo de salir”, afirma Elizabeth Ramírez, quien trabaja en Joyería Cruz, una boutique y tienda de ropa. “A veces se corre la voz que en la Tropicana está migración y la gente se desaparece, se queda totalmente solo y las ventas bajan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Y cuando los clientes vienen, dice, a menudo tienen miedo de que haya agentes de Inmigración y Aduanas (ICE, por sus siglas en inglés) cerca. “Cuando veo esa mirada en sus caras, les doy estas tarjetas”, dice, mostrando dos juegos de tarjetas: uno rojo y otro amarillo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">La tarjeta roja\u003c/a>, proporcionada por el Centro de Recursos Legales para Inmigrantes, enumera los derechos que alguien tiene si se topa con agentes federales de inmigración. Pero es la tarjeta amarilla la que tiene un mensaje mucho más directo: “Protege nuestra comunidad. Si ves a la migra, ¡repórtala!”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Las tarjetas amarillas son de \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">la Red de Respuesta Rápida en el Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>, una coalición de 11 organizaciones comunitarias y cientos de voluntarios que trabajan las 24 horas del día para verificar posibles avistamientos de ICE. Muchos voluntarios son inmigrantes o hijos de inmigrantes, todos impulsados por la convicción de que las familias inmigrantes tienen un hogar en San José y South Bay, sin importar su estatus migratorio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051670\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12051670 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/hand-with-yellow-card-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, coordinadora de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, habla con un dueño de negocio sobre cómo reportar actividades de ICE y los esfuerzos de la red para verificar avistamientos en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>El objetivo: difundir información fiable sobre las actividades de ICE lo más rápido posible. La línea directa de la red conecta a quien llame con voluntarios capacitados que pueden confirmar o desmentir rumores sobre operativos de inmigración. Si ICE está presente, la red alerta rápidamente a miles de miembros de la comunidad a través de las redes sociales y chats grupales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La red ahora está redoblando sus esfuerzos, tomando en cuenta que el gobierno del presidente Donald Trump ha aumentado el presupuesto de ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">en 75 mil millones de dólares\u003c/a>. Cuando no están atendiendo la línea directa, los voluntarios enseñan a vecinos cómo identificar correctamente a los agentes de ICE, e incluso cómo prepararse para una posible separación familiar. Aunque el Área de la Bahía no ha visto redadas de inmigración a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">la misma escala a las que se vieron en Los Ángeles\u003c/a> a principios de este verano, los voluntarios no quieren que su comunidad sea tomada por sorpresa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando la respuesta rápida envía alertas, no está pidiendo permiso al Gobierno”, afirma Socorro Montaño, codirectora de \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos Unidos por una Nueva América\u003c/a> (LUNA), un grupo con sede en San José que forma parte de \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">la Red de Respuesta Rápida en el Condado de Santa Clara\u003c/a>. “En cuestión de minutos, la red está teniendo un impacto tangible en la vida de las personas … Es el poder del pueblo sin tener que ceder poder en la esfera política”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Un viernes reciente, Montaño visitó a Ramírez en su tienda para asegurarse de que tuviera suficientes tarjetas. La red, dice Montaño, es tan fuerte como la comunidad que la impulsa. “Todos los que tienen nuestro número guardado, todos los que alguna vez nos han llamado o han compartido el número con un ser querido, forman parte de la red”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Para mí, todo esto sí sirve”, dice Ramírez. Cuando oye un rumor en WhatsApp sobre que ICE se está moviendo por San José, lo primero que ella hace es consultar la red de respuesta rápida. En cuestión de minutos, comparte con sus seres queridos la información verificada por los voluntarios. “Cada quien toma lo que necesita. Para mí, ha sido un apoyo bien grande”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cuando no están gestionando las líneas telefónicas, Montaño y otros voluntarios visitan negocios por todo el sur de la Bahía para repartir tarjetas e informar a los residentes. Su siguiente parada: una joyería y relojería situada a pocos metros, llena del zumbido y el chirrido de las máquinas de pulir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro. Mucho gusto”, se presenta Montaño. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, el propietario de la tienda, había visto las tarjetas rojas antes, pero no sabía nada de la red. “Se paraliza uno con toda esta situación”, dice. “En verdad no sabía qué pasaría si me detuvieran. Ahora, ya lo sé.”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>¿Quién contesta el teléfono?\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mientras Montaño y otros difunden el mensaje, otros integrantes de la red esperan a que lleguen las llamadas. A menudo es difícil cubrir la línea directa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando contestas una llamada, puedes oír lo angustiada que está la gente”, dice Carmen Torres, organizadora de Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network (SIREN), otro grupo de la coalición. Sólo este año, la línea directa ha recibido miles de llamadas. Algunas son falsas alarmas: la gente confunde a los agentes de policía de San José con agentes de ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/Socorro-with-two-ladies-in-the-store-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (izquierda), una de las coordinadoras de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, habla con otros integrantes de la red en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. La Red de Respuesta Rápida opera una línea directa para movilizar voluntarios y apoyar a familias inmigrantes durante acciones de ICE. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Pero a veces, las personas que llaman se sienten abrumadas por el miedo a que ICE separe a su familia. “La gente nos dice que ha estado llamando a todas partes para encontrar un abogado, pero nadie acepta nuevos casos”, dice Torres. “¿Qué más les podemos decir?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Como dicen en inglés, ‘I go to the wall’. Es un muro y no puedes hacer nada en ese momento”, agrega.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>La demanda por servicios legales en el Área de la Bahía es tan grande en este momento que la red sólo puede movilizar abogados en situaciones urgentes. Tomando en cuenta esta limitación, SIREN también ayuda a las familias a hacer planes en caso de que un padre o tutor sea detenido.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A veces, la gente se asusta solo con oír la palabra ‘planificar’, porque significa pensar que nos puede pasar lo peor”, dice María Aceves, que, junto con su marido, Eliseo, lleva más de 20 años como voluntaria en SIREN y otras iniciativas a favor de los inmigrantes. “Pero yo les digo que lo mejor que podemos hacer es estar preparados e investigar cómo prepararnos y defendernos, en lugar de quedarnos en casa con miedo”.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cbr>\nEl miedo a la deportación no sólo afecta a los negocios de San José. En las comunidades de \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">inmigrantes de California\u003c/a> y del \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">resto del país\u003c/a>, cada vez hay menos gente \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">comprando\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">trabajando\u003c/a> o incluso \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">llevando a sus hijos a la escuela\u003c/a>. Los distritos escolares en la región del Valle Central, que han visto un aumento de las medidas de control de la inmigración, registraron un aumento medio del 22 % en ausiencias estudiantiles a principios de este año.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sabemos que [Trump] no nos va durar toda la vida. Nomás son cuatro años, pero en esos cuatro años nos pueden destruir”, dice Aceves. Como inmigrante, comprende el miedo que sienten otros miembros de su comunidad, pero insiste en que hay que afrontarlo directamente.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Me dice mi hija a veces, ‘Mamá, ya no deberías de ir de voluntario'”, dice. “Pero le digo que tengo ya su edad haciendo esto. Me gusta … Ustedes ya saben lo que tienen que hacer en caso de que algo pase. Yo voy con Dios por delante de mí”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres dice que le da gusto dar a las personas información precisa sobre operativos de inmigración para que puedan continuar con sus vidas. El lema de la red, después de todo, es “Poder, no pánico”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No sabemos lo que está pensando Trump. No sabemos lo que está pensando la migra. Pero sí sabemos cuáles derechos tenemos”, ella sostiene. “Vamos a la comunidad, les damos la información de cómo defenderse y luego venimos acá a contestar los teléfonos. Es un círculo para nosotros”.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Un original de San José\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>El sol de verano se eleva sobre Alum Rock, y el calor llena las calles de este vecindario que por décadas ha sido poblado por familias mexicanas. Montaño, acompañada de dos activistas de la organización Amigos de Guadalupe, va de negocio en negocio para hablar sobre la red de respuesta rápida.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Algunos vendedores las reconocen y muestran con orgullo las tarjetas rojas y amarillas que han colocado cerca de sus puertas. Otros las reciben por primera vez.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051672\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051672\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/business-owner-behind-display-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">María Moreno (centro), residente de San José por más de 40 años y dueña de una tienda de dulces, conversa con Socorro Montaño, coordinadora de la Red de Respuesta Rápida, sobre cómo reportar actividades del ICE en San José, el 21 de julio de 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Siempre hay que tener la tarjetita”, dice María Moreno, residente en San José desde hace más de 40 años y propietaria de una tienda de dulces en Alum Rock. “Se las voy a dar a mis clientes. Ya no hay que tener miedo cuando estemos en la calle”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Muchas de las tiendas de Alum Rock pertenecen a familias mexicanas y chicanas desde hace generaciones. Pero también hay restaurantes \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">vietnamitas, sudasiáticos y colombianos\u003c/a>, lo que refleja en gran medida cómo la cultura y la economía de San José dependen de la mano de obra inmigrante. Más del 40 por ciento de la población de la ciudad \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">es extranjera\u003c/a>, un porcentaje superior al de San Francisco y Nueva York.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Para Montaño, proteger a los inmigrantes de la ciudad de la deportación es parte de lo que significa ser de San José. Nacida y criada en la ciudad, una parte de su familia emigró recientemente de Nicaragua, mientras que la otra lleva tres generaciones viviendo en el condado de Santa Clara.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Soy una chica de la Bahía”, dice. “Casi dondequiera que esté, nuestra comunidad es tan profunda y sólida que sé que puedo encontrar gente de confianza”.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Tras las elecciones de 2016, un pequeño grupo de voluntarios formó la red de respuesta rápida en el condado de Santa Clara. A medida que se unieron más grupos, el alcance de la red se amplió: tanto la \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">ciudad de San José\u003c/a> como \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">funcionarios del condado\u003c/a> la incluyen ahora como recurso. Se están \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">formando redes similares en todo el país\u003c/a>, inspiradas en la creencia de que las comunidades de inmigrantes pueden, con sus propia capacidad y recursos, responder al gobierno federal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahora, Montaño y otros buscan garantizar que este trabajo pueda mantenerse durante los próximos cuatro años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hace unas semanas, me hicieron una pregunta durante una reunión: ‘Si pudieras vivir en cualquier parte del mundo, ¿dónde vivirías?'”, cuenta Montaño. “Yo respondí, ‘San José, California’. Este es mi hogar. Y este es el hogar que estoy construyendo”.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Este artículo fue traducido por la periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mpena/\">María Peña\u003c/a> y esa traducción fue editada por el periodista \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/ccabreralomeli\">Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Day in the Life of San José’s Rapid Response Network, Built to Resist ICE Fear",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051668/la-red-de-respuesta-rapida-en-el-condado-de-santa-clara\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What once was one of the busiest shopping plazas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">in San José\u003c/a> is now a much quieter place. At Placita Tropicana — located on the corner of Story and King roads — quinceañera dresses still sparkle, pupusas still sizzle and pan dulce is baked fresh every morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But people are too afraid to come out now,” said Elizabeth Ramírez, who works at Joyería Cruz, a boutique and clothing store. “Once there’s a rumor out on social media that immigration agents are at Tropicana, everyone disappears and sales go down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when customers do come in, she said, they’re often scared that Immigration and Customs Enforcement may be nearby. “When I see that look on their face, I give them these cards,” she said, holding up two sets of cards: one red and the other yellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red card\u003c/a>, provided by the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, lists in both English and Spanish the rights of individuals during encounters with federal immigration agents. But it’s the yellow card that has a much more direct message: “Protect our community. Report ICE activity!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yellow cards are from the \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, a coalition of 11 organizations and hundreds of volunteers who work around the clock to verify possible ICE sightings. Many volunteers are immigrants or children of immigrants, all driven by the belief that immigrant families have a home in San José and the South Bay, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with a business owner about how to report ICE activity and the network’s efforts to verify sightings in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The goal: spread the word about ICE activity as quickly as possible. The network’s hotline connects callers to responders who can confirm or refute rumors of immigration enforcement. If ICE \u003cem>is\u003c/em> present, the network swiftly alerts thousands of community members through social media and group chats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ICE plans to further expand its operations nationwide — with an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">additional $75 billion in funding\u003c/a> from President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill — the network is doubling down on its efforts. When not staffing the hotline, volunteers are training neighbors on how to correctly spot ICE, what immigration agents can and cannot do and even how to prepare for a potential family separation. While the Bay Area has not seen immigration raids \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">at the same scale as Los Angeles\u003c/a> earlier this summer, volunteers do not want their community to be caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rapid response sends alerts, they’re not asking the government for permission,” said Socorro Montaño, codirector of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos United for a New America\u003c/a>, a San José-based group in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">Santa Clara County Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>. “In minutes, the network is having a tangible impact on people’s lives … This is people power without having to concede power in the political sphere.”[aside postID=news_12049326 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']On a recent Friday morning, Montaño visited Ramírez at her shop to ensure she had enough cards. The network, Montaño said, is only as strong as the community that powers it. “Everybody who has our number saved, everybody who’s ever called us or shared the number with a loved one — they are part of the network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this works,” said Ramírez. When she hears a rumor on WhatsApp about ICE moving through San José, she said the first thing she does is check in with the rapid response network. Within minutes, she shares verified updates from volunteers with her loved ones. “You take what you need from this. And for me, it has been an incredible support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re not managing the phone lines, Montaño and other volunteers visit local South Bay businesses to hand out cards and educate residents. Their next stop: a jewelry and watch repair shop next door, filled with the high-pitched whirring and humming of polishing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro,” Montaño introduced themselves. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida.” (“What’s most important for me today is to talk to you about the rapid response network.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, the shop’s owner, had seen the red cards before but didn’t know about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole situation almost paralyzes you,” he said, “Honestly, I wouldn’t know what to do if I were stopped by immigration. But now I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who picks up the phone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Montaño and others spread the word, coalition members stand by for calls to come in. Staffing the hotline is often difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pick up a call, you can hear how anxious people are,” said Carmen Torres, an organizer with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>, another group in the coalition. This year alone, the hotline has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">thousands of calls\u003c/a>. Some are false alarms — people mistaking San José police officers for ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (left), lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with Cruz (middle) and Monse Roa in San José on July 21, 2025. The Rapid Response Network operates a hotline to mobilize volunteers and support immigrant families during ICE actions. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, callers are overwhelmed by the fear that ICE will separate their family. “People tell us that they’ve been calling everywhere trying to find a lawyer, but no one is taking new cases,” Torres said. “But what more can I say to them then? I think that’s when I feel like the expression, ‘I go to the wall.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for immigration lawyers is so great right now in the Bay Area that the network can only mobilize attorneys in urgent situations. Acknowledging the limitation, SIREN also helps families make plans in case a parent or guardian is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people get scared with just hearing that word — plan — because it means thinking that the worst could happen to us,” said María Aceves, who, along with her husband, Eliseo, has volunteered with SIREN and other immigration justice efforts for more than 20 years. “But I tell them that the best thing we can do is to be prepared and research how to prepare and defend yourself instead of staying in your house in fear.”[aside postID=news_12045336 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250614-NO-KINGS-SAN-JOSE-AC-09-KQED.jpg']The fear of deportation is not just affecting San José businesses. In immigrant communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">across California\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">rest of the country\u003c/a>, fewer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">shopping\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">working\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">taking their children to school\u003c/a>. Central Valley school districts facing increased immigration enforcement saw an average 22% rise in student absences earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that [Trump] will only be in power for four years, but in those four years, they could destroy us,” said Aceves. As an immigrant, she understands the fear others in her community feel but insists that it needs to be faced directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter sometimes tells me to stop coming out to volunteer,” she said. “But I tell her that I’ve done this work for longer than she’s been alive, and I like it … You know what to do in case something happens. I will let God guide me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said it feels good to give people accurate information about immigration enforcement so they can continue with their lives. The network’s motto, after all, is “Power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what Trump’s thinking. We don’t know what immigration enforcement is thinking. But we do know what rights we have,” she said. “When we go out to the community, give out information and then come back and pick up the phones, it’s all connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A San José original\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the summer sun rises higher over Alum Rock, a historic Mexican American district, the streets warm. Montaño — joined by two organizers from \u003ca href=\"https://www.amigoscenter.com/rapid-respon\">Amigos de Guadalupe\u003c/a> — make their way from business to business to talk about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some vendors recognized them and showed off their supply of red and yellow cards placed near their front doors. Others received their decks for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Moreno (center), a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store, speaks to Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, about how to report ICE activity in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We all need to have these cards ready,” said María Moreno, a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store in Alum Rock. “I want to share these with my customers. We need to feel confident walking down the street again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the shops in Alum Rock have been owned by Mexican and Mexican American families for generations. But you will also find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">Vietnamese, South Asian and Colombian restaurants\u003c/a> — a reflection of how much of San José’s culture and economy depends on immigrant labor. More than 40% of the city’s population \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">is foreign-born\u003c/a>, a percentage higher than both San Francisco and New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Montaño, protecting the city’s immigrants from deportation is part of what it means to be from San José. Born and raised in the city, one side of their family recently migrated from Nicaragua — while the other has lived in Santa Clara County for three generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a Bay Area kid,” they said. “Almost wherever I am, our community runs so deep and thick that I know I can find trusted people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2016 election, a handful of volunteers formed the rapid response network in Santa Clara County. As more groups joined, the network’s reach expanded: both \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">the city of San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">the county\u003c/a> now list it as a resource. Similar networks are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">forming across the country\u003c/a>, inspired by the belief that immigrant communities have the capacity to respond to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Montaño and others are focused on ensuring this work can be sustained for the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, I was asked an icebreaker question: ‘If you could live anywhere in the world, where would you live?’” Montaño said. “I answered ‘San José, California.’ This is my home. And this is the home that I’m building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12051668/la-red-de-respuesta-rapida-en-el-condado-de-santa-clara\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What once was one of the busiest shopping plazas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-jose\">in San José\u003c/a> is now a much quieter place. At Placita Tropicana — located on the corner of Story and King roads — quinceañera dresses still sparkle, pupusas still sizzle and pan dulce is baked fresh every morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But people are too afraid to come out now,” said Elizabeth Ramírez, who works at Joyería Cruz, a boutique and clothing store. “Once there’s a rumor out on social media that immigration agents are at Tropicana, everyone disappears and sales go down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And when customers do come in, she said, they’re often scared that Immigration and Customs Enforcement may be nearby. “When I see that look on their face, I give them these cards,” she said, holding up two sets of cards: one red and the other yellow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.ilrc.org/red-cards-tarjetas-rojas\">red card\u003c/a>, provided by the Immigrant Legal Resource Center, lists in both English and Spanish the rights of individuals during encounters with federal immigration agents. But it’s the yellow card that has a much more direct message: “Protect our community. Report ICE activity!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The yellow cards are from the \u003ca href=\"https://linktr.ee/rrninscc\">Rapid Response Network in Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, a coalition of 11 organizations and hundreds of volunteers who work around the clock to verify possible ICE sightings. Many volunteers are immigrants or children of immigrants, all driven by the belief that immigrant families have a home in San José and the South Bay, regardless of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049160\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049160\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-08-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with a business owner about how to report ICE activity and the network’s efforts to verify sightings in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The goal: spread the word about ICE activity as quickly as possible. The network’s hotline connects callers to responders who can confirm or refute rumors of immigration enforcement. If ICE \u003cem>is\u003c/em> present, the network swiftly alerts thousands of community members through social media and group chats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As ICE plans to further expand its operations nationwide — with an \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/news/ice-funding-big-beautiful-bill-trump-deportations/\">additional $75 billion in funding\u003c/a> from President Donald Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill — the network is doubling down on its efforts. When not staffing the hotline, volunteers are training neighbors on how to correctly spot ICE, what immigration agents can and cannot do and even how to prepare for a potential family separation. While the Bay Area has not seen immigration raids \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046457/much-of-las-community-of-immigrants-is-hiding-leaving-a-hole-in-the-fabric-of-the-city\">at the same scale as Los Angeles\u003c/a> earlier this summer, volunteers do not want their community to be caught off guard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the rapid response sends alerts, they’re not asking the government for permission,” said Socorro Montaño, codirector of \u003ca href=\"https://www.lunalatinosunidos.org/\">Latinos United for a New America\u003c/a>, a San José-based group in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">Santa Clara County Rapid Response Network\u003c/a>. “In minutes, the network is having a tangible impact on people’s lives … This is people power without having to concede power in the political sphere.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>On a recent Friday morning, Montaño visited Ramírez at her shop to ensure she had enough cards. The network, Montaño said, is only as strong as the community that powers it. “Everybody who has our number saved, everybody who’s ever called us or shared the number with a loved one — they are part of the network.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this works,” said Ramírez. When she hears a rumor on WhatsApp about ICE moving through San José, she said the first thing she does is check in with the rapid response network. Within minutes, she shares verified updates from volunteers with her loved ones. “You take what you need from this. And for me, it has been an incredible support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When they’re not managing the phone lines, Montaño and other volunteers visit local South Bay businesses to hand out cards and educate residents. Their next stop: a jewelry and watch repair shop next door, filled with the high-pitched whirring and humming of polishing machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Yo soy Socorro,” Montaño introduced themselves. “Lo que más me importa hoy es hablarle sobre la red de respuesta rápida.” (“What’s most important for me today is to talk to you about the rapid response network.”)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Luis Urbina, the shop’s owner, had seen the red cards before but didn’t know about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This whole situation almost paralyzes you,” he said, “Honestly, I wouldn’t know what to do if I were stopped by immigration. But now I do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who picks up the phone\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>While Montaño and others spread the word, coalition members stand by for calls to come in. Staffing the hotline is often difficult.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you pick up a call, you can hear how anxious people are,” said Carmen Torres, an organizer with \u003ca href=\"https://www.sirenimmigrantrights.org/\">Services, Immigrant Rights and Education Network\u003c/a>, another group in the coalition. This year alone, the hotline has received \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12045336/growing-south-bay-ice-fears-lead-to-surge-in-immigrant-hotline-calls\">thousands of calls\u003c/a>. Some are false alarms — people mistaking San José police officers for ICE agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049166\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049166\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-24-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Socorro Montaño (left), lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, speaks with Cruz (middle) and Monse Roa in San José on July 21, 2025. The Rapid Response Network operates a hotline to mobilize volunteers and support immigrant families during ICE actions. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But sometimes, callers are overwhelmed by the fear that ICE will separate their family. “People tell us that they’ve been calling everywhere trying to find a lawyer, but no one is taking new cases,” Torres said. “But what more can I say to them then? I think that’s when I feel like the expression, ‘I go to the wall.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demand for immigration lawyers is so great right now in the Bay Area that the network can only mobilize attorneys in urgent situations. Acknowledging the limitation, SIREN also helps families make plans in case a parent or guardian is detained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes people get scared with just hearing that word — plan — because it means thinking that the worst could happen to us,” said María Aceves, who, along with her husband, Eliseo, has volunteered with SIREN and other immigration justice efforts for more than 20 years. “But I tell them that the best thing we can do is to be prepared and research how to prepare and defend yourself instead of staying in your house in fear.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The fear of deportation is not just affecting San José businesses. In immigrant communities \u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/2025/07/04/us/los-angeles-ghost-towns\">across California\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/local/charlotte/2025/07/10/ice-immigration-business-north-carolina\">rest of the country\u003c/a>, fewer people are \u003ca href=\"https://www.univision.com/local/sacramento-kuvs/politica-sacramento/menos-ventas-mas-miedo-temor-a-los-operativos-migratorios-aleja-a-los-clientes-de-los-comercios-video\">shopping\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/11/nx-s1-5428350/immigration-crackdowns-pose-problems-to-businesses-reliant-on-those-in-u-s-illegally\">working\u003c/a> or even \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/news/student-absences-increased-under-threat-deportation-efforts-study-finds\">taking their children to school\u003c/a>. Central Valley school districts facing increased immigration enforcement saw an average 22% rise in student absences earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that [Trump] will only be in power for four years, but in those four years, they could destroy us,” said Aceves. As an immigrant, she understands the fear others in her community feel but insists that it needs to be faced directly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter sometimes tells me to stop coming out to volunteer,” she said. “But I tell her that I’ve done this work for longer than she’s been alive, and I like it … You know what to do in case something happens. I will let God guide me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Torres said it feels good to give people accurate information about immigration enforcement so they can continue with their lives. The network’s motto, after all, is “Power, not panic.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t know what Trump’s thinking. We don’t know what immigration enforcement is thinking. But we do know what rights we have,” she said. “When we go out to the community, give out information and then come back and pick up the phones, it’s all connected.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A San José original\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As the summer sun rises higher over Alum Rock, a historic Mexican American district, the streets warm. Montaño — joined by two organizers from \u003ca href=\"https://www.amigoscenter.com/rapid-respon\">Amigos de Guadalupe\u003c/a> — make their way from business to business to talk about the network.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some vendors recognized them and showed off their supply of red and yellow cards placed near their front doors. Others received their decks for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12049167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250718-RIDEALONGRAPIDRESPONSE-27-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Maria Moreno (center), a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store, speaks to Socorro Montaño, lead dispatcher for the Rapid Response Network, about how to report ICE activity in San José on July 21, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We all need to have these cards ready,” said María Moreno, a San José resident for over 40 years and owner of a candy store in Alum Rock. “I want to share these with my customers. We need to feel confident walking down the street again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of the shops in Alum Rock have been owned by Mexican and Mexican American families for generations. But you will also find \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/sanjosefood\">Vietnamese, South Asian and Colombian restaurants\u003c/a> — a reflection of how much of San José’s culture and economy depends on immigrant labor. More than 40% of the city’s population \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/profile/San_Jose_CCD,_Santa_Clara_County,_California?g=060XX00US0608592830\">is foreign-born\u003c/a>, a percentage higher than both San Francisco and New York City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Montaño, protecting the city’s immigrants from deportation is part of what it means to be from San José. Born and raised in the city, one side of their family recently migrated from Nicaragua — while the other has lived in Santa Clara County for three generations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m a Bay Area kid,” they said. “Almost wherever I am, our community runs so deep and thick that I know I can find trusted people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the 2016 election, a handful of volunteers formed the rapid response network in Santa Clara County. As more groups joined, the network’s reach expanded: both \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/your-government/departments-offices/office-of-the-city-manager/racial-equity/immigrant-affairs/rapid-response-hotline\">the city of San José\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.santaclaracounty.gov/one-county-one-future\">the county\u003c/a> now list it as a resource. Similar networks are \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccijustice.org/carrn\">forming across the country\u003c/a>, inspired by the belief that immigrant communities have the capacity to respond to the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Montaño and others are focused on ensuring this work can be sustained for the next four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A few weeks ago, I was asked an icebreaker question: ‘If you could live anywhere in the world, where would you live?’” Montaño said. “I answered ‘San José, California.’ This is my home. And this is the home that I’m building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A group of faith leaders and activists set up camp outside of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a>’s office in Santa Rosa on Tuesday, vowing not to eat or leave until the jurisdiction declares itself a sanctuary for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen people, coordinated by the Sonoma County Sanctuary Coalition, a group of local faith-based and immigrants’ rights organizers, plan to hunger strike outside of the county’s Board of Supervisors’ chamber until the county agrees to pass a resolution protecting immigrants from federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the large immigrant community that [Sonoma County] has — immigrant workers who sustain the wine industry and the hospitality and tourism industries — it really is a slap in the face that the Board of Supervisors has not yet passed this law,” said Renee Saucedo, a community organizer with environmental group Raizes Collective and one of the strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to camp all day, every day, and we’re not going to give up until Sonoma County minimally passes a sanctuary ordinance so that people can feel safe that local law enforcement will not report them to ICE,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo said that activists have urged the county to pass a sanctuary policy for years, but that the need has become increasingly pressing in recent months as ICE enforcement has escalated throughout California and after the agency received a federal budget boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miguel Trujillo listens to speakers alongside leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the Sanctuary Coalition, which formed after President Trump’s election in November, is worried that Sonoma could begin to see more widespread raids like those occurring at farms, hardware stores and gas stations in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043885/increased-ice-raids-send-shock-waves-through-farm-worker-community\">Southern California\u003c/a>, and more recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County is one of four Bay Area counties that does not have a local ordinance declaring itself a sanctuary for undocumented people, but in January, supervisors did pass a resolution pledging to protect immigrants’ civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Supervisor Lynda Hopkins said the resolution — which is less forceful than an ordinance — directed county departments to safeguard immigrants’ sensitive information and ensure they can continue to access services. The resolution also calls for the county to comply with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">trio of California sanctuary laws\u003c/a> that limit how local law enforcement agencies interact with ICE.[aside postID=news_12050403 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/GettyImages-2180061713_qed-1020x680.jpg']Hopkins, who chairs the board, said she and Vice Chair Rebecca Hermosillo met with the Sanctuary Coalition earlier this summer, and have another discussion set for later this month. Hopkins said she respects their pledge to strike, and believes the activists and county largely have the same priorities for protecting immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her opinion, however, a sanctuary ordinance would do little to expand actual protections for undocumented people, while peddling false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We, at this point, can’t actually create a sanctuary county,” Hopkins said. “Even if we called ourselves a sanctuary county, ICE is still able to come in here and, honestly, take folks anytime, anywhere. That’s a really alarming reality that we’re facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also reiterated a fear expressed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/napa/immigration-napa-ice-state-california/\">Napa police\u003c/a> officials in January when discussing why they had not passed local sanctuary laws: that doing so could draw scrutiny from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might actually put a target on the backs of our immigrant community and lead to increased ICE action and ICE presence in our community,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Along with Napa and Sonoma, Contra Costa and Marin counties also lack express sanctuary laws. Contra Costa County has said it follows state law and supports immigrants in the East Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County, a tense, hourslong debate at a Board of Supervisors meeting in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20220527210637/https://www.marinij.com/2020/09/16/marin-supervisors-reject-call-for-sanctuary-county/\">ended without a sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. The supervisors at the time passed a resolution calling on the Sheriff’s Office to greatly reduce its correspondence with ICE, but stopped short of declaring a sanctuary county, citing disagreements with the sheriff over what he should report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike cities, whose councils directly oversee their police chiefs, county officials do not have authority over sheriff’s offices beyond approving their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Marin County Sheriff Robert Doyle defended sharing information — like when some incarcerated people will be released — with ICE, according to reporting from the \u003cem>Marin Independent Journal\u003c/em> at the time. Supervisors passed a resolution urging Doyle to limit publicly posting release dates, limit reporting released to ICE to only undocumented people with serious or violent felony convictions, and notify ICE if someone facing pending charges for a serious crime is undocumented, only if a judge determines there is probable cause at a preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Hernandez, from Almas Libres, leads a cleansing for hunger strikers during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Saucedo said she believes Sonoma’s sheriff is complying with ICE, Hopkins believes California law already prevents the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office from sharing personal information, like immigration status, with ICE unless it is subpoenaed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Sheriff’s Office doesn’t ask people their immigration status, and if ICE were to subpoena their data collection system, the records would not include that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s actually going above and beyond [California law] in terms of noncooperation with ICE or non-notification based on ICE requests,” Hopkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Juan Valencia told KQED that the department doesn’t proactively contact ICE, and only responds to its information requests when it seeks public intel or is legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will only hold a person being released for immigration officials if they receive a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050968\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t actually do any enforcement at all of immigration, that’s not our job,” Valencia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the state law, Saucedo said several other Bay Area counties, including San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Alameda, have passed local ordinances expanding sanctuary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pointed out that Humboldt County in Northern California — “which,” she said, “is not considered to be the bastion of radical politics” — has one of the state’s strongest laws against ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is unforgivable,” she told KQED, that Sonoma has not followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and a group of 10 to 15 strikers began their action on Tuesday at 9 a.m., pitching tents and holding a ceremonial opening with dozens more activists and faith leaders. Throughout the week, Saucedo said people plan to join the core group of strikers for a day of fasting or support, but only a small group will remain camped outside the county office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re holding this hunger strike to convey the message to the Board of Supervisors and to the community at large that we won’t stop until our law passes, and immigrant communities are safer,” Saucedo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">\u003cem>Carly Severn\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A group of faith leaders and activists set up camp outside of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/sonoma-county\">Sonoma County\u003c/a>’s office in Santa Rosa on Tuesday, vowing not to eat or leave until the jurisdiction declares itself a sanctuary for undocumented immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About a dozen people, coordinated by the Sonoma County Sanctuary Coalition, a group of local faith-based and immigrants’ rights organizers, plan to hunger strike outside of the county’s Board of Supervisors’ chamber until the county agrees to pass a resolution protecting immigrants from federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With the large immigrant community that [Sonoma County] has — immigrant workers who sustain the wine industry and the hospitality and tourism industries — it really is a slap in the face that the Board of Supervisors has not yet passed this law,” said Renee Saucedo, a community organizer with environmental group Raizes Collective and one of the strikers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re going to camp all day, every day, and we’re not going to give up until Sonoma County minimally passes a sanctuary ordinance so that people can feel safe that local law enforcement will not report them to ICE,” she continued.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saucedo said that activists have urged the county to pass a sanctuary policy for years, but that the need has become increasingly pressing in recent months as ICE enforcement has escalated throughout California and after the agency received a federal budget boost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-05-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Miguel Trujillo listens to speakers alongside leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She said the Sanctuary Coalition, which formed after President Trump’s election in November, is worried that Sonoma could begin to see more widespread raids like those occurring at farms, hardware stores and gas stations in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043885/increased-ice-raids-send-shock-waves-through-farm-worker-community\">Southern California\u003c/a>, and more recently, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">Sacramento\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County is one of four Bay Area counties that does not have a local ordinance declaring itself a sanctuary for undocumented people, but in January, supervisors did pass a resolution pledging to protect immigrants’ civil rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sonoma County Supervisor Lynda Hopkins said the resolution — which is less forceful than an ordinance — directed county departments to safeguard immigrants’ sensitive information and ensure they can continue to access services. The resolution also calls for the county to comply with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12016037/california-is-a-sanctuary-state-how-much-protection-will-that-give-immigrants-from-trumps-deportation-plans\">trio of California sanctuary laws\u003c/a> that limit how local law enforcement agencies interact with ICE.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Hopkins, who chairs the board, said she and Vice Chair Rebecca Hermosillo met with the Sanctuary Coalition earlier this summer, and have another discussion set for later this month. Hopkins said she respects their pledge to strike, and believes the activists and county largely have the same priorities for protecting immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her opinion, however, a sanctuary ordinance would do little to expand actual protections for undocumented people, while peddling false hope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We, at this point, can’t actually create a sanctuary county,” Hopkins said. “Even if we called ourselves a sanctuary county, ICE is still able to come in here and, honestly, take folks anytime, anywhere. That’s a really alarming reality that we’re facing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also reiterated a fear expressed by \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressdemocrat.com/article/napa/immigration-napa-ice-state-california/\">Napa police\u003c/a> officials in January when discussing why they had not passed local sanctuary laws: that doing so could draw scrutiny from the federal government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It might actually put a target on the backs of our immigrant community and lead to increased ICE action and ICE presence in our community,” Hopkins said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050967\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050967\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Along with Napa and Sonoma, Contra Costa and Marin counties also lack express sanctuary laws. Contra Costa County has said it follows state law and supports immigrants in the East Bay county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Marin County, a tense, hourslong debate at a Board of Supervisors meeting in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20220527210637/https://www.marinij.com/2020/09/16/marin-supervisors-reject-call-for-sanctuary-county/\">ended without a sanctuary ordinance\u003c/a>. The supervisors at the time passed a resolution calling on the Sheriff’s Office to greatly reduce its correspondence with ICE, but stopped short of declaring a sanctuary county, citing disagreements with the sheriff over what he should report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike cities, whose councils directly oversee their police chiefs, county officials do not have authority over sheriff’s offices beyond approving their budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then-Marin County Sheriff Robert Doyle defended sharing information — like when some incarcerated people will be released — with ICE, according to reporting from the \u003cem>Marin Independent Journal\u003c/em> at the time. Supervisors passed a resolution urging Doyle to limit publicly posting release dates, limit reporting released to ICE to only undocumented people with serious or violent felony convictions, and notify ICE if someone facing pending charges for a serious crime is undocumented, only if a judge determines there is probable cause at a preliminary hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050966\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050966\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-02-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gabriela Hernandez, from Almas Libres, leads a cleansing for hunger strikers during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While Saucedo said she believes Sonoma’s sheriff is complying with ICE, Hopkins believes California law already prevents the Sonoma County Sheriff’s Office from sharing personal information, like immigration status, with ICE unless it is subpoenaed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said the Sheriff’s Office doesn’t ask people their immigration status, and if ICE were to subpoena their data collection system, the records would not include that information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’s actually going above and beyond [California law] in terms of noncooperation with ICE or non-notification based on ICE requests,” Hopkins told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sheriff’s Office spokesperson Juan Valencia told KQED that the department doesn’t proactively contact ICE, and only responds to its information requests when it seeks public intel or is legally required to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department will only hold a person being released for immigration officials if they receive a warrant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050968\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050968\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250805-SONOMA-HUNGER-STRIKE-BL-04-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Faith leaders, immigrant rights groups and allies gather outside of the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors offices in Santa Rosa on Aug. 5, 2025, during a rally to launch an indefinite hunger strike urging the county to adopt a sanctuary law. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We don’t actually do any enforcement at all of immigration, that’s not our job,” Valencia said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the state law, Saucedo said several other Bay Area counties, including San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Alameda, have passed local ordinances expanding sanctuary protections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also pointed out that Humboldt County in Northern California — “which,” she said, “is not considered to be the bastion of radical politics” — has one of the state’s strongest laws against ICE.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really is unforgivable,” she told KQED, that Sonoma has not followed suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She and a group of 10 to 15 strikers began their action on Tuesday at 9 a.m., pitching tents and holding a ceremonial opening with dozens more activists and faith leaders. Throughout the week, Saucedo said people plan to join the core group of strikers for a day of fasting or support, but only a small group will remain camped outside the county office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re holding this hunger strike to convey the message to the Board of Supervisors and to the community at large that we won’t stop until our law passes, and immigrant communities are safer,” Saucedo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/carlysevern\">\u003cem>Carly Severn\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "shes-my-home-an-sf-couples-life-unraveled-after-an-ice-check-in",
"title": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In",
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"headTitle": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>He hadn’t moved anything in the house. Their bed was still unmade — it had been like that for days, he said, since the last night they slept in it. Her shoes, tossed near the front door. On the small dining table were further scattered bits of her presence: the leaves of her morning mate, a stack of her unopened letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, their dishes still sat untouched in the sink. He said he couldn’t bring himself to wash the ones they had used to eat breakfast before they left the house that last morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t know this was the last time she was going to come back,” he told \u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past weeks, Roberto has been sleeping on a friend’s couch, too distraught to spend the night alone in his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, Roberto’s wife Sandra was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement during a routine check-in appointment at the agency’s San Francisco field office. Since then, she has been held in a detention center, waiting for updates on her pending asylum case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, ICE has allowed many immigrants with pending cases, like Sandra, to remain in their communities and work while they go through immigration proceedings. As an alternative to detention, those individuals must comply with several ICE supervision guidelines, including attending regular check-in appointments at ICE’s field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050656\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s closet remains full in the home she shares with her husband, Roberto, after she was detained during a check-in with immigration authorities in San Francisco, California, on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But since the Trump administration raised ICE’s daily arrest quotas in late May, arrests at routine check-ins have \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/sf-ice-detentions-checkin-court-arrests/\">surged\u003c/a>, sparking protests in San Francisco and beyond. Immigration advocates warn that the trend, coupled with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/28/us/immigrant-detention-conditions.html\">harsh detention conditions\u003c/a>, could pressure some asylum seekers to abandon viable claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups say dozens have been detained in recent weeks, with an estimated\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/07/qa-meet-the-attorney-at-the-center-of-s-f-s-response-to-ice/\"> five to 15 arrests\u003c/a> daily at ICE’s San Francisco office, though shifting policies make the agency’s actions hard to predict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said that the day Sandra was detained, ICE agents told him she could wait for updates on her case from inside a detention center, just as she had while living with him. Yet her process has already been ongoing for years. Sandra is still waiting for her first court date, according to ICE and immigration court records. With the backlog mounting, there is no telling when her case might move forward.[aside postID=news_12049817 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230817-PETALUMA-VINEYARD-FARMWORKERS-AP-ER-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“For them, it’s very normal. But the result is a home destroyed,” Roberto said. “I’m really depressed. I haven’t eaten in days. I’m not hungry, I don’t want to eat anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my family,” he added. “She’s my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto met Sandra on Facebook in 2017, when they were still living on different continents. He was in San Francisco, working as a social worker and awaiting a decision on his own immigration case, when her profile popped up under the platform’s “People you might know” tab. Curious, he sent her a friendship request, and they began chatting, quickly discovering they had a world of commonalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lived in the same small town that his parents had grown up in and that he had visited in his childhood. Her house was just three blocks away from his grandmother’s. She had spent 10 years living in the South American country where Roberto had been born and raised. Though they’d unknowingly walked the same streets, they had never crossed paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dated online for a few months, but after a while, the relationship fizzled out. Still, they stayed in touch: liking each other’s pictures and celebrating each other’s birthdays. In 2021, Roberto asked a friend traveling to Sandra’s town to buy and bring her candies. Their relationship rekindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto shows a photograph on his phone of a heart shape made with his and Sandra’s hands. Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sandra embarked on a months-long journey to meet him. She took several planes, crossed Central America on foot with some relatives, and got lost for 10 days in the Darien Gap, a dangerous stretch of rainforest between Colombia and Panama known as a major route for migrants. “She almost died,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she eventually made it out of the jungle, she reunited with the relatives she had been walking with. Together, they made their way to the U.S.-Mexico border, where she turned herself in to border officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two months in detention, she was released to her uncle’s house in another U.S. state, and Roberto flew to see her for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a magical moment,” he said. “I had been waiting for a long time to meet her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the couple started building a life together in San Francisco as they waited for updates on their immigration cases. Sandra started taking English classes at City College. They traveled across the U.S., visiting landmarks and meeting each other’s families. They slowly covered their fridge with magnets of the places they visited: New York City, Las Vegas, and Arizona. They put up souvenirs that their new friends had brought them from their trips around the world. Early this year, they celebrated their wedding.[aside postID=news_12047506 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250609-SEIUProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']“We’re not just married,” Roberto said. “We go to the gym together, we’re together throughout the day and through the night. And we don’t get bored of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra, he said, is someone “everyone loves.” She buys clothes to donate to homeless shelters. She cooks for her friends and Roberto’s coworkers, and always returns from her trips with gifts for them. She calls her parents regularly and is very close to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Roberto said, “Many things started happening at once.” After almost a decade of waiting, Roberto secured legal status. In late June, they took a trip so Sandra could reunite with her two brothers. Soon after, he received a promotion at work. The couple was elated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were already planning their next trip to Washington D.C., and once Sandra obtained legal status, to visit the rest of the world, starting with Denmark and the Dominican Republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were looking to start a family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the morning after they learned of Roberto’s promotion, their lives took a turn when ICE arrested Sandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto can’t stop lamenting that day. That morning, as they waited for her appointment, she was “more affectionate than normal,” taking a selfie with Roberto and giving him small kisses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked him to give her a hug, he said, and he told her she was being dramatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s teddy bear remains untouched on the couple’s bed after she was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at ICE’s San Francisco office on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As 9 a.m. approached, Roberto told Sandra he had to leave for work. She didn’t want to be left alone and asked him to call in sick. But he was scheduled to start in 30 minutes, and decided to go in for the first part of the work day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My love,” he said he told her, “I’ll come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time he was clocking in, his phone rang. The call, he said, came from an unidentified number. When he picked up, he heard Sandra’s voice. She had been arrested, she told him, and would soon be moved to a detention center. Roberto rushed out of work and began calling legal aid groups. It was already too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like she could feel like something was going to happen,” Roberto said. “And I was so stupid … I think that if I had been with her, maybe they wouldn’t have taken her. I don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE transferred Sandra to a detention center where she remains, according to \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/\">the agency’s detainee locator\u003c/a>. And Roberto was left outside, facing new beginnings, but separated from the person he most wanted to share them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto stands in the kitchen of the apartment he shares with his wife, Sandra. The space remains untouched after Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How can I stay focused?” he said. “I’ve gone to church a lot to beg God. I’ve gone to the beach because that’s where you feel the presence. And I’ve cried. I’ve cried so much. I won’t be at peace until we’re together again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Roberto and Sandra call every day. He sends her money so she can rent a tablet from the facility and pay for video calls with him and her lawyer. Roberto said agents at the facility told Sandra that her case would take time to be resolved, making her feel hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She doesn’t want to be there for a long time,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite urging Sandra not to sign any documents, Roberto said lawyers and nonprofits haven’t given them much hope either.[aside postID=news_12050470 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250731-DEPORTBILL-JG-2_qed.jpg']Some told him Sandra might be deported to her home country. Others said that she might be able to get out of detention, but that it will take time. Some said it might be easier for her to decide to leave on her own, and for Roberto to bring her back, a path that could take years. One supposed attorney claimed he could get Sandra out in a year for $25,000 up front — an offer many nonprofits warn immigrants to be wary of. Roberto walked out. Sandra’s attorney, meanwhile, continues to fight for her pending asylum application, which allows her to remain in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has also made it harder for many detained immigrants to be released, said Alex Mensing of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice (CCIJ). A new July policy made millions \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/millions-undocumented-immigrants-longer-eligible-bond-hearings-ice/story?id=123761973\">ineligible for bond hearings\u003c/a>, and release decisions now often rely on ICE’s discretion, making outcomes “arbitrary and very political.” The current landscape could further complicate Roberto and Sandra’s desire to reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I want is to have her with me,” Roberto said. “That’s all I want. I want my wife to be with me again, but it doesn’t seem like it will be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto has considered visiting the detention center so he can see Sandra in person, but lawyers and family have warned him not to, fearing that, without citizenship, he might be at risk of detention as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside his house, he said, it’s impossible not to remember her. On a cabinet near the kitchen table are three framed photographs: the two of them bundled up in Lake Tahoe, Roberto kissing Sandra’s cheek at the edge of the Grand Canyon, and a portrait of Sandra’s parents, smiling. Her favorite snacks are still stocked in the drawers. Her makeup is still in the bathroom. Her gym bag sits by the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said he can’t bring himself to touch anything Sandra left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my best friend,” he said. “And I don’t know when I’m going to be with her again. I don’t know why they’re doing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/ice-check-in-sf-separated/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote originally published this article\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. The couple’s names and countries of origin have been changed or withheld at their request, due to fear of retaliation. Key details were verified via ICE and immigration court records, documentation reviewed during a home visit and confirmation from legal advocates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "He fell in love with an asylum seeker. After building a life together in San Francisco, a routine Immigration and Customs Enforcement check-in tore them apart again.\r\n",
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"title": "‘She’s My Home’: An SF Couple’s Life Unraveled After an ICE Check-In | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>He hadn’t moved anything in the house. Their bed was still unmade — it had been like that for days, he said, since the last night they slept in it. Her shoes, tossed near the front door. On the small dining table were further scattered bits of her presence: the leaves of her morning mate, a stack of her unopened letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the kitchen, their dishes still sat untouched in the sink. He said he couldn’t bring himself to wash the ones they had used to eat breakfast before they left the house that last morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We didn’t know this was the last time she was going to come back,” he told \u003cem>El Tecolote\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the past weeks, Roberto has been sleeping on a friend’s couch, too distraught to spend the night alone in his house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This July, Roberto’s wife Sandra was arrested by Immigration and Customs Enforcement during a routine check-in appointment at the agency’s San Francisco field office. Since then, she has been held in a detention center, waiting for updates on her pending asylum case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For years, ICE has allowed many immigrants with pending cases, like Sandra, to remain in their communities and work while they go through immigration proceedings. As an alternative to detention, those individuals must comply with several ICE supervision guidelines, including attending regular check-in appointments at ICE’s field offices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050656\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050656\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-02-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s closet remains full in the home she shares with her husband, Roberto, after she was detained during a check-in with immigration authorities in San Francisco, California, on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But since the Trump administration raised ICE’s daily arrest quotas in late May, arrests at routine check-ins have \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/sf-ice-detentions-checkin-court-arrests/\">surged\u003c/a>, sparking protests in San Francisco and beyond. Immigration advocates warn that the trend, coupled with \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/28/us/immigrant-detention-conditions.html\">harsh detention conditions\u003c/a>, could pressure some asylum seekers to abandon viable claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Legal aid groups say dozens have been detained in recent weeks, with an estimated\u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2025/07/qa-meet-the-attorney-at-the-center-of-s-f-s-response-to-ice/\"> five to 15 arrests\u003c/a> daily at ICE’s San Francisco office, though shifting policies make the agency’s actions hard to predict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said that the day Sandra was detained, ICE agents told him she could wait for updates on her case from inside a detention center, just as she had while living with him. Yet her process has already been ongoing for years. Sandra is still waiting for her first court date, according to ICE and immigration court records. With the backlog mounting, there is no telling when her case might move forward.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For them, it’s very normal. But the result is a home destroyed,” Roberto said. “I’m really depressed. I haven’t eaten in days. I’m not hungry, I don’t want to eat anything.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my family,” he added. “She’s my home.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto met Sandra on Facebook in 2017, when they were still living on different continents. He was in San Francisco, working as a social worker and awaiting a decision on his own immigration case, when her profile popped up under the platform’s “People you might know” tab. Curious, he sent her a friendship request, and they began chatting, quickly discovering they had a world of commonalities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She lived in the same small town that his parents had grown up in and that he had visited in his childhood. Her house was just three blocks away from his grandmother’s. She had spent 10 years living in the South American country where Roberto had been born and raised. Though they’d unknowingly walked the same streets, they had never crossed paths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They dated online for a few months, but after a while, the relationship fizzled out. Still, they stayed in touch: liking each other’s pictures and celebrating each other’s birthdays. In 2021, Roberto asked a friend traveling to Sandra’s town to buy and bring her candies. Their relationship rekindled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050659\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050659\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-08-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto shows a photograph on his phone of a heart shape made with his and Sandra’s hands. Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sandra embarked on a months-long journey to meet him. She took several planes, crossed Central America on foot with some relatives, and got lost for 10 days in the Darien Gap, a dangerous stretch of rainforest between Colombia and Panama known as a major route for migrants. “She almost died,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When she eventually made it out of the jungle, she reunited with the relatives she had been walking with. Together, they made their way to the U.S.-Mexico border, where she turned herself in to border officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After two months in detention, she was released to her uncle’s house in another U.S. state, and Roberto flew to see her for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was a magical moment,” he said. “I had been waiting for a long time to meet her.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the next three years, the couple started building a life together in San Francisco as they waited for updates on their immigration cases. Sandra started taking English classes at City College. They traveled across the U.S., visiting landmarks and meeting each other’s families. They slowly covered their fridge with magnets of the places they visited: New York City, Las Vegas, and Arizona. They put up souvenirs that their new friends had brought them from their trips around the world. Early this year, they celebrated their wedding.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re not just married,” Roberto said. “We go to the gym together, we’re together throughout the day and through the night. And we don’t get bored of each other.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sandra, he said, is someone “everyone loves.” She buys clothes to donate to homeless shelters. She cooks for her friends and Roberto’s coworkers, and always returns from her trips with gifts for them. She calls her parents regularly and is very close to his family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This summer, Roberto said, “Many things started happening at once.” After almost a decade of waiting, Roberto secured legal status. In late June, they took a trip so Sandra could reunite with her two brothers. Soon after, he received a promotion at work. The couple was elated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They were already planning their next trip to Washington D.C., and once Sandra obtained legal status, to visit the rest of the world, starting with Denmark and the Dominican Republic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were looking to start a family,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the morning after they learned of Roberto’s promotion, their lives took a turn when ICE arrested Sandra.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp style=\"text-align: center;\">…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto can’t stop lamenting that day. That morning, as they waited for her appointment, she was “more affectionate than normal,” taking a selfie with Roberto and giving him small kisses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She asked him to give her a hug, he said, and he told her she was being dramatic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050657\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050657\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-04-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sandra’s teddy bear remains untouched on the couple’s bed after she was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at ICE’s San Francisco office on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>As 9 a.m. approached, Roberto told Sandra he had to leave for work. She didn’t want to be left alone and asked him to call in sick. But he was scheduled to start in 30 minutes, and decided to go in for the first part of the work day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My love,” he said he told her, “I’ll come back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by the time he was clocking in, his phone rang. The call, he said, came from an unidentified number. When he picked up, he heard Sandra’s voice. She had been arrested, she told him, and would soon be moved to a detention center. Roberto rushed out of work and began calling legal aid groups. It was already too late.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s like she could feel like something was going to happen,” Roberto said. “And I was so stupid … I think that if I had been with her, maybe they wouldn’t have taken her. I don’t know.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE transferred Sandra to a detention center where she remains, according to \u003ca href=\"https://locator.ice.gov/odls/\">the agency’s detainee locator\u003c/a>. And Roberto was left outside, facing new beginnings, but separated from the person he most wanted to share them with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050660\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12050660\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/07112025-ICECOUPLEDEPORTED-ET-PU-12-KQED-1536x1022.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Roberto stands in the kitchen of the apartment he shares with his wife, Sandra. The space remains untouched after Sandra was arrested and detained by immigration authorities during a check-in at the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement office in San Francisco on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Pablo Unzueta for El Tecolote for CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How can I stay focused?” he said. “I’ve gone to church a lot to beg God. I’ve gone to the beach because that’s where you feel the presence. And I’ve cried. I’ve cried so much. I won’t be at peace until we’re together again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Roberto and Sandra call every day. He sends her money so she can rent a tablet from the facility and pay for video calls with him and her lawyer. Roberto said agents at the facility told Sandra that her case would take time to be resolved, making her feel hopeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She doesn’t want to be there for a long time,” Roberto said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite urging Sandra not to sign any documents, Roberto said lawyers and nonprofits haven’t given them much hope either.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Some told him Sandra might be deported to her home country. Others said that she might be able to get out of detention, but that it will take time. Some said it might be easier for her to decide to leave on her own, and for Roberto to bring her back, a path that could take years. One supposed attorney claimed he could get Sandra out in a year for $25,000 up front — an offer many nonprofits warn immigrants to be wary of. Roberto walked out. Sandra’s attorney, meanwhile, continues to fight for her pending asylum application, which allows her to remain in the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE has also made it harder for many detained immigrants to be released, said Alex Mensing of the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice (CCIJ). A new July policy made millions \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/US/millions-undocumented-immigrants-longer-eligible-bond-hearings-ice/story?id=123761973\">ineligible for bond hearings\u003c/a>, and release decisions now often rely on ICE’s discretion, making outcomes “arbitrary and very political.” The current landscape could further complicate Roberto and Sandra’s desire to reunite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All I want is to have her with me,” Roberto said. “That’s all I want. I want my wife to be with me again, but it doesn’t seem like it will be possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto has considered visiting the detention center so he can see Sandra in person, but lawyers and family have warned him not to, fearing that, without citizenship, he might be at risk of detention as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside his house, he said, it’s impossible not to remember her. On a cabinet near the kitchen table are three framed photographs: the two of them bundled up in Lake Tahoe, Roberto kissing Sandra’s cheek at the edge of the Grand Canyon, and a portrait of Sandra’s parents, smiling. Her favorite snacks are still stocked in the drawers. Her makeup is still in the bathroom. Her gym bag sits by the door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roberto said he can’t bring himself to touch anything Sandra left behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s my best friend,” he said. “And I don’t know when I’m going to be with her again. I don’t know why they’re doing this.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Editor’s note:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"https://eltecolote.org/content/en/ice-check-in-sf-separated/\">\u003cem>El Tecolote originally published this article\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>. The couple’s names and countries of origin have been changed or withheld at their request, due to fear of retaliation. Key details were verified via ICE and immigration court records, documentation reviewed during a home visit and confirmation from legal advocates.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "thousands-of-once-secret-police-records-are-now-public-heres-how-you-can-use-them",
"title": "Thousands of Once-Secret Police Records Are Now Public. Here’s How You Can Use Them",
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"headTitle": "Thousands of Once-Secret Police Records Are Now Public. Here’s How You Can Use Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:20 a.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, for the first time, you can look up serious use of force and police misconduct incidents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, along with journalism and police accountability advocates, is publishing a database that houses thousands of once-confidential records gathered from the state’s nearly 700 law enforcement and oversight agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">How to use the police records database yourself\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The free \u003ca href=\"http://policerecords.kqed.org/\">database\u003c/a>, which has been in the works for seven years and contains files for almost 12,000 cases, promises to give anyone — including attorneys, victims of police violence, journalists and law enforcement hiring officials — insight into police shootings and officers’ past behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cephus Johnson, whose nephew Oscar Grant was fatally shot in the back by a BART police officer in Oakland in the early morning hours of Jan. 1, 2009, knows firsthand just how important this database will be to other families who’ve lost people to police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ For impacted families, the first question is: ‘What happened?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They can now find details of what happened to their loved ones and how the police investigated it — or what they overlooked — without having to deal with the often frustrating process of trying to obtain the records themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting those answers, Johnson said, “is the beginning of part of the healing process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> to search the database.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050667\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1002px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050667 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1002\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png 1002w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7-160x65.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1002px) 100vw, 1002px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the Police Records Access Project database.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Shedding light on secret records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, misconduct and use-of-force records for California law enforcement officers were among the most difficult to obtain. That began to change in 2018 with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">Senate Bill 1421, the “Right to Know” Act\u003c/a>, which came about with the help of Johnson and other police accountability advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law unsealed records for incidents in which officers fired a gun or used force resulting in serious injury or death, and for officers who were found to have been dishonest or committed sexual assault. In 2021, the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB16\">another bill\u003c/a> expanded the law to include cases of officer discrimination, excessive force and wrongful arrests or searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11854857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11854857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg\" alt=\"Oscar Grant mural\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1394\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1536x1115.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural of Oscar Grant outside BART’s Fruitvale Station, where a now-former BART police officer fatally shot Grant as he lay face-down on the platform on Jan. 1, 2009. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the new laws were just the beginning of the fight to pry open the black box of police accountability — which continues today. Agencies often slow-walk or refuse to provide records, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-police-records-california-20190630-story.html\">and have even destroyed them\u003c/a>. KQED and other outlets have sued multiple agencies, including the state attorney general, in order to force compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with these obstacles — and the difficulty of navigating California’s disparate law enforcement agencies, including 58 sheriff’s departments, hundreds of police departments, transit authorities and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation — KQED co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">The California Reporting Project,\u003c/a> a collaborative of more than 30 news outlets which is now led by \u003ca href=\"https://cjlab.stanford.edu/projects/big-local-news/\">Big Local News\u003c/a> at Stanford University, the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://bids.berkeley.edu/\">Berkeley Institute of Data Science\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew from the start that this information needed to be available to the public,” KQED Editor-in-Chief Ethan Toven-Lindsey said. “Police misconduct records shouldn’t be locked away in filing cabinets where only a few people can see them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11639714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11639714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg\" alt=\"(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson says she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown, stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson said she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence. \u003ccite>(Jessica Kourkounis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, The California Reporting Project joined forces with the Police Records Access Project, a transparency coalition which includes the ACLU, the Innocence Project, Stanford and UC Berkeley. In 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom allocated \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/state-funds-development-first-its-kind-police-misconduct-database#:~:text=The%20funding%20will%20%E2%80%9Ctransform%20that%20effort%20and,launched%20by%20a%20consortium%20that%20includes%20BIDS\">$6.7 million\u003c/a> for the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jumana Musa, director of the Fourth Amendment Center at the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), said her organization joined the collaborative because justice requires transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This information gets hidden, it gets buried, it is not accessible,” she said. While Musa will use the database to help defend her clients, she said there’s an even more acute need for law enforcement agencies get familiar with the tool: “to ensure that you’re not gonna hire people and give them a weapon and give them a badge when that person has been known to be problematic [or] dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">\u003c/a>How can I use the database?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The nearly 12,000 cases make up about 1.5 million pages at the time of publication — but there are several ways to search and use the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three categories divide the cases: use of force, shootings and misconduct. There is a range of document types, from investigative reports to interview transcripts and incident summaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cost for using the tool, and you won’t be asked to provide any information to search these records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator outside Oakland police headquarters on May 29 2020, carries a sign with the words, “I can’t breathe” spoken by George Floyd, the man murdered on May 25, 2020, by police in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Pickoff-White, co-founder and research director of The California Reporting Project, said it’s helpful to take some time to understand the kinds of cases and records in the database before drawing any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can do keyword searches, filter your search by date or the agency that provided the records — for example, the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, vs. the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pickoff-White suggests starting simply. “Search for things like ‘taser’ or ‘canine.’ Or search for an officer’s name. Then review the records to see if you’ve found cases where they used force or violated policy.” But remember: just because an officer’s name is in the database, it doesn’t necessarily mean they were involved in misconduct or use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/about\">“About”\u003c/a> page explains the type of records, methodology and the limitations of the database. If you find information in the database that you don’t think should be public, you can also submit a request to remove it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind this database is a living thing and is far from complete — the people maintaining it are adding new records as they receive them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is this database for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Victims of police violence and their families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records in the database, Cephus Johnson said, can give families like his who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them “determine how they will get justice for their loved one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson advises families to use the tool with a great deal of care because sometimes the records can contain examples of callous police behavior, negligence or descriptions of graphic injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050677 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The records in the database can give families who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them determine how to get justice for their loved one. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On top of the mourning, you’re angry, you got many emotions that you gotta really deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson suggests that certain family members — say, the grieving mother of someone killed by police — might be better served if a relative or friend reviews the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s got to be some caretaking,” he said, “because we know sometimes you’re gonna hear things that you just can’t believe these officers would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Researchers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of data is necessary for even basic forms of independent oversight,” said Tarak Shah, a data scientist who helped manage the Police Records Access Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said he’s excited about the database’s potential to contribute to criminal justice research. He’s spoken to researchers interested in how police killings get classified by independent medical examiners vs. coroners, who are under the purview of the local sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050676 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to data scientist Tarak Shah, who helped manage the Police Records Access Project, the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which were used to help categorize and sort the records, and identify and redact sensitive information. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, you might have questions about whether it’s possible to do unbiased investigations in those scenarios,” he said. Those cause-of-death determinations can mean the difference between a criminal investigation of a law enforcement officer and a death essentially going unexamined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research areas could include the intersection of mental health and law enforcement, the role drug and alcohol impairment can play in some police encounters and a better understanding of what consequences officers face for misconduct — ranging from casual misogyny and racism to excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the depth and complexity of the investigative files have been both the “strength and the main challenge of this project.” The database contains incredibly granular information about officer behaviors and key incidents, but the records are not neatly organized into structured data like you might see in a spreadsheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which they used to help categorize and sort the records, and to identify and redact sensitive information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lawyers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers’ credibility is fundamental to the criminal justice system; when officers take the stand, their word often determines the outcome of a case. Attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased — key information for juries assessing the truth of their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, the primary use is to impeach officers on the stand or to be able to properly defend the client, with full knowledge of who it [is] they’re dealing with,” said Musa, the attorney with NACDL.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050710 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the Police Records Access Project database, attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, in one of the first cases unsealed by the new transparency law, KQED uncovered the story of a Rio Vista police officer who had lied on official documents. As a result, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730477/impact-da-dismisses-charges-against-woman-mauled-by-rio-vista-police-dog\">the Solano County District Attorney dropped criminal charges\u003c/a> against a woman who a police dog had mauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorneys who often look for evidence of patterns and practices within departments to substantiate their clients’ claims could also find useful information in the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that moves the needle when it comes to getting accountability in the criminal legal system is investigative journalism,” said Barry Scheck, co-founder of the Innocence Project. “If you can expose people that are systematically breaking the law or not playing by the rules or harming people they should be protecting — when you get those stories, that’s when things change.”[aside postID=news_12017652,news_11880600,news_11828774 label= Highlights from KQED's police records reporting]Since 2019, KQED has also published more than 100 stories and two seasons of the award-winning podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">On Our Watch\u003c/a> using records that are now a part of the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state, members of the collaborative:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Succeeded in forcing the city of Richmond to release\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/19/one-bay-area-city-73-police-dog-bites-and-the-law-that-made-them-public/\"> records revealing 73 police dog bites\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Identified 70 Los Angeles Sheriff’s deputies\u003c/a> with a range of previously undisclosed transgressions on their records\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Unveiled records\u003c/a> that showed how a Sutter County sheriff’s deputy used his position to coerce women into having sex with him on duty.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taken together, press coverage has helped move the needle on police reform in California. In 2020, state lawmakers passed a law requiring the state attorney general to investigate \u003cem>all \u003c/em>police shootings in which the subject was not armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, they passed a police decertification law, putting in place a mechanism to strip officers who’ve committed egregious misconduct of their badges. This year, the Legislature is considering a number of additional \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&search_keywords=misconduct\">transparency\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&showamends=false\">oversight\u003c/a> measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Have you found this database useful?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We want to hear who you are, how you’re using this database and why. Please tell us a bit about yourself, your work and what brought you to the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 10:20 a.m. Monday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, for the first time, you can look up serious use of force and police misconduct incidents in \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/california\">California\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED, along with journalism and police accountability advocates, is publishing a database that houses thousands of once-confidential records gathered from the state’s nearly 700 law enforcement and oversight agencies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to: \u003ca href=\"#Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">How to use the police records database yourself\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>The free \u003ca href=\"http://policerecords.kqed.org/\">database\u003c/a>, which has been in the works for seven years and contains files for almost 12,000 cases, promises to give anyone — including attorneys, victims of police violence, journalists and law enforcement hiring officials — insight into police shootings and officers’ past behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cephus Johnson, whose nephew Oscar Grant was fatally shot in the back by a BART police officer in Oakland in the early morning hours of Jan. 1, 2009, knows firsthand just how important this database will be to other families who’ve lost people to police violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“ For impacted families, the first question is: ‘What happened?’” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They can now find details of what happened to their loved ones and how the police investigated it — or what they overlooked — without having to deal with the often frustrating process of trying to obtain the records themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Getting those answers, Johnson said, “is the beginning of part of the healing process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Click \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a> to search the database.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050667\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1002px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050667 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1002\" height=\"404\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7.png 1002w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/image-7-160x65.png 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1002px) 100vw, 1002px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A screenshot of the Police Records Access Project database.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Shedding light on secret records\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For decades, misconduct and use-of-force records for California law enforcement officers were among the most difficult to obtain. That began to change in 2018 with the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">Senate Bill 1421, the “Right to Know” Act\u003c/a>, which came about with the help of Johnson and other police accountability advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law unsealed records for incidents in which officers fired a gun or used force resulting in serious injury or death, and for officers who were found to have been dishonest or committed sexual assault. In 2021, the passage of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB16\">another bill\u003c/a> expanded the law to include cases of officer discrimination, excessive force and wrongful arrests or searches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11854857\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11854857\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg\" alt=\"Oscar Grant mural\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1394\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-800x581.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1020x741.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-160x116.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2021/01/Oscar-Grant-Mural-1536x1115.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A mural of Oscar Grant outside BART’s Fruitvale Station, where a now-former BART police officer fatally shot Grant as he lay face-down on the platform on Jan. 1, 2009. \u003ccite>(Sonja Hutson/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>But the new laws were just the beginning of the fight to pry open the black box of police accountability — which continues today. Agencies often slow-walk or refuse to provide records, \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-police-records-california-20190630-story.html\">and have even destroyed them\u003c/a>. KQED and other outlets have sued multiple agencies, including the state attorney general, in order to force compliance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with these obstacles — and the difficulty of navigating California’s disparate law enforcement agencies, including 58 sheriff’s departments, hundreds of police departments, transit authorities and the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation — KQED co-founded \u003ca href=\"https://projects.scpr.org/california-reporting-project/\">The California Reporting Project,\u003c/a> a collaborative of more than 30 news outlets which is now led by \u003ca href=\"https://cjlab.stanford.edu/projects/big-local-news/\">Big Local News\u003c/a> at Stanford University, the \u003ca href=\"https://journalism.berkeley.edu/programs/mj/investigative-reporting/\">UC Berkeley Investigative Reporting Program\u003c/a> and the \u003ca href=\"https://bids.berkeley.edu/\">Berkeley Institute of Data Science\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We knew from the start that this information needed to be available to the public,” KQED Editor-in-Chief Ethan Toven-Lindsey said. “Police misconduct records shouldn’t be locked away in filing cabinets where only a few people can see them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11639714\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11639714\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg\" alt=\"(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson says she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/01/RS28734_GettyImages-583550860-qut-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(L-R) Cleopatra Pendleton-Cowley, mother of Hadiya Pendleton; Wanda Johnson, mother of Oscar Grant; and Lezley McSpadden, mother of Mike Brown, stand on stage prior to delivering remarks on the second day of the Democratic National Convention at the Wells Fargo Center, July 26, 2016, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Johnson said she talks regularly with other mothers who have lost loved ones to police violence. \u003ccite>(Jessica Kourkounis/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Eventually, The California Reporting Project joined forces with the Police Records Access Project, a transparency coalition which includes the ACLU, the Innocence Project, Stanford and UC Berkeley. In 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom allocated \u003ca href=\"https://www.universityofcalifornia.edu/news/state-funds-development-first-its-kind-police-misconduct-database#:~:text=The%20funding%20will%20%E2%80%9Ctransform%20that%20effort%20and,launched%20by%20a%20consortium%20that%20includes%20BIDS\">$6.7 million\u003c/a> for the effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jumana Musa, director of the Fourth Amendment Center at the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers (NACDL), said her organization joined the collaborative because justice requires transparency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This information gets hidden, it gets buried, it is not accessible,” she said. While Musa will use the database to help defend her clients, she said there’s an even more acute need for law enforcement agencies get familiar with the tool: “to ensure that you’re not gonna hire people and give them a weapon and give them a badge when that person has been known to be problematic [or] dangerous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Police Chiefs Association did not respond to KQED’s request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"Howtousethepolicerecordsdatabaseyourself\">\u003c/a>How can I use the database?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The nearly 12,000 cases make up about 1.5 million pages at the time of publication — but there are several ways to search and use the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three categories divide the cases: use of force, shootings and misconduct. There is a range of document types, from investigative reports to interview transcripts and incident summaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is no cost for using the tool, and you won’t be asked to provide any information to search these records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987039\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987039\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/200529-GeorgeFloyd-04-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A demonstrator outside Oakland police headquarters on May 29 2020, carries a sign with the words, “I can’t breathe” spoken by George Floyd, the man murdered on May 25, 2020, by police in Minneapolis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lisa Pickoff-White, co-founder and research director of The California Reporting Project, said it’s helpful to take some time to understand the kinds of cases and records in the database before drawing any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can do keyword searches, filter your search by date or the agency that provided the records — for example, the San Francisco Sheriff’s Office, vs. the San Francisco Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pickoff-White suggests starting simply. “Search for things like ‘taser’ or ‘canine.’ Or search for an officer’s name. Then review the records to see if you’ve found cases where they used force or violated policy.” But remember: just because an officer’s name is in the database, it doesn’t necessarily mean they were involved in misconduct or use of force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://policerecords.kqed.org/about\">“About”\u003c/a> page explains the type of records, methodology and the limitations of the database. If you find information in the database that you don’t think should be public, you can also submit a request to remove it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep in mind this database is a living thing and is far from complete — the people maintaining it are adding new records as they receive them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is this database for?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Victims of police violence and their families\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The records in the database, Cephus Johnson said, can give families like his who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them “determine how they will get justice for their loved one.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Johnson advises families to use the tool with a great deal of care because sometimes the records can contain examples of callous police behavior, negligence or descriptions of graphic injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050677\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050677 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1110-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The records in the database can give families who have experienced police violence a clearer picture of what took place, and help them determine how to get justice for their loved one. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“On top of the mourning, you’re angry, you got many emotions that you gotta really deal with,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson suggests that certain family members — say, the grieving mother of someone killed by police — might be better served if a relative or friend reviews the records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s got to be some caretaking,” he said, “because we know sometimes you’re gonna hear things that you just can’t believe these officers would do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Researchers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This kind of data is necessary for even basic forms of independent oversight,” said Tarak Shah, a data scientist who helped manage the Police Records Access Project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said he’s excited about the database’s potential to contribute to criminal justice research. He’s spoken to researchers interested in how police killings get classified by independent medical examiners vs. coroners, who are under the purview of the local sheriff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050676\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050676 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2000x1125.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1111-2048x1152.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">According to data scientist Tarak Shah, who helped manage the Police Records Access Project, the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which were used to help categorize and sort the records, and identify and redact sensitive information. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“As a researcher, you might have questions about whether it’s possible to do unbiased investigations in those scenarios,” he said. Those cause-of-death determinations can mean the difference between a criminal investigation of a law enforcement officer and a death essentially going unexamined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other research areas could include the intersection of mental health and law enforcement, the role drug and alcohol impairment can play in some police encounters and a better understanding of what consequences officers face for misconduct — ranging from casual misogyny and racism to excessive force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shah said the depth and complexity of the investigative files have been both the “strength and the main challenge of this project.” The database contains incredibly granular information about officer behaviors and key incidents, but the records are not neatly organized into structured data like you might see in a spreadsheet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He said the database would not be possible without the latest advancements in AI and large language models, which they used to help categorize and sort the records, and to identify and redact sensitive information.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Lawyers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Police officers’ credibility is fundamental to the criminal justice system; when officers take the stand, their word often determines the outcome of a case. Attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased — key information for juries assessing the truth of their testimony.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, the primary use is to impeach officers on the stand or to be able to properly defend the client, with full knowledge of who it [is] they’re dealing with,” said Musa, the attorney with NACDL.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12050710\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12050710 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2000x1500.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/IMG_1116-2048x1536.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">With the Police Records Access Project database, attorneys can now look up officers who’ve been dishonest or biased. \u003ccite>(Illustration by Anna Vignet/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2019, in one of the first cases unsealed by the new transparency law, KQED uncovered the story of a Rio Vista police officer who had lied on official documents. As a result, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11730477/impact-da-dismisses-charges-against-woman-mauled-by-rio-vista-police-dog\">the Solano County District Attorney dropped criminal charges\u003c/a> against a woman who a police dog had mauled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Civil rights attorneys who often look for evidence of patterns and practices within departments to substantiate their clients’ claims could also find useful information in the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Journalists\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The one thing that moves the needle when it comes to getting accountability in the criminal legal system is investigative journalism,” said Barry Scheck, co-founder of the Innocence Project. “If you can expose people that are systematically breaking the law or not playing by the rules or harming people they should be protecting — when you get those stories, that’s when things change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Since 2019, KQED has also published more than 100 stories and two seasons of the award-winning podcast \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/onourwatch\">On Our Watch\u003c/a> using records that are now a part of the database.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the state, members of the collaborative:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Succeeded in forcing the city of Richmond to release\u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/12/19/one-bay-area-city-73-police-dog-bites-and-the-law-that-made-them-public/\"> records revealing 73 police dog bites\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Identified 70 Los Angeles Sheriff’s deputies\u003c/a> with a range of previously undisclosed transgressions on their records\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2021-03-19/sb-1421-sheriffs-department-disclosure\">Unveiled records\u003c/a> that showed how a Sutter County sheriff’s deputy used his position to coerce women into having sex with him on duty.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>Taken together, press coverage has helped move the needle on police reform in California. In 2020, state lawmakers passed a law requiring the state attorney general to investigate \u003cem>all \u003c/em>police shootings in which the subject was not armed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2022, they passed a police decertification law, putting in place a mechanism to strip officers who’ve committed egregious misconduct of their badges. This year, the Legislature is considering a number of additional \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&search_keywords=misconduct\">transparency\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billCompareClient.xhtml?bill_id=202520260AB847&showamends=false\">oversight\u003c/a> measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Have you found this database useful?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>We want to hear who you are, how you’re using this database and why. Please tell us a bit about yourself, your work and what brought you to the database.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfgci5neDDn_OhZ3fAuqoI6rHvboIiTkjbjhxDaqy-oltQkcw/viewform?embedded=true'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:20 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A permanent U.S. resident who was detained by federal law enforcement at \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco-international-airport\">San Francisco International Airport \u003c/a>for a week is now being held at an immigration detention center, according to one of his lawyers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tae “Will” Heung Kim, a Korean-born Lyme disease researcher who has been in the U.S. since he was 5, was held in Customs and Border Protection’s facility with “no daylight, sleeping in [a] chair, and no access to [a] lawyer,” attorney Eric Lee posted on the social media website X this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a certain historic, dark historical resonance to the fact that an Asian person was coming to San Francisco and kept for a week in deplorable, inhumane conditions,” Lee told KQED, referring to the treatment Asian immigrants faced on Angel Island. “This administration is dredging up everything dirty and mucky from American history and flinging it for all of us to see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim had arrived at SFO on a connecting flight to Texas after traveling from South Korea, according to Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not immediately respond to requests for comment on why Kim was detained. Supporters of Kim have suggested that a 14-year-old misdemeanor marijuana possession charge could be the reason for his detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were subject to the type of conditions that he was subjected to this last week because of minor marijuana possession, over half the country would be in jail,” said Lee, who confirmed Kim’s previous charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Customs and Border Protection said that “this alien is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a green card holder is convicted of a drug offense, violating their status, that person is issued a Notice to Appear and CBP coordinates detention space with ICE ERO,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter calling for Kim’s release, the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium said the case highlights broader concerns.[aside postID=news_12047506 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250609-SEIUProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']“It spotlights the urgent need for accountability and transparency in federal detention practices and upholds the fundamental rights of those who call America home,” the organization, which organizes around Asian American immigrant issues, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee called the case a “double whammy” because of Kim’s role as a Lyme disease researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing here is an individual who is, as a result of the administration’s crackdown, not able to participate in really critical scientific research to develop a vaccine for a disease that impacts the lives of millions of people,” Lee said. “That’s why I think this case has particularly significant implications for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim’s detention comes amid a broader ramp-up of immigration enforcement under the Trump administration. In recent months, immigration attorneys have warned that lawful permanent residents — like Kim — risk being detained if they travel abroad, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5416767/more-green-card-holders-are-being-detained-over-criminal-records-lawyers-say\">according to NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January, ICE arrests in the San Francisco area of responsibility have increased 70% compared with the last six months of the Biden administration, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ice-arrest-immigrant-california-20395589.php\">analysis\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigration lawyer, to see this type of thing happen is staggering,” Lee said. “Every day there’s some new Rubicon of horrors, which is being crossed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim had arrived at SFO on a connecting flight to Texas after traveling from South Korea, according to Lee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not immediately respond to requests for comment on why Kim was detained. Supporters of Kim have suggested that a 14-year-old misdemeanor marijuana possession charge could be the reason for his detention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If people were subject to the type of conditions that he was subjected to this last week because of minor marijuana possession, over half the country would be in jail,” said Lee, who confirmed Kim’s previous charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Customs and Border Protection said that “this alien is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If a green card holder is convicted of a drug offense, violating their status, that person is issued a Notice to Appear and CBP coordinates detention space with ICE ERO,” the agency said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a letter calling for Kim’s release, the National Korean American Service and Education Consortium said the case highlights broader concerns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It spotlights the urgent need for accountability and transparency in federal detention practices and upholds the fundamental rights of those who call America home,” the organization, which organizes around Asian American immigrant issues, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lee called the case a “double whammy” because of Kim’s role as a Lyme disease researcher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What you’re seeing here is an individual who is, as a result of the administration’s crackdown, not able to participate in really critical scientific research to develop a vaccine for a disease that impacts the lives of millions of people,” Lee said. “That’s why I think this case has particularly significant implications for the future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kim’s detention comes amid a broader ramp-up of immigration enforcement under the Trump administration. In recent months, immigration attorneys have warned that lawful permanent residents — like Kim — risk being detained if they travel abroad, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2025/06/04/nx-s1-5416767/more-green-card-holders-are-being-detained-over-criminal-records-lawyers-say\">according to NPR.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since Trump took office in January, ICE arrests in the San Francisco area of responsibility have increased 70% compared with the last six months of the Biden administration, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/ice-arrest-immigrant-california-20395589.php\">analysis\u003c/a> by the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As an immigration lawyer, to see this type of thing happen is staggering,” Lee said. “Every day there’s some new Rubicon of horrors, which is being crossed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/bkrans\">\u003cem>Brian Krans\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As the Trump administration ramps up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">immigration arrests and deportations\u003c/a>, California Democrats are renewing an effort to expand a path to permanent residency for millions of immigrants — a push that’s likely to face an uphill battle in the Republican-controlled Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats simultaneously announced bills in both houses of Congress on Friday that would allow people who have lived in the U.S. continuously for the past seven years to apply for a green card under the registry provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alex-padilla\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a>, who announced the Senate version of the legislation, said the move was meant to push back against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">increasing immigration enforcement\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a father of three U.S. Marines is violently beaten and detained, when U.S. citizens are arrested for no other offense than the color of their skin, when a farmworker falls to their death during an ICE raid, we know it’s gone too far,” Padilla said from Los Angeles, where thousands of National Guard members and U.S. Marines were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910233/deployment-of-marines-and-national-guard-to-la-raises-new-authoritarianism-concerns\">deployed in recent months\u003c/a> amid mass protests over immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Immigration and Nationality Act’s registry provision was most recently updated in 1986 under the Reagan administration and applied to immigrants who entered the U.S. by the end of 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks at a press briefing in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the Democrats’ proposed changes, that fixed cutoff date would be replaced with the seven-year residency requirement. It could apply to an estimated 8 million immigrants who have no criminal record and are not eligible for citizenship under the current law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other members of Congress emphasized that the law has been updated several times with bipartisan support since it was first passed in 1929.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republicans in control of both houses of Congress, their support will be necessary to update the law again.[aside postID=news_12049389 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-02-KQED.jpg']“Our new bill is simple and common sense, and it can help fix our broken immigration system in the same kind of way that Republican President Ronald Reagan did many years ago,” Padilla said. “No new bureaucracy, no new agency, just a simple date change to existing law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/zoe-lofgren\">Zoe Lofgren\u003c/a>, whose district includes part of Santa Clara County, announced the House version of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren and Padilla unsuccessfully tried to pass similar legislation in 2022 and 2023, but both legislators expressed optimism that shifting public opinion on the scale of recent deportation efforts could bring some Republicans to their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my Republican colleagues are hearing the same thing from their constituents that I’m hearing from mine,” Lofgren said. “They didn’t expect a bunch of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048875/behind-the-masks-who-are-the-people-rounding-up-immigrants-in-california\">masked, armed men\u003c/a> to go in and arrest people who are contributing to the economy, who have been pillars of their communities. They’re not liking that, and this is one way to provide a remedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on the likelihood of getting the bill passed, Padilla insisted that he believes now is the moment to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole country has seen the extreme cruelty brought upon by this administration and the polls have shown us what we’ve believed all along,” Padilla said. “The American people disagree with what’s happening. The American people believe in better treatment, respect and opportunities for legalization for immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally in the Mission District in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maximiliano Garde, the supervising attorney for the San Francisco-based La Raza Community Resource Center, said the bill would be a huge boon to millions of immigrants who have been shut out of the process to legalization, but he doesn’t think it will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll believe it when I see it,” Garde said. “This administration has a lot of enmity toward not just Latinos but specifically Mexicans. … And with changing the registry, the main beneficiaries are going to be Latinos and especially Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garde added that he thinks it’s unlikely that Republican members of Congress will break away from Trump if he chooses to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see them really having the backbone to resist the pushback that they’re going to get from the White House,” Garde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still believes there is a benefit of introducing the legislation, even if it is doomed to fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows that the administration is lying,” he said. “They’re not interested in helping the honest, hardworking people that have been in this country for decades. … It’s not just that that’s motivating them, it’s also just some enmity toward immigrants in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has suggested that he supports\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/07/11/trump-immigration-farmworkers-visas\"> temporary visas for immigrants in industries like agriculture\u003c/a>, but Padilla also expressed doubt that the president is interested in long-term paths to legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear about what the goals of this administration have been,” Padilla said. “They don’t want to fix a broken immigration system. Have they offered any plans or solutions? They want to exploit immigrants to justify their power grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As the Trump administration ramps up \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12049326/as-ice-operations-expand-how-are-immigrant-allies-responding\">immigration arrests and deportations\u003c/a>, California Democrats are renewing an effort to expand a path to permanent residency for millions of immigrants — a push that’s likely to face an uphill battle in the Republican-controlled Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats simultaneously announced bills in both houses of Congress on Friday that would allow people who have lived in the U.S. continuously for the past seven years to apply for a green card under the registry provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/alex-padilla\">Alex Padilla\u003c/a>, who announced the Senate version of the legislation, said the move was meant to push back against \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048690/no-sanctuary-anywhere-border-patrol-raids-strike-heart-of-california-capitol\">increasing immigration enforcement\u003c/a> under President Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When a father of three U.S. Marines is violently beaten and detained, when U.S. citizens are arrested for no other offense than the color of their skin, when a farmworker falls to their death during an ICE raid, we know it’s gone too far,” Padilla said from Los Angeles, where thousands of National Guard members and U.S. Marines were \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101910233/deployment-of-marines-and-national-guard-to-la-raises-new-authoritarianism-concerns\">deployed in recent months\u003c/a> amid mass protests over immigration raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Immigration and Nationality Act’s registry provision was most recently updated in 1986 under the Reagan administration and applied to immigrants who entered the U.S. by the end of 1971.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12034002\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12034002\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/034_SanFrancisco_AlexPadillaMissionKids_06012021_qed-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sen. Alex Padilla speaks at a press briefing in San Francisco on June 1, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the Democrats’ proposed changes, that fixed cutoff date would be replaced with the seven-year residency requirement. It could apply to an estimated 8 million immigrants who have no criminal record and are not eligible for citizenship under the current law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla and other members of Congress emphasized that the law has been updated several times with bipartisan support since it was first passed in 1929.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With Republicans in control of both houses of Congress, their support will be necessary to update the law again.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Our new bill is simple and common sense, and it can help fix our broken immigration system in the same kind of way that Republican President Ronald Reagan did many years ago,” Padilla said. “No new bureaucracy, no new agency, just a simple date change to existing law.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rep. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/zoe-lofgren\">Zoe Lofgren\u003c/a>, whose district includes part of Santa Clara County, announced the House version of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lofgren and Padilla unsuccessfully tried to pass similar legislation in 2022 and 2023, but both legislators expressed optimism that shifting public opinion on the scale of recent deportation efforts could bring some Republicans to their side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Many of my Republican colleagues are hearing the same thing from their constituents that I’m hearing from mine,” Lofgren said. “They didn’t expect a bunch of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12048875/behind-the-masks-who-are-the-people-rounding-up-immigrants-in-california\">masked, armed men\u003c/a> to go in and arrest people who are contributing to the economy, who have been pillars of their communities. They’re not liking that, and this is one way to provide a remedy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When pressed on the likelihood of getting the bill passed, Padilla insisted that he believes now is the moment to try again.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole country has seen the extreme cruelty brought upon by this administration and the polls have shown us what we’ve believed all along,” Padilla said. “The American people disagree with what’s happening. The American people believe in better treatment, respect and opportunities for legalization for immigrants.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12043496\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12043496\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250609-SF-IMMIGRATION-PROTESTS-MD-12-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters rally in the Mission District in San Francisco in opposition to the Trump Administration’s immigration policy and enforcement on June 9, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Maximiliano Garde, the supervising attorney for the San Francisco-based La Raza Community Resource Center, said the bill would be a huge boon to millions of immigrants who have been shut out of the process to legalization, but he doesn’t think it will pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll believe it when I see it,” Garde said. “This administration has a lot of enmity toward not just Latinos but specifically Mexicans. … And with changing the registry, the main beneficiaries are going to be Latinos and especially Mexicans.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Garde added that he thinks it’s unlikely that Republican members of Congress will break away from Trump if he chooses to oppose the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see them really having the backbone to resist the pushback that they’re going to get from the White House,” Garde said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he still believes there is a benefit of introducing the legislation, even if it is doomed to fail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It shows that the administration is lying,” he said. “They’re not interested in helping the honest, hardworking people that have been in this country for decades. … It’s not just that that’s motivating them, it’s also just some enmity toward immigrants in general.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trump has suggested that he supports\u003ca href=\"https://www.axios.com/2025/07/11/trump-immigration-farmworkers-visas\"> temporary visas for immigrants in industries like agriculture\u003c/a>, but Padilla also expressed doubt that the president is interested in long-term paths to legalization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Let’s be clear about what the goals of this administration have been,” Padilla said. “They don’t want to fix a broken immigration system. Have they offered any plans or solutions? They want to exploit immigrants to justify their power grabs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "richmond-school-district-to-train-staff-on-ice-raids-due-to-falling-attendance",
"title": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance",
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"headTitle": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Updated at 12:15 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified School District is launching a new mandatory training program to teach administrators to protect students and families from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration raids\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy aims to curb falling attendance rates amid community concerns about increasing ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028076/afraid-to-go-to-school-immigrant-families-in-the-salinas-valley-are-gripped-by-fear\">presence\u003c/a> on school grounds across the state. As part of the training, educators will learn how to recognize immigration warrants and respond if they’re valid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected to go into effect after the school board gives it final approval on Aug. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s current \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jzyLgkvBuUpqS1P035V_Mn8cZBCjV4V5/view\">policy\u003c/a>, which was updated in December 2024, protects all students from immigration enforcement activity on school grounds and prohibits district personnel from sharing information relating to students’ immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the updated plan, shared last week at the school board meeting, requires administrators to receive annual training on how to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">differentiate\u003c/a> between administrative and judicial warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Judicial warrants are formal written orders by federal or state judges that authorize law enforcement officers to make arrests, seizures or searches. ICE agents who present judicial warrants are permitted to search school grounds and records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrative warrants, however, are issued by federal agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security and do not authorize searches. Schools are not legally required to comply with administrative warrants and can refuse entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor and Education Center’s Executive Director Brenda Muñoz said that while the district has good intentions, there are some potential issues that could arise from the new policy.[aside postID=news_12049124 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Out-of-ICE-SF-sign.jpg']Muñoz, who specializes in policymaking and education, said differentiating between warrants “is very difficult to do if you don’t have a legal background.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sees a better solution in UC Berkeley’s protocol for dealing with ICE agents, which entails redirecting them to a central office where legally trained employees can verify their right to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board at last week’s meeting announced that the district’s safety and emergency preparedness consultant, Michael Booker, is creating signage for school entrances, “so that families, students, staff, and law enforcement know our procedures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of these preparations, the board directed administrators to train faculty and staff on the updated policy, especially secretaries who are the first to communicate with outside visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have partly attributed decreased school attendance to fears of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After Mr. Trump was elected, he made it very clear that immigration and deportation was a priority,” Board President Leslie Reckler told KQED. “And so, I think people were very scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a board meeting in April, the district’s director of positive school climate, LaShante Smith, presented data that showed attendance rates fell by 1% in February alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a real shift in our political climate,” Smith said. “We did see the impact and the effects of students not coming to school as regularly as before.”[aside postID=news_12047018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1067-2000x1500.jpg']Aside from protecting students from unlawful enforcement activity, the training should curb the concerns that have prevented students from attending, according to Superintendent Cheryl Cotton’s presentation at last week’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that families know, students know, school is a safe place for them to be,” Cotton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Muñoz said the new training is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes to boosting attendance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even if the student is a citizen, they could have undocumented parents who fear dropping their kids off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there’s a negative impact when their kid’s not going to school,” Muñoz said. “But there’s a higher risk if they were to get deported and their kid is left here without parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mandatory immigration enforcement training is slated to begin for administrators before school starts on Aug. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The Contra Costa County school district, based in Richmond, is launching a mandatory training policy requiring administrators to learn how to recognize valid immigration warrants amid falling attendance rates and community concerns about ICE enforcement on school grounds.",
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"title": "Richmond School District to Train Staff on ICE Raids Due to Falling Attendance | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Updated at 12:15 p.m.\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>West Contra Costa Unified School District is launching a new mandatory training program to teach administrators to protect students and families from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/immigration\">immigration raids\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The policy aims to curb falling attendance rates amid community concerns about increasing ICE \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028076/afraid-to-go-to-school-immigrant-families-in-the-salinas-valley-are-gripped-by-fear\">presence\u003c/a> on school grounds across the state. As part of the training, educators will learn how to recognize immigration warrants and respond if they’re valid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s expected to go into effect after the school board gives it final approval on Aug. 6.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The district’s current \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jzyLgkvBuUpqS1P035V_Mn8cZBCjV4V5/view\">policy\u003c/a>, which was updated in December 2024, protects all students from immigration enforcement activity on school grounds and prohibits district personnel from sharing information relating to students’ immigration statuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the updated plan, shared last week at the school board meeting, requires administrators to receive annual training on how to \u003ca href=\"https://www.nilc.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/2025-Subpoenas-Warrants_.pdf\">differentiate\u003c/a> between administrative and judicial warrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049415\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049415\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-03-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Judicial warrants are formal written orders by federal or state judges that authorize law enforcement officers to make arrests, seizures or searches. ICE agents who present judicial warrants are permitted to search school grounds and records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Administrative warrants, however, are issued by federal agencies such as the Department of Homeland Security and do not authorize searches. Schools are not legally required to comply with administrative warrants and can refuse entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley Labor and Education Center’s Executive Director Brenda Muñoz said that while the district has good intentions, there are some potential issues that could arise from the new policy.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Muñoz, who specializes in policymaking and education, said differentiating between warrants “is very difficult to do if you don’t have a legal background.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She sees a better solution in UC Berkeley’s protocol for dealing with ICE agents, which entails redirecting them to a central office where legally trained employees can verify their right to enforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The board at last week’s meeting announced that the district’s safety and emergency preparedness consultant, Michael Booker, is creating signage for school entrances, “so that families, students, staff, and law enforcement know our procedures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of these preparations, the board directed administrators to train faculty and staff on the updated policy, especially secretaries who are the first to communicate with outside visitors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District officials have partly attributed decreased school attendance to fears of immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049416\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049416\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250723-WEST-CO-CO-ICE-MD-04-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The West Contra Costa School District Offices in Richmond on July 23, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“After Mr. Trump was elected, he made it very clear that immigration and deportation was a priority,” Board President Leslie Reckler told KQED. “And so, I think people were very scared.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a board meeting in April, the district’s director of positive school climate, LaShante Smith, presented data that showed attendance rates fell by 1% in February alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a real shift in our political climate,” Smith said. “We did see the impact and the effects of students not coming to school as regularly as before.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Aside from protecting students from unlawful enforcement activity, the training should curb the concerns that have prevented students from attending, according to Superintendent Cheryl Cotton’s presentation at last week’s meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want to make sure that families know, students know, school is a safe place for them to be,” Cotton said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Muñoz said the new training is only one piece of the puzzle when it comes to boosting attendance rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said even if the student is a citizen, they could have undocumented parents who fear dropping their kids off at school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Of course, there’s a negative impact when their kid’s not going to school,” Muñoz said. “But there’s a higher risk if they were to get deported and their kid is left here without parents.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mandatory immigration enforcement training is slated to begin for administrators before school starts on Aug. 19.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "their-families-keep-california-farms-running-trump-cuts-just-stripped-a-lifeline-from-them",
"title": "Their Families Keep California Farms Running. Trump Cuts Just Stripped a Lifeline From Them",
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"headTitle": "Their Families Keep California Farms Running. Trump Cuts Just Stripped a Lifeline From Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Yvette Medina was growing up in the labor camps of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">California’s Central Valley\u003c/a>, she’d often accompany her father to the bank to cash checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d tell me, ‘You should be a bank teller. You’re inside all day, out of the sun,’” Medina recalled. “For me, growing up, there weren’t a lot of options or things to aspire to. My parents just didn’t know what was out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program called Mini-Corps changed all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps, part of the state’s Migrant Education program, sends bilingual tutors to schools and labor camps to help children whose parents work in California’s agricultural fields, dairies, fisheries and timberlands. Medina credits Mini-Corps tutors with getting her through high school and helping her enroll in college, where she ultimately earned a teaching credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now the Migrant Education program is defunded, at least temporarily, after President Donald Trump withheld its grant money on July 1. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/education-funding-california/\">Several other education programs\u003c/a> were also halted, including after-school centers, English learner programs and professional development for teachers. In California, the cuts totaled more than $810 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education said it would not release the money until it completed a review of the programs to ensure “taxpayer resources are spent in accordance with the President’s priorities and the Department’s statutory responsibilities.” Last week it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/07/after-school-california/\">released the after-school grants\u003c/a>, but nothing else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department didn’t say when that review would happen. Meanwhile, California and 23 other states have \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-freezing-billions-education\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that Trump had no right to withhold the money because it had already been appropriated by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost every county in California has Migrant Education programs. Kern has the largest number of migrant students — nearly 5,000 — but even urban counties like San Francisco have at least a few dozen.[aside postID=news_12047875 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250715-ImmigrationCourtProtests-13-BL_qed.jpg']Now, programs for those students have been put on hold or cut back. Some school districts scraped together money to keep the programs running through summer, but others canceled programs altogether and laid off staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Butte County Office of Education, which oversees the Mini-Corps program for the state, laid off more than 400 employees as a result of the cuts. The Santa Clara County Office of Education laid off 22 staff and shuttered many services for migrant students, including college visits, a math and science program, a debate tournament and summer programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we find some other finding source,” said Tad Alexander, deputy superintendent of the Butte County Office of Education. “But right now it feels like they’re trying to bleed it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the move with the harvest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80,000 students in California are migrants, moving every few months with their parents for work, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://mephelpcenter.wested.org/hc/en-us/articles/34555377299988-2023-24-Migrant-Re-interview-Report\">recent report by West Ed\u003c/a>, an educational research and development organization. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could mean winter in Porterville for the orange harvest, spring in Salinas for strawberries, summer in Madera for peaches, fall in Oroville for almonds. Some families even venture to Washington for cherry season, or to Mexico between harvests. The majority of migrant farm workers are legally authorized to live and work in the U.S., according to WestEd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photos by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although most migrant students are in school at least part of the time, some aren’t enrolled in school at all. They’re either working in the fields themselves, caring for younger siblings or otherwise helping their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But migrant students had relatively high graduation and college-going rates – primarily community college – in part thanks to the Migrant Education program. Students can get help with reading, math, science, English language skills, one-on-one tutoring, health and social-emotional support, and help enrolling in college and navigating life after high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a century, the U.S. has offered services and protections to farm laborers from other countries. The Bracero program, an agreement between the U.S. and Mexico starting in 1942, allowed Mexican laborers to legally work in U.S. agricultural fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program ended in 1964, but President Lyndon Johnson stepped in to enact a host of other programs that benefitted migrant laborers, including the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.lbjlibrary.org/news-and-press/media-kits/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act \u003c/a>and the Migrant Education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in his career, Johnson had worked as a teacher at a school along the Texas-Mexico border where most of his students were the children of immigrants. He helped teach them English, started sports and literary clubs and drove them to nearby towns for athletic and speech competitions. He used his first paycheck to buy playground equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience was the inspiration for the Migrant Education program as well as Johnson’s other anti-poverty programs from that era, according to the National Archives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program served about 270,000 students nationwide last year, and is among the smallest of the federal education grants. Of all the programs Trump defunded on July 1, Migrant Education has the lowest price tag: $121 million for California, $375 million nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Dark times’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>De-funding the program has had a chilling effect on migrant families everywhere, said Debra Benitez, director of migrant education services for WestEd. Most migrant families deeply value education, she said, and are willing to make extraordinary sacrifices for their children to go to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program allows that to happen, she said.[aside postID=news_12049156 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250722-SUPERVISORBILALMAHMOODPB-11-BL-KQED.jpg']“This is a population of individuals who’ve dedicated their lives to agricultural labor, very difficult work which we know historically no one else is willing to do,” said Benitez, whose grandparents were migrant laborers in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they want is for their children to be educated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes that defunding Migrant Education will ultimately hurt the economy because immigrants play such a crucial role in farming, dairy, fishing and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These families who have historically worked as migratory farm laborers, their plight has long been hard and arduous. But they’re proud to contribute to California’s economy,” Benitez said. “And then there’s the human side of it. It’s painful. These feel like dark times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingual teacher pipeline\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps works with 28 colleges and universities in the state to train tutors to work in schools and camps. Tutors earn $17.25 an hour and gain classroom experience that can give them a leg up for a teaching career. Most are bilingual Spanish speakers, but some speak Punjabi, Chinese, Hmong and other languages of California migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is to help migrant children while also creating a pipeline of bilingual teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>( Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Daniel Martinez-Osornio worked as a Mini-Corps tutor for migrant children when he was a student at Cal State San Marcos. He spent his time at schools in Vista and San Marcos, helping students with classwork but also “building connections, helping kids so they didn’t feel called out or uncomfortable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having grown up in Salinas, Martinez-Osornio understood the challenges that migrant students faced. Although his family didn’t move frequently for work, many of his cousins and friends did. With more than 4,300 migrant students, Monterey County has one of the highest percentages of migrant students in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s tough. The parents are working all day, and kids have to be home to take care of their siblings — or be taken care of by siblings,” he said. “The kids just want someone to talk to about their day, what’s going on, express their feelings. They just want to have some happiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez-Osornio was so inspired by his work in the Mini-Corps program that he decided to become a teacher. He recently earned his credential at Stanford and hopes to be a bilingual elementary teacher in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was shocked when he heard that the federal government stopped funding the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks my heart,” he said. “I just couldn’t believe it, considering the impact it has on kids and families. It’s generational impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting and hoping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some counties have been able to salvage their summer migrant programs without laying off staff, at least for now. The Fresno County Office of Education, which has the state’s third-largest migrant program with 6,300 students, has converted half of its summer programming to a hybrid virtual format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of two weeks at an outdoor education camp called Scout Island, students will spend one week there and one week on other activities, including online learning.[aside postID=news_12049124 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/Out-of-ICE-SF-sign.jpg']Fresno County Superintendent of Schools Michele Cantwell-Copher said her office would continue to help migrant students as best it can, but it will likely have to make deep program cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(This program) is a lifeline for thousands of students in Fresno County,” she said. “The students who are impacted by cuts to migrant services are the same students whose families put food on our tables. We will continue to advocate fiercely to ensure these young people get the support they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperial County, which has 3,543 migrant students, received nearly $5 million last year for its migrant education program. Nonetheless, the county doesn’t plan any layoffs or program cuts, in part because County Superintendent of Schools Todd Finnell said he’s confident that the federal money will come through eventually. Also, the program is worth keeping even without the federal resources, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and families benefit significantly from the program and any reduction or elimination would certainly be a loss in our mission to improve the quality of life in Imperial County,” Finnell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Hope that you didn’t have before’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yvette Medina, whose parents are laborers from Mexico, moved every few months as a child. Her parents picked cherries, tomatoes, watermelon, asparagus and apricots, sometimes working in packing plants in Stockton or Tracy. Medina didn’t spend an entire year at one school until her senior year in high school, when she stayed with an aunt in Manteca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentors in the Migrant Education program helped her enroll at Sacramento State, and inspired her to become a Mini-Corps tutor herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_28-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of three children with towels, swim gear, and backpacks walk along a dirt path in a forest area near a river.\">\u003cfigcaption>Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program walk along a path near the San Joaquin River at the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In a world where you feel lost, it’s another person who speaks your language, reflects your culture,” Medina said. “They’re in college, they’re role models. You think, oh my gosh, I want to be like that too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina worked as an elementary school teacher for several years after graduating, and now runs the Mini-Corps program at the Butte County Office of Education. In addition to running that program, the office oversees Migrant Education for 22 counties between Sacramento and the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mini-Corps changed my life, it changed my family’s life,” Medina said. “It introduced me to a profession where I’d have access to a salary, benefits, networks. It gives you hope that you didn’t have before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/migrant-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Migrant Education programs that serve students whose parents work in California’s agricultural fields, dairies, fisheries and timberlands are now under threat from the Trump administration.",
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"title": "Their Families Keep California Farms Running. Trump Cuts Just Stripped a Lifeline From Them | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Yvette Medina was growing up in the labor camps of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/central-valley\">California’s Central Valley\u003c/a>, she’d often accompany her father to the bank to cash checks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d tell me, ‘You should be a bank teller. You’re inside all day, out of the sun,’” Medina recalled. “For me, growing up, there weren’t a lot of options or things to aspire to. My parents just didn’t know what was out there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A program called Mini-Corps changed all that.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps, part of the state’s Migrant Education program, sends bilingual tutors to schools and labor camps to help children whose parents work in California’s agricultural fields, dairies, fisheries and timberlands. Medina credits Mini-Corps tutors with getting her through high school and helping her enroll in college, where she ultimately earned a teaching credential.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now the Migrant Education program is defunded, at least temporarily, after President Donald Trump withheld its grant money on July 1. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/education-funding-california/\">Several other education programs\u003c/a> were also halted, including after-school centers, English learner programs and professional development for teachers. In California, the cuts totaled more than $810 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049506\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_04-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Education said it would not release the money until it completed a review of the programs to ensure “taxpayer resources are spent in accordance with the President’s priorities and the Department’s statutory responsibilities.” Last week it \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/2025/07/after-school-california/\">released the after-school grants\u003c/a>, but nothing else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department didn’t say when that review would happen. Meanwhile, California and 23 other states have \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sues-trump-administration-freezing-billions-education\">sued\u003c/a>, saying that Trump had no right to withhold the money because it had already been appropriated by Congress.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Almost every county in California has Migrant Education programs. Kern has the largest number of migrant students — nearly 5,000 — but even urban counties like San Francisco have at least a few dozen.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Now, programs for those students have been put on hold or cut back. Some school districts scraped together money to keep the programs running through summer, but others canceled programs altogether and laid off staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Butte County Office of Education, which oversees the Mini-Corps program for the state, laid off more than 400 employees as a result of the cuts. The Santa Clara County Office of Education laid off 22 staff and shuttered many services for migrant students, including college visits, a math and science program, a debate tournament and summer programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we find some other finding source,” said Tad Alexander, deputy superintendent of the Butte County Office of Education. “But right now it feels like they’re trying to bleed it out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>On the move with the harvest\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Nearly 80,000 students in California are migrants, moving every few months with their parents for work, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://mephelpcenter.wested.org/hc/en-us/articles/34555377299988-2023-24-Migrant-Re-interview-Report\">recent report by West Ed\u003c/a>, an educational research and development organization. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could mean winter in Porterville for the orange harvest, spring in Salinas for strawberries, summer in Madera for peaches, fall in Oroville for almonds. Some families even venture to Washington for cherry season, or to Mexico between harvests. The majority of migrant farm workers are legally authorized to live and work in the U.S., according to WestEd.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049507\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049507\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>(Photos by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Although most migrant students are in school at least part of the time, some aren’t enrolled in school at all. They’re either working in the fields themselves, caring for younger siblings or otherwise helping their families.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But migrant students had relatively high graduation and college-going rates – primarily community college – in part thanks to the Migrant Education program. Students can get help with reading, math, science, English language skills, one-on-one tutoring, health and social-emotional support, and help enrolling in college and navigating life after high school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a century, the U.S. has offered services and protections to farm laborers from other countries. The Bracero program, an agreement between the U.S. and Mexico starting in 1942, allowed Mexican laborers to legally work in U.S. agricultural fields.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program ended in 1964, but President Lyndon Johnson stepped in to enact a host of other programs that benefitted migrant laborers, including the landmark \u003ca href=\"https://www.lbjlibrary.org/news-and-press/media-kits/immigration-and-nationality-act\">Immigration and Nationality Act \u003c/a>and the Migrant Education program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Early in his career, Johnson had worked as a teacher at a school along the Texas-Mexico border where most of his students were the children of immigrants. He helped teach them English, started sports and literary clubs and drove them to nearby towns for athletic and speech competitions. He used his first paycheck to buy playground equipment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That experience was the inspiration for the Migrant Education program as well as Johnson’s other anti-poverty programs from that era, according to the National Archives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program served about 270,000 students nationwide last year, and is among the smallest of the federal education grants. Of all the programs Trump defunded on July 1, Migrant Education has the lowest price tag: $121 million for California, $375 million nationwide.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Dark times’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>De-funding the program has had a chilling effect on migrant families everywhere, said Debra Benitez, director of migrant education services for WestEd. Most migrant families deeply value education, she said, and are willing to make extraordinary sacrifices for their children to go to school.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Migrant Education program allows that to happen, she said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“This is a population of individuals who’ve dedicated their lives to agricultural labor, very difficult work which we know historically no one else is willing to do,” said Benitez, whose grandparents were migrant laborers in the San Joaquin Valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All they want is for their children to be educated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes that defunding Migrant Education will ultimately hurt the economy because immigrants play such a crucial role in farming, dairy, fishing and other industries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These families who have historically worked as migratory farm laborers, their plight has long been hard and arduous. But they’re proud to contribute to California’s economy,” Benitez said. “And then there’s the human side of it. It’s painful. These feel like dark times.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bilingual teacher pipeline\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mini-Corps works with 28 colleges and universities in the state to train tutors to work in schools and camps. Tutors earn $17.25 an hour and gain classroom experience that can give them a leg up for a teaching career. Most are bilingual Spanish speakers, but some speak Punjabi, Chinese, Hmong and other languages of California migrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The idea is to help migrant children while also creating a pipeline of bilingual teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12049511\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1536px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1536\" height=\"1024\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12049511\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_23-1-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1536px) 100vw, 1536px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program canoe along the San Joaquin River near the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. \u003ccite>( Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Daniel Martinez-Osornio worked as a Mini-Corps tutor for migrant children when he was a student at Cal State San Marcos. He spent his time at schools in Vista and San Marcos, helping students with classwork but also “building connections, helping kids so they didn’t feel called out or uncomfortable,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Having grown up in Salinas, Martinez-Osornio understood the challenges that migrant students faced. Although his family didn’t move frequently for work, many of his cousins and friends did. With more than 4,300 migrant students, Monterey County has one of the highest percentages of migrant students in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know it’s tough. The parents are working all day, and kids have to be home to take care of their siblings — or be taken care of by siblings,” he said. “The kids just want someone to talk to about their day, what’s going on, express their feelings. They just want to have some happiness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez-Osornio was so inspired by his work in the Mini-Corps program that he decided to become a teacher. He recently earned his credential at Stanford and hopes to be a bilingual elementary teacher in Salinas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He was shocked when he heard that the federal government stopped funding the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It breaks my heart,” he said. “I just couldn’t believe it, considering the impact it has on kids and families. It’s generational impact.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Waiting and hoping\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some counties have been able to salvage their summer migrant programs without laying off staff, at least for now. The Fresno County Office of Education, which has the state’s third-largest migrant program with 6,300 students, has converted half of its summer programming to a hybrid virtual format.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of two weeks at an outdoor education camp called Scout Island, students will spend one week there and one week on other activities, including online learning.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fresno County Superintendent of Schools Michele Cantwell-Copher said her office would continue to help migrant students as best it can, but it will likely have to make deep program cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“(This program) is a lifeline for thousands of students in Fresno County,” she said. “The students who are impacted by cuts to migrant services are the same students whose families put food on our tables. We will continue to advocate fiercely to ensure these young people get the support they deserve.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Imperial County, which has 3,543 migrant students, received nearly $5 million last year for its migrant education program. Nonetheless, the county doesn’t plan any layoffs or program cuts, in part because County Superintendent of Schools Todd Finnell said he’s confident that the federal money will come through eventually. Also, the program is worth keeping even without the federal resources, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our students and families benefit significantly from the program and any reduction or elimination would certainly be a loss in our mission to improve the quality of life in Imperial County,” Finnell said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Hope that you didn’t have before’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Yvette Medina, whose parents are laborers from Mexico, moved every few months as a child. Her parents picked cherries, tomatoes, watermelon, asparagus and apricots, sometimes working in packing plants in Stockton or Tracy. Medina didn’t spend an entire year at one school until her senior year in high school, when she stayed with an aunt in Manteca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mentors in the Migrant Education program helped her enroll at Sacramento State, and inspired her to become a Mini-Corps tutor herself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070125_Migrant-Outdoor-Ed_LV_28-1024x682.jpg\" alt=\"A group of three children with towels, swim gear, and backpacks walk along a dirt path in a forest area near a river.\">\u003cfigcaption>Students of the Migrant Outdoor Education Program walk along a path near the San Joaquin River at the Scout Island Education Center in Fresno on July 11, 2025. Photo by Larry Valenzuela, CalMatters/CatchLight Local\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“In a world where you feel lost, it’s another person who speaks your language, reflects your culture,” Medina said. “They’re in college, they’re role models. You think, oh my gosh, I want to be like that too.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Medina worked as an elementary school teacher for several years after graduating, and now runs the Mini-Corps program at the Butte County Office of Education. In addition to running that program, the office oversees Migrant Education for 22 counties between Sacramento and the Oregon border.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Mini-Corps changed my life, it changed my family’s life,” Medina said. “It introduced me to a profession where I’d have access to a salary, benefits, networks. It gives you hope that you didn’t have before.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/k-12-education/2025/07/migrant-california/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When San Francisco Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/daniel-lurie\">Daniel Lurie\u003c/a> took to Instagram to announce that a store selling Labubus plush dolls would soon open in Union Square, his thumb was on the pulse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The monster-like dolls have gone viral online among collectors worldwide and have become a social media meme for their absurdity. Lurie’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DL5K9TYxtN4/\">Instagram post\u003c/a> performed well for his account, generating plenty of LOLs and laughing-crying emojis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Lurie didn’t read the room. His cheeky celebration of economic recovery downtown came a day after Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12047397/ice-officers-drive-through-protesters-trying-to-stop-arrest-at-sf-immigration-court\">violently clashed with protesters\u003c/a> outside the city’s downtown courthouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In typical internet fashion, backlash followed almost immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s troublingly dystopian to see this video about Labubus from you while your constituents are being kidnapped by federal agents, and those who are trying to stop that from happening are being brutalized. Is this what you want your legacy to be?” read one comment from a group representing a coalition of left-leaning San Francisco City Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The comment was one of many criticizing the mayor online for not speaking out more about escalating ICE raids in San Francisco this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An SFPD officer stares straight ahead past a line of anti-ICE protesters during a protest in San Francisco on June 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lurie takes a cautious, positive approach on TikTok and Instagram, highlighting the city’s recovery while avoiding the partisan fights that fuel much of today’s online political discourse. His strategy reflects the challenge moderate Democrats face in balancing tough issues with hopeful messaging in a polarized digital landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every day, he speaks directly to residents through selfie videos showing off things like thriving coffee shops, housing development plans or AI companies making San Francisco their home base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is important is that we’ve got to show all the good things happening,” Lurie told KQED after wrapping up a selfie video with Warriors star Jimmy Butler at his new coffee pop-up in the Mission.[aside postID=news_12023569 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/01/240108-LurieInaugurationDay-34_qed-1020x680.jpg']The mayor isn’t shying away from tough topics that San Franciscans care about, like the city’s $800-million budget deficit, homelessness and the overdose crisis. He often films himself walking through parts of the city, talking to residents where those issues are most visible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be totally transparent, while driving here, I saw people struggling on the street,” he said on Mission Street. “We have to be honest and transparent with people, and that’s what we’re able to do with our Instagram.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie strikes a different tone online compared to other politicians who have fueled and benefited from online vitriol. President Donald Trump, who also owns the social media website Truth Social, exemplifies how lashing out at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sacramento/news/trump-blames-newsom-deadly-los-angeles-fires/\">political opponents\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/business/timeline-elon-musk-trump-x-dg\">or allies\u003c/a>) online can have real implications and capture the internet’s fleeting attention. Trump’s posts have had wild success on social media platforms like X, where \u003ca href=\"https://csmapnyu.org/research/reports-analysis/twitter-amplifies-conservative-politicians-is-it-because-users-mock-them\">studies show\u003c/a> posts from conservative politicians are amplified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Democrats have found their niche, too. Gov. Gavin Newsom, for example, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2025/07/07/how-trolling-trump-is-helping-gavin-newsom-00441062\">boost in popularity online\u003c/a> after criticizing Trump’s deployment of the National Guard to Los Angeles during anti-ICE protests and posting things like \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GovPressOffice/status/1932447842683249033\">Star Wars memes\u003c/a> to mock White House actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this moment, what goes viral, what gets attention, is really being outspoken either as a MAGA guy or as an anti-MAGA person. And Lurie struggles with both of those,” said Lincoln Mitchell, who teaches politics at Columbia University and writes about San Francisco, where he grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12048164 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie (left) and Golden State Warriors player Jimmy Butler (right) record a selfie video together at the opening of the Corner Store in the Mission District in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. Democratic politicians are using social media to rally their supporters, and Mayor Daniel Lurie is doing just that, but moderate Democrats like him face challenges in a volatile online landscape. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Partisan conflict isn’t the only ticket to online success for politicians. New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani has become nationally known through TikTok and Instagram videos explaining populist economic ideas like free bus service and child care — a factor \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/29/nyregion/zohran-mamdani-campaign-videos.html\">credited as a powerful tool\u003c/a> in his rise and victory in the city’s mayoral race primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s not doing just the vibes and values like [Kamala] Harris. He’s also not quite Mamdani, who had this amazing two-minute video of him breaking down the food truck permitting process,” said Zeve Sanderson, executive director of NYU’s Center for Social Media and Politics. “He sort of sits in between those two poles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie isn’t picking fights or giving followers radical new ideas to chew on. His focus appears to be on presenting a counter-narrative to the so-called “doom loop,” contrasting with his predecessor, former Mayor London Breed.[aside postID=news_12048367 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/BondiBurgumSFVisitAP1.jpg']“It’s a good political strategy,” Mitchell said of Lurie’s pro-San Francisco tone. “His predecessor decided that she could benefit by telling a story about how horrible San Francisco is. That has never worked, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some residents, Lurie’s affable selfie videos are a welcome reprieve from headlines of the city’s struggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems super personable. And the fact that he’s the one taking the selfie videos seems more personal with SF residents versus just having someone make it super professional,” said Boris Cotom, an Excelsior resident who brought his younger brother to wait in line at Butler’s coffee pop-up. “I think it’s a cool way to kind of show what he’s been doing for the city so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/daniel-lurie-poll-data-sf-20774151.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> poll\u003c/a> found similar opinions. Half of surveyed voters said the mayor should remain focused on local issues, and 29% said Lurie should help lead the opposition to Trump. His Instagram account drew 9.7 million views in the past month, reaching more than 880,000 accounts — all without paid promotion, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s cautious online approach aims to project his genuine optimism on the city’s recovery, according to Annie Gabillet, who manages his social media with Gen Z staffers Haakon Black and Sophia Robles-Mendoza. The team follows Lurie around throughout the day, snapping photos, revising texts and quickly editing his videos for residents to see what the mayor is up to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upbeat “cheerleader dad” tone is authentic to his personality off-camera. A moderate Democrat and father of two, he has rarely, if ever, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">said Trump’s name\u003c/a> when asked by reporters about federal issues affecting San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12048167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie (left) and Haakon Black (right), a member of his social media team, walk in the Mission District in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, several city supervisors have participated in anti-ICE protests. Lurie’s cautious stance has left some followers frustrated, comments to his posts show, and feeling like their outrage over mass deportations, wealth inequality and cuts to public services isn’t echoed by their mayor, who is also an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicians just a few years ago were less willing to get into arguments on social media or directly engage in criticism. And I think today, establishment politicians who have been around a while do that on the flip side, sort of Bravo TV-style, just steering into fights,” Sanderson said. “[Lurie] seems to engage with what he perceives to be criticisms or problems, but he doesn’t go full Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie had never posted a selfie video before running for office. But he understands how provocative content tends to get more attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was apparent when JJ Smith, who frequently posts videos of unhoused residents and outdoor drug use on X, filmed Lurie approaching him on the street. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TheKevinDalton/status/1925038514393251850\">In the video\u003c/a>, Lurie told Smith that his posting “kills our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if Lurie would help San Francisco by fighting with Republicans online. Breed struck a much stronger tone against Trump during his first presidential term, while Lurie has managed to somewhat steer right-wing pundits’ attention away from the city’s ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048168\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048168\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie looks to his social media team to prepare for a social video recording on 16th Street in the Mission District with his team in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he does wade into thornier territory, such as the city’s drug and homelessness crises, Lurie often acknowledges that there’s “more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After visiting Butler’s pop-up on Valencia Street, Lurie’s team headed to 16th Street to observe conditions around homelessness and drug use, which neighbors say have worsened as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028996/san-francisco-police-arrest-84-people-in-overnight-drug-market-raid-at-city-park\">crackdowns in the Tenderloin and South of Market\u003c/a> have displaced issues to other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the 16th Street BART station, Lurie stopped and faced Black, his cameraman, while Gabillet stood to the side, ready to offer feedback. In two takes, Lurie summarized what he saw in the area: mild but incomplete progress clearing the area of outdoor drug use. He chatted with neighborhood outreach workers and police officers before returning to City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicizing it, I don’t get into that. I’m going to work with anybody that wants to fix this issue,” Lurie said as he strolled down Mission Street. “We’re going to work with every side of the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his carefully crafted online persona and his restraint from wading into heated online debates, Lurie said, “I’m trying to highlight not just to San Franciscans but to the world what is so unique and special about San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In typical internet fashion, backlash followed almost immediately.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s troublingly dystopian to see this video about Labubus from you while your constituents are being kidnapped by federal agents, and those who are trying to stop that from happening are being brutalized. Is this what you want your legacy to be?” read one comment from a group representing a coalition of left-leaning San Francisco City Workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The comment was one of many criticizing the mayor online for not speaking out more about escalating ICE raids in San Francisco this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12044573\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12044573\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/DSC4999-1_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An SFPD officer stares straight ahead past a line of anti-ICE protesters during a protest in San Francisco on June 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lurie takes a cautious, positive approach on TikTok and Instagram, highlighting the city’s recovery while avoiding the partisan fights that fuel much of today’s online political discourse. His strategy reflects the challenge moderate Democrats face in balancing tough issues with hopeful messaging in a polarized digital landscape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Every day, he speaks directly to residents through selfie videos showing off things like thriving coffee shops, housing development plans or AI companies making San Francisco their home base.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I think is important is that we’ve got to show all the good things happening,” Lurie told KQED after wrapping up a selfie video with Warriors star Jimmy Butler at his new coffee pop-up in the Mission.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The mayor isn’t shying away from tough topics that San Franciscans care about, like the city’s $800-million budget deficit, homelessness and the overdose crisis. He often films himself walking through parts of the city, talking to residents where those issues are most visible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll be totally transparent, while driving here, I saw people struggling on the street,” he said on Mission Street. “We have to be honest and transparent with people, and that’s what we’re able to do with our Instagram.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie strikes a different tone online compared to other politicians who have fueled and benefited from online vitriol. President Donald Trump, who also owns the social media website Truth Social, exemplifies how lashing out at \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbsnews.com/sacramento/news/trump-blames-newsom-deadly-los-angeles-fires/\">political opponents\u003c/a> (\u003ca href=\"https://www.cnn.com/business/timeline-elon-musk-trump-x-dg\">or allies\u003c/a>) online can have real implications and capture the internet’s fleeting attention. Trump’s posts have had wild success on social media platforms like X, where \u003ca href=\"https://csmapnyu.org/research/reports-analysis/twitter-amplifies-conservative-politicians-is-it-because-users-mock-them\">studies show\u003c/a> posts from conservative politicians are amplified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Democrats have found their niche, too. Gov. Gavin Newsom, for example, saw a \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/newsletters/california-playbook/2025/07/07/how-trolling-trump-is-helping-gavin-newsom-00441062\">boost in popularity online\u003c/a> after criticizing Trump’s deployment of the National Guard to Los Angeles during anti-ICE protests and posting things like \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/GovPressOffice/status/1932447842683249033\">Star Wars memes\u003c/a> to mock White House actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At this moment, what goes viral, what gets attention, is really being outspoken either as a MAGA guy or as an anti-MAGA person. And Lurie struggles with both of those,” said Lincoln Mitchell, who teaches politics at Columbia University and writes about San Francisco, where he grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048164\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12048164 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00053_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie (left) and Golden State Warriors player Jimmy Butler (right) record a selfie video together at the opening of the Corner Store in the Mission District in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. Democratic politicians are using social media to rally their supporters, and Mayor Daniel Lurie is doing just that, but moderate Democrats like him face challenges in a volatile online landscape. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Partisan conflict isn’t the only ticket to online success for politicians. New York City mayoral candidate Zohran Mamdani has become nationally known through TikTok and Instagram videos explaining populist economic ideas like free bus service and child care — a factor \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/29/nyregion/zohran-mamdani-campaign-videos.html\">credited as a powerful tool\u003c/a> in his rise and victory in the city’s mayoral race primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s not doing just the vibes and values like [Kamala] Harris. He’s also not quite Mamdani, who had this amazing two-minute video of him breaking down the food truck permitting process,” said Zeve Sanderson, executive director of NYU’s Center for Social Media and Politics. “He sort of sits in between those two poles.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie isn’t picking fights or giving followers radical new ideas to chew on. His focus appears to be on presenting a counter-narrative to the so-called “doom loop,” contrasting with his predecessor, former Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s a good political strategy,” Mitchell said of Lurie’s pro-San Francisco tone. “His predecessor decided that she could benefit by telling a story about how horrible San Francisco is. That has never worked, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some residents, Lurie’s affable selfie videos are a welcome reprieve from headlines of the city’s struggles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It seems super personable. And the fact that he’s the one taking the selfie videos seems more personal with SF residents versus just having someone make it super professional,” said Boris Cotom, an Excelsior resident who brought his younger brother to wait in line at Butler’s coffee pop-up. “I think it’s a cool way to kind of show what he’s been doing for the city so far.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/daniel-lurie-poll-data-sf-20774151.php\">\u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em> poll\u003c/a> found similar opinions. Half of surveyed voters said the mayor should remain focused on local issues, and 29% said Lurie should help lead the opposition to Trump. His Instagram account drew 9.7 million views in the past month, reaching more than 880,000 accounts — all without paid promotion, according to the mayor’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s cautious online approach aims to project his genuine optimism on the city’s recovery, according to Annie Gabillet, who manages his social media with Gen Z staffers Haakon Black and Sophia Robles-Mendoza. The team follows Lurie around throughout the day, snapping photos, revising texts and quickly editing his videos for residents to see what the mayor is up to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The upbeat “cheerleader dad” tone is authentic to his personality off-camera. A moderate Democrat and father of two, he has rarely, if ever, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12023569/lurie-tiptoes-around-trump-as-sf-leaders-challenge-executive-orders\">said Trump’s name\u003c/a> when asked by reporters about federal issues affecting San Franciscans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048167\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12048167 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00159_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie (left) and Haakon Black (right), a member of his social media team, walk in the Mission District in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, several city supervisors have participated in anti-ICE protests. Lurie’s cautious stance has left some followers frustrated, comments to his posts show, and feeling like their outrage over mass deportations, wealth inequality and cuts to public services isn’t echoed by their mayor, who is also an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicians just a few years ago were less willing to get into arguments on social media or directly engage in criticism. And I think today, establishment politicians who have been around a while do that on the flip side, sort of Bravo TV-style, just steering into fights,” Sanderson said. “[Lurie] seems to engage with what he perceives to be criticisms or problems, but he doesn’t go full Newsom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie had never posted a selfie video before running for office. But he understands how provocative content tends to get more attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was apparent when JJ Smith, who frequently posts videos of unhoused residents and outdoor drug use on X, filmed Lurie approaching him on the street. \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/TheKevinDalton/status/1925038514393251850\">In the video\u003c/a>, Lurie told Smith that his posting “kills our economy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear if Lurie would help San Francisco by fighting with Republicans online. Breed struck a much stronger tone against Trump during his first presidential term, while Lurie has managed to somewhat steer right-wing pundits’ attention away from the city’s ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12048168\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12048168\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250714-tiktokpoliticians_00251_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mayor Daniel Lurie looks to his social media team to prepare for a social video recording on 16th Street in the Mission District with his team in San Francisco on July 14, 2025. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>When he does wade into thornier territory, such as the city’s drug and homelessness crises, Lurie often acknowledges that there’s “more work to do.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After visiting Butler’s pop-up on Valencia Street, Lurie’s team headed to 16th Street to observe conditions around homelessness and drug use, which neighbors say have worsened as \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028996/san-francisco-police-arrest-84-people-in-overnight-drug-market-raid-at-city-park\">crackdowns in the Tenderloin and South of Market\u003c/a> have displaced issues to other neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the 16th Street BART station, Lurie stopped and faced Black, his cameraman, while Gabillet stood to the side, ready to offer feedback. In two takes, Lurie summarized what he saw in the area: mild but incomplete progress clearing the area of outdoor drug use. He chatted with neighborhood outreach workers and police officers before returning to City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Politicizing it, I don’t get into that. I’m going to work with anybody that wants to fix this issue,” Lurie said as he strolled down Mission Street. “We’re going to work with every side of the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked about his carefully crafted online persona and his restraint from wading into heated online debates, Lurie said, “I’m trying to highlight not just to San Franciscans but to the world what is so unique and special about San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "behind-the-masks-who-are-the-people-rounding-up-immigrants-in-california",
"title": "Behind the Masks: Who Are the People Rounding Up Immigrants in California?",
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"headTitle": "Behind the Masks: Who Are the People Rounding Up Immigrants in California? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They appeared in plain clothes outside a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/immigration-raids-san-diego-hotels-tourism/3859339/\">San Diego\u003c/a> hotel, wore camouflage as they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/worksite-immigration-raids/\">raided a Los Angeles factory\u003c/a> and arrived with military gear at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-10/federal-immigration-sweep-ventura-county-farms\">Ventura County farm\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of thousands of hard-to-identify federal agents is a new fact of life in Southern California this summer as the Trump administration carries out the president’s promised deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many residents may assume these masked agents are officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). But that’s not always the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of them belong to the Border Patrol, the agency that traditionally has policed the nation’s border with Mexico. But the Trump administration sent officers from other agencies to Los Angeles, too, including the FBI and special tactical teams from the Department of Homeland Security not widely seen until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats in California’s Legislature have proposed measures to unmask the federal agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 627, the “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb627\">No Secret Police Act\u003c/a>,” seeks to prohibit all local, state and federal officers from using masks with some exceptions. SB 805, the “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb805\">No Vigilantes Act\u003c/a>,” would require that officers clearly display their name or badge number. It’s disputed whether the state can regulate federal officers and law enforcement agencies are lobbying against the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulations \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-8/chapter-I/subchapter-B/part-287/section-287.8#p-287.8(c)\">state\u003c/a> that ICE and Border Patrol agents should identify themselves when arresting someone “as soon as it is practical and safe to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the public is allowed to ask federal agents to identify themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_12047506 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/250609-SEIUProtests-07-BL_qed.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But David Levine, a professor at UC Law San Francisco said, “they can ask but it doesn’t mean they’ll get the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of sweeps and detentions appeared to slow this week after a federal judge issued a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/la-immigration-restraining-order/\">temporary restraining order\u003c/a>, finding that agents stopped people based on someone’s race, language, accent, presence at a specific location or job. For ensuing stops, agents must have “reasonable suspicion” that doesn’t consider those factors “alone or in combination,” according to the judge’s order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE is a different agency than Border Patrol, both are part of the Department of Homeland Security and carry out immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference may not always matter much, but misidentifying an agency can confuse the public, as it did with the sighting of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-19/dhs-agents-at-dodger-stadium-area\">federal agents\u003c/a> outside Dodger Stadium in June. The agents reportedly had no visible names or badges and attempted to enter the stadium’s parking lots. The Dodgers put out a statement that “ICE agents” had been denied entry to the stadium. ICE denied it was ever there; the Department of Homeland Security then clarified that it had been Customs and Border Protection agents at the venue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Images on social media show a constellation of federal agencies supporting immigration sweeps in Southern California. Here’s how you can identify them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border Patrol far from the border\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070725_ILLO_Operation-Excalibur-MacArthur-Park_Hendricks_CM_14-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"Three heavily armed U.S. Border Patrol agents in tactical gear stand outside in a city setting with palm trees and buildings in the background. All are wearing helmets, face coverings, and body armor. A zoomed-in inset highlights a round shoulder patch with yellow text reading “U.S. Border Patrol” over a blue map of the United States. The photo is black and white, except for the yellow and blue colors of the patch in the inset.\">\u003cfigcaption>Federal agents descend on MacArthur Park in Los Angeles on July 7, 2025. \u003cem>J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Border Patrol agents often wear green uniforms and “Border Patrol” and “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” might be labeled on their badge, vest, shoulder, back, bucket hat or cap, and usually in yellow text over blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their marked vehicles tend to be white with a green slash, reading “Border Patrol” on the side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some might confuse Border Patrol with Customs and Border Protection officers. Those officials wear blue and usually stay stationed at ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be wondering why Border Patrol agents are conducting immigration operations deep into Los Angeles neighborhoods, rather than staying closer to the border.[aside postID=news_12047018 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/07/IMG_1067-2000x1500.jpg']Border Patrol agents can search vehicles without a warrant throughout much of the country. They’re allowed to operate 100 miles from any edge of the country and coastline, reaching roughly two-thirds of the U.S. population, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/border-patrol-records-kern-county/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> and documentary produced in partnership with Evident and Bellingcat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/border-security/along-us-borders/overview\">creation\u003c/a> by Congress in 1924, the Border Patrol’s role has been to prevent unauthorized entry into the United States. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/border-security/along-us-borders\">polices\u003c/a> trade, narcotics, contraband and combats human trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has a SWAT-like unit known as BORTAC, or Border Patrol Tactical Unit, which has also been documented in immigrant hubs such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/mel_buer_/p/DL0bj-LBOyT/?img_index=1\">MacArthur Park\u003c/a>, Los Angeles’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DLlaVtDS-2N/\">Toy District\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/story/2025-06-20/photos-federal-raid-in-bell-met-with-protests\">Bell\u003c/a>. Border Patrol sources describe the unit’s use for “high-risk” purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fatigues, the unit wears a “BORTAC” patch on the left shoulder with, at times, black undershirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customs and Border Protection also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/federal-agents-execute-search-warrant-in-north-hills-neighborhood/3734363/\">deployed\u003c/a> its tactical Special Response Team in Los Angeles’ North Hills late June, executing a federal search warrant at a “human smuggling hub” tied to national security threats, arresting two, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ICE in police vests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE agents might wear an “ICE” patch on the front or back of their vest, usually in black-and-white, though they also can carry a badge of the same design in gold. The ICE emblem features the U.S. Department of Homeland Security eagle \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/department-homeland-security-seal\">seal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE agents might display “police” on their uniform. The ACLU wants ICE to stop using the word “police” on uniforms, contending the agency is impersonating local law enforcement officers\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 9/11, the Bush administration created the Department of Homeland Security, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement within it shortly thereafter. ICE is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/history\">tasked\u003c/a> with enforcing trade and immigration laws, including within the interior of the country.[aside postID=news_12047397 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/07/immigration-protest-1020x680.jpeg']The Cato Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/65-people-taken-ice-had-no-convictions-93-no-violent-convictions\">found\u003c/a> that ICE booked over 200,000 people into detention between October 1 and June 14. More than 93% of book-ins had no violent conviction and 65% had no criminal conviction whatsoever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE itself has a few enforcement divisions. That’s why some ICE uniforms might read \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero\">ERO \u003c/a>— part of their “Enforcement and Removal Operations” team — or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/hsi\">HSI\u003c/a> for “Homeland Security Investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, ICE launched a rebrand and created the investigations unit to develop cases, and improve public outreach, including with local law enforcement, an \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/homeland-security-agency-ice-rebrands-aid-investigations/story?id=109510154\">HSI official told\u003c/a> ABC News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice\">website\u003c/a>, HSI combats a broad array of transnational-related crime, ranging from narcotics smuggling to cybercrime, and from human trafficking to intellectual property theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero\">ERO\u003c/a> meanwhile manages all aspects of the typical immigration enforcement process: identifying, arresting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/statistics\">GPS monitoring\u003c/a>, and deporting unauthorized immigrants. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/mission\">Their site description \u003c/a>also says they seek to deport priority undocumented immigrants after they are released from U.S. jails and prisons. They can also assist multi-agency task forces in arresting unauthorized immigrants without any other criminal history who are “deemed a threat to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE also deployed its Special Response Team (SRT), decked in military wear and weaponry, in San Diego late May. It sent a dozen or more of those officers to the \u003ca href=\"https://lapublicpress.org/2025/06/vendor-safety-santa-fe-springs-swap-meet-raid/\">Santa Fe Springs Swap Meet\u003c/a> near southeast Los Angeles in June, detaining two people for deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents from those teams will often feature their logo on the shoulder and will be seen in heavy military-like uniforms. The teams are meant to engage “high risk” situations, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/hsi/news/hsi-insider/strategic-safety-operations\">ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rare National Guard deployment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>National Guard troops had been most visible outside a federal building during protests in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/06/la-immigration-protests-photo-essay/\">downtown Los Angeles\u003c/a>, but have also accompanied a few immigration enforcement operations. In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1935558820014809383\">mid-June\u003c/a>, National Guard soldiers accompanied federal agents raiding marijuana farms around Thermal, a desert town near Coachella, where about \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1935559162144141669\">70 undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> were arrested, according to the Drug Enforcement Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 7, about 90 California National Guard soldiers swept through the Los Angeles immigrant hub of MacArthur Park, a defense official said, to protect immigration agents from potentially hostile crowds, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-immigration-raid-troops-military-2d81f5c35f9d11db9e32234e03480497\">according to the Associated Press\u003c/a>. They also were on site in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9177508/soldiers-support-federal-operation-southern-california\">Carpinteria\u003c/a> last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Guard troops in L.A. wear Army uniforms. Soldiers in the state units have patches on their left shoulder that show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/army/comments/rc5ctq/found_this_unit_patch_online_can_anyone_tell_me/\">raven\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9131019/california-national-guard-soldiers-support-federal-security-mission-los-angeles\">sunburst\u003c/a>, or a \u003ca href=\"http://www.uniforms-4u.com/p-49th-military-police-mp-brigade-acu-military-patch-4901.aspx\">sunburst\u003c/a> on top a diamond, each in black and green color schemes. Troops will also have a full color \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9111385/california-national-guard-soldiers-provide-protection-federal-law-enforcement-federal-operation\">U.S. flag\u003c/a> on the right shoulder. The patch under that, if any, can vary and may be based on a soldier’s past deployments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the U.S. military, the National Guard is able to serve both domestically and globally for state and federal duties, assisting with natural disasters, border security, civil unrest, overseas combat, counter-drug efforts and more. Soldiers largely stay in their home state and can be called on by the state governor or president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom opposed President Trump’s decision to send the troops to Los Angeles, and the assignment marked the first time that a president has deployed the National Guard \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/national-guard-los-angeles-legal/\">over the objections of a governor\u003c/a> since the Civil Rights era.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More federal law enforcement officers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January, a Homeland Security memo called for Justice Department agents to carry out immigration enforcement, according to \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/dhs-allows-us-marshals-dea-atf-carry-immigration/story?id=118022307\">ABC News\u003c/a>. Deputized bureaus include the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), the U.S. Marshals Service, the Federal Bureau of Prisons receiving the “same authority already granted to the FBI.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers’ affiliations can be seen on their vests, jackets, or at times, their shoulder patches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents wearing FBI fatigues were most visible in the worksite sweep at Ambiance Apparel in L.A.’s Fashion District, arguably the first major operation of the current wave of raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 10, FBI Los Angeles’ X account \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/FBILosAngeles/status/1932573649585787303\">touted\u003c/a> its collaboration with an ICE operation in Ventura County. They have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox10tv.com/2025/06/26/hsi-fbi-speak-illegal-immigration-raid-gulf-shores-high-school/\">participated\u003c/a> in other immigration raids across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the Justice Department declined to comment on how it deployed agents from various agencies. In early June, the FBI \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/federal-agents-raid-home-depot-in-westlake-district/\">told\u003c/a> KTLA that it is participating in immigration enforcement in Los Angeles and nationwide “as directed by the Attorney General,” supporting with SWAT, intelligence and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ATF was also seen at the Ambiance Apparel raid. The DEA was there, too, and has since \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1932898021626556425/photo/1\">collaborated\u003c/a> with ICE in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On X, U.S. Marshals \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USMSLosAngeles/status/1935684366589415896/photo/1\">touted\u003c/a> themselves as “on the front lines of immigration enforcement” in Los Angeles while showing officers interviewing a man on a bike. Marshals were also on \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USMSLosAngeles/status/1943918200799772806/photo/1\">site\u003c/a> at a Ventura County marijuana farm raid where more than 200 people were arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can California unmask federal agents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The use of masked agents without clearly identifying uniforms has confused the public, including local police receiving reports of kidnappings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-warning-amid-increased-reports-fake-ice-officers\">warned\u003c/a> in March that reports of ICE impersonations were growing. Alleged federal agent impersonations have occurred in Huntington Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox6now.com/news/new-berlin-border-patrol-impersonator-charges\">Wisconsin\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UDUXfqt4QUs\">Philadelphia\u003c/a> and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know who these people are. It’s so dangerous, it’s so horrific, and it’s time to put standards in place,” said Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who is backing two proposals that would compel law enforcement officers to go without masks and display identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration maintains that the masks are necessary to protect officers’ identities as they carry out investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I’m sorry if people are offended by them wearing masks but I’m not going to let my officers and agents go out there and put their lives on the line and their family on the line because people don’t like what immigration enforcement is,” \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.ap.org/editorial-photos-videos/detail?itemid=dfdb587be6bb4d8d829c7d1b92812a76\">said\u003c/a> acting ICE Director Todd Lyons in a press conference early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some law enforcement experts say the federal government has that authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certain legislators are giving a false sense of hope that California can legislate laws to control the practices of federal agents,” said Ed Obayashi, a longtime sheriff’s deputy in California and policy adviser to the Modoc County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot do that — bottom line. Plain and simple. Federal law is supreme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging potential legal disputes, Wiener said he’s willing to test the “time-sensitive” bills in the courts.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“Federal employees can’t just come in and ignore all California laws,” he said. “There are laws that they have to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The presence of masked federal agents is an unnerving part of life in Southern California this summer. Here’s a look at who’s carrying out the immigration raids.",
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"title": "Behind the Masks: Who Are the People Rounding Up Immigrants in California? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They appeared in plain clothes outside a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbcsandiego.com/news/local/immigration-raids-san-diego-hotels-tourism/3859339/\">San Diego\u003c/a> hotel, wore camouflage as they \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/worksite-immigration-raids/\">raided a Los Angeles factory\u003c/a> and arrived with military gear at a \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-07-10/federal-immigration-sweep-ventura-county-farms\">Ventura County farm\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of thousands of hard-to-identify federal agents is a new fact of life in Southern California this summer as the Trump administration carries out the president’s promised deportations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many residents may assume these masked agents are officers from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). But that’s not always the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of them belong to the Border Patrol, the agency that traditionally has policed the nation’s border with Mexico. But the Trump administration sent officers from other agencies to Los Angeles, too, including the FBI and special tactical teams from the Department of Homeland Security not widely seen until now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats in California’s Legislature have proposed measures to unmask the federal agents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate Bill 627, the “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb627\">No Secret Police Act\u003c/a>,” seeks to prohibit all local, state and federal officers from using masks with some exceptions. SB 805, the “\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.digitaldemocracy.org/bills/ca_202520260sb805\">No Vigilantes Act\u003c/a>,” would require that officers clearly display their name or badge number. It’s disputed whether the state can regulate federal officers and law enforcement agencies are lobbying against the proposals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Federal regulations \u003ca href=\"https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-8/chapter-I/subchapter-B/part-287/section-287.8#p-287.8(c)\">state\u003c/a> that ICE and Border Patrol agents should identify themselves when arresting someone “as soon as it is practical and safe to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the public is allowed to ask federal agents to identify themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But David Levine, a professor at UC Law San Francisco said, “they can ask but it doesn’t mean they’ll get the information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The number of sweeps and detentions appeared to slow this week after a federal judge issued a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/la-immigration-restraining-order/\">temporary restraining order\u003c/a>, finding that agents stopped people based on someone’s race, language, accent, presence at a specific location or job. For ensuing stops, agents must have “reasonable suspicion” that doesn’t consider those factors “alone or in combination,” according to the judge’s order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While ICE is a different agency than Border Patrol, both are part of the Department of Homeland Security and carry out immigration enforcement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The difference may not always matter much, but misidentifying an agency can confuse the public, as it did with the sighting of \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2025-06-19/dhs-agents-at-dodger-stadium-area\">federal agents\u003c/a> outside Dodger Stadium in June. The agents reportedly had no visible names or badges and attempted to enter the stadium’s parking lots. The Dodgers put out a statement that “ICE agents” had been denied entry to the stadium. ICE denied it was ever there; the Department of Homeland Security then clarified that it had been Customs and Border Protection agents at the venue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Images on social media show a constellation of federal agencies supporting immigration sweeps in Southern California. Here’s how you can identify them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Border Patrol far from the border\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure>\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/070725_ILLO_Operation-Excalibur-MacArthur-Park_Hendricks_CM_14-1024x683.jpg\" alt=\"Three heavily armed U.S. Border Patrol agents in tactical gear stand outside in a city setting with palm trees and buildings in the background. All are wearing helmets, face coverings, and body armor. A zoomed-in inset highlights a round shoulder patch with yellow text reading “U.S. Border Patrol” over a blue map of the United States. The photo is black and white, except for the yellow and blue colors of the patch in the inset.\">\u003cfigcaption>Federal agents descend on MacArthur Park in Los Angeles on July 7, 2025. \u003cem>J.W. Hendricks for CalMatters\u003c/em>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Border Patrol agents often wear green uniforms and “Border Patrol” and “U.S. Customs and Border Protection” might be labeled on their badge, vest, shoulder, back, bucket hat or cap, and usually in yellow text over blue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their marked vehicles tend to be white with a green slash, reading “Border Patrol” on the side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some might confuse Border Patrol with Customs and Border Protection officers. Those officials wear blue and usually stay stationed at ports of entry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You may be wondering why Border Patrol agents are conducting immigration operations deep into Los Angeles neighborhoods, rather than staying closer to the border.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Border Patrol agents can search vehicles without a warrant throughout much of the country. They’re allowed to operate 100 miles from any edge of the country and coastline, reaching roughly two-thirds of the U.S. population, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/economy/2025/04/border-patrol-records-kern-county/\">CalMatters investigation\u003c/a> and documentary produced in partnership with Evident and Bellingcat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since its \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/border-security/along-us-borders/overview\">creation\u003c/a> by Congress in 1924, the Border Patrol’s role has been to prevent unauthorized entry into the United States. The agency \u003ca href=\"https://www.cbp.gov/border-security/along-us-borders\">polices\u003c/a> trade, narcotics, contraband and combats human trafficking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agency has a SWAT-like unit known as BORTAC, or Border Patrol Tactical Unit, which has also been documented in immigrant hubs such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/mel_buer_/p/DL0bj-LBOyT/?img_index=1\">MacArthur Park\u003c/a>, Los Angeles’ \u003ca href=\"https://www.instagram.com/p/DLlaVtDS-2N/\">Toy District\u003c/a>, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/story/2025-06-20/photos-federal-raid-in-bell-met-with-protests\">Bell\u003c/a>. Border Patrol sources describe the unit’s use for “high-risk” purposes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fatigues, the unit wears a “BORTAC” patch on the left shoulder with, at times, black undershirts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customs and Border Protection also \u003ca href=\"https://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/federal-agents-execute-search-warrant-in-north-hills-neighborhood/3734363/\">deployed\u003c/a> its tactical Special Response Team in Los Angeles’ North Hills late June, executing a federal search warrant at a “human smuggling hub” tied to national security threats, arresting two, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>ICE in police vests\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>ICE agents might wear an “ICE” patch on the front or back of their vest, usually in black-and-white, though they also can carry a badge of the same design in gold. The ICE emblem features the U.S. Department of Homeland Security eagle \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhs.gov/department-homeland-security-seal\">seal\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE agents might display “police” on their uniform. The ACLU wants ICE to stop using the word “police” on uniforms, contending the agency is impersonating local law enforcement officers\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After 9/11, the Bush administration created the Department of Homeland Security, and Immigration and Customs Enforcement within it shortly thereafter. ICE is \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/history\">tasked\u003c/a> with enforcing trade and immigration laws, including within the interior of the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Cato Institute \u003ca href=\"https://www.cato.org/blog/65-people-taken-ice-had-no-convictions-93-no-violent-convictions\">found\u003c/a> that ICE booked over 200,000 people into detention between October 1 and June 14. More than 93% of book-ins had no violent conviction and 65% had no criminal conviction whatsoever.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE itself has a few enforcement divisions. That’s why some ICE uniforms might read \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero\">ERO \u003c/a>— part of their “Enforcement and Removal Operations” team — or \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/hsi\">HSI\u003c/a> for “Homeland Security Investigations.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2024, ICE launched a rebrand and created the investigations unit to develop cases, and improve public outreach, including with local law enforcement, an \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/homeland-security-agency-ice-rebrands-aid-investigations/story?id=109510154\">HSI official told\u003c/a> ABC News.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to its \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice\">website\u003c/a>, HSI combats a broad array of transnational-related crime, ranging from narcotics smuggling to cybercrime, and from human trafficking to intellectual property theft.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero\">ERO\u003c/a> meanwhile manages all aspects of the typical immigration enforcement process: identifying, arresting, \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/statistics\">GPS monitoring\u003c/a>, and deporting unauthorized immigrants. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/mission\">Their site description \u003c/a>also says they seek to deport priority undocumented immigrants after they are released from U.S. jails and prisons. They can also assist multi-agency task forces in arresting unauthorized immigrants without any other criminal history who are “deemed a threat to public safety.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ICE also deployed its Special Response Team (SRT), decked in military wear and weaponry, in San Diego late May. It sent a dozen or more of those officers to the \u003ca href=\"https://lapublicpress.org/2025/06/vendor-safety-santa-fe-springs-swap-meet-raid/\">Santa Fe Springs Swap Meet\u003c/a> near southeast Los Angeles in June, detaining two people for deportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents from those teams will often feature their logo on the shoulder and will be seen in heavy military-like uniforms. The teams are meant to engage “high risk” situations, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/hsi/news/hsi-insider/strategic-safety-operations\">ICE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Rare National Guard deployment\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>National Guard troops had been most visible outside a federal building during protests in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/06/la-immigration-protests-photo-essay/\">downtown Los Angeles\u003c/a>, but have also accompanied a few immigration enforcement operations. In \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1935558820014809383\">mid-June\u003c/a>, National Guard soldiers accompanied federal agents raiding marijuana farms around Thermal, a desert town near Coachella, where about \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1935559162144141669\">70 undocumented immigrants\u003c/a> were arrested, according to the Drug Enforcement Administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 7, about 90 California National Guard soldiers swept through the Los Angeles immigrant hub of MacArthur Park, a defense official said, to protect immigration agents from potentially hostile crowds, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-immigration-raid-troops-military-2d81f5c35f9d11db9e32234e03480497\">according to the Associated Press\u003c/a>. They also were on site in \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9177508/soldiers-support-federal-operation-southern-california\">Carpinteria\u003c/a> last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Guard troops in L.A. wear Army uniforms. Soldiers in the state units have patches on their left shoulder that show a \u003ca href=\"https://www.reddit.com/r/army/comments/rc5ctq/found_this_unit_patch_online_can_anyone_tell_me/\">raven\u003c/a>, a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9131019/california-national-guard-soldiers-support-federal-security-mission-los-angeles\">sunburst\u003c/a>, or a \u003ca href=\"http://www.uniforms-4u.com/p-49th-military-police-mp-brigade-acu-military-patch-4901.aspx\">sunburst\u003c/a> on top a diamond, each in black and green color schemes. Troops will also have a full color \u003ca href=\"https://www.dvidshub.net/image/9111385/california-national-guard-soldiers-provide-protection-federal-law-enforcement-federal-operation\">U.S. flag\u003c/a> on the right shoulder. The patch under that, if any, can vary and may be based on a soldier’s past deployments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Part of the U.S. military, the National Guard is able to serve both domestically and globally for state and federal duties, assisting with natural disasters, border security, civil unrest, overseas combat, counter-drug efforts and more. Soldiers largely stay in their home state and can be called on by the state governor or president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom opposed President Trump’s decision to send the troops to Los Angeles, and the assignment marked the first time that a president has deployed the National Guard \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/06/national-guard-los-angeles-legal/\">over the objections of a governor\u003c/a> since the Civil Rights era.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More federal law enforcement officers\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In January, a Homeland Security memo called for Justice Department agents to carry out immigration enforcement, according to \u003ca href=\"https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/dhs-allows-us-marshals-dea-atf-carry-immigration/story?id=118022307\">ABC News\u003c/a>. Deputized bureaus include the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms (ATF), the U.S. Marshals Service, the Federal Bureau of Prisons receiving the “same authority already granted to the FBI.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officers’ affiliations can be seen on their vests, jackets, or at times, their shoulder patches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Agents wearing FBI fatigues were most visible in the worksite sweep at Ambiance Apparel in L.A.’s Fashion District, arguably the first major operation of the current wave of raids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On June 10, FBI Los Angeles’ X account \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/FBILosAngeles/status/1932573649585787303\">touted\u003c/a> its collaboration with an ICE operation in Ventura County. They have also \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox10tv.com/2025/06/26/hsi-fbi-speak-illegal-immigration-raid-gulf-shores-high-school/\">participated\u003c/a> in other immigration raids across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson with the Justice Department declined to comment on how it deployed agents from various agencies. In early June, the FBI \u003ca href=\"https://ktla.com/news/local-news/federal-agents-raid-home-depot-in-westlake-district/\">told\u003c/a> KTLA that it is participating in immigration enforcement in Los Angeles and nationwide “as directed by the Attorney General,” supporting with SWAT, intelligence and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ATF was also seen at the Ambiance Apparel raid. The DEA was there, too, and has since \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DEALOSANGELES/status/1932898021626556425/photo/1\">collaborated\u003c/a> with ICE in the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On X, U.S. Marshals \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USMSLosAngeles/status/1935684366589415896/photo/1\">touted\u003c/a> themselves as “on the front lines of immigration enforcement” in Los Angeles while showing officers interviewing a man on a bike. Marshals were also on \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/USMSLosAngeles/status/1943918200799772806/photo/1\">site\u003c/a> at a Ventura County marijuana farm raid where more than 200 people were arrested.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can California unmask federal agents?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The use of masked agents without clearly identifying uniforms has confused the public, including local police receiving reports of kidnappings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Attorney General Rob Bonta \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-issues-warning-amid-increased-reports-fake-ice-officers\">warned\u003c/a> in March that reports of ICE impersonations were growing. Alleged federal agent impersonations have occurred in Huntington Park, \u003ca href=\"https://www.fox6now.com/news/new-berlin-border-patrol-impersonator-charges\">Wisconsin\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UDUXfqt4QUs\">Philadelphia\u003c/a> and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t even know who these people are. It’s so dangerous, it’s so horrific, and it’s time to put standards in place,” said Sen. Scott Wiener, a San Francisco Democrat who is backing two proposals that would compel law enforcement officers to go without masks and display identification.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Trump administration maintains that the masks are necessary to protect officers’ identities as they carry out investigations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, I’m sorry if people are offended by them wearing masks but I’m not going to let my officers and agents go out there and put their lives on the line and their family on the line because people don’t like what immigration enforcement is,” \u003ca href=\"https://newsroom.ap.org/editorial-photos-videos/detail?itemid=dfdb587be6bb4d8d829c7d1b92812a76\">said\u003c/a> acting ICE Director Todd Lyons in a press conference early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And some law enforcement experts say the federal government has that authority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certain legislators are giving a false sense of hope that California can legislate laws to control the practices of federal agents,” said Ed Obayashi, a longtime sheriff’s deputy in California and policy adviser to the Modoc County Sheriff’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They cannot do that — bottom line. Plain and simple. Federal law is supreme.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acknowledging potential legal disputes, Wiener said he’s willing to test the “time-sensitive” bills in the courts.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\n\u003c/strong>“Federal employees can’t just come in and ignore all California laws,” he said. “There are laws that they have to follow.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2025/07/immigration-raids-who/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
"title": "Reveal",
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