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"disqusTitle": "California Gives Gig Workers a Break—But Just a Little One",
"title": "California Gives Gig Workers a Break—But Just a Little One",
"headTitle": "The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp class=\"p2\">\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Angelo Henry describes himself as \"unemployed,\" but that isn't entirely right. Under California labor law, he's a self-starting freelancer. An entrepreneur.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">A 25-year-old with a mechanical engineering degree from the University of Southern California, Henry is a semi-reluctant tenant at his mother's Pasadena house in search of full-time work. In the meantime, like an increasing number of Californians with four wheels and not enough cash, he’s a weekend chauffeur-for-digital-hire with Lyft and Uber.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"It's not ideal, honestly,\" he said. \"It's just a means to pay my student loans, my bills, my credit card. And I have to pay my mom something too, because I can’t just live at home and not pay anything.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Henry said he earns $800 per month after accounting for gas and other driving expenses. The gig offers flexibility. No set schedules, no obligations, no demanding bosses. Also: no safety net. Henry is on his mom's health insurance plan, an option he'll have through the Affordable Care Act until his next birthday. But as for workers compensation, retirement savings, minimum wage, and sick leave? There Henry,\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/what-do-we-know-about-gig-work-in-california/\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">along\u003c/span>\u003c/a> with one out of every 12 Californians, is on his own.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">At least for now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">This week, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a new budget that will expand the state's earned income tax credit—one of the state's premier anti-poverty programs—to the self-employed. The credit is directed\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/businesses/Economic_Development_Incentives/EITCReport2016.pdf\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">primarily\u003c/span>\u003c/a> at poor families with children. And gig workers like Henry now stand to benefit too, though in his case it will mean only an extra $60 for the year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Financially speaking, that’s slim pickings. The most generous annual credit for a family of three kids or more is around $2,700.\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>But for a group that is often denied the income support programs, labor protections and other benefits regularly afforded traditional employees, that extra pocket change represents a significant political win. It’s one of a string of recent legislative efforts to redefine the legal status of independent contractors, provide gig economy workers with new rights and benefits, and introduce state-sponsored benefit programs for the self- or precariously employed. The expanded credit is the most successful push yet from lawmakers and advocates who want to remake the 20th century social safety net for the 21st century labor force.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[gigeconomy]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“We have a lot more activity in our economy in these ‘other’ categories, and we’re leaving those folks behind,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan think tank. “Our traditional definitions of work basically exclude them from the types of support that we provide to other people.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">How many of these \"other\" workers actually exist?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">According to a recent\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/what-do-we-know-about-gig-work-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">study\u003c/span>\u003c/a> from the Center for Labor Research and Education at the University of California, Berkeley, 8.5 percent of California's workforce falls into the category of “unincorporated self-employed.\" Many more Californians work odd jobs on the side—nationwide, an\u003ca href=\"https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/tax-policy/tax-analysis/Documents/WP-114.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">estimated\u003c/span>\u003c/a> 6 percent do that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Despite all the attention to the boom in on-demand labor platforms like Uber and TaskRabbit, the study’s authors say they actually represent a tiny portion of the “gig economy.” To the contrary, the overall share of self-employed Californians has remained relatively stable over the last two decades.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Still, Silicon Valley’s economic influence—coupled with a decades-long\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/money/2015/02/23/385843576/50-years-of-shrinking-union-membership-in-one-map\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">decline\u003c/span>\u003c/a> in unionization rates, falling pension\u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v69n3/v69n3p1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">coverage\u003c/span>\u003c/a>, and\u003ca href=\"http://www.healthsystemtracker.org/interactive/?display=As%2520a%2520%2525%2520of%2520GDP&service=Hospitals%252CPhysicians%2520%2526%2520Clinics%252CPrescription%2520Drug\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">rising\u003c/span>\u003c/a> health care costs—raises new questions about what workforce protections and benefits should look like for the \"gig economy.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“We’re trying to figure this out before it comes a real issue,” said Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, chair of the Appropriations Committee. “I don’t feel like there’s been enough thought in a lot of circles about the economy that we’re creating and what that will do for the safety net of the state.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The expansion of the earned income tax credit suggests one possible way forward.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">By design, the credit provides additional resources to low-income Californians, while also encouraging them work. When introduced in 2015, the credit was restricted to wage and salary earners as a fraud prevention measure.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The new expansion, which extends eligibility to those earning up to $22,300, is expected to cost $140 million annually. Low income, self-employed Californians will be able to claim the credit when they file their income taxes next spring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher agrees that expanding the credit to non-employees is a “really exciting” development. But, she argues, it shouldn’t necessarily serve as a model for how to provide independent contractors with financial security.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“It is an admission that we as a state are going to pick up the slack, that we’re going to supplement the income of the poor,” she said. “In doing that, what level of responsibility are we giving to these companies?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher has instead introduced a host of bills in the last few years that would grant gig workers new rights and protections, largely at the expense of the companies that hire them. These include proposals to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1727\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">give\u003c/span>\u003c/a> independent contractors the right to collectively bargain, to\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB206\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">expand\u003c/span>\u003c/a> workers compensation insurance to short-term day laborers, to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB202\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">re-classify\u003c/span>\u003c/a> professional cheerleaders as employees, and to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1099\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">force\u003c/span>\u003c/a> app-based services to provide a tipping option.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">So far, the results have been mixed. \u003ca href=\"http://www.espn.com/espn/story/_/id/13263516/new-california-law-recognizes-cheerleaders-employees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The cheerleader bill was signed into law in 2015\u003c/a>. Uber, which famously did not offer its users the option to tip, for a variety of reasons\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>announced a\u003ca href=\"https://pages.et.uber.com/180-days/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">change\u003c/span>\u003c/a> of policy this month. But the collective bargaining provision was killed last year and the day laborer bill is currently idling in committee.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher attributes some of the uneven progress to the industry's cachet.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“They’re saying, ‘We have tech, we have innovation, we have Silicon Valley,’ and that’s all cool,” she said. “It’s not cool to be the skunk at the garden party.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ca href=\"https://internetassociation.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Internet Association\u003c/a>, a trade group that lobbies on behalf of sharing-economy titans like Uber, Lyft, Etsy, and AirBnB, responded to a request for comment by pointing to the association’s opposition letter to Gonzalez Fletcher’s tipping bill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“The state should not be mandating business decisions of this kind in the first place,” the letter said. “This is especially true in the fiercely competitive internet-enabled sharing economy, where the market best dictates these decisions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“This proved true...with Uber's decision to accept gratuities,” communications director Noah Theran said in an email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">While the industry may not be keen on redefining the arrangement it currently enjoys with its workforce of independent contractors, some tech leaders have endorsed a new model of employer benefits. The aim: to cover independent contractors regardless of where they work or how many jobs they have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“Maybe the old employer-employee negotiated benefit model is out of date,” said Hoene of the Budget & Policy Center, who suggests a \"portable benefits\" system might be more appropriate in an economy of freelancers. Rather than tying benefits to a specific job, he describes a “state-sponsored system that workers can port with them as they move from work to non-work, or from one kind of work to another.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">In practice, this might mean that a company would pay for the benefits of its independent contractors in proportion to the hours they work, or that the state might provide the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The lack of specifics has made the concept of \"portable benefits\" popular with a\u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/the-wtf-economy/common-ground-for-independent-workers-83f3fbcf548f\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">diverse\u003c/span>\u003c/a> group of labor policy wonks, tech industry leaders, and labor advocates. When Democratic U.S. Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia\u003ca href=\"https://www.warner.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/2017/5/legislation-to-test-drive-portable-benefit-models-introduced-in-the-house-and-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">introduced\u003c/span>\u003c/a> a federal bill last May that would set up a portable benefit pilot program for independent contractors and other workers who don’t get benefits through their jobs, both Lyft and on-demand courier service Postmates backed the proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">But in Sacramento, efforts to sever the link between benefits and workplace haven’t taken off.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11540945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GIG-WORKERS-Photo-2-freelancing-in-coffee-shop-e1498850059933.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11540945\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GIG-WORKERS-Photo-2-freelancing-in-coffee-shop-e1498850059933.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Details\u003cbr>Description\u003cbr>One in 12 Californians work independently, so-called gig economy workers. \u003ccite>(Photo via Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The state is developing a program to offer retirement savings accounts to workers who lack that option through their jobs. But the State Treasurer’s office, which hopes to launch that \u003ca href=\"http://www.treasurer.ca.gov/scib/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Secure Choice”\u003c/a> program by 2019, has yet to decide whether to allow self-employed Californians to opt-in. Meanwhile, a single-payer bill to provide state-funded health insurance to all Californians—employees, contractors, and the unemployed alike—passed the state Senate but stalled out in the Assembly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Not everyone is convinced that the solution lies in transforming benefits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"We need to create a situation where there is not an incentive to use independent contractors to get around labor standards and to avoid paying taxes,\" said Ken Jacobs, chair of the labor research center at UC Berkeley. Rather than reinvent California labor law, he said, state lawmakers should focus on ensuring that workers aren't being wrongly classified as independent contractors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">For all the focus on the gig workers of the tech industry, as he points out, these on-demand platform workers only make up about 1 percent of the labor force in most of California’s big cities. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">As a whole, independent contractors are a broad mix of workers: lawyers and architects, day laborers and janitors, freelance artists and journalists, and, yes, rideshare drivers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">It's a mix that also includes Tonia McMillian.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">McMillian, who has been operating a childcare center out of her home in Bellflower for the last 24 years, doesn't get paid through an app and doesn't find her clients online. But she is an independent contractor with an unstable salary—a growing concern for her now that she is approaching the end of her working years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"I woke up one day and realized I have no retirement,\" she said. And if she gets injured on the job, \"I can't get disability, I can't get workers' comp, I'm just on my own.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">McMillian, who serves as treasurer at Service Employees International Union Local 99, a union of teachers and childcare workers in Los Angeles, applauds the expansion of the earned income tax credit. But with its income cap of a little over $15,000 for individuals without dependent children, she said the policy “is neither here nor there” for her. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">That, she said, in a country that celebrates entrepreneurs, is a “shame.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">\u003ci>CALmatters.org\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ci> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/i>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/author/ben-christopher/\">Ben Christopher\u003ca/>\u003cbr>CALmatters\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/california-gives-gig-workers-break-just-little-one-start/\"\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p2\">\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Angelo Henry describes himself as \"unemployed,\" but that isn't entirely right. Under California labor law, he's a self-starting freelancer. An entrepreneur.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">A 25-year-old with a mechanical engineering degree from the University of Southern California, Henry is a semi-reluctant tenant at his mother's Pasadena house in search of full-time work. In the meantime, like an increasing number of Californians with four wheels and not enough cash, he’s a weekend chauffeur-for-digital-hire with Lyft and Uber.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"It's not ideal, honestly,\" he said. \"It's just a means to pay my student loans, my bills, my credit card. And I have to pay my mom something too, because I can’t just live at home and not pay anything.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Henry said he earns $800 per month after accounting for gas and other driving expenses. The gig offers flexibility. No set schedules, no obligations, no demanding bosses. Also: no safety net. Henry is on his mom's health insurance plan, an option he'll have through the Affordable Care Act until his next birthday. But as for workers compensation, retirement savings, minimum wage, and sick leave? There Henry,\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/what-do-we-know-about-gig-work-in-california/\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">along\u003c/span>\u003c/a> with one out of every 12 Californians, is on his own.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">At least for now.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">This week, Gov. Jerry Brown signed a new budget that will expand the state's earned income tax credit—one of the state's premier anti-poverty programs—to the self-employed. The credit is directed\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/businesses/Economic_Development_Incentives/EITCReport2016.pdf\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">primarily\u003c/span>\u003c/a> at poor families with children. And gig workers like Henry now stand to benefit too, though in his case it will mean only an extra $60 for the year.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Financially speaking, that’s slim pickings. The most generous annual credit for a family of three kids or more is around $2,700.\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>But for a group that is often denied the income support programs, labor protections and other benefits regularly afforded traditional employees, that extra pocket change represents a significant political win. It’s one of a string of recent legislative efforts to redefine the legal status of independent contractors, provide gig economy workers with new rights and benefits, and introduce state-sponsored benefit programs for the self- or precariously employed. The expanded credit is the most successful push yet from lawmakers and advocates who want to remake the 20th century social safety net for the 21st century labor force.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[gigeconomy]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“We have a lot more activity in our economy in these ‘other’ categories, and we’re leaving those folks behind,” said Chris Hoene, executive director of the \u003ca href=\"http://calbudgetcenter.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">California Budget & Policy Center\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan think tank. “Our traditional definitions of work basically exclude them from the types of support that we provide to other people.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">How many of these \"other\" workers actually exist?\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">According to a recent\u003ca href=\"http://laborcenter.berkeley.edu/what-do-we-know-about-gig-work-in-california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">study\u003c/span>\u003c/a> from the Center for Labor Research and Education at the University of California, Berkeley, 8.5 percent of California's workforce falls into the category of “unincorporated self-employed.\" Many more Californians work odd jobs on the side—nationwide, an\u003ca href=\"https://www.treasury.gov/resource-center/tax-policy/tax-analysis/Documents/WP-114.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">estimated\u003c/span>\u003c/a> 6 percent do that.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Despite all the attention to the boom in on-demand labor platforms like Uber and TaskRabbit, the study’s authors say they actually represent a tiny portion of the “gig economy.” To the contrary, the overall share of self-employed Californians has remained relatively stable over the last two decades.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Still, Silicon Valley’s economic influence—coupled with a decades-long\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/sections/money/2015/02/23/385843576/50-years-of-shrinking-union-membership-in-one-map\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">decline\u003c/span>\u003c/a> in unionization rates, falling pension\u003ca href=\"https://www.ssa.gov/policy/docs/ssb/v69n3/v69n3p1.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">coverage\u003c/span>\u003c/a>, and\u003ca href=\"http://www.healthsystemtracker.org/interactive/?display=As%2520a%2520%2525%2520of%2520GDP&service=Hospitals%252CPhysicians%2520%2526%2520Clinics%252CPrescription%2520Drug\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">rising\u003c/span>\u003c/a> health care costs—raises new questions about what workforce protections and benefits should look like for the \"gig economy.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“We’re trying to figure this out before it comes a real issue,” said Assemblywoman Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, chair of the Appropriations Committee. “I don’t feel like there’s been enough thought in a lot of circles about the economy that we’re creating and what that will do for the safety net of the state.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The expansion of the earned income tax credit suggests one possible way forward.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">By design, the credit provides additional resources to low-income Californians, while also encouraging them work. When introduced in 2015, the credit was restricted to wage and salary earners as a fraud prevention measure.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The new expansion, which extends eligibility to those earning up to $22,300, is expected to cost $140 million annually. Low income, self-employed Californians will be able to claim the credit when they file their income taxes next spring.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher agrees that expanding the credit to non-employees is a “really exciting” development. But, she argues, it shouldn’t necessarily serve as a model for how to provide independent contractors with financial security.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“It is an admission that we as a state are going to pick up the slack, that we’re going to supplement the income of the poor,” she said. “In doing that, what level of responsibility are we giving to these companies?”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher has instead introduced a host of bills in the last few years that would grant gig workers new rights and protections, largely at the expense of the companies that hire them. These include proposals to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB1727\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">give\u003c/span>\u003c/a> independent contractors the right to collectively bargain, to\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billStatusClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB206\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">expand\u003c/span>\u003c/a> workers compensation insurance to short-term day laborers, to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB202\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">re-classify\u003c/span>\u003c/a> professional cheerleaders as employees, and to\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1099\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">force\u003c/span>\u003c/a> app-based services to provide a tipping option.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">So far, the results have been mixed. \u003ca href=\"http://www.espn.com/espn/story/_/id/13263516/new-california-law-recognizes-cheerleaders-employees\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The cheerleader bill was signed into law in 2015\u003c/a>. Uber, which famously did not offer its users the option to tip, for a variety of reasons\u003cspan class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> \u003c/span>announced a\u003ca href=\"https://pages.et.uber.com/180-days/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">change\u003c/span>\u003c/a> of policy this month. But the collective bargaining provision was killed last year and the day laborer bill is currently idling in committee.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Gonzalez Fletcher attributes some of the uneven progress to the industry's cachet.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“They’re saying, ‘We have tech, we have innovation, we have Silicon Valley,’ and that’s all cool,” she said. “It’s not cool to be the skunk at the garden party.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ca href=\"https://internetassociation.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">The Internet Association\u003c/a>, a trade group that lobbies on behalf of sharing-economy titans like Uber, Lyft, Etsy, and AirBnB, responded to a request for comment by pointing to the association’s opposition letter to Gonzalez Fletcher’s tipping bill.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“The state should not be mandating business decisions of this kind in the first place,” the letter said. “This is especially true in the fiercely competitive internet-enabled sharing economy, where the market best dictates these decisions.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“This proved true...with Uber's decision to accept gratuities,” communications director Noah Theran said in an email.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">While the industry may not be keen on redefining the arrangement it currently enjoys with its workforce of independent contractors, some tech leaders have endorsed a new model of employer benefits. The aim: to cover independent contractors regardless of where they work or how many jobs they have.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">“Maybe the old employer-employee negotiated benefit model is out of date,” said Hoene of the Budget & Policy Center, who suggests a \"portable benefits\" system might be more appropriate in an economy of freelancers. Rather than tying benefits to a specific job, he describes a “state-sponsored system that workers can port with them as they move from work to non-work, or from one kind of work to another.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">In practice, this might mean that a company would pay for the benefits of its independent contractors in proportion to the hours they work, or that the state might provide the benefits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The lack of specifics has made the concept of \"portable benefits\" popular with a\u003ca href=\"https://medium.com/the-wtf-economy/common-ground-for-independent-workers-83f3fbcf548f\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">diverse\u003c/span>\u003c/a> group of labor policy wonks, tech industry leaders, and labor advocates. When Democratic U.S. Sen. Mark Warner of Virginia\u003ca href=\"https://www.warner.senate.gov/public/index.cfm/2017/5/legislation-to-test-drive-portable-benefit-models-introduced-in-the-house-and-senate\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"> \u003cspan class=\"s2\">introduced\u003c/span>\u003c/a> a federal bill last May that would set up a portable benefit pilot program for independent contractors and other workers who don’t get benefits through their jobs, both Lyft and on-demand courier service Postmates backed the proposal.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">But in Sacramento, efforts to sever the link between benefits and workplace haven’t taken off.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11540945\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GIG-WORKERS-Photo-2-freelancing-in-coffee-shop-e1498850059933.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-11540945\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2017/06/GIG-WORKERS-Photo-2-freelancing-in-coffee-shop-e1498850059933.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Details\u003cbr>Description\u003cbr>One in 12 Californians work independently, so-called gig economy workers. \u003ccite>(Photo via Pexels)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">The state is developing a program to offer retirement savings accounts to workers who lack that option through their jobs. But the State Treasurer’s office, which hopes to launch that \u003ca href=\"http://www.treasurer.ca.gov/scib/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">“Secure Choice”\u003c/a> program by 2019, has yet to decide whether to allow self-employed Californians to opt-in. Meanwhile, a single-payer bill to provide state-funded health insurance to all Californians—employees, contractors, and the unemployed alike—passed the state Senate but stalled out in the Assembly.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">Not everyone is convinced that the solution lies in transforming benefits.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"We need to create a situation where there is not an incentive to use independent contractors to get around labor standards and to avoid paying taxes,\" said Ken Jacobs, chair of the labor research center at UC Berkeley. Rather than reinvent California labor law, he said, state lawmakers should focus on ensuring that workers aren't being wrongly classified as independent contractors.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">For all the focus on the gig workers of the tech industry, as he points out, these on-demand platform workers only make up about 1 percent of the labor force in most of California’s big cities. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">As a whole, independent contractors are a broad mix of workers: lawyers and architects, day laborers and janitors, freelance artists and journalists, and, yes, rideshare drivers.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">It's a mix that also includes Tonia McMillian.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">McMillian, who has been operating a childcare center out of her home in Bellflower for the last 24 years, doesn't get paid through an app and doesn't find her clients online. But she is an independent contractor with an unstable salary—a growing concern for her now that she is approaching the end of her working years.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\"I woke up one day and realized I have no retirement,\" she said. And if she gets injured on the job, \"I can't get disability, I can't get workers' comp, I'm just on my own.\"\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">McMillian, who serves as treasurer at Service Employees International Union Local 99, a union of teachers and childcare workers in Los Angeles, applauds the expansion of the earned income tax credit. But with its income cap of a little over $15,000 for individuals without dependent children, she said the policy “is neither here nor there” for her. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s1\">That, she said, in a country that celebrates entrepreneurs, is a “shame.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp class=\"p3\">\u003cspan class=\"s2\">\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org\">\u003ci>CALmatters.org\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/span>\u003cspan class=\"s1\">\u003ci> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/i>\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Did a Court Just Create a New Pathway to 'Tax' Californians?",
"title": "Did a Court Just Create a New Pathway to 'Tax' Californians?",
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"content": "\u003cp>Could a few words buried within a recent court ruling make it easier for the state to raise money from Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The words -- contained within a decision \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/C075930.PDF\">affirming\u003c/a> the constitutionality of California’s policy of charging polluters -- are causing a stir among some state budget experts, who wonder if the ruling could be used to pry loose constitutional constraints that have long restricted lawmakers’ ability to increase taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its 2-1 ruling, California’s 3rd District Court of Appeal declared that the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/133691850\">cap-and-trade\u003c/a> climate program is neither a tax nor a fee -- the two categories into which state jurists have traditionally slotted all revenue raisers -- but falls into a mysterious \u003cem>none of the above\u003c/em> category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such semantic distinctions matter in California because the state constitution puts tight restrictions on lawmakers' ability to raise money from taxpayers. Voters in 1978 passed the most famous of these restrictions, property-tax-cutting \u003ca href=\"https://www.hjta.org/propositions/proposition-13/original-proposition-13/\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, which also lifted the legislative threshold for new state and local tax hikes from a simple majority to a two-thirds “supermajority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed by the California Chamber of Commerce and other business groups, contended that when the Legislature created the cap-and-trade program in 2006, it introduced a new tax with only a simple majority vote -- violating the two-thirds vote requirements of Proposition 13. (Since then, the auctions have generated $4.4 billion for the state.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iLj5jUbECqekfaKH9rqV3bc5RjwlKX2Q\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what is a tax? In explaining its decision, the court offered a new, narrower definition of the word: “A tax has two hallmarks: (1) it is compulsory, and (2) it does not grant any special benefit to the payor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Tony Francois from the Pacific Legal Foundation, which represents one of the plaintiffs in the case, that definition leaves out many of the levies that most Californians would be surprised to learn aren’t “taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under (the court’s) analysis, any transaction-based tax, such as the sales tax or the gasoline tax, is voluntary instead of compulsory,” he says. “Anyone can choose whether to drive their own car and buy gas for it or not. And, all of these transaction taxes provide something of value to the payer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seemingly anticipating that broad interpretation, the court’s majority opinion insisted there was an obvious distinction between a payment made for a thing of value (in this case, an allowance for emitting greenhouse gases) and a sales tax, which one pays “but receives nothing of particular value for the tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some conservatives find that distinction too blurry for comfort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the Legislature has to do is say, ‘We’re not taxing the purchase of the commodity, we’re just selling you the right to purchase the commodity,’ ” says Mike Genest, who directed the Department of Finance under Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and is the founding partner at Capitol Matrix Consulting. “If you take that logic and apply it liberally, you could probably apply it to any tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10845734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10845734\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station in Mill Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-400x259.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-768x497.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-1440x932.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-1180x763.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-960x621.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station in Mill Valley. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court has “invalidated the Proposition 13 two-thirds requirement,” he says. Even, he argues, as it applies to the income tax: “You just purchased the right to live and work in California for only 13 percent of your income -- congratulations!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many legal analysts, policy advocates and lawmakers disagree that the ruling is quite so earth-shattering. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance says that they are still reviewing the ruling and its implications. And although the offices of both Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon and Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León declined to comment, numerous legislative staff members around the Capitol said that they do not expect to see a raft of new tax-hiking legislation emerge on the basis of this ruling, both because the ruling was narrowly focused on cap and trade, and because the case is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacificlegal.org/releases/release-4/14/17-ab32-Morning-Star-1-1408\">appealed\u003c/a> to the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t take one appellate court ruling as a landslide,” says Danny Cullenward, a lawyer and energy economist at Stanford University and a research associate with the nonprofit Near Zero. “If one is convinced, as the plaintiffs are, that this fundamentally changes the line, I think there’s good reason to believe that the state Supreme Court would at least look into the question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many are not convinced that this ruling fundamentally changes anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some sort of revolution,” says Cara Horowitz, co-executive director of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at UCLA School of Law, who also filed an amicus\u003ca href=\"https://www.edf.org/sites/default/files/content/amicus_brief_nature_conservancy_final.pdf\"> brief\u003c/a> in support of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really reversing what we used to think. It’s really just figuring out for the first time what a cap-and-trade auction really is in the context of tax law,” she says. The court may have broken from \u003ca href=\"http://www.caltax.org/sinclair.htm\">precedent\u003c/a> by establishing a “neither tax nor fee” classification of revenue generator, but Horowitz says that the cap-and-trade program is so unique it’s hard to imagine how this new third category could be applied to much else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no instances that jump out at me of other California regulations that I now think of differently in light of this opinion,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, even if the ruling does undermine Proposition 13, there are other constraints on lawmakers’ ability to raise taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, voters approved \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/lawguides/property/current/ptlg/ccp/XIII-A-3.html\">Proposition 26\u003c/a>, a chamber-sponsored measure that significantly broadened the definition of tax, leaving only a few, specific exceptions. Prop. 26 didn’t enter into the court’s ruling this time around because the Legislature voted to enact the cap-and-trade program before voters approved the initiated constitutional amendment\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so little case law developing the idea of how Proposition 26 defines a tax, it’s really hard to say what the courts will conclude,” says Horowitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a question that will have to be answered before too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current law, California’s cap-and-trade program phases out in 2020. As Democratic lawmakers in both chambers introduce various extension proposals, the Brown administration has demanded a two-thirds vote to put any questions about the legal validity of the program in the rear view mirror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if Gov. Jerry Brown sees a supermajority as politically necessary, it might not be legally so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Legislative Counsel, which prepares summaries on all new bills and serves as the Legislature’s official lawyer, has designated the two \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB151\">extension\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB378\">bills\u003c/a> in the Assembly as simple majority votes. Not coincidentally, a third \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB775\">bill\u003c/a>, introduced in the Senate this week, has been written to require a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, even if the appellate court’s ruling does blow a hole in Proposition 13 and even if it is upheld by the Supreme Court, Proposition 26 still reigns. Or at the very least, that may be a question for a later day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CALmatters.org is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Could a few words buried within a recent court ruling make it easier for the state to raise money from Californians?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The words -- contained within a decision \u003ca href=\"http://www.courts.ca.gov/opinions/documents/C075930.PDF\">affirming\u003c/a> the constitutionality of California’s policy of charging polluters -- are causing a stir among some state budget experts, who wonder if the ruling could be used to pry loose constitutional constraints that have long restricted lawmakers’ ability to increase taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its 2-1 ruling, California’s 3rd District Court of Appeal declared that the state’s \u003ca href=\"https://vimeo.com/133691850\">cap-and-trade\u003c/a> climate program is neither a tax nor a fee -- the two categories into which state jurists have traditionally slotted all revenue raisers -- but falls into a mysterious \u003cem>none of the above\u003c/em> category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such semantic distinctions matter in California because the state constitution puts tight restrictions on lawmakers' ability to raise money from taxpayers. Voters in 1978 passed the most famous of these restrictions, property-tax-cutting \u003ca href=\"https://www.hjta.org/propositions/proposition-13/original-proposition-13/\">Proposition 13\u003c/a>, which also lifted the legislative threshold for new state and local tax hikes from a simple majority to a two-thirds “supermajority.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit, filed by the California Chamber of Commerce and other business groups, contended that when the Legislature created the cap-and-trade program in 2006, it introduced a new tax with only a simple majority vote -- violating the two-thirds vote requirements of Proposition 13. (Since then, the auctions have generated $4.4 billion for the state.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But what is a tax? In explaining its decision, the court offered a new, narrower definition of the word: “A tax has two hallmarks: (1) it is compulsory, and (2) it does not grant any special benefit to the payor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Tony Francois from the Pacific Legal Foundation, which represents one of the plaintiffs in the case, that definition leaves out many of the levies that most Californians would be surprised to learn aren’t “taxes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Under (the court’s) analysis, any transaction-based tax, such as the sales tax or the gasoline tax, is voluntary instead of compulsory,” he says. “Anyone can choose whether to drive their own car and buy gas for it or not. And, all of these transaction taxes provide something of value to the payer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Seemingly anticipating that broad interpretation, the court’s majority opinion insisted there was an obvious distinction between a payment made for a thing of value (in this case, an allowance for emitting greenhouse gases) and a sales tax, which one pays “but receives nothing of particular value for the tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But some conservatives find that distinction too blurry for comfort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All the Legislature has to do is say, ‘We’re not taxing the purchase of the commodity, we’re just selling you the right to purchase the commodity,’ ” says Mike Genest, who directed the Department of Finance under Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger and is the founding partner at Capitol Matrix Consulting. “If you take that logic and apply it liberally, you could probably apply it to any tax.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10845734\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-10845734\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-800x518.jpg\" alt=\"A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station in Mill Valley.\" width=\"800\" height=\"518\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-800x518.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-400x259.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-768x497.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-1440x932.jpg 1440w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-1180x763.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/01/PumpingGas-960x621.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A customer prepares to pump gas into his truck at a Valero gas station in Mill Valley. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The court has “invalidated the Proposition 13 two-thirds requirement,” he says. Even, he argues, as it applies to the income tax: “You just purchased the right to live and work in California for only 13 percent of your income -- congratulations!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many legal analysts, policy advocates and lawmakers disagree that the ruling is quite so earth-shattering. A spokesperson for the Department of Finance says that they are still reviewing the ruling and its implications. And although the offices of both Assembly Speaker Anthony Rendon and Senate President Pro Tem Kevin de León declined to comment, numerous legislative staff members around the Capitol said that they do not expect to see a raft of new tax-hiking legislation emerge on the basis of this ruling, both because the ruling was narrowly focused on cap and trade, and because the case is being \u003ca href=\"https://www.pacificlegal.org/releases/release-4/14/17-ab32-Morning-Star-1-1408\">appealed\u003c/a> to the California Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wouldn’t take one appellate court ruling as a landslide,” says Danny Cullenward, a lawyer and energy economist at Stanford University and a research associate with the nonprofit Near Zero. “If one is convinced, as the plaintiffs are, that this fundamentally changes the line, I think there’s good reason to believe that the state Supreme Court would at least look into the question.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many are not convinced that this ruling fundamentally changes anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not some sort of revolution,” says Cara Horowitz, co-executive director of the Emmett Institute on Climate Change and the Environment at UCLA School of Law, who also filed an amicus\u003ca href=\"https://www.edf.org/sites/default/files/content/amicus_brief_nature_conservancy_final.pdf\"> brief\u003c/a> in support of the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not really reversing what we used to think. It’s really just figuring out for the first time what a cap-and-trade auction really is in the context of tax law,” she says. The court may have broken from \u003ca href=\"http://www.caltax.org/sinclair.htm\">precedent\u003c/a> by establishing a “neither tax nor fee” classification of revenue generator, but Horowitz says that the cap-and-trade program is so unique it’s hard to imagine how this new third category could be applied to much else.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are no instances that jump out at me of other California regulations that I now think of differently in light of this opinion,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Plus, even if the ruling does undermine Proposition 13, there are other constraints on lawmakers’ ability to raise taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2010, voters approved \u003ca href=\"http://www.boe.ca.gov/lawguides/property/current/ptlg/ccp/XIII-A-3.html\">Proposition 26\u003c/a>, a chamber-sponsored measure that significantly broadened the definition of tax, leaving only a few, specific exceptions. Prop. 26 didn’t enter into the court’s ruling this time around because the Legislature voted to enact the cap-and-trade program before voters approved the initiated constitutional amendment\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s so little case law developing the idea of how Proposition 26 defines a tax, it’s really hard to say what the courts will conclude,” says Horowitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s a question that will have to be answered before too long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under current law, California’s cap-and-trade program phases out in 2020. As Democratic lawmakers in both chambers introduce various extension proposals, the Brown administration has demanded a two-thirds vote to put any questions about the legal validity of the program in the rear view mirror.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But even if Gov. Jerry Brown sees a supermajority as politically necessary, it might not be legally so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Office of Legislative Counsel, which prepares summaries on all new bills and serves as the Legislature’s official lawyer, has designated the two \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB151\">extension\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB378\">bills\u003c/a> in the Assembly as simple majority votes. Not coincidentally, a third \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180SB775\">bill\u003c/a>, introduced in the Senate this week, has been written to require a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, even if the appellate court’s ruling does blow a hole in Proposition 13 and even if it is upheld by the Supreme Court, Proposition 26 still reigns. Or at the very least, that may be a question for a later day in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Guadalupe Villegas filed her taxes recently she received a pleasant surprise: a refund of more than $6,000 thanks to the state and federal earned income tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I got so excited, because I needed some extra help,\" said Villegas, a single mother of two who lives in South Los Angeles. \"It was the first time I had heard about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas found out about the credit only because she received assistance from the Koreatown Youth and Community Center's Volunteer Income Tax Assistance Program, which is sponsored by a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/06/14/61636/why-la-county-wants-poor-residents-to-file-their-t/\">Los Angeles County initiative to educate low-income residents about the tax credit. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County says nearly $600 million in federal earned income tax credits go unclaimed each year. And a lot of people are leaving the state version of the tax credit on the table as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California introduced a state earned income credit for the 2015 tax year; it went unclaimed by about 40 percent of eligible L.A. County filers. This year's participation is on track to be worse. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/aboutFTB/press/2017/05-03132017.pdf\">According to the most recent state statistics\u003c/a>, 5 percent fewer Californians have taken advantage of the state tax credit on their 2016 tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas used the money she got to help pay rent on a new apartment and to buy furniture, a microwave and a TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It helped get me on my feet,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many low-income residents don't file taxes because they don't know about the earned income tax credit, or that they could get money back that has been withheld by their employers, according to Audrey Casillas, economic development specialist at the Koreatown Youth and Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said some people who have received tax credits after using a paid tax preparer wrongly assume that they got the money because the preparer was doing them a favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We really want to try to get EITC to be a household name,\" Casillas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single residents making less than $14,880 a year \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/credits-deductions/individuals/earned-income-tax-credit/eitc-income-limits-maximum-credit-amounts\">qualify for a $506 federal credit.\u003c/a> A taxpayer who makes less than $39,296 per year with one dependent qualifies for $3,373.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/individuals/faq/net/900.shtml\">To get up to a $217 state credit,\u003c/a> a single Californian with no children must earn less than $6,717 per year. A parent with two children earning less than $14,161 can get a state credit of up to $2,406.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's tax filing deadline is April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and county of L.A. sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://www.freetaxprepla.com/\">Free Tax Prep Los Angeles\u003c/a>, which provides free tax preparation help to qualified individuals at nearly two dozen locations. Its website also has an earned income tax credit calculator.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "In L.A. County alone, nearly $600 million in federal earned income tax credits go unclaimed each year. And people are leaving the state version of the credit on the table as well.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Guadalupe Villegas filed her taxes recently she received a pleasant surprise: a refund of more than $6,000 thanks to the state and federal earned income tax credits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I got so excited, because I needed some extra help,\" said Villegas, a single mother of two who lives in South Los Angeles. \"It was the first time I had heard about it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas found out about the credit only because she received assistance from the Koreatown Youth and Community Center's Volunteer Income Tax Assistance Program, which is sponsored by a \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/06/14/61636/why-la-county-wants-poor-residents-to-file-their-t/\">Los Angeles County initiative to educate low-income residents about the tax credit. \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>L.A. County says nearly $600 million in federal earned income tax credits go unclaimed each year. And a lot of people are leaving the state version of the tax credit on the table as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California introduced a state earned income credit for the 2015 tax year; it went unclaimed by about 40 percent of eligible L.A. County filers. This year's participation is on track to be worse. \u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/aboutFTB/press/2017/05-03132017.pdf\">According to the most recent state statistics\u003c/a>, 5 percent fewer Californians have taken advantage of the state tax credit on their 2016 tax returns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Villegas used the money she got to help pay rent on a new apartment and to buy furniture, a microwave and a TV.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It helped get me on my feet,\" she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many low-income residents don't file taxes because they don't know about the earned income tax credit, or that they could get money back that has been withheld by their employers, according to Audrey Casillas, economic development specialist at the Koreatown Youth and Community Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said some people who have received tax credits after using a paid tax preparer wrongly assume that they got the money because the preparer was doing them a favor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We really want to try to get EITC to be a household name,\" Casillas said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Single residents making less than $14,880 a year \u003ca href=\"https://www.irs.gov/credits-deductions/individuals/earned-income-tax-credit/eitc-income-limits-maximum-credit-amounts\">qualify for a $506 federal credit.\u003c/a> A taxpayer who makes less than $39,296 per year with one dependent qualifies for $3,373.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ftb.ca.gov/individuals/faq/net/900.shtml\">To get up to a $217 state credit,\u003c/a> a single Californian with no children must earn less than $6,717 per year. A parent with two children earning less than $14,161 can get a state credit of up to $2,406.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's tax filing deadline is April 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city and county of L.A. sponsor \u003ca href=\"https://www.freetaxprepla.com/\">Free Tax Prep Los Angeles\u003c/a>, which provides free tax preparation help to qualified individuals at nearly two dozen locations. Its website also has an earned income tax credit calculator.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "record-number-of-local-school-measures-on-this-years-ballots",
"title": "Record Number of Local School Measures on This Year's Ballots",
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"headTitle": "Record Number of Local School Measures on This Year’s Ballots | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Have you noticed more local bond and parcel tax measures on your ballot? There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiacityfinance.com/Votes1611preview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a record number of them\u003c/a> this year in California, more than in any presidential or gubernatorial election in the past 10 years, according to the California Local Government Finance Almanac. More than half of these measures are for schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts all over the state propose bonds, but parcel taxes are mostly a Bay Area thing. Most school districts are proposing to renew taxes that are set to expire in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290998707″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sjusd.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Unified School District\u003c/a> is proposing its very first parcel tax. School board member Susan Ellenberg said her district faces a big challenge: recruiting and retaining quality teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When teachers leave our district, it tends to be because the cost of living is so incredibly high here,” Ellenberg said. “They’re moving occasionally to districts in the surrounding areas where they are paid significantly more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11156602\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11156602\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Children play at Horace Mann Elementary in San Jose Unified School District. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play at Horace Mann Elementary in San Jose Unified School District. \u003ccite>(KQED/Zaidee Stavely)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg says many surrounding districts have an advantage, because they either have parcel tax revenue or are in such affluent communities that they get extra property tax revenue, beyond the state’s baseline funding. In some cases, they have both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike bonds, which are used for building new schools or renovating old ones, parcel taxes can be used for anything — from music and art to teacher salaries. They’re more common in the Bay Area than anywhere else in the state. But they require a two-thirds majority of votes to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 13 limits property taxes. And these parcel taxes are one of the only loopholes around that Prop. 13 restriction,” said Eric McGhee of the Public Policy Institute of California. He’s co-author of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/atissue/AI_913EMAI.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report about school parcel taxes\u003c/a> in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Jose Unified rejected a parcel tax proposal back in 2003. But this November, district leaders think they have a chance to get the supermajority they need. They’re asking voters to pass a measure that would allow the district to collect $72 a year for eight years from all property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s facing some opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Already about 50 percent of the money that goes into the school budget does not reach the classrooms,” said Mark Hinkle, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.svtaxpayers.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>, who wrote the argument opposing the measure. “A big chunk of the money is going to administration, bureaucracy and bloated pensions. That’s not helping the students at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, there are 17 school parcel taxes, as well as 25 school bond measures, on local ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified School District is going for its third parcel tax. The district already has one permanent parcel tax in place. \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland_Unified_School_District_parcel_tax,_Measure_G_(February_2008)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure G passed in 2008\u003c/a>, and pays for teacher recruitment and retention, school libraries, art, music and classes needed to apply for college. Oakland also has a 10-year parcel tax, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland_Unified_School_District_Parcel_Tax,_Measure_N_(November_2014)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure N\u003c/a>, to pay for job training and preparing high school students for college. It expires in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Oakland measure, G1, would pay for middle school enrichment and could be used to increase teacher salaries, which are among the lowest in the Bay Area. The measure has been opposed by some parent and teacher groups because it would give a portion of the funds to charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in Berkeley are being asked to replace an expiring school parcel tax with a new larger one. It would yield an estimated $28 million annually, making it the largest on any Bay Area ballot this year. Berkeley’s parcel tax currently provides about 20 percent of the district’s budget, paying for many classroom teachers, school libraries, music programs and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley was one of five districts in the state with the largest proportion of revenue coming from parcel taxes in 2011-12, according to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/wp-content/publications/pub13-ParcelTaxesFinal.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information compiled \u003c/a>by EdSource. The others were: Piedmont City Unified, Kentfield Elementary, Mill Valley Elementary and Emery Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wealthy school districts are much more likely to have passed one of these taxes, and to have put one of these things on the ballot in the first place,” McGhee said. He says the Bay Area has more parcel taxes than other part of the state because of the high cost of living, which requires higher teacher salaries, and because voters in the generally liberal Bay Area are often more willing to raise taxes on themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts are proposing more bond measures this year, too. The biggest one is San Francisco, which would issue $744 million in bonds to renovate existing schools, build two new ones and put some money toward affordable housing for teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most bond measures need only 55 percent of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGhee says it’s possible that they are easier to pass than parcel taxes, because it may not be clear to voters how much they will end up paying in added property tax to repay the bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason there are so many local bond measures on the ballot this year is because of \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/article/2010101856774/prop-51-seeks-9-billion-in-bonds-for-public-school-construction-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 51\u003c/a>, which would provide construction funds to school districts that can come up with matching funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you can make the case, ‘Hey, we’re just getting a piece of this state pie. If we pass our construction bond, we’ll get extra money from the state, and it’ll be even better,’ ” McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "District leaders hope voters will approve bonds and parcel taxes to bring added funds to Bay Area schools.",
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"title": "Record Number of Local School Measures on This Year's Ballots | KQED",
"description": "District leaders hope voters will approve bonds and parcel taxes to bring added funds to Bay Area schools.",
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"headline": "Record Number of Local School Measures on This Year's Ballots",
"datePublished": "2016-11-04T00:35:33-07:00",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Have you noticed more local bond and parcel tax measures on your ballot? There are \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiacityfinance.com/Votes1611preview.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a record number of them\u003c/a> this year in California, more than in any presidential or gubernatorial election in the past 10 years, according to the California Local Government Finance Almanac. More than half of these measures are for schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts all over the state propose bonds, but parcel taxes are mostly a Bay Area thing. Most school districts are proposing to renew taxes that are set to expire in the next few years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290998707″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/290998707″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sjusd.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Jose Unified School District\u003c/a> is proposing its very first parcel tax. School board member Susan Ellenberg said her district faces a big challenge: recruiting and retaining quality teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When teachers leave our district, it tends to be because the cost of living is so incredibly high here,” Ellenberg said. “They’re moving occasionally to districts in the surrounding areas where they are paid significantly more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11156602\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11156602\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Children play at Horace Mann Elementary in San Jose Unified School District. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-960x720.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21717_IMG_34591-qut-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Children play at Horace Mann Elementary in San Jose Unified School District. \u003ccite>(KQED/Zaidee Stavely)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg says many surrounding districts have an advantage, because they either have parcel tax revenue or are in such affluent communities that they get extra property tax revenue, beyond the state’s baseline funding. In some cases, they have both.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike bonds, which are used for building new schools or renovating old ones, parcel taxes can be used for anything — from music and art to teacher salaries. They’re more common in the Bay Area than anywhere else in the state. But they require a two-thirds majority of votes to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 13 limits property taxes. And these parcel taxes are one of the only loopholes around that Prop. 13 restriction,” said Eric McGhee of the Public Policy Institute of California. He’s co-author of a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/atissue/AI_913EMAI.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report about school parcel taxes\u003c/a> in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in San Jose Unified rejected a parcel tax proposal back in 2003. But this November, district leaders think they have a chance to get the supermajority they need. They’re asking voters to pass a measure that would allow the district to collect $72 a year for eight years from all property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s facing some opposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Already about 50 percent of the money that goes into the school budget does not reach the classrooms,” said Mark Hinkle, president of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.svtaxpayers.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Silicon Valley Taxpayers Association\u003c/a>, who wrote the argument opposing the measure. “A big chunk of the money is going to administration, bureaucracy and bloated pensions. That’s not helping the students at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Bay Area alone, there are 17 school parcel taxes, as well as 25 school bond measures, on local ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland Unified School District is going for its third parcel tax. The district already has one permanent parcel tax in place. \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland_Unified_School_District_parcel_tax,_Measure_G_(February_2008)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure G passed in 2008\u003c/a>, and pays for teacher recruitment and retention, school libraries, art, music and classes needed to apply for college. Oakland also has a 10-year parcel tax, \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/Oakland_Unified_School_District_Parcel_Tax,_Measure_N_(November_2014)\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure N\u003c/a>, to pay for job training and preparing high school students for college. It expires in 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new Oakland measure, G1, would pay for middle school enrichment and could be used to increase teacher salaries, which are among the lowest in the Bay Area. The measure has been opposed by some parent and teacher groups because it would give a portion of the funds to charter schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters in Berkeley are being asked to replace an expiring school parcel tax with a new larger one. It would yield an estimated $28 million annually, making it the largest on any Bay Area ballot this year. Berkeley’s parcel tax currently provides about 20 percent of the district’s budget, paying for many classroom teachers, school libraries, music programs and other services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley was one of five districts in the state with the largest proportion of revenue coming from parcel taxes in 2011-12, according to \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/wp-content/publications/pub13-ParcelTaxesFinal.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">information compiled \u003c/a>by EdSource. The others were: Piedmont City Unified, Kentfield Elementary, Mill Valley Elementary and Emery Unified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Wealthy school districts are much more likely to have passed one of these taxes, and to have put one of these things on the ballot in the first place,” McGhee said. He says the Bay Area has more parcel taxes than other part of the state because of the high cost of living, which requires higher teacher salaries, and because voters in the generally liberal Bay Area are often more willing to raise taxes on themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts are proposing more bond measures this year, too. The biggest one is San Francisco, which would issue $744 million in bonds to renovate existing schools, build two new ones and put some money toward affordable housing for teachers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most bond measures need only 55 percent of the vote to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McGhee says it’s possible that they are easier to pass than parcel taxes, because it may not be clear to voters how much they will end up paying in added property tax to repay the bonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One reason there are so many local bond measures on the ballot this year is because of \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/article/2010101856774/prop-51-seeks-9-billion-in-bonds-for-public-school-construction-projects\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 51\u003c/a>, which would provide construction funds to school districts that can come up with matching funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So you can make the case, ‘Hey, we’re just getting a piece of this state pie. If we pass our construction bond, we’ll get extra money from the state, and it’ll be even better,’ ” McGhee said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Would California's Proposed Tobacco Tax Hike Reduce Smoking? Just Ask New Yorkers",
"title": "Would California's Proposed Tobacco Tax Hike Reduce Smoking? Just Ask New Yorkers",
"headTitle": "Election 2016 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Each time New York increased its tobacco tax -- now at $4.35 a pack -- calls to the state's Quitline spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, Mayor Michael Bloomberg \u003ca href=\"http://www.wnyc.org/story/bloomberg-pushed-new-yorkers-health-and-often-they-pushed-back/\">raised the tax even more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was so angry with him, I could hardly afford it,” says Elizabeth Lane, a Harlem resident who paid $12 a pack. “I had to beg, borrow and steal to get money to buy cigarettes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Lane managed to cut down from seven packs a week to four. But sometimes she still didn’t have money to buy laundry detergent or toilet paper. In 2013, after smoking for 40 years, the price tag, her doctor’s warnings and her daughter’s guilt trips -- it all came together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She quit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Lord, I’ve been waiting a long time for this. When will you answer my prayer?’ ” she says. “And he answered this time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/284110040\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has one of the lowest cigarette taxes in the country: 87 cents per pack. If voters pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0081%20(Tobacco%20Tax%20V3).pdf?\">Proposition 56\u003c/a> in November, the tax would go up to $2.87 a pack. Backers of the measure, including the American Cancer Society and the American Lung Association, hope to hit people hard enough in the wallet that they quit smoking, or never start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies support the goal. For every 10 percent increase in the price of cigarettes, smoking goes down 4 percent, according to the 2014 \u003ca href=\"http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/reports/50-years-of-progress/index.html\">Surgeon General’s Report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of that is people quitting. Part of that is people cutting down,” says Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at UCSF and director of the Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, smoking rates declined from 22 percent of the local population to 15 percent in the decade that the tax, and a ban on smoking in restaurants and bars, was implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's smoking rate is about 12 percent, the second lowest in the country after Utah. Most people here who do smoke, Glantz says, don’t smoke that much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be that a price increase that will follow Prop. 56 will be enough to just get these light, intermittent smokers to just say, 'Forget it,'\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz’s colleague, behavioral economist Justin White, explains the psychology behind this. He says the vast majority of smokers wish they could quit. They know it’s bad for them. But addiction is a powerful force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this universal tendency towards immediate gratification,” White says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11097648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11097648\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"A man smokes a cigarette in New York City, where the current tobacco tax is $4.35 a pack.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-400x272.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-960x653.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man smokes a cigarette in New York City, where the current tobacco tax is $4.35 a pack. \u003ccite>(T. Carrigan/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The craving for a cigarette right now easily overwhelms fears of heart disease or lung cancer in the future. But, White says, a cigarette tax can flip that. A tax also hits right now, and that has the power to compete with the desire for a cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Increasing taxes is a way to really bring that back to equilibrium, the cost in the future versus the benefits now,” White says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, how much. He says a $1 or $2 tax is enough to sway smokers with a mild self-control problem. But for smokers with a strong addiction, the tax needs to be between $5 and $10 to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, White says, a tax is most effective when paired with support from a cessation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where opponents have been digging into Proposition 56. The No on 56 campaign, backed by tobacco companies R.J, Reynolds and Philip Morris, have raised $56 million to defeat the measure. Supporters have raised $17.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It may be that a price increase will be enough to just get these light, intermittent smokers to just say, 'Forget it.''\u003ccite>Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine at UCSF\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Opponents are investing in \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201609160850/b\">radio ads\u003c/a> that say proponents “are telling us Proposition 56 is all about helping people stop smoking. But follow the money, and you’ll find out that only 13 percent of the new taxes would actually help people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is true. Of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=56&year=2016\">$1.4 billion\u003c/a> that Proposition 56 is expected to raise from the tax, 13 percent would go to the state’s cessation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But UCSF professor Stanton Glantz says that’s still $100 million, and that’s enough to fully serve all would-be quitters who need help. The rest of the tax money would go to Medi-Cal, the state’s low-income health care program, which covers care for one in three Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents ultimately reject the tax, no matter how the revenues would be spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m opposed to every manner of taxing,” says Steven Greenhut, Western Region director for the R Street Institute, a free market think tank that promotes limited government. “Let people make their own choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t like that Proposition 56 would tax e-cigarettes, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping is not entirely safe,” he says. “But it’s pretty clear that vaping is far less harmful than smoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11097727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11097727\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man blows vapor from an e-cigarette at a vape lounge in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man blows vapor from an e-cigarette at a vape lounge in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Early studies do show that e-cigarettes may have fewer health impacts. But to what degree is unsettled. Either way, Greenhut says it’s premature to tax them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re going to try to get people to stop smoking, why would you hammer a product that is arguably used to reduce smoking?” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The science on this question is even more uncertain. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2016/07/160711092301.htm\">Some studies\u003c/a> show teens who vape are more likely to smoke cigarettes, anywhere from two to six times more likely. But some \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/456704/McNeill-Hajek_report_authors_note_on_evidence_for_95_estimate.pdf\">British studies\u003c/a> have found that e-cigarettes can help people quit smoking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No e-cigarette company has filed an application with the FDA to qualify their product as a cessation device. If they did and they succeeded, they would be exempt from the Proposition 56 tax, as is the case with nicotine gun and patches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Elizabeth Lane in New York, the nicotine patch was her ticket to quitting. Now, she no longer huffs and puffs when she walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can walk up stairs. I don’t cough,” she says. “And the circulation in my legs has improved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says now she saves the money that she used to spend on cigarettes so she can buy birthday and Christmas presents for her daughter and granddaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of being on the receiving end all the time, you know, give me, give me, give me,” she says, “I can give now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting by \u003ca href=\"http://www.wnyc.org/people/fred-mogul/\">Fred Mogul\u003c/a> from WNYC.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration with four public media organizations in California to cover the 2016 election. This includes \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KPCC in Los Angeles\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KQED in San Francisco\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"http://www.capradio.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Capital Public Radio in Sacramento\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.kpbs.org/\" target=\"_blank\">KPBS in San Diego\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California has one of the lowest tobacco taxes in the nation. If voters pass Proposition 56 in November, it would rise from 87 cents to $2.87 a pack.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Each time New York increased its tobacco tax -- now at $4.35 a pack -- calls to the state's Quitline spiked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, Mayor Michael Bloomberg \u003ca href=\"http://www.wnyc.org/story/bloomberg-pushed-new-yorkers-health-and-often-they-pushed-back/\">raised the tax even more\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was so angry with him, I could hardly afford it,” says Elizabeth Lane, a Harlem resident who paid $12 a pack. “I had to beg, borrow and steal to get money to buy cigarettes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Lane managed to cut down from seven packs a week to four. But sometimes she still didn’t have money to buy laundry detergent or toilet paper. In 2013, after smoking for 40 years, the price tag, her doctor’s warnings and her daughter’s guilt trips -- it all came together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She quit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Lord, I’ve been waiting a long time for this. When will you answer my prayer?’ ” she says. “And he answered this time.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/284110040&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/284110040'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California currently has one of the lowest cigarette taxes in the country: 87 cents per pack. If voters pass \u003ca href=\"https://www.oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0081%20(Tobacco%20Tax%20V3).pdf?\">Proposition 56\u003c/a> in November, the tax would go up to $2.87 a pack. Backers of the measure, including the American Cancer Society and the American Lung Association, hope to hit people hard enough in the wallet that they quit smoking, or never start.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Studies support the goal. For every 10 percent increase in the price of cigarettes, smoking goes down 4 percent, according to the 2014 \u003ca href=\"http://www.surgeongeneral.gov/library/reports/50-years-of-progress/index.html\">Surgeon General’s Report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Part of that is people quitting. Part of that is people cutting down,” says Stanton Glantz, a professor of medicine at UCSF and director of the Center for Tobacco Control Research and Education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, smoking rates declined from 22 percent of the local population to 15 percent in the decade that the tax, and a ban on smoking in restaurants and bars, was implemented.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California's smoking rate is about 12 percent, the second lowest in the country after Utah. Most people here who do smoke, Glantz says, don’t smoke that much.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It may be that a price increase that will follow Prop. 56 will be enough to just get these light, intermittent smokers to just say, 'Forget it,'\" he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Glantz’s colleague, behavioral economist Justin White, explains the psychology behind this. He says the vast majority of smokers wish they could quit. They know it’s bad for them. But addiction is a powerful force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s this universal tendency towards immediate gratification,” White says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11097648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11097648\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-800x544.jpg\" alt=\"A man smokes a cigarette in New York City, where the current tobacco tax is $4.35 a pack.\" width=\"800\" height=\"544\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-800x544.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-400x272.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-1180x802.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/NYCSmokin-960x653.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man smokes a cigarette in New York City, where the current tobacco tax is $4.35 a pack. \u003ccite>(T. Carrigan/Flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The craving for a cigarette right now easily overwhelms fears of heart disease or lung cancer in the future. But, White says, a cigarette tax can flip that. A tax also hits right now, and that has the power to compete with the desire for a cigarette.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Increasing taxes is a way to really bring that back to equilibrium, the cost in the future versus the benefits now,” White says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question is, how much. He says a $1 or $2 tax is enough to sway smokers with a mild self-control problem. But for smokers with a strong addiction, the tax needs to be between $5 and $10 to work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either way, White says, a tax is most effective when paired with support from a cessation program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And this is where opponents have been digging into Proposition 56. The No on 56 campaign, backed by tobacco companies R.J, Reynolds and Philip Morris, have raised $56 million to defeat the measure. Supporters have raised $17.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'It may be that a price increase will be enough to just get these light, intermittent smokers to just say, 'Forget it.''\u003ccite>Stanton Glantz, professor of medicine at UCSF\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Opponents are investing in \u003ca href=\"http://audio.californiareport.org/archive/R201609160850/b\">radio ads\u003c/a> that say proponents “are telling us Proposition 56 is all about helping people stop smoking. But follow the money, and you’ll find out that only 13 percent of the new taxes would actually help people quit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is true. Of the \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=56&year=2016\">$1.4 billion\u003c/a> that Proposition 56 is expected to raise from the tax, 13 percent would go to the state’s cessation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But UCSF professor Stanton Glantz says that’s still $100 million, and that’s enough to fully serve all would-be quitters who need help. The rest of the tax money would go to Medi-Cal, the state’s low-income health care program, which covers care for one in three Californians.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents ultimately reject the tax, no matter how the revenues would be spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m opposed to every manner of taxing,” says Steven Greenhut, Western Region director for the R Street Institute, a free market think tank that promotes limited government. “Let people make their own choices.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He doesn’t like that Proposition 56 would tax e-cigarettes, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Vaping is not entirely safe,” he says. “But it’s pretty clear that vaping is far less harmful than smoking.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11097727\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-11097727\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"A man blows vapor from an e-cigarette at a vape lounge in San Francisco.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-400x267.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/09/Vapin-960x640.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A man blows vapor from an e-cigarette at a vape lounge in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Early studies do show that e-cigarettes may have fewer health impacts. But to what degree is unsettled. Either way, Greenhut says it’s premature to tax them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re going to try to get people to stop smoking, why would you hammer a product that is arguably used to reduce smoking?” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The science on this question is even more uncertain. \u003ca href=\"https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2016/07/160711092301.htm\">Some studies\u003c/a> show teens who vape are more likely to smoke cigarettes, anywhere from two to six times more likely. But some \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/456704/McNeill-Hajek_report_authors_note_on_evidence_for_95_estimate.pdf\">British studies\u003c/a> have found that e-cigarettes can help people quit smoking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No e-cigarette company has filed an application with the FDA to qualify their product as a cessation device. If they did and they succeeded, they would be exempt from the Proposition 56 tax, as is the case with nicotine gun and patches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Elizabeth Lane in New York, the nicotine patch was her ticket to quitting. Now, she no longer huffs and puffs when she walks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can walk up stairs. I don’t cough,” she says. “And the circulation in my legs has improved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says now she saves the money that she used to spend on cigarettes so she can buy birthday and Christmas presents for her daughter and granddaughter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Instead of being on the receiving end all the time, you know, give me, give me, give me,” she says, “I can give now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Additional reporting by \u003ca href=\"http://www.wnyc.org/people/fred-mogul/\">Fred Mogul\u003c/a> from WNYC.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany will decide in November whether or not to impose a one cent per ounce tax on distributors of soda and other sugary beverages. This is the second such tax that San Franciscans will vote on — the city rejected a two cent soda tax in 2014. Supporters of the taxes say they are an essential tool in the fight against rising diabetes and obesity rates. But opponents say the measures are actually a “grocery tax” that disproportionately targets low-income communities. We’ll speak with advocates from each side of the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Related Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/election-2016/\">Election 2016\u003c/a> (KQED)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Voters in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany will decide in November whether or not to impose a one cent per ounce tax on distributors of soda and other sugary beverages. This is the second such tax that San Franciscans will vote on — the city rejected a two cent soda tax in 2014. Supporters of the taxes say they are an essential tool in the fight against rising diabetes and obesity rates. But opponents say the measures are actually a “grocery tax” that disproportionately targets low-income communities. We’ll speak with advocates from each side of the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Related Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/election-2016/\">Election 2016\u003c/a> (KQED)\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"YbUVpLIvFMgTsbGdsQNByRf5SCgvYSw0\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About MapLight\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>MapLight is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. More information about MapLight can be found \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/about-maplight\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Soda tax proponents in four cities have only raised 15 percent of the funds they did in 2014's San Francisco's initiative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Has the fight over soda taxes gone flat?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fundraising by campaigns battling over taxes on sugar-sweetened beverages in four U.S. cities has topped the seven-figure mark, but still falls far short of the dollars spent on the last two major soda tax initiatives, according to a \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/soda-tax-fundraising-flat-for-now\">MapLight analysis\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups for and against the taxes have raised $1.4 million in the four cities so far. The amount represents about 15 percent of the $9.5 million raised in the battle over a failed 2014 San Francisco initiative that would have added a two-penny-an-ounce soda tax, according to city records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The slowdown in funding is unusual, because the fight over sugar-sweetened beverages marks a potential turning point in American politics. While public health advocates have battled powerful industries, such as tobacco and coal, those fights have generally been settled by legislatures or courts. The attempt to slow sales of the $278 billion soft-drink industry represents one of the rare occasions when voters can directly address a public health controversy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We may see more public health measures via community-led signature-gathering campaigns in the future,” San Francisco Supervisor Eric Mar said in an email. “Communities…can pass much stronger laws at the ballot box than legislating by the board of supervisors and mayor.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A trio of organizations battling over a San Francisco measure have combined to raise nearly $800,000 during 2016, according to city records. The total raised so far exceeds the amounts raised in two other California cities -- Oakland and Albany -- with similar initiatives on their November ballots. Boulder, Colorado is considering a similar tax on sugar-sweetened beverages. At least $615,000 has been raised for and against the Oakland measure, while $10,000 has been raised in support of the Colorado measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Mayor and The Big Gulp\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The politics of soda emerged as a national issue in May 2012, when then-New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg imposed a ban on large sugar-sweetened beverages at restaurants, movie theaters and street carts in an effort to combat the city’s obesity epidemic. The prohibition outraged libertarians and the soft-drink industry, which has seen sales decline for more than a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor, who had spearheaded a 2003 ban on smoking in city restaurants and bars, was roundly criticized for the soda ban, which residents erroneously thought included the 7-Eleven chain’s super-sized “Big Gulp” drinks. Sixty percent of city residents opposed the idea. The state’s highest court overturned the ban in June 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite that rejection, other cities began taking action to curb soda consumption. In 2014, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2014/11/04/will-berkeley-and-san-francisco-soda-tax-measures-set-precedent/\">Berkeley became the first city \u003c/a>in the nation to pass a measure to tax sugary beverages, with 76 percent of voters approving a penny-an-ounce tax. During the campaign, the American Beverage Association contributed more than $2.4 million to fight the initiative. Supporters were able to raise about $930,000, including more than $600,000 in donations from Bloomberg, a billionaire who founded one of the largest financial data companies in the nation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 55 percent of San Francisco voters in 2014 supported a proposed two-cent-per-ounce tax on sodas and other sugar-sweetened drinks. The measure failed, in part because it specified that money from the tax would be spent on nutrition and health programs. Under state law, taxes applied to specific purposes require a two-thirds majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Berkeley tax has been linked to a 21 percent decrease in sugar-sweetened beverage consumption among lower-income residents, according to a study published last week by the American Journal of Public Health. Researchers also found a 4 percent increase in soda consumption in adjacent San Francisco and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Second Serving\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.ameribev.org/\">American Beverage Association\u003c/a> has been the largest financial opponent of soda taxes in 2016, according to public records. The industry group, which includes Coca Cola, PepsiCo, and Sunny Delight, has poured $545,000 into a political action committee (PAC) to battle San Francisco’s measure -- a fraction of the $9.2 million it dropped in the city in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two organizations have provided most of the money in support of the tax. About $250,000 has been raised by San Franciscans United to Reduce Diabetes, a political action committee. John Arnold, a billionaire hedge fund founder, and his wife Laura, contributed $60,000 of that total through a social welfare organization they created, Action Now Initiative. The organization also contributed money to support the 2014 Berkeley measure. (Disclosure: The Laura and John Arnold Foundation is a donor to MapLight.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The beverage PAC has also raised $600,000 to fight the Oakland ballot measure, which would add a one-cent tax to sodas. It is using the money to buy ads that frame the initiative as a tax on groceries and that feature halal and Asian grocers. The ads suggest the beverage industry is using the results from the 2014 San Francisco campaign to inform its current strategy: then there was little support for the proposed tax in neighborhoods with more lower-income and minority voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Desley Brooks, an Oakland council member supporting the measure, claimed the soda industry “is targeting people of color, and they have no shame when it comes to spreading falsehoods.” But Lauren Kane, a spokeswoman for the beverage industry association, described the proposals as “regressive and discriminatory.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Singling out one item in a grocery cart is discriminatory,” said Kane, adding that 43 soda tax proposals have been rejected by local governments since 2008. And while Kane wouldn’t discuss the industry’s strategy for fighting the four ballot measures, she said there’s plenty of time between now and November for the industry to make its case to voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Citizens for Healthy Oakland Children, which advocates for the new tax, has only raised $18,545 -- $1 for every $32 collected by opponents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Brotherly Love\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of soda taxes were heartened by \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/2016/06/16/philadelphia-first-major-u-s-city-to-pass-soda-tax/\">a June vote\u003c/a> in the Philadelphia City Council that placed a 1.5 cent-per-ounce tax on sodas to provide $400 million in funds for pre-kindergarten and recreation programs. Earlier efforts had failed, stymied in part by the industry’s $10 million gift to the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia in 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although the Philadelphia tax was passed by a government vote rather than a ballot, money figured heavily in the battle. Philadelphians for a Fair Future, a “dark money” group that is not required to reveal its donors, spent heavily to back the new tax. Bloomberg gave the group about $1.5 million, and the Arnolds’ Action Now Initiative chipped in another $400,000. The beverage industry spent $4.2 million on advertising and is mounting a legal battle to overturn the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sarah Roache, a fellow at the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University Law Center, said it’s possible that the beverage industry may simply be waiting to raise larger sums of money until just before the California and Colorado votes. Roache, whose research includes potential policy solutions to unhealthy diets, said the industry waited until days before a crucial city council vote in Philadelphia to unleash an unsuccessful advertising blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial stakes have been much lower in Albany, a Bay Area suburb of 18,500 that’s nestled against the northern boundary of Berkeley. The city clerk’s office has reported no contributions or expenditures relating to the proposed penny-per-ounce soda tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Colorado Beverage Association is backing a challenge to a similar proposal in Boulder, Colorado. The group argued unsuccessfully to city officials that the petition to put the measure on the ballot didn’t abide by state laws requiring voters to be notified that the soda tax is, in fact, a tax increase.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City records show that Healthy Boulder Kids, an organization composed primarily of public health advocates, has raised about $10,350. Another organization, No Boulder Grocery Tax, has not reported any contributions, but said it had spent $7,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting and opposing ballot measures that would tax sugar-sweetened beverages in the November 2014 and 2016 elections using the latest data available from local campaign finance reports as of Aug. 29, 2016.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>About MapLight\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>MapLight is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, nonpartisan research organization that tracks money in politics. More information about MapLight can be found \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/content/about-maplight\" target=\"_blank\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "False Promises of Fixed Streets in Richmond?",
"title": "False Promises of Fixed Streets in Richmond?",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Gail Anderson is driving around her Richmond neighborhood, checking out all the best spots -- for potholes. She says they’re actually not very hard to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"See these cracks in here. ... A whole line just tore up. ... They go anywhere from 2 to 3 inches deep,\" Anderson explains, as she swerves to stay on flat ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson is frustrated about the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/29481\" target=\"_blank\">state of the streets\u003c/a>, but she’s even more upset about the mattresses, furniture and other trash piled up on the sidewalks, and a tree branch that fell on her house last year -- she’s afraid the whole tree will fall soon. On all of these issues, the city has not given this life-long Richmond resident the help she thinks citizens deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not taking care of the citizens of this city. The graffiti, the holes in the road, the dumping which is just outrageous. It just makes the city look unclean, “ says Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10969635\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10969635 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Gail Anderson and a pothole in front of her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-960x541.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gail Anderson and a pothole in front of her house. \u003ccite>(Andrew Stelzer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is embarrassing to me that we can’t keep our city together. They call it a city of pride and purpose, but it’s pathetic and pitiful to me,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Richmond’s crime rate has significantly improved in the last few years, it’s not necessarily sharing in the Bay Area's economic boom. New businesses have been slow to invest, and wealthy newcomers have been gravitating toward other East Bay cities, like Berkeley and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Richmond came up with a potential new revenue source: a half-cent sales tax called \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/City_of_Richmond_Sales_Tax,_Measure_U_(November_2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Measure U\u003c/a>. In \u003ca href=\"http://www.tombutt.com/forum/2014/e-forum%20template%202014_clip_image038_0004.jpg\">informational mailers paid for by the city\u003c/a>, Measure U was promoted as a way to help fund improvements to roads, as well as public safety and youth programs. However, Mayor Tom Butt says it didn’t quite turn out as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure U was actually born with the idea that it would provide additional revenue, some of which could be \u003ca href=\"http://www.tombutt.com/forum/2014/14-11-01a.html\" target=\"_blank\">used for streets\u003c/a>. And as it developed, we came to realize that it probably wasn’t all gonna be used for streets,” Butt explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the money raised through the tax \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/my-town/ci_28339604/richmond-looks-use-road-fund-money-balance-budget\" target=\"_blank\">has gone straight into the city’s general fund\u003c/a>. The way the initiative was worded, that's \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2014/11/04/ca/cc/meas/U/\" target=\"_blank\">completely within the law\u003c/a>. But Jack Weir, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0ahUKEwij14nS_frMAhVK8GMKHd5uCRkQFggdMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.cocotax.org%2F&usg=AFQjCNGGQqH9_gKkK9MM5C67mkd_66uILg&sig2=IQaNa4veVMV7BfalWXX2TA\" target=\"_blank\">Contra Costa Taxpayers Association, \u003c/a>said it’s a bad way to run city government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole controversy about Measure U. It's not just about that they didn’t use the money the way they said,\" said Weir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10969638\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 774px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10969638 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best.jpg\" alt=\"An 2014 election season mailer, touting how measure U would improve Richmond's streets and other city servives.\" width=\"774\" height=\"914\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best.jpg 774w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best-400x472.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 774px) 100vw, 774px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2014 election season mailer, touting how Measure U would improve Richmond's streets and other city services.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the roads aren’t properly maintained over time, taxpayers wind up having to pay way more to keep the infrastructure capable of fulfilling its expected useful life. And that’s bad management, both from a policy perspective and from a fiscal perspective,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond is \u003ca href=\"http://richmondstandard.com/2016/04/31289/\" target=\"_blank\">in a tough place\u003c/a>. It's been facing budget deficits for years. Last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/research/Moodys-downgrades-Richmond-CA-issuer-rating-to-Baa1-from-A1--PR_325368\" target=\"_blank\">Moody’s downgraded Richmond’s bond rating\u003c/a>, and the California State Controller’s Office \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_29188200/richmond-list-california-cities-rated-at-high-risk?source=infinite-up\" target=\"_blank\">briefly opened an investigation into the city’s finances\u003c/a>. To try and keep its financial reputation afloat, the city's 2016-17 draft budget again routes all the Measure U revenue, almost $8 million, into the city’s general fund. Nothing is earmarked for streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Manager Bill Lindsay admits no one is tracking how the Measure U money is being spent, but says, \"The Measure U story really isn't done yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsay says population growth should lead to more sales tax revenue in the next few years, which could free up the City Council to fund things that the Measure U campaign promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two, three years, four years down the road, looking back, I expect our pavement condition index is going to be better, and my hope is that the voters feel like it was a good investment,” said Lindsay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the meantime, there may be more new taxes coming soon. \u003ca href=\"http://richmondstandard.com/2016/01/richmond-mayor-to-pursue-taxes-and-fees-on-soda-litter-marijuana/\" target=\"_blank\">Mayor Butt is pursuing a hike in the city's real estate transfer tax and a “litter” fee on cigarettes\u003c/a>, to appear on the November ballot. Both of those pots of money, he says, would go to the general fund as well.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Measure U was supposed to help fix Richmond's pothole-filled streets. But the money isn't being tracked, and it's not clear whether any of it actually goes to fix the roads. ",
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"headline": "False Promises of Fixed Streets in Richmond?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gail Anderson is driving around her Richmond neighborhood, checking out all the best spots -- for potholes. She says they’re actually not very hard to find.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"See these cracks in here. ... A whole line just tore up. ... They go anywhere from 2 to 3 inches deep,\" Anderson explains, as she swerves to stay on flat ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson is frustrated about the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/29481\" target=\"_blank\">state of the streets\u003c/a>, but she’s even more upset about the mattresses, furniture and other trash piled up on the sidewalks, and a tree branch that fell on her house last year -- she’s afraid the whole tree will fall soon. On all of these issues, the city has not given this life-long Richmond resident the help she thinks citizens deserve.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re not taking care of the citizens of this city. The graffiti, the holes in the road, the dumping which is just outrageous. It just makes the city look unclean, “ says Anderson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10969635\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10969635 size-medium\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-800x450.jpg\" alt=\"Gail Anderson and a pothole in front of her house.\" width=\"800\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-800x450.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-400x225.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole.jpg 1920w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-1180x664.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/Anderson-and-pothole-960x541.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gail Anderson and a pothole in front of her house. \u003ccite>(Andrew Stelzer/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This is embarrassing to me that we can’t keep our city together. They call it a city of pride and purpose, but it’s pathetic and pitiful to me,” she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Richmond’s crime rate has significantly improved in the last few years, it’s not necessarily sharing in the Bay Area's economic boom. New businesses have been slow to invest, and wealthy newcomers have been gravitating toward other East Bay cities, like Berkeley and Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, Richmond came up with a potential new revenue source: a half-cent sales tax called \u003ca href=\"https://ballotpedia.org/City_of_Richmond_Sales_Tax,_Measure_U_(November_2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Measure U\u003c/a>. In \u003ca href=\"http://www.tombutt.com/forum/2014/e-forum%20template%202014_clip_image038_0004.jpg\">informational mailers paid for by the city\u003c/a>, Measure U was promoted as a way to help fund improvements to roads, as well as public safety and youth programs. However, Mayor Tom Butt says it didn’t quite turn out as planned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Measure U was actually born with the idea that it would provide additional revenue, some of which could be \u003ca href=\"http://www.tombutt.com/forum/2014/14-11-01a.html\" target=\"_blank\">used for streets\u003c/a>. And as it developed, we came to realize that it probably wasn’t all gonna be used for streets,” Butt explained.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All of the money raised through the tax \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/my-town/ci_28339604/richmond-looks-use-road-fund-money-balance-budget\" target=\"_blank\">has gone straight into the city’s general fund\u003c/a>. The way the initiative was worded, that's \u003ca href=\"http://www.smartvoter.org/2014/11/04/ca/cc/meas/U/\" target=\"_blank\">completely within the law\u003c/a>. But Jack Weir, president of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0ahUKEwij14nS_frMAhVK8GMKHd5uCRkQFggdMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.cocotax.org%2F&usg=AFQjCNGGQqH9_gKkK9MM5C67mkd_66uILg&sig2=IQaNa4veVMV7BfalWXX2TA\" target=\"_blank\">Contra Costa Taxpayers Association, \u003c/a>said it’s a bad way to run city government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The whole controversy about Measure U. It's not just about that they didn’t use the money the way they said,\" said Weir.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10969638\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 774px\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10969638 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best.jpg\" alt=\"An 2014 election season mailer, touting how measure U would improve Richmond's streets and other city servives.\" width=\"774\" height=\"914\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best.jpg 774w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2016/05/measure-u-flyer-best-400x472.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 774px) 100vw, 774px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 2014 election season mailer, touting how Measure U would improve Richmond's streets and other city services.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the roads aren’t properly maintained over time, taxpayers wind up having to pay way more to keep the infrastructure capable of fulfilling its expected useful life. And that’s bad management, both from a policy perspective and from a fiscal perspective,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond is \u003ca href=\"http://richmondstandard.com/2016/04/31289/\" target=\"_blank\">in a tough place\u003c/a>. It's been facing budget deficits for years. Last year \u003ca href=\"https://www.moodys.com/research/Moodys-downgrades-Richmond-CA-issuer-rating-to-Baa1-from-A1--PR_325368\" target=\"_blank\">Moody’s downgraded Richmond’s bond rating\u003c/a>, and the California State Controller’s Office \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/breaking-news/ci_29188200/richmond-list-california-cities-rated-at-high-risk?source=infinite-up\" target=\"_blank\">briefly opened an investigation into the city’s finances\u003c/a>. To try and keep its financial reputation afloat, the city's 2016-17 draft budget again routes all the Measure U revenue, almost $8 million, into the city’s general fund. Nothing is earmarked for streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richmond City Manager Bill Lindsay admits no one is tracking how the Measure U money is being spent, but says, \"The Measure U story really isn't done yet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lindsay says population growth should lead to more sales tax revenue in the next few years, which could free up the City Council to fund things that the Measure U campaign promised.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Two, three years, four years down the road, looking back, I expect our pavement condition index is going to be better, and my hope is that the voters feel like it was a good investment,” said Lindsay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the meantime, there may be more new taxes coming soon. \u003ca href=\"http://richmondstandard.com/2016/01/richmond-mayor-to-pursue-taxes-and-fees-on-soda-litter-marijuana/\" target=\"_blank\">Mayor Butt is pursuing a hike in the city's real estate transfer tax and a “litter” fee on cigarettes\u003c/a>, to appear on the November ballot. Both of those pots of money, he says, would go to the general fund as well.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "L.A. County Pushes ‘Millionaire's Tax’ to Help Homeless",
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"headTitle": "L.A. County Pushes ‘Millionaire’s Tax’ to Help Homeless | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Los Angeles County supervisors moved a step closer on Tuesday to placing a so-called \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/bos/supdocs/103824.pdf\">millionaire’s tax \u003c/a>on the November ballot. The .5 percent levy on residents earning over $1 million a year could bring in more than $250 million a year in revenue, according to the county’s own calculations. The money would be used to expand services for the county’s roughly 47,000 homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s nothing new for a county or local municipality to impose a sales or tourism tax to help pay for day-to-day operating costs. But trying to impose a personal income tax to help finance a specific need is nothing if not unusual. \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter\">\n\u003cstrong>Homelessness is a complex issue. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Learn more >>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-800x240.jpg\" alt=\"sfproject3\" width=\"800\" height=\"240\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11004769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-400x120.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For one, L.A. doesn’t have the authority to do it on its own. What Tuesday’s narrow 3-2 vote does is clear the way for the county to seek a state amendment allowing California counties to impose such a tax. So, before L.A. County can impose the tax, it needs the backing of the state Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has already signaled a willingness to help combat surges of homelessness in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, the Bay Area and other parts of California. Last week he backed a massive $2 billion bond effort focused on housing the state’s mentally ill homeless residents. The bonds would be repaid over time with revenue from \u003ca href=\"http://prop63.org/\">Proposition 63\u003c/a>, the state’s own \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-millionaires-tax-20160510-story.html\">“millionaire’s tax”\u003c/a> approved by voters in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”mcI3sVGdwSohUkfOuKdoxUZ5iH8xhUwW”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And now it’s time for us to seek every conceivable way possible to fund rent subsidies, rapid rehousing, the whole range of services that are needed for those who are suffering,” says L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, who co-authored the county’s tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us know that we can and we should engage in a significant way,” says Ridley-Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the county “millionaire’s tax,” including Supervisor Mike Antonovich, complain it would hurt high-income county taxpayers and businesses. California millionaires already pay among the highest state income tax in the nation at just over 13 percent. Antonovich says the county measure also fails to address the underlying economic pressures that often contribute to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should L.A. County’s “millionaire’s tax” proposal make it to the November ballot, it will require a two-thirds majority for passage.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Los Angeles County supervisors moved a step closer on Tuesday to placing a so-called \u003ca href=\"http://file.lacounty.gov/bos/supdocs/103824.pdf\">millionaire’s tax \u003c/a>on the November ballot. The .5 percent levy on residents earning over $1 million a year could bring in more than $250 million a year in revenue, according to the county’s own calculations. The money would be used to expand services for the county’s roughly 47,000 homeless residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s nothing new for a county or local municipality to impose a sales or tourism tax to help pay for day-to-day operating costs. But trying to impose a personal income tax to help finance a specific need is nothing if not unusual. \u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"aligncenter\">\n\u003cstrong>Homelessness is a complex issue. \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Learn more >>\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/sf-homeless-project\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-800x240.jpg\" alt=\"sfproject3\" width=\"800\" height=\"240\" class=\"aligncenter size-medium wp-image-11004769\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/06/sfproject3-400x120.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>For one, L.A. doesn’t have the authority to do it on its own. What Tuesday’s narrow 3-2 vote does is clear the way for the county to seek a state amendment allowing California counties to impose such a tax. So, before L.A. County can impose the tax, it needs the backing of the state Legislature and Gov. Jerry Brown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor has already signaled a willingness to help combat surges of homelessness in the Los Angeles metropolitan area, the Bay Area and other parts of California. Last week he backed a massive $2 billion bond effort focused on housing the state’s mentally ill homeless residents. The bonds would be repaid over time with revenue from \u003ca href=\"http://prop63.org/\">Proposition 63\u003c/a>, the state’s own \u003ca href=\"http://www.latimes.com/local/lanow/la-me-ln-millionaires-tax-20160510-story.html\">“millionaire’s tax”\u003c/a> approved by voters in 2004.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And now it’s time for us to seek every conceivable way possible to fund rent subsidies, rapid rehousing, the whole range of services that are needed for those who are suffering,” says L.A. County Supervisor Mark Ridley-Thomas, who co-authored the county’s tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of us know that we can and we should engage in a significant way,” says Ridley-Thomas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the county “millionaire’s tax,” including Supervisor Mike Antonovich, complain it would hurt high-income county taxpayers and businesses. California millionaires already pay among the highest state income tax in the nation at just over 13 percent. Antonovich says the county measure also fails to address the underlying economic pressures that often contribute to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Should L.A. County’s “millionaire’s tax” proposal make it to the November ballot, it will require a two-thirds majority for passage.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "San Francisco Soda Tax Proponents Scrambling -- Signatures Submitted Day Late",
"title": "San Francisco Soda Tax Proponents Scrambling -- Signatures Submitted Day Late",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update: 2:30 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda tax proponents in San Francisco said at a City Hall press conference this morning that they had gathered twice the number of signatures needed to place a penny-per-ounce soda tax on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just one problem -- the deadline to submit the signatures was yesterday at 5 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The code is clear, the petition shall be void,\" John Arntz, San Francisco's director of elections, told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But proponents are undeterred by what they are calling a \"technical error.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoyo Chan, spokesperson for San Francisco Supervisor Malia Cohen, said the supervisor plans to introduce a measure to the board later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plan is to do a four-signature initiative,\" Chan said. \"So it only requires four members of the Board of Supervisors.\" The board would be required to hold a public hearing, but a full vote is not needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, San Francisco's board also placed a measure on the ballot, but that was through what Chan called a \"legislative function,\" requiring multiple hearings and a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In this case,\" Chan said, \"we submit it, and that's it.\" The deadline to submit is June 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan declined to say which other members of the board would introduce the bill with Cohen. But Supervisors Scott Wiener, John Avalos, Eric Mar and Mark Farrell all backed the signature effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan and Monica Chinchilla, spokesperson for the Campaign Against Diabetes, which spearheaded the signature drive, both declined to say how the deadline was missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz said his department sent the campaign a letter last November with the city attorney's title and summary for the proposed measure. The letter clearly stated the timeframe for signature gathering and deadline as follows:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>You must file your petition within 180 days from the date of the City Attorney's Title and Summary, November 13, 2015. This means your petition must be turned in to our office by 5:00pm, May 11, 2016. You will need 9, 711 valid signatures to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — San Francisco's elections director said Thursday he will reject a petition to place a sugary drink tax on the November ballot, after it missed a key deadline by one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of a tax on sugary sweetened beverages announced earlier in the morning that they had collected more than 18,000 signatures for the petition, well over the 9,485 required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But elections director John Arntz, whose office verifies the signatures, said the campaign missed the deadline to submit those signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for the campaign could not be reached immediately for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the day, they vowed to beat soda companies whose products they say contribute to obesity, diabetes and a host of other health ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley, California, became the first city in the country to approve a soda tax, in 2014. That year, a San Francisco campaign for a sugary drink tax failed at the ballot, as it did not get the two-thirds approval needed for a dedicated tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's petition is a general tax, which needs a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have placed a sugary sweetened drink tax on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "San Francisco Soda Tax Proponents Scrambling -- Signatures Submitted Day Late | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update: 2:30 p.m.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soda tax proponents in San Francisco said at a City Hall press conference this morning that they had gathered twice the number of signatures needed to place a penny-per-ounce soda tax on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just one problem -- the deadline to submit the signatures was yesterday at 5 p.m.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The code is clear, the petition shall be void,\" John Arntz, San Francisco's director of elections, told me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But proponents are undeterred by what they are calling a \"technical error.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yoyo Chan, spokesperson for San Francisco Supervisor Malia Cohen, said the supervisor plans to introduce a measure to the board later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The plan is to do a four-signature initiative,\" Chan said. \"So it only requires four members of the Board of Supervisors.\" The board would be required to hold a public hearing, but a full vote is not needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014, San Francisco's board also placed a measure on the ballot, but that was through what Chan called a \"legislative function,\" requiring multiple hearings and a majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In this case,\" Chan said, \"we submit it, and that's it.\" The deadline to submit is June 21.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan declined to say which other members of the board would introduce the bill with Cohen. But Supervisors Scott Wiener, John Avalos, Eric Mar and Mark Farrell all backed the signature effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan and Monica Chinchilla, spokesperson for the Campaign Against Diabetes, which spearheaded the signature drive, both declined to say how the deadline was missed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Arntz said his department sent the campaign a letter last November with the city attorney's title and summary for the proposed measure. The letter clearly stated the timeframe for signature gathering and deadline as follows:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>You must file your petition within 180 days from the date of the City Attorney's Title and Summary, November 13, 2015. This means your petition must be turned in to our office by 5:00pm, May 11, 2016. You will need 9, 711 valid signatures to qualify for the ballot.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Original post:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SAN FRANCISCO (AP) — San Francisco's elections director said Thursday he will reject a petition to place a sugary drink tax on the November ballot, after it missed a key deadline by one day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of a tax on sugary sweetened beverages announced earlier in the morning that they had collected more than 18,000 signatures for the petition, well over the 9,485 required.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But elections director John Arntz, whose office verifies the signatures, said the campaign missed the deadline to submit those signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Representatives for the campaign could not be reached immediately for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier in the day, they vowed to beat soda companies whose products they say contribute to obesity, diabetes and a host of other health ills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley, California, became the first city in the country to approve a soda tax, in 2014. That year, a San Francisco campaign for a sugary drink tax failed at the ballot, as it did not get the two-thirds approval needed for a dedicated tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year's petition is a general tax, which needs a simple majority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland officials have placed a sugary sweetened drink tax on the November ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story will be updated.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>We still have Tax Day — known universally as the last day to pay federal and state income taxes (or ask for an extension) without getting in hot water. For reasons arising from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/us/emancipation-day-dc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">local holiday calendar\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., the date has moved to April 18 from the traditional April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although we still have the deadline, one thing we no longer have is Tax Night — an evening when some local post offices stayed open until midnight so that last-minute filers could get their paperwork in the mail on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Taxing Hour approached at my closest post office, in downtown Berkeley, the scene at some post offices was always a little frenzied, drivers pulling up, handing off envelopes stuffed with their paper returns to postal workers waiting on the curb. Some people could be seen jogging the last couple of blocks as the final minutes to the deadline ticked by.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>If You’re Mailing Your Tax Returns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>They are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Oakland Main Post Office\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1675 7th St., just west of Peralta Street in West Oakland.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>San Jose Main Post Office\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1750 Lundy Ave., north of Hostetter Road in the Berryessa District.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>San Francisco Processing & Distribution Center\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8:30 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1300 Evans Ave., east of Third Street in the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Airport Mail Center\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 10 p.m., with curbside dropoff from 5 p.m.-10 p.m.\u003cbr>\n660 W. Field Rd., off N. McDonnell Road, adjacent to San Francisco International Airport.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The workers themselves always seemed unusually cheerful. They might have been scoring some decent overtime, I guess; and indirectly, the arriving crowds were paying their salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was something about arriving at the post office with hundreds of others late at night that seemed a little like a party: maybe from a shared relief at finishing a dreaded task, maybe from realizing you had a lot of company, or maybe from realizing you’d be getting a tax refund, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We created that circus,” says Gus Ruiz, U.S. Postal Service spokesman for the Bay Area. “People knew we’d stay open late, so we created the procrastinators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that’s all history, now, a ritual finished off by the convenience of online filing. Ruiz says he guesses that now, most latecomers have procrastinated because they owe money to the IRS or state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Internal Revenue Service reported about 91 percent of individual tax returns were filed electronically. That means there’s no more need for special midnight hours at local post offices — though Ruiz says there are four in the Bay Area that are open after regular business hours. See the box above, and may the refund be with you.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "The old Tax Night ritual of post offices staying open till midnight is over, thanks to electronic filing. Here's where you can mail your returns as late as 10 p.m.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>We still have Tax Day — known universally as the last day to pay federal and state income taxes (or ask for an extension) without getting in hot water. For reasons arising from the \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeanddate.com/holidays/us/emancipation-day-dc\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">local holiday calendar\u003c/a> in Washington, D.C., the date has moved to April 18 from the traditional April 15.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although we still have the deadline, one thing we no longer have is Tax Night — an evening when some local post offices stayed open until midnight so that last-minute filers could get their paperwork in the mail on time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Taxing Hour approached at my closest post office, in downtown Berkeley, the scene at some post offices was always a little frenzied, drivers pulling up, handing off envelopes stuffed with their paper returns to postal workers waiting on the curb. Some people could be seen jogging the last couple of blocks as the final minutes to the deadline ticked by.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch4>If You’re Mailing Your Tax Returns\u003c/h4>\n\u003cp>They are:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Oakland Main Post Office\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1675 7th St., just west of Peralta Street in West Oakland.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>San Jose Main Post Office\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1750 Lundy Ave., north of Hostetter Road in the Berryessa District.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>San Francisco Processing & Distribution Center\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 8:30 p.m.\u003cbr>\n1300 Evans Ave., east of Third Street in the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>Airport Mail Center\u003c/strong>\u003cbr>\nOpen Monday until 10 p.m., with curbside dropoff from 5 p.m.-10 p.m.\u003cbr>\n660 W. Field Rd., off N. McDonnell Road, adjacent to San Francisco International Airport.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The workers themselves always seemed unusually cheerful. They might have been scoring some decent overtime, I guess; and indirectly, the arriving crowds were paying their salaries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was something about arriving at the post office with hundreds of others late at night that seemed a little like a party: maybe from a shared relief at finishing a dreaded task, maybe from realizing you had a lot of company, or maybe from realizing you’d be getting a tax refund, after all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We created that circus,” says Gus Ruiz, U.S. Postal Service spokesman for the Bay Area. “People knew we’d stay open late, so we created the procrastinators.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, that’s all history, now, a ritual finished off by the convenience of online filing. Ruiz says he guesses that now, most latecomers have procrastinated because they owe money to the IRS or state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, the Internal Revenue Service reported about 91 percent of individual tax returns were filed electronically. That means there’s no more need for special midnight hours at local post offices — though Ruiz says there are four in the Bay Area that are open after regular business hours. See the box above, and may the refund be with you.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "New State Tax Credit Aims to Help California's Poorest",
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"content": "\u003cp>Patricia Anderson-Munoz says getting her taxes done is always nerve-wracking. The single mom of two girls makes between $10,000 and $12,000 a year providing care for disabled and elderly clients. Anderson-Munoz says most of her income goes toward housing. She does get some government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(But) It goes so fast,\" she says. \"And getting a refund is like Christmas in February or March.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year her refund might be bigger. To find out how much bigger, Anderson-Munoz has come to a free tax preparation event in Sacramento. Because of her financial situation, she might be eligible for California’s new \u003ca href=\"http://caleitc4me.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Earned Income Tax Credit\u003c/a>, or EITC. It targets Californians with the lowest incomes, people like Anderson-Munoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/251817195\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of getting a little bit extra from the state is like a breath a fresh air,\" she laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EITC provides a tax refund to people making less than $14,000 a year. The state’s Franchise Tax Board says a family that qualifies will get an average of $900. Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins says that’s a lot of money, especially when paired with the federal EITC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s pretty significant in terms of helping the lowest and most vulnerable Californians be able to maximize, a little bit, the tax credit,\" she says. \"And if they combine it with the federal tax credit, it could mean pretty significant resources for a struggling, working California family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins pushed hard for the new tax credit, which will benefit about 2 million people at a cost of about $380 million. But she acknowledges lawmakers made a conscious decision to target the EITC toward a smaller group of very poor Californians, rather than giving a lesser benefit to more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Concerns Over Leaving Others Behind\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alissa Anderson, with the California Budget and Policy Center, says the tax credit’s narrow focus leaves a lot of families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, a parent with two kids who’s working full time all year long at the minimum wage has an income right around the poverty line,\" she says, \"but actually earns too much to qualify for the new credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"mNp7ezEZ4AOV03qN0CxY9rwTTUej92Uf\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson also questions the state’s decision to exempt self-employed workers from the credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, what that means is that very low-earning workers who maybe are having trouble finding a job with an employer, but who have the motivation to start their own business or patch together odd jobs to make ends meet, won’t be eligible for the credit,\" Anderson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins says she’d like to see the credit expanded in the future to include more people. But first they have to make sure people who are eligible now take advantage of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The quicker we get this information out the better,\" Atkins says. \"Because I recall, when I was a minimum wage earner, I filed my taxes as soon as I could because it meant money back typically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the Sacramento tax preparation event, single mom Anderson-Munoz waits patiently to hear whether she qualifies for the state’s new credit. After the numbers are plugged in, Anderson-Munoz finds out she qualifies for a $681 credit. She is overjoyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Oh my gosh, are you kidding me? Are you kidding me? Thank you so much! Oh my gosh! Oh my gosh!\" she exclaims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between the federal and state tax credits, Anderson-Munoz will get more than $5,000 back. She says she plans to use some of it to throw her daughter a Sweet 16 party.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Patricia Anderson-Munoz says getting her taxes done is always nerve-wracking. The single mom of two girls makes between $10,000 and $12,000 a year providing care for disabled and elderly clients. Anderson-Munoz says most of her income goes toward housing. She does get some government assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"(But) It goes so fast,\" she says. \"And getting a refund is like Christmas in February or March.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year her refund might be bigger. To find out how much bigger, Anderson-Munoz has come to a free tax preparation event in Sacramento. Because of her financial situation, she might be eligible for California’s new \u003ca href=\"http://caleitc4me.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Earned Income Tax Credit\u003c/a>, or EITC. It targets Californians with the lowest incomes, people like Anderson-Munoz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/251817195&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/251817195'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The idea of getting a little bit extra from the state is like a breath a fresh air,\" she laughs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EITC provides a tax refund to people making less than $14,000 a year. The state’s Franchise Tax Board says a family that qualifies will get an average of $900. Assembly Speaker Toni Atkins says that’s a lot of money, especially when paired with the federal EITC.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We think it’s pretty significant in terms of helping the lowest and most vulnerable Californians be able to maximize, a little bit, the tax credit,\" she says. \"And if they combine it with the federal tax credit, it could mean pretty significant resources for a struggling, working California family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins pushed hard for the new tax credit, which will benefit about 2 million people at a cost of about $380 million. But she acknowledges lawmakers made a conscious decision to target the EITC toward a smaller group of very poor Californians, rather than giving a lesser benefit to more people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Concerns Over Leaving Others Behind\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alissa Anderson, with the California Budget and Policy Center, says the tax credit’s narrow focus leaves a lot of families behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For example, a parent with two kids who’s working full time all year long at the minimum wage has an income right around the poverty line,\" she says, \"but actually earns too much to qualify for the new credit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anderson also questions the state’s decision to exempt self-employed workers from the credit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Basically, what that means is that very low-earning workers who maybe are having trouble finding a job with an employer, but who have the motivation to start their own business or patch together odd jobs to make ends meet, won’t be eligible for the credit,\" Anderson says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Atkins says she’d like to see the credit expanded in the future to include more people. But first they have to make sure people who are eligible now take advantage of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The quicker we get this information out the better,\" Atkins says. \"Because I recall, when I was a minimum wage earner, I filed my taxes as soon as I could because it meant money back typically.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back at the Sacramento tax preparation event, single mom Anderson-Munoz waits patiently to hear whether she qualifies for the state’s new credit. After the numbers are plugged in, Anderson-Munoz finds out she qualifies for a $681 credit. She is overjoyed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Oh my gosh, are you kidding me? Are you kidding me? Thank you so much! Oh my gosh! Oh my gosh!\" she exclaims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Between the federal and state tax credits, Anderson-Munoz will get more than $5,000 back. She says she plans to use some of it to throw her daughter a Sweet 16 party.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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