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"content": "\u003cp>Deborah Follingstad says she knows she's had a good deal as a tenant, living in a rent-controlled apartment in a San Francisco neighborhood she loves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I knew that one day something was going to happen,\" Follingstad says. \"I understand that. I just wasn't expecting this.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By \"this,\" Follingstad is referring to the Rent Hike Heard 'Round the City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The week before last, her Bernal Heights landlord sent her a letter telling her the rent on her two-plus bedroom flat on Bocana Street would be rising from $2,145 a month to $8,900 a month. The landlord, Nadia Lama, said Follingstad's security deposit would be going up, too, from $1,500 to $12,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10459637\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-400x542.jpg\" alt=\"A page from the landlord's letter informing Bernal Heights tenant Deb Follingstad her rent was rising from $2,145 to $8,900 a month. \" width=\"400\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-400x542.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-800x1085.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-1180x1600.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-768x1041.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-320x434.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o.jpg 1376w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A page from the landlord's letter informing Bernal Heights tenant Deb Follingstad her rent was rising from $2,145 to $8,900 a month.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even in a place that's gotten kind of used to stratospheric prices for all sorts of housing, Follingstad's fourfold rent increase and the circumstances surrounding it have struck a nerve. Her situation, which she publicized in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10153190864139878\" target=\"_blank\">a Facebook post\u003c/a> last Saturday, has triggered a fevered debate on social media, in her neighborhood and even from the San Francisco Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By raising the rent 400 percent and demanding a five-figure security deposit, the landlord is effectively evicting this tenant,\" Supervisor David Campos, who represents Bernal Heights, said at Tuesday's board meeting. He said he's asking the city attorney's office whether there's any way to stop Follingstad's de facto eviction, which would circumvent ordinances requiring formal notice and relocation payments when an owner wishes to occupy or change the rental status of a property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Attorney: Landlord Offering More Space\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadia Lama did not respond to a call seeking comment, but her attorney, Denise Leadbetter, says the outrage from Campos and others is misdirected. She says the higher rent would include more space -- specifically, a downstairs area from which an apparently illegal in-law apartment was recently removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The rent increase that has generated this controversy is actually an offer by the owner to rent a substantially larger home than was originally rented,\" Leadbetter said in an email statement Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also cited the fact that Follingstad has listed a guest room on Airbnb and says the tenant would be free to use the additional space \"to offset the rent increase through her existing Airbnb business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad, \u003ca href=\"http://www.debfollingstadacupuncture.com/\" target=\"_blank\">an acupuncturist\u003c/a> who treats cancer patients at \u003ca href=\"http://smithintegrative.com/\">a San Francisco oncology practice\u003c/a>, acknowledges that she's listed a guest room on Airbnb to occasionally help cover her rent. But she also says the landlord's original notice of a rent increase made no mention of Airbnb. Furthermore, she says the letter stated the vacant space in question is not to be used as a living area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-law unit that Lama removed earlier this year had been in place since the early 1990s. City property records do not show a building permit for the recent work on the space that Leadbetter suggests can now be used as part of an Airbnb rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other public records suggest that Nadia Lama made plans to evict Follingstad several months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Dec. 31, 2014, document filed in San Francisco Superior Court outlines the distribution of a number of Bernal Heights properties among Lama, her three brothers and two sisters. As her share of assets acquired by her late parents, Lama was to receive the Bocana Street residence and more than $750,000 in cash. The distribution also earmarked $7,500 \"to attorney of Nadia's choosing for eviction of tenant or tenants\" at Follingstad's address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To unravel how Deb Follingstad and Nadia Lama became the leading players in San Francisco's latest drama of tenant displacement, you need to go back a little further -- to revisit a little bit of the history of the building that Follingstad has called home since 2004 and to dip briefly into the saga of the Lama family, which has owned the building since 1991.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City property records list the Bocana Street address as a one-unit residence. But, in fact, the building contained an in-law unit that the Lamas rented for about 20 years to a painting contractor named Wayne Moore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was an illegal apartment that they schlepped in there,\" Moore says. \"Probably no permits, no nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Family Patriarch's Legacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore says he initially rented from Shukry Lama, known to tenants and friends as Chuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lama was a native of the town of Bethlehem -- the one in Palestine -- and as a young man emigrated to Chile. There, he met his wife, Vera, with whom he had six children. The family left Chile in 1973, the year a military junta deposed President Salvador Allende, and came to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lama bought a store in Bernal Heights and over the years built a neighborhood real estate portfolio of about 10 properties and a dozen units. Lama eventually placed his holdings in a trust to benefit his wife and six adult children, some of whom became involved in managing the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'd paint a picture that the Lamas were not the world’s greatest landlords,\" Moore says. \"They didn’t repair anything. I needed a new refrigerator and they wouldn’t buy one – I had to buy it. If a faucet leaked, I fixed it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also says he wasn't happy with annual rent increases that he said exceeded those allowed under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I'd paint a picture that the Lamas were not the world’s greatest landlords. They didn’t repair anything.'\u003ccite>Wayne Moore,\u003cbr>\nformer Bernal Heights tenant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"They were raising the rent every year -– every damn year,\" Moore says. \"I didn’t have the time or energy to fight it, so I just paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Moore moved out, the Lamas removed the in-law unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad, too, says her flat wasn't in great shape when she moved in in 2004. She recalls doing a walk-through with Chuck Lama before signing a new lease in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was like, 'Ach, you know, it's all falling apart anyway. Don't worry about anything,' \" Follingstad recalls. The apartment's wooden window frames are in bad shape, she says, and the apartment has had a consistent mold problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she insists she's enjoyed a friendly relationship with Nadia Lama, who lives in another family-owned building two doors away, and with the rest of the Lamas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've actually always had a nice relationship with all of them,\" Follingstad says. \"... Their father -- he was a good man.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Follingstad says she's tried to be a good tenant. In addition to addressing the unit's mold problem, \"I've restored a lot of stuff, I've painted, I've taken good care of my apartment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Earlier Rent-Increase Case\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she was notified of the 315 percent rent increase, Follingstad said she was advised by friends and even by a city building inspector that she should get a lawyer. In searching for one, she contacted Joe Tobener, who runs a tenants' rights practice in San Francisco, Oakland and San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener represented tenants who in 2013 sued two of Nadia Lama's sisters -- Antoinette Lama and Claudia Lama-Parakka -- over a rent increase that appears strikingly similar to the one confronting Follingstad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener declined to discuss the case, which was settled in January. But Superior Court filings show that Nina Gelfant and Gayle Worrell alleged they were forced from their one-bedroom, one-bathroom, 720-square-foot Cortland Avenue apartment after the Lamas raised the rent from $1,650 to $4,250 -- 157 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argued that the rent increase was far above market rate and designed to get Gelfant and Worrell to leave so that the Lamas could sell the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sale, Tobener suggested in a trial brief that outlined more than $1 million in potential damages, was triggered by a battle among Shukry Lama's heirs over the property he'd left behind when he died in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chuck Lama's heirs were fighting over their share of the inheritance which demanded selling properties or having the heirs occupy them as residences,\" Tobener's brief says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alleged squabble also appears to have played a role in Nadia Lama's dramatic increase of Deb Follingstad's rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2013, she filed a probate petition in Superior Court seeking to compel her sister, Claudia, the overseer of several family trusts set up by Chuck Lama, to account for the family's assets. Assets named in the petition and exhibits include a small Cortland Avenue market, Chuck's Store, the store's liquor license, eight residential properties in San Francisco, one in Burlingame and unspecified real estate in Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court proceeding resulted in an agreement last Dec. 31 in which the three Lama sisters and their three brothers, along with some of their children, agreed to close the family trusts and distribute their assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property Nadia Lama was to receive includes a 2006 Toyota Avalon; $25,000 to pay the legal bills she'd incurred; a little more than $750,000 in cash due upon the sale of two of the family's properties; and finally, the Bocana Street residence occupied by Deb Follingstad and the $7,500 to hire a lawyer to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires Nadia Lama to vacate her current home, a couple of doors up from Follingstad and still owned by her siblings, by the end of April. If she doesn't, the document says, she'll have to pay $4,000 a month rent to four of her siblings who will continue as owners; and if she does anything to interfere with their renting out the home she's supposed to vacate, she'll owe her siblings $10,000 in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Problems With City's Tenant Protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her statement defending Nadia Lama's rent hike, attorney Leadbetter suggests that her client is caught in a bind because of the widely acknowledged housing crisis in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She faults the city's rent controls and says \"this kind of dramatic increase\" would be unnecessary if landlords were allowed modest hikes over time. She says rent control \"unfairly burdens small property owners with a societal problem that should be shared by all residents\" and that the city needs an \"economically sound housing policy\" to deal with the current crisis in rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Tobener, Follingstad's attorney, is focused on the issue at hand. Addressing the possibility that Nadia Lama may want to move into the property his client occupies, he says, \"She needs to handle it in a principled way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can't endeavor to remove a tenant from a unit by raising the rent way above market rate with the intent of moving in,\" Tobener says. \"You have to go through the proper owner move-in eviction proceeding\" -- a process he says would give Follingstad a minimum $8,700 moving allowance, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad herself says she posted Lama's rent-increase letter not to create a furor but to give friends a heads-up that she's looking for a new place to live. So far, she says she's had offers to couch-surf until she finds a place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I realize I haven't looked for an apartment in 11 years,\" she says. \"But I pay attention to the news, and I know what's going on here. It's just been a long time, so the prices are quite shocking.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Deborah Follingstad says she knows she's had a good deal as a tenant, living in a rent-controlled apartment in a San Francisco neighborhood she loves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I knew that one day something was going to happen,\" Follingstad says. \"I understand that. I just wasn't expecting this.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By \"this,\" Follingstad is referring to the Rent Hike Heard 'Round the City.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The week before last, her Bernal Heights landlord sent her a letter telling her the rent on her two-plus bedroom flat on Bocana Street would be rising from $2,145 a month to $8,900 a month. The landlord, Nadia Lama, said Follingstad's security deposit would be going up, too, from $1,500 to $12,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10459637\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10459637\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-400x542.jpg\" alt=\"A page from the landlord's letter informing Bernal Heights tenant Deb Follingstad her rent was rising from $2,145 to $8,900 a month. \" width=\"400\" height=\"542\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-400x542.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-800x1085.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-1180x1600.jpg 1180w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-768x1041.jpg 768w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o-320x434.jpg 320w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/10648869_10153190864139878_1399330562280311331_o.jpg 1376w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A page from the landlord's letter informing Bernal Heights tenant Deb Follingstad her rent was rising from $2,145 to $8,900 a month.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Even in a place that's gotten kind of used to stratospheric prices for all sorts of housing, Follingstad's fourfold rent increase and the circumstances surrounding it have struck a nerve. Her situation, which she publicized in \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10153190864139878\" target=\"_blank\">a Facebook post\u003c/a> last Saturday, has triggered a fevered debate on social media, in her neighborhood and even from the San Francisco Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By raising the rent 400 percent and demanding a five-figure security deposit, the landlord is effectively evicting this tenant,\" Supervisor David Campos, who represents Bernal Heights, said at Tuesday's board meeting. He said he's asking the city attorney's office whether there's any way to stop Follingstad's de facto eviction, which would circumvent ordinances requiring formal notice and relocation payments when an owner wishes to occupy or change the rental status of a property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Attorney: Landlord Offering More Space\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nadia Lama did not respond to a call seeking comment, but her attorney, Denise Leadbetter, says the outrage from Campos and others is misdirected. She says the higher rent would include more space -- specifically, a downstairs area from which an apparently illegal in-law apartment was recently removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The rent increase that has generated this controversy is actually an offer by the owner to rent a substantially larger home than was originally rented,\" Leadbetter said in an email statement Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also cited the fact that Follingstad has listed a guest room on Airbnb and says the tenant would be free to use the additional space \"to offset the rent increase through her existing Airbnb business.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad, \u003ca href=\"http://www.debfollingstadacupuncture.com/\" target=\"_blank\">an acupuncturist\u003c/a> who treats cancer patients at \u003ca href=\"http://smithintegrative.com/\">a San Francisco oncology practice\u003c/a>, acknowledges that she's listed a guest room on Airbnb to occasionally help cover her rent. But she also says the landlord's original notice of a rent increase made no mention of Airbnb. Furthermore, she says the letter stated the vacant space in question is not to be used as a living area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The in-law unit that Lama removed earlier this year had been in place since the early 1990s. City property records do not show a building permit for the recent work on the space that Leadbetter suggests can now be used as part of an Airbnb rental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other public records suggest that Nadia Lama made plans to evict Follingstad several months ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Dec. 31, 2014, document filed in San Francisco Superior Court outlines the distribution of a number of Bernal Heights properties among Lama, her three brothers and two sisters. As her share of assets acquired by her late parents, Lama was to receive the Bocana Street residence and more than $750,000 in cash. The distribution also earmarked $7,500 \"to attorney of Nadia's choosing for eviction of tenant or tenants\" at Follingstad's address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To unravel how Deb Follingstad and Nadia Lama became the leading players in San Francisco's latest drama of tenant displacement, you need to go back a little further -- to revisit a little bit of the history of the building that Follingstad has called home since 2004 and to dip briefly into the saga of the Lama family, which has owned the building since 1991.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City property records list the Bocana Street address as a one-unit residence. But, in fact, the building contained an in-law unit that the Lamas rented for about 20 years to a painting contractor named Wayne Moore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It was an illegal apartment that they schlepped in there,\" Moore says. \"Probably no permits, no nothing.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Family Patriarch's Legacy\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moore says he initially rented from Shukry Lama, known to tenants and friends as Chuck.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lama was a native of the town of Bethlehem -- the one in Palestine -- and as a young man emigrated to Chile. There, he met his wife, Vera, with whom he had six children. The family left Chile in 1973, the year a military junta deposed President Salvador Allende, and came to San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lama bought a store in Bernal Heights and over the years built a neighborhood real estate portfolio of about 10 properties and a dozen units. Lama eventually placed his holdings in a trust to benefit his wife and six adult children, some of whom became involved in managing the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'd paint a picture that the Lamas were not the world’s greatest landlords,\" Moore says. \"They didn’t repair anything. I needed a new refrigerator and they wouldn’t buy one – I had to buy it. If a faucet leaked, I fixed it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He also says he wasn't happy with annual rent increases that he said exceeded those allowed under rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'I'd paint a picture that the Lamas were not the world’s greatest landlords. They didn’t repair anything.'\u003ccite>Wayne Moore,\u003cbr>\nformer Bernal Heights tenant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>\"They were raising the rent every year -– every damn year,\" Moore says. \"I didn’t have the time or energy to fight it, so I just paid it.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Moore moved out, the Lamas removed the in-law unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad, too, says her flat wasn't in great shape when she moved in in 2004. She recalls doing a walk-through with Chuck Lama before signing a new lease in 2006.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"He was like, 'Ach, you know, it's all falling apart anyway. Don't worry about anything,' \" Follingstad recalls. The apartment's wooden window frames are in bad shape, she says, and the apartment has had a consistent mold problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, she insists she's enjoyed a friendly relationship with Nadia Lama, who lives in another family-owned building two doors away, and with the rest of the Lamas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I've actually always had a nice relationship with all of them,\" Follingstad says. \"... Their father -- he was a good man.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her part, Follingstad says she's tried to be a good tenant. In addition to addressing the unit's mold problem, \"I've restored a lot of stuff, I've painted, I've taken good care of my apartment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>An Earlier Rent-Increase Case\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After she was notified of the 315 percent rent increase, Follingstad said she was advised by friends and even by a city building inspector that she should get a lawyer. In searching for one, she contacted Joe Tobener, who runs a tenants' rights practice in San Francisco, Oakland and San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener represented tenants who in 2013 sued two of Nadia Lama's sisters -- Antoinette Lama and Claudia Lama-Parakka -- over a rent increase that appears strikingly similar to the one confronting Follingstad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobener declined to discuss the case, which was settled in January. But Superior Court filings show that Nina Gelfant and Gayle Worrell alleged they were forced from their one-bedroom, one-bathroom, 720-square-foot Cortland Avenue apartment after the Lamas raised the rent from $1,650 to $4,250 -- 157 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The suit argued that the rent increase was far above market rate and designed to get Gelfant and Worrell to leave so that the Lamas could sell the property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That sale, Tobener suggested in a trial brief that outlined more than $1 million in potential damages, was triggered by a battle among Shukry Lama's heirs over the property he'd left behind when he died in 2012.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Chuck Lama's heirs were fighting over their share of the inheritance which demanded selling properties or having the heirs occupy them as residences,\" Tobener's brief says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That alleged squabble also appears to have played a role in Nadia Lama's dramatic increase of Deb Follingstad's rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September 2013, she filed a probate petition in Superior Court seeking to compel her sister, Claudia, the overseer of several family trusts set up by Chuck Lama, to account for the family's assets. Assets named in the petition and exhibits include a small Cortland Avenue market, Chuck's Store, the store's liquor license, eight residential properties in San Francisco, one in Burlingame and unspecified real estate in Chile.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court proceeding resulted in an agreement last Dec. 31 in which the three Lama sisters and their three brothers, along with some of their children, agreed to close the family trusts and distribute their assets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The property Nadia Lama was to receive includes a 2006 Toyota Avalon; $25,000 to pay the legal bills she'd incurred; a little more than $750,000 in cash due upon the sale of two of the family's properties; and finally, the Bocana Street residence occupied by Deb Follingstad and the $7,500 to hire a lawyer to evict her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The agreement also requires Nadia Lama to vacate her current home, a couple of doors up from Follingstad and still owned by her siblings, by the end of April. If she doesn't, the document says, she'll have to pay $4,000 a month rent to four of her siblings who will continue as owners; and if she does anything to interfere with their renting out the home she's supposed to vacate, she'll owe her siblings $10,000 in damages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Problems With City's Tenant Protections?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her statement defending Nadia Lama's rent hike, attorney Leadbetter suggests that her client is caught in a bind because of the widely acknowledged housing crisis in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She faults the city's rent controls and says \"this kind of dramatic increase\" would be unnecessary if landlords were allowed modest hikes over time. She says rent control \"unfairly burdens small property owners with a societal problem that should be shared by all residents\" and that the city needs an \"economically sound housing policy\" to deal with the current crisis in rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Joe Tobener, Follingstad's attorney, is focused on the issue at hand. Addressing the possibility that Nadia Lama may want to move into the property his client occupies, he says, \"She needs to handle it in a principled way.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"You can't endeavor to remove a tenant from a unit by raising the rent way above market rate with the intent of moving in,\" Tobener says. \"You have to go through the proper owner move-in eviction proceeding\" -- a process he says would give Follingstad a minimum $8,700 moving allowance, among other benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Follingstad herself says she posted Lama's rent-increase letter not to create a furor but to give friends a heads-up that she's looking for a new place to live. So far, she says she's had offers to couch-surf until she finds a place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I realize I haven't looked for an apartment in 11 years,\" she says. \"But I pay attention to the news, and I know what's going on here. It's just been a long time, so the prices are quite shocking.\"\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Note:\u003c/strong> This story includes \u003ca href=\"#correction\">a correction\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 1:50 p.m. March 16:\u003c/strong> Mohamed Shaibi, the 38-year-old father of three who was critically injured in last week's Mission District apartment fire, has died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaibi, his wife and three children were rescued from their burning apartment at 24th Street and Treat Avenue last Wednesday. Shaibi died Saturday, the San Francisco Medical Examiner's Office confirmed. The other four members of the family all remain hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaibi, his 13-year-old daughter and a 6-year-old son all required CPR at the scene of the blaze. The daughter is still reported in critical condition at San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 11:30 a.m. March 11:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fire early Wednesday morning in San Francisco's Mission District resulted in life-threatening injuries to all five members of a family rescued from the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Fire Department Lt. Mindy Talmadge said the family lived in a second-floor apartment above a liquor store at 24th Street and Treat Avenue. All five people -- a 40-year-old man, a 37-year-old woman and their three children, ages 16, 13 and 6 -- were taken to San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPR was performed on three of the victims -- the father and two of the children -- and Talmadge said \"pulses were regained on all three.\" The mother and one of the children suffered what Talmadge described as inhalation injuries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T7MM27bJiGY&feature=youtu.be\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A neighbor, Marlowe Riley, said that she had seen firefighters attempting to resuscitate a man she knew as the proprietor of the liquor store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Hopefully he was resuscitated and he's OK,\" she said, noting that CPR efforts continued as paramedics drove the man from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My main concern is for the kids,\" Riley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talmadge said the cause of the fire, which broke out about 4:30 a.m., wasn't immediately known. But she said firefighters encountered two people who appeared to be sleeping in the liquor store and were unable to get out because of a security gate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were gates that were closed and padlocked in front of that liquor store, so they were trapped inside,\" Talmadge said. \"Crews were able to obviously unlock that padlock, and those two individuals fled the scene.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/nbcbayarea/status/575635839717257217\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"correction\">\u003c/a>\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cem>Correction:\u003c/em> \u003c/strong>\u003cem>An earlier version of this post quoted an official from the San Francisco Department of Building Inspection as saying the agency had received a complaint about the building at 24th Street and Treat Avenue involved in a fire March 11, 2015. The official later reported that there was no complaint on file regarding that address. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>Note:\u003c/strong> This story includes \u003ca href=\"#correction\">a correction\u003c/a>. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update, 1:50 p.m. March 16:\u003c/strong> Mohamed Shaibi, the 38-year-old father of three who was critically injured in last week's Mission District apartment fire, has died.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaibi, his wife and three children were rescued from their burning apartment at 24th Street and Treat Avenue last Wednesday. Shaibi died Saturday, the San Francisco Medical Examiner's Office confirmed. The other four members of the family all remain hospitalized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shaibi, his 13-year-old daughter and a 6-year-old son all required CPR at the scene of the blaze. The daughter is still reported in critical condition at San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Updated, 11:30 a.m. March 11:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A fire early Wednesday morning in San Francisco's Mission District resulted in life-threatening injuries to all five members of a family rescued from the blaze.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Fire Department Lt. Mindy Talmadge said the family lived in a second-floor apartment above a liquor store at 24th Street and Treat Avenue. All five people -- a 40-year-old man, a 37-year-old woman and their three children, ages 16, 13 and 6 -- were taken to San Francisco General Hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CPR was performed on three of the victims -- the father and two of the children -- and Talmadge said \"pulses were regained on all three.\" The mother and one of the children suffered what Talmadge described as inhalation injuries.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/T7MM27bJiGY'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/T7MM27bJiGY'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>A neighbor, Marlowe Riley, said that she had seen firefighters attempting to resuscitate a man she knew as the proprietor of the liquor store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Hopefully he was resuscitated and he's OK,\" she said, noting that CPR efforts continued as paramedics drove the man from the scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"My main concern is for the kids,\" Riley said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Talmadge said the cause of the fire, which broke out about 4:30 a.m., wasn't immediately known. But she said firefighters encountered two people who appeared to be sleeping in the liquor store and were unable to get out because of a security gate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"There were gates that were closed and padlocked in front of that liquor store, so they were trapped inside,\" Talmadge said. \"Crews were able to obviously unlock that padlock, and those two individuals fled the scene.\"\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "S.F. Supervisor: Latest Mission Fire Shows New Danger in Housing Crisis",
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"content": "\u003cp>The fire that injured a family of five in San Francisco's Mission District this week has exposed a potentially dangerous side of the city's housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/11/five-seriously-injured-in-mission-district-fire\" target=\"_blank\">firefighters arrived at 24th Street and Treat Avenue\u003c/a> early Wednesday morning, they found two people trapped inside a liquor store on the first floor of the burning building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store entrance was padlocked and firefighters had to cut off the lock to free the people inside. Investigators later found beds in the back of the store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor David Campos, who represents the Mission, said the blaze shows that many people, struggling to stay in the city as rents skyrocket, are living in places that are not safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad reality is there may be families out there that are choosing between sleeping on the street or sleeping under a roof, even it it’s not the safest place,\" Campos said in an interview. “That’s a very tragic choice for anyone to make, and we want to make sure that we minimize those situations as much as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Converting a liquor store into a space for residential use is a violation of the city's building and planning codes, said Scott Sanchez, a zoning administrator at the city's Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of a large number of illegal housing units in San Francisco -- typically in-law apartments built in garages, basements or attics -- is well established. Estimates floated last year, when the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisors-vote-to-bring-in-law-units-out-5368656.php\" target=\"_blank\">passed an ordinance\u003c/a> that would allow landlords to legalize their unauthorized in-law units, put the number at 30,000 to 50,000. The 2010 U.S. Census put the total number of occupied housing units in the city at about 346,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos plans to hold a Board of Supervisors committee hearing in the coming weeks to address \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/05/major-san-francisco-apartment-fires-prompt-new-push-for-safety\" target=\"_blank\">safety issues brought to light\u003c/a> by a deadly fire in the same neighborhood and several other apartment blazes in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fatal fire at Mission and 22nd streets on Jan. 28 also \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/13/source-exits-blocked-in-fatal-mission-district-fire\" target=\"_blank\"> led to questions\u003c/a> about how well the Fire Department enforces code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a role to play in making sure that we’re not losing lives because of unsafe living conditions, \" Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The fire that injured a family of five in San Francisco's Mission District this week has exposed a potentially dangerous side of the city's housing crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/03/11/five-seriously-injured-in-mission-district-fire\" target=\"_blank\">firefighters arrived at 24th Street and Treat Avenue\u003c/a> early Wednesday morning, they found two people trapped inside a liquor store on the first floor of the burning building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The store entrance was padlocked and firefighters had to cut off the lock to free the people inside. Investigators later found beds in the back of the store.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor David Campos, who represents the Mission, said the blaze shows that many people, struggling to stay in the city as rents skyrocket, are living in places that are not safe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The sad reality is there may be families out there that are choosing between sleeping on the street or sleeping under a roof, even it it’s not the safest place,\" Campos said in an interview. “That’s a very tragic choice for anyone to make, and we want to make sure that we minimize those situations as much as possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Converting a liquor store into a space for residential use is a violation of the city's building and planning codes, said Scott Sanchez, a zoning administrator at the city's Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The presence of a large number of illegal housing units in San Francisco -- typically in-law apartments built in garages, basements or attics -- is well established. Estimates floated last year, when the Board of Supervisors \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/S-F-supervisors-vote-to-bring-in-law-units-out-5368656.php\" target=\"_blank\">passed an ordinance\u003c/a> that would allow landlords to legalize their unauthorized in-law units, put the number at 30,000 to 50,000. The 2010 U.S. Census put the total number of occupied housing units in the city at about 346,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campos plans to hold a Board of Supervisors committee hearing in the coming weeks to address \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/05/major-san-francisco-apartment-fires-prompt-new-push-for-safety\" target=\"_blank\">safety issues brought to light\u003c/a> by a deadly fire in the same neighborhood and several other apartment blazes in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fatal fire at Mission and 22nd streets on Jan. 28 also \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/13/source-exits-blocked-in-fatal-mission-district-fire\" target=\"_blank\"> led to questions\u003c/a> about how well the Fire Department enforces code violations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city has a role to play in making sure that we’re not losing lives because of unsafe living conditions, \" Campos said.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">W\u003c/span>hen firefighters from the San Francisco Fire Department’s Station 8 see a construction site these days, they see more than a framework slowly taking shape as an apartment house or office building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the Station 8 crew was among the first to rush to the scene of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/11/4-alarm-fire-san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a blaze\u003c/a> that destroyed a six-story apartment building under construction in Mission Bay, the firefighters see the potential for another inferno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pat Rabbitt, a Station 8 lieutenant, says he and fellow firefighters size up the new buildings they see with the Mission Bay fire in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re noticing similar construction,” Rabbitt says. “We’re trying to figure out other ways to go about it should we ever encounter the situation again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195355160″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The situation” Rabbitt’s referring to is the blaze that raced through the sprawling wood-frame structure at Fourth and China Basin streets — just across the way from AT&T Park — last March 11. The fire caused $40 million in damage and injured several firefighters. It ranks as one of the most destructive fires in the city since the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake and the worst construction blaze in the Bay Area since San Jose’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr-153.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santana Row fire\u003c/a> in 2002, which destroyed a large section of the mixed residential-commercial development and caused $130 million in damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rabbitt, two other firefighters and the commander who directed the battle against the blaze sat down recently to recount the challenges of that day a year ago and to talk about what they learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he first call about the fire came in at 4:57 p.m. on a Tuesday afternoon. Rabbitt was at Station 8, at Bluxome and Fourth streets, just eight short blocks from the 172-unit building under construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Truck 8 firefighters Tom Murphy and Stephen Maguire arrived, the incident did not seem that serious. The two men climbed an aerial ladder to the top of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assumption was they’d make an “interior attack” to extinguish a blaze, maybe a trash fire, inside the structure or on the roof. That assumption didn’t last for long.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We had to make a rapid change. I knew their lives were in absolute peril.’\u003ccite>Matthew McNaughton,\u003cbr>\nAssistant chief, S.F. Fire Department\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We had a rapid change in conditions,” Rabbitt says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re at the top of the ladder and we’re stepping off the ladder onto the scaffold when things erupted,” Maguire recalls. “When we were at the top floor, I looked in and saw the entire upper floor was on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Chief Matthew McNaughton was the man in charge on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could tell this was a rapidly evolving fire, consuming tons of fuel in open construction, which had no passive or active fire protection features,” McNaughton says. He could see a ball of fire developing between the third and fourth floor and thought Murphy would be killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McNaughton decided to get his men down from the aerial ladder and fight the fire defensively — setting up \u003ca href=\"http://www.fireengineering.com/articles/print/volume-159/issue-10/features/detachable-ladder-pipe-operations.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">aerial ladder pipes\u003c/a> around the building to hit the fire with heavy streams of water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to make a rapid change,” McNaughton says. “I knew their lives were in absolute peril. I made an immediate decision there to change the tactics of this fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ordered Maguire, Murphy and others off the building’s roof, but not before Murphy sustained second-degree burns to his face. Murphy, injured, continued to battle the fire for hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a big game so you’re not going to leave with a charley horse,” Murphy said. “You’re going to stick it out and get taken care of at the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194945598″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>hat moment when the firefighting tactics changed still bothers Truck 8 firefighter Maguire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a small window to make an aggressive fire attack on that building and that window closed pretty quickly,” Maguire says. “You know, this fire, we’re kind of embarrassed to talk about it a little bit because it got so out of hand,” he said. “That’s not the way we want it to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were concerns the fire would spread. Embers from the blaze landed on the roof of a building down Fourth Street on the UC San Francisco campus. Windows in an apartment building across the street began to blow out from the intense heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fears dissipated when firefighters extinguished the nearby small blazes. It took hours for firefighters to contain the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/04/15/mission-bay-fire-damage/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Investigators later determined\u003c/a> that the March 11, 2014, fire was accidental, most likely caused by welding or grinding on the building’s top floor. The city \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/16/san-francisco-steps-up-construction-fire-safety-enforcement-wins-key-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fined a subcontractor\u003c/a> and implemented stricter safety rules governing construction work at a time when San Francisco is in the midst of a building boom. City and state inspection and safety agencies have been on \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/12/san-franciscos-building-boom-leads-to-local-government-hiring-spree\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a hiring spree\u003c/a>, adding more staff to keep up with the surge in development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"http://www.suffolk.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Suffolk Construction\u003c/a>, the main contractor on the building, demolition at the site began three days after the fire was extinguished. Ever since then, crews have been rebuilding. The company says tenants will begin moving into the building in June, a year later than originally planned.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">W\u003c/span>hen firefighters from the San Francisco Fire Department’s Station 8 see a construction site these days, they see more than a framework slowly taking shape as an apartment house or office building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, a year after the Station 8 crew was among the first to rush to the scene of \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/03/11/4-alarm-fire-san-francisco/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a blaze\u003c/a> that destroyed a six-story apartment building under construction in Mission Bay, the firefighters see the potential for another inferno.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pat Rabbitt, a Station 8 lieutenant, says he and fellow firefighters size up the new buildings they see with the Mission Bay fire in mind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re noticing similar construction,” Rabbitt says. “We’re trying to figure out other ways to go about it should we ever encounter the situation again.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195355160″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195355160″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The situation” Rabbitt’s referring to is the blaze that raced through the sprawling wood-frame structure at Fourth and China Basin streets — just across the way from AT&T Park — last March 11. The fire caused $40 million in damage and injured several firefighters. It ranks as one of the most destructive fires in the city since the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake and the worst construction blaze in the Bay Area since San Jose’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.usfa.fema.gov/downloads/pdf/publications/tr-153.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Santana Row fire\u003c/a> in 2002, which destroyed a large section of the mixed residential-commercial development and caused $130 million in damage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rabbitt, two other firefighters and the commander who directed the battle against the blaze sat down recently to recount the challenges of that day a year ago and to talk about what they learned.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he first call about the fire came in at 4:57 p.m. on a Tuesday afternoon. Rabbitt was at Station 8, at Bluxome and Fourth streets, just eight short blocks from the 172-unit building under construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Truck 8 firefighters Tom Murphy and Stephen Maguire arrived, the incident did not seem that serious. The two men climbed an aerial ladder to the top of the building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The assumption was they’d make an “interior attack” to extinguish a blaze, maybe a trash fire, inside the structure or on the roof. That assumption didn’t last for long.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We had to make a rapid change. I knew their lives were in absolute peril.’\u003ccite>Matthew McNaughton,\u003cbr>\nAssistant chief, S.F. Fire Department\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“We had a rapid change in conditions,” Rabbitt says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re at the top of the ladder and we’re stepping off the ladder onto the scaffold when things erupted,” Maguire recalls. “When we were at the top floor, I looked in and saw the entire upper floor was on fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assistant Chief Matthew McNaughton was the man in charge on the ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I could tell this was a rapidly evolving fire, consuming tons of fuel in open construction, which had no passive or active fire protection features,” McNaughton says. He could see a ball of fire developing between the third and fourth floor and thought Murphy would be killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McNaughton decided to get his men down from the aerial ladder and fight the fire defensively — setting up \u003ca href=\"http://www.fireengineering.com/articles/print/volume-159/issue-10/features/detachable-ladder-pipe-operations.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">aerial ladder pipes\u003c/a> around the building to hit the fire with heavy streams of water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had to make a rapid change,” McNaughton says. “I knew their lives were in absolute peril. I made an immediate decision there to change the tactics of this fire.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He ordered Maguire, Murphy and others off the building’s roof, but not before Murphy sustained second-degree burns to his face. Murphy, injured, continued to battle the fire for hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That was a big game so you’re not going to leave with a charley horse,” Murphy said. “You’re going to stick it out and get taken care of at the end.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194945598″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/194945598″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>hat moment when the firefighting tactics changed still bothers Truck 8 firefighter Maguire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We had a small window to make an aggressive fire attack on that building and that window closed pretty quickly,” Maguire says. “You know, this fire, we’re kind of embarrassed to talk about it a little bit because it got so out of hand,” he said. “That’s not the way we want it to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were concerns the fire would spread. Embers from the blaze landed on the roof of a building down Fourth Street on the UC San Francisco campus. Windows in an apartment building across the street began to blow out from the intense heat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those fears dissipated when firefighters extinguished the nearby small blazes. It took hours for firefighters to contain the fire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/04/15/mission-bay-fire-damage/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Investigators later determined\u003c/a> that the March 11, 2014, fire was accidental, most likely caused by welding or grinding on the building’s top floor. The city \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/16/san-francisco-steps-up-construction-fire-safety-enforcement-wins-key-case\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">fined a subcontractor\u003c/a> and implemented stricter safety rules governing construction work at a time when San Francisco is in the midst of a building boom. City and state inspection and safety agencies have been on \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/12/san-franciscos-building-boom-leads-to-local-government-hiring-spree\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">a hiring spree\u003c/a>, adding more staff to keep up with the surge in development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to \u003ca href=\"http://www.suffolk.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Suffolk Construction\u003c/a>, the main contractor on the building, demolition at the site began three days after the fire was extinguished. Ever since then, crews have been rebuilding. The company says tenants will begin moving into the building in June, a year later than originally planned.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "With Suspensions Down, Some Schools Struggle to Increase Learning",
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"content": "\u003cp>It's a well-known fact at Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Academic Middle School in San Francisco that the toughest time to teach is right after lunch. Kids are tired, and trouble that starts at lunch can sometimes carry into the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the academic counselor is trying to mediate between two girls who were sent out of the classroom, and who are arguing about who's responsible. Later, three adults have to restrain another girl from running out into the hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These girls won't get suspended today, but they will lose learning time because they will sit in a room while school staff enter the incident into a database and then they will meet with a counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195179135\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many school districts across California, schools are cutting down on the number of suspensions. The theory is: Keep kids in class, and they'll learn more and be less likely to drop out. San Francisco Unified School District has been a leader, passing a resolution last year to ban all suspensions for \"willful defiance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this right, all the teachers in a school have to build deep relationships with their most challenging kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges is the sheer number of disruptions. Seventh-grader Alexis Gill says the new policy hasn't improved her classmates' behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They cuss out the teachers, throw tables and chairs and stuff around the classroom,\" said Gill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of seventh-graders I spoke with say they get sent out of class for other kinds of behavior, sometimes for things like leaving the room or talking or using their phone. When these 12- and 13-year-olds have been suspended, it's usually been for fights. One girl lit a piece of paper on fire and said she hoped the whole class burned.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Once [teachers] learned how to do it, and they spent...time building relationships in their classroom through restorative practices, they cannot stop raving about how it changes the culture.'\u003ccite>Laura Faer, education rights director for Public Counsel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Assistant Principal Michael Essien says the school is seeking to look at these incidents not as crimes to be punished, but as cries for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He walks the halls, greeting students with a smile and a booming voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Who’s bouncing that basketball up there? I need you back in class, man!\" Essien yells to a group of boys. And then, to a girl using her cellphone, \"Put that phone away, girl. You trying to give it to me?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essien says the school needs to revamp its entire culture. Part of the problem, he says, is that teachers don’t know how to relate to students. Most students at Martin Luther King are African-American, Asian and Latino. Most of the teachers are white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As a teacher, who may or may not have anything in connection with any of those cultures, how do I make the classroom such that there’s a relationship between the students and I, and between the students themselves, so we can reduce inappropriate behaviors that can get you referred out?\" he asks. \"It’s building relationships. But it’s challenging for teachers to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Training teachers to change the way they teach is a long haul. San Francisco has been working with teachers on this since 2009. But there are gaps. At Martin Luther King, not all teachers are trained. And there's been some pushback here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighth-grade social studies teacher Susan Warren says she supports reducing suspensions in theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I agree, they’re not learning if they are outside the classroom, but for some students, no one’s learning if they’re in the classroom,\" Warren says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She echoes what other teachers here say: They sometimes feel overwhelmed by all the steps they have to take before sending a kid out of class. First, they give a warning. Then they send the student into the hall. If that doesn't help, they send them to another classroom to reflect, and then they make a phone call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm happy to facilitate that process,\" said Warren, \"but it gets in the way of me trying to teach literacy skills and pure content.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be because she needs more training, said Laura Faer, education rights director with Public Counsel, an advocacy group that has pushed for alternatives to suspension and harsh discipline statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Universally, the teachers we talk to say, 'When I first started doing this, I thought, 'This is going to be so hard, it’s going to take so much of my time, how am I going to do it?' \" said Faer. \"And then once they learned how to do it, and they spent that time building relationships in their classroom, through restorative practices, they cannot stop raving about how it changes the culture. It saves them so much time, because children are behaved well, and teachers can teach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Counsel has urged the state to track not just the number of suspensions, but whether teachers and students are really receiving the support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not just emotional support. It's also academic. Susan Warren says even if she knows how to avoid suspensions, she still has to teach kids who act out because they struggle with the material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And if you put something in front of them, they're not going to do it. They're going to start talking, they might get out of their seat, they might go to the garbage can six times, and then, they might hit someone on their way to the garbage can,\" said Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified School District officials say they are collecting data online every time a student is sent out of class now. They'll be able to see why kids are sent out, and what the outcomes are. That should help them target more help to schools that need it the most.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It's a well-known fact at Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Academic Middle School in San Francisco that the toughest time to teach is right after lunch. Kids are tired, and trouble that starts at lunch can sometimes carry into the classroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the academic counselor is trying to mediate between two girls who were sent out of the classroom, and who are arguing about who's responsible. Later, three adults have to restrain another girl from running out into the hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These girls won't get suspended today, but they will lose learning time because they will sit in a room while school staff enter the incident into a database and then they will meet with a counselor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195179135&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/195179135'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In many school districts across California, schools are cutting down on the number of suspensions. The theory is: Keep kids in class, and they'll learn more and be less likely to drop out. San Francisco Unified School District has been a leader, passing a resolution last year to ban all suspensions for \"willful defiance.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To do this right, all the teachers in a school have to build deep relationships with their most challenging kids.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That's not easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the challenges is the sheer number of disruptions. Seventh-grader Alexis Gill says the new policy hasn't improved her classmates' behavior.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They cuss out the teachers, throw tables and chairs and stuff around the classroom,\" said Gill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A handful of seventh-graders I spoke with say they get sent out of class for other kinds of behavior, sometimes for things like leaving the room or talking or using their phone. When these 12- and 13-year-olds have been suspended, it's usually been for fights. One girl lit a piece of paper on fire and said she hoped the whole class burned.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Once [teachers] learned how to do it, and they spent...time building relationships in their classroom through restorative practices, they cannot stop raving about how it changes the culture.'\u003ccite>Laura Faer, education rights director for Public Counsel\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Assistant Principal Michael Essien says the school is seeking to look at these incidents not as crimes to be punished, but as cries for help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He walks the halls, greeting students with a smile and a booming voice.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Who’s bouncing that basketball up there? I need you back in class, man!\" Essien yells to a group of boys. And then, to a girl using her cellphone, \"Put that phone away, girl. You trying to give it to me?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Essien says the school needs to revamp its entire culture. Part of the problem, he says, is that teachers don’t know how to relate to students. Most students at Martin Luther King are African-American, Asian and Latino. Most of the teachers are white.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"As a teacher, who may or may not have anything in connection with any of those cultures, how do I make the classroom such that there’s a relationship between the students and I, and between the students themselves, so we can reduce inappropriate behaviors that can get you referred out?\" he asks. \"It’s building relationships. But it’s challenging for teachers to do that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Training teachers to change the way they teach is a long haul. San Francisco has been working with teachers on this since 2009. But there are gaps. At Martin Luther King, not all teachers are trained. And there's been some pushback here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eighth-grade social studies teacher Susan Warren says she supports reducing suspensions in theory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I agree, they’re not learning if they are outside the classroom, but for some students, no one’s learning if they’re in the classroom,\" Warren says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She echoes what other teachers here say: They sometimes feel overwhelmed by all the steps they have to take before sending a kid out of class. First, they give a warning. Then they send the student into the hall. If that doesn't help, they send them to another classroom to reflect, and then they make a phone call home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I'm happy to facilitate that process,\" said Warren, \"but it gets in the way of me trying to teach literacy skills and pure content.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That could be because she needs more training, said Laura Faer, education rights director with Public Counsel, an advocacy group that has pushed for alternatives to suspension and harsh discipline statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Universally, the teachers we talk to say, 'When I first started doing this, I thought, 'This is going to be so hard, it’s going to take so much of my time, how am I going to do it?' \" said Faer. \"And then once they learned how to do it, and they spent that time building relationships in their classroom, through restorative practices, they cannot stop raving about how it changes the culture. It saves them so much time, because children are behaved well, and teachers can teach.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Public Counsel has urged the state to track not just the number of suspensions, but whether teachers and students are really receiving the support they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's not just emotional support. It's also academic. Susan Warren says even if she knows how to avoid suspensions, she still has to teach kids who act out because they struggle with the material.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"And if you put something in front of them, they're not going to do it. They're going to start talking, they might get out of their seat, they might go to the garbage can six times, and then, they might hit someone on their way to the garbage can,\" said Warren.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco Unified School District officials say they are collecting data online every time a student is sent out of class now. They'll be able to see why kids are sent out, and what the outcomes are. That should help them target more help to schools that need it the most.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Chinatown Walk With a Guide Who Knows Where to Go",
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"content": "\u003cp>Have you ever gone to Chinatown in San Francisco for some dim sum, looked around and thought to yourself: Look at all this authentic Chinese-style architecture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architecture is actually an American idea of what Chinese buildings should look like, built in a way that would attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco’s director of education and engagement, Darin Ow-Wing, offers tours of the neighborhood that highlight historical facts like this. His tours help paint a richer history of the Chinese in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took a walking tour with Ow-Wing as the neighborhood got ready to celebrate this year’s Lunar New Year, which started Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, back to the architecture. The story goes that after the 1906 earthquake, city leaders wanted to move the Chinese to the city’s outskirts and claim the valuable real estate for something else. After negotiations, it was settled that the Chinese would get to stay but would relinquish the right to design and build Chinatown. Instead, it was built to attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This backstory is why one historian has described Chinatown as an “Oriental Disneyland.” Or, as Ow-Wing says, Chinatown is permanently wearing the equivalent of a “clown outfit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.c-c-c.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco\u003c/a> gives tours to about 4,000 students and tourists a year. Public tours start at the Hilton San Francisco Financial District, 750 Kearny St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently tours are at Tuesdays and Thursdays at 1 p.m., and Saturdays at 10 a.m. There are three tour programs: Dynasty to Democracy, Chinatown Art Walk and a Tale of Two Chinatowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few stops on Ow-Wing’s Dynasty to Democracy walking tour:\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/portsmouthsq.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/outdoors/urbanoutings/article/Portsmouth-Square-in-San-Francisco-3682940.php\" target=\"_blank\">Portsmouth Square\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Bounded by Clay, Washington and Kearny streets, and Walter U. Lum Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on Portsmouth Square: “This was the power center of old San Francisco. This was where all the rich people, the politicians, anyone who had to do with anything in San Francisco hung out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/tinhowtemple.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chinatownology.com/tin_how_temple.html\" target=\"_blank\">Tin How Temple\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>125 Waverly Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the Tin How Temple, one of the oldest temples in the state: “How it works is this: It is a legitimate temple. People do come here to do their thing. But they’re really open, they’re very friendly, they’re fine with visitors coming in as well. We just have to be really, really, really quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/waverly.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>Waverly Place\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Two-block street between Washington and Sacramento streets; Home to many family, or benevolent, associations\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the family associations: “Chinatown had to kind of manage itself for about 100 years. … So 100 years ago, you’re a young man, by yourself, over here. You’re coming to America to work. You land here, you don’t know anyone, but your name is Yee. You’ve got this little piece of paper that says go find your family association. So you’d actually come here. You’d be able to stay here a couple nights. They’d find out where you’re supposed to be working. You’d make some friends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Have you ever gone to Chinatown in San Francisco for some dim sum, looked around and thought to yourself: Look at all this authentic Chinese-style architecture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, not exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The architecture is actually an American idea of what Chinese buildings should look like, built in a way that would attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco’s director of education and engagement, Darin Ow-Wing, offers tours of the neighborhood that highlight historical facts like this. His tours help paint a richer history of the Chinese in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I took a walking tour with Ow-Wing as the neighborhood got ready to celebrate this year’s Lunar New Year, which started Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, back to the architecture. The story goes that after the 1906 earthquake, city leaders wanted to move the Chinese to the city’s outskirts and claim the valuable real estate for something else. After negotiations, it was settled that the Chinese would get to stay but would relinquish the right to design and build Chinatown. Instead, it was built to attract tourists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This backstory is why one historian has described Chinatown as an “Oriental Disneyland.” Or, as Ow-Wing says, Chinatown is permanently wearing the equivalent of a “clown outfit.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://www.c-c-c.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Culture Center of San Francisco\u003c/a> gives tours to about 4,000 students and tourists a year. Public tours start at the Hilton San Francisco Financial District, 750 Kearny St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currently tours are at Tuesdays and Thursdays at 1 p.m., and Saturdays at 10 a.m. There are three tour programs: Dynasty to Democracy, Chinatown Art Walk and a Tale of Two Chinatowns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are a few stops on Ow-Wing’s Dynasty to Democracy walking tour:\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/portsmouthsq.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/outdoors/urbanoutings/article/Portsmouth-Square-in-San-Francisco-3682940.php\" target=\"_blank\">Portsmouth Square\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Bounded by Clay, Washington and Kearny streets, and Walter U. Lum Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on Portsmouth Square: “This was the power center of old San Francisco. This was where all the rich people, the politicians, anyone who had to do with anything in San Francisco hung out here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/tinhowtemple.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"http://www.chinatownology.com/tin_how_temple.html\" target=\"_blank\">Tin How Temple\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>125 Waverly Place\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the Tin How Temple, one of the oldest temples in the state: “How it works is this: It is a legitimate temple. People do come here to do their thing. But they’re really open, they’re very friendly, they’re fine with visitors coming in as well. We just have to be really, really, really quiet.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cdiv class=\"callout\">\u003cimg class=\"alignleft\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/waverly.jpg\" alt=\"Courtesy Google Street View\" width=\"400\" height=\"400\">\n\u003ch3>Waverly Place\u003c/h3>\n\u003ch5>Two-block street between Washington and Sacramento streets; Home to many family, or benevolent, associations\u003c/h5>\n\u003cp>Ow-Wing on the family associations: “Chinatown had to kind of manage itself for about 100 years. … So 100 years ago, you’re a young man, by yourself, over here. You’re coming to America to work. You land here, you don’t know anyone, but your name is Yee. You’ve got this little piece of paper that says go find your family association. So you’d actually come here. You’d be able to stay here a couple nights. They’d find out where you’re supposed to be working. You’d make some friends here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dolores Park’s renovation has been plagued by delays and unforeseen roadblocks that include costly vandalism, but nothing on the scale of what happened a few days ago. Recreation and Park Department Director Phil Ginsburg says two young vandals (“two idiots,” he called them) broke into the construction site on the north end of the park, hot-wired a construction vehicle, did some doughnuts on sod turf and popped wheelies on some uncured pavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stunt not only destroyed the sod, which had not rooted yet, but also damaged some of the newly installed drainage infrastructure. The vandals also tagged a new maintenance shed and then lit a fire to roast marshmallows and make s’mores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsberg said police have arrested the vandals, one a juvenile and the other not much older than 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsberg made the comments at a press roundtable on Wednesday, though he reported the \u003ca href=\"http://wn.ktvu.com/story/28132951/vandalism-could-delay-reopening-portion-of-dolores-park\" target=\"_blank\">incident to KTVU\u003c/a> Tuesday. The damage comes to about $100,000, which Dolores Park Project Manager Jacob Gilchrist said will either be covered by the contractor’s insurance company or by the contractor itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://missionlocal.org/2015/02/a-100000-joyride-in-dolores-park/\" target=\"_blank\">Read the rest of this story on Mission Local.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"http://missionlocal.org/author/lauraw/\">Laura Wenus\u003c/a>\u003cbr>Mission Local",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dolores Park’s renovation has been plagued by delays and unforeseen roadblocks that include costly vandalism, but nothing on the scale of what happened a few days ago. Recreation and Park Department Director Phil Ginsburg says two young vandals (“two idiots,” he called them) broke into the construction site on the north end of the park, hot-wired a construction vehicle, did some doughnuts on sod turf and popped wheelies on some uncured pavement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The stunt not only destroyed the sod, which had not rooted yet, but also damaged some of the newly installed drainage infrastructure. The vandals also tagged a new maintenance shed and then lit a fire to roast marshmallows and make s’mores.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsberg said police have arrested the vandals, one a juvenile and the other not much older than 18.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ginsberg made the comments at a press roundtable on Wednesday, though he reported the \u003ca href=\"http://wn.ktvu.com/story/28132951/vandalism-could-delay-reopening-portion-of-dolores-park\" target=\"_blank\">incident to KTVU\u003c/a> Tuesday. The damage comes to about $100,000, which Dolores Park Project Manager Jacob Gilchrist said will either be covered by the contractor’s insurance company or by the contractor itself.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://missionlocal.org/2015/02/a-100000-joyride-in-dolores-park/\" target=\"_blank\">Read the rest of this story on Mission Local.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'",
"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: 'The Chinese Must Go!'",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Second of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 1:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/11/boomtown-1870s-decade-of-bonanza-bust-and-unbridled-racism/\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown, 1870s: A Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span>n July 1877, the nation's attention was focused on \u003ca href=\"http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/disp_textbook.cfm?smtID=2&psid=3189\">a railroad strike\u003c/a> that spread through much of the East and led to bloody clashes between workers and troops in Pittsburgh, Baltimore and elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 23, 1877, leaders of San Francisco's unions called a mass meeting to support the Eastern strikers, who were fighting for measures like an eight-hour workday. A huge crowd descended on the meeting place, a vacant lot at the corner of Grove and Larkin streets, the site of today's San Francisco Public Library. Many in the throng soon showed they had more local complaints on their mind than what was happening in Pittsburgh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>James D'Arcy, who had helped create a national Workingmen's Party, was elected to run the meeting. The Daily Alta California gives the flavor of the gathering as it got underway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Mr. D'Arcy threw a damper on the meeting by stating that this was no anti-Coolie meeting, and that they were not there for the purpose of discussing the Chinese question. He put on another blanket by saying that they had met, not for the purpose of encouraging riot and incendiarism, but to give their brother workmen in the East their moral support. He then took up the eight-hour question, but did not speak long, as the crowd were impatient for novelty. ...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Talk about the Chinamen;\" \"Give us the Coolie business,\" and other shouts from all over the ground put an end to his discourse.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Soon, hundreds of people broke away from the crowd, led by what the Alta called \"the hoodlum element\" -- hoodlum being a term coined in San Francisco in 1866 that had come, by 1877, to denote gangs that frequently attacked Chinese residents of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'Talk about the Chinamen! Give us the Coolie business!'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The mob charged through the center of the city, attacking more than a dozen Chinese homes and businesses, mostly laundries. The violence continued for three nights and spread south of Market to the waterfront, into the Mission and out to the Western Addition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rioters targeted more Chinese homes and businesses and threatened establishments that employed Chinese workers. Leaders of the mob warned they would burn down a woolen mill and wharves owned by the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., a line that carried thousands of immigrants from China to San Francisco. Rioters succeeded in burning down another wharf, as well as nearby lumberyards and outbuildings, and skirmished with the city's small police force.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The unrest, which threatened to spread to the East Bay, was alarming enough to local officials that Gov. William Irwin called for military help, which came in the form of two square-rigged warships, the USS Pensacola and USS Lackawanna, which stood offshore in case they were needed to put down the riots. The Army also issued 2,000 rifles and ammunition to be used by a civilian Committee of Safety that had been hastily formed to help contain the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The climax of the July riots was a battle on the slopes of Rincon Hill between rock-throwing rioters and members of the committee, many armed with pick handles. Several people died over the course of the disturbances and dozens were injured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this spasm of violence had a more lasting impact than the psychic and physical toll taken on the city. It created a movement determined to settle \"the Chinese question\" once and for all, on the one hand, and to redress workers' grievances with the wealthy, on the other.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The movement, which took the name the Workingmen's Party of California, gained momentum immediately after the July unrest, thanks largely to an Irish immigrant freight hauler who proved to be a compelling street orator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">D\u003c/span>enis Kearney, a native of County Cork, had a successful draying business and in the mid-1870s had become an avid member of a local debating society.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430595\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430595\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \" width=\"300\" height=\"450\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14212_deniskearney-scr.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney, Irish immigrant, street orator and leader of the Workingmen's Party of California. \u003ccite>(Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco journalist and political economist Henry George \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.org/hist9/hgeorge3.html\" target=\"_blank\">recalled Kearney\u003c/a> as \"a man of strict temperance in all except speech.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the troubles of July 1877, George said, Kearney \"was noticeable not merely for the bitter vulgarity of his attacks upon all forms of religion ... but for the venom with which he abused the working classes, and took on every occasion what passed for the capitalistic side.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paradoxically, too, given his soon-to-become-familiar habit of suggesting mob violence as a social cure-all and his tireless vilification of California's Chinese, Kearney had joined the Committee of Safety and taken to the street to help quell the anti-Chinese riots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But that was July. By early October, Kearney had reversed his course and rhetoric, had taken control of the Workingmen's Party -- and had begun attracting thousands to regular Sunday rallies at the sandlot across the street from City Hall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under Kearney's leadership, the party adopted a platform that certainly sounded radical: Throw the rich and powerful out of office, break up monopoly land holdings, redistribute wealth through heavy taxes, and \"provide decently for the poor and unfortunate, the weak, the helpless, and especially the young , because the country is rich enough to do so, and religion, humanity, and patriotism demand that we should do so.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And just as important, the party was bent on throwing the Chinese out of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More attention-getting than the Workingmen's principles was Kearney's style in calling for immediate drastic action to attain the party's goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>His rallying cry was, \"The Chinese must go!\" He warned that San Francisco would burn if conditions for workers did not improve. He called on his followers to arm themselves with muskets and ammunition. His regular prescription for enemies, either opponents within the party or class enemies like millionaires, judges or government officials, was hanging.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the likelihood that state lawmakers might pass a bill aimed at curbing incitement to riot, Kearney responded, \"If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, 'Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!' This is the battle cry of freedom!\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'If the members of the Legislature overstep the limits of decency, then I say, Hemp! Hemp! Hemp!'\u003ccite>Denis Kearney\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In late October 1877, Kearney led a march to Nob Hill where, as we've seen, some of the city's wealthiest men had built their mansions. The procession's specific destination was the home of Charles Crocker, one of the Big Four who had built and profited immensely from the Central Pacific Railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Crocker had built his mansion on a block bounded by California, Sacramento, Taylor and Jones street. He wanted to own the entire block, but one neighbor, an undertaker named Nicholas Yung, held out for a higher price.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The undertaker wanted more than the nabob was willing to give,\" Henry George wrote, \"and the latter cut short the negotiation by inclosing the undertaker’s house on three sides with an immense board fence, probably the highest on the Pacific coast, if not in the world. This veritable coffin ... is one of the most striking features of the hill.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430598\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 365px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10430598\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/Labor1kearny-on-nob-hill-1877.jpg\" alt=\"Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \" width=\"365\" height=\"446\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Denis Kearney addresses crowd on Nob Hill, October 1877. \u003ccite>(FoundSF)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>About 2,000 marchers accompanied Kearney to the heights, where they set a bonfire in the street as he inveighed against the wealthy and warned about the consequences to the railroad millionaires if they did not fire their Chinese workers. He and others declared they'd give Crocker a month to take down the 30-foot-high fence around Yung's home or they'd be back to tear it down themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That gathering was enough to spur demands for the arrest of Kearney and other Workingmen's Party leaders for using incendiary language. And Kearney and others \u003cem>were\u003c/em> arrested, not just once, but several times. The charges didn't stick, and, far from suppressing Kearney, the arrests provoked outrage and won his movement wider sympathy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Workingmen became a force in Bay Area politics, winning a seat in the state Senate in early 1878 and electing officials in San Francisco, Oakland and Alameda. The party's rise coincided with a statewide election for delegates to a convention called to write a new state constitution. The Kearneyites won virtually all the seats contested in San Francisco. But in the Sacramento convention, outnumbered by Republicans and Democrats who had joined forces against them, the Workingmen's Party failed to effect any of the reforms in taxes, lands or employment conditions that their movement had promoted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The party's delegates did, however, get a chance to enshrine the demands of the anti-Chinese movement in a new section of the state Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">A\u003c/span> committee appointed to consider \"the Chinese question\" returned with a nine-point proposal that would give the Legislature the power to bar further Chinese immigration to California and to eject any Chinese it found undesirable. The proposal would bar Chinese from all public employment, make them ineligible to receive licenses for any trade or business, and strip corporations of their state charters if they employed Chinese workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430600\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10430600\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \" width=\"400\" height=\"307\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-400x307.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385-800x614.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14199_masonbeatty-chinese1-scr-e1423695246385.jpg 1439w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese residents of Sierra County, California, 1894. \u003ccite>(Courtesy, California HIstorical Society)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Chinese would be prohibited from owning or leasing real estate, would be barred from fishing in state waters and would no longer have the right to bring lawsuits in state courts. The committee also suggested denying anyone who hired a Chinese worker the right to vote, disqualifying anyone who hired a Chinese worker from holding public office and disbarring any lawyer who represented a Chinese client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As historian Charles McClain remarks, even though most delegates were all for some sort of anti-Chinese language in the new constitution, they thought the committee's proposal went too far. By a vote of 104-17, the convention adopted a toned-down version, incorporated into the state's highest charter as Article XIX when the document was approved by voters in 1879.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Article XIX, titled simply \"Chinese,\" preserved two of the major provisions put forward in the convention: that no private corporation could employ Chinese workers and the ban on public employment for the Chinese. The laws enacting these provisions were swiftly struck down in federal courts that ruled they violated the 14th Amendment's guarantee of equal protection, infringed on rights due to Chinese immigrants under treaty and trampled upon corporate rights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new constitution marked the zenith of what had been dubbed Kearneyism. A convention resolution to thank Kearney for his service to the anti-Chinese cause was voted down. By 1881, Kearney was described in San Francisco as \"a spent rocket\" and had left the city for a brief, unremarkable career in New York City politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That did not end the era of anti-Chinese activism or legislation, of course. State and local governments continued to pass new laws to harass and hinder Chinese residents, many of which were unenforceable or were found to violate the U.S. Constitution. And then Congress weighed in, responding to the continuing anti-Asian agitation by passing the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?flash=true&doc=47\" target=\"_blank\">Chinese Exclusion Act\u003c/a> in 1882.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'It is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country. But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.'\u003ccite>Wong Ar Chong\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The measure succeeded, at least in the short run, in achieving what decades of California's hostility, bluster and unconstitutional lawmaking could not: Although it never stopped immigration from China entirely, it slowed it down dramatically and, for the first time since the Gold Rush, led to a decline in the Chinese population in both San Francisco and the entire state by 1900.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That was a cause of celebration, of course, for those who had tried for decades to keep Chinese immigrants out of California. Soon, though, they were complaining the law wasn't tough enough -- that its exemptions were too lax and that it was too easy for those seeking to emigrate from China to \u003ca href=\"http://ucblibrary3.berkeley.edu/cgi-bin/flipomatic/cic/images@ViewHiRes?img=brk00001710_16a\">cross into\u003c/a> the United States from Canada.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among Chinese in the United States, the law was an occasion to question the loudly propounded ideals of their adopted country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"In your Declaration of Independence it is asserted that all men are born free and equal, and it is understood by the civilized world that the United States of America is a free country,\" \u003ca href=\"http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_vault/2014/05/28/chinese_exclusion_act_letter_from_chinese_american_merchant_to_william_lloyd.html\" target=\"_blank\">wrote Boston tea merchant Wong Ar Chong\u003c/a> during congressional debates over exclusion. \"But I fear there is a backward step being taken by the government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he epilogue?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Charles Crocker's fence, on Sacramento Street, near the summit of Nob Hill, stood until 1904, long after both the railroad baron and his stubborn neighbor were dead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Denis Kearney died in 1907, having long since vanished from the political scene.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite having been essentially ruled unconstitutional, Article XIX was part of the California Constitution until 1952, when voters repealed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese Exclusion Act remained in force until 1943, when it was repealed in the interest of making amends to China, a U.S. ally in World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock bonanzas turned into a popular TV western that somehow left out all the nasty details of mining skulduggery and stock manipulation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city went on, of course, recovering its prosperity, growing relentlessly, moving toward its reckoning with calamity, and unfolding decade by decade into this place we think we know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the Chinese in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, there's someone named Mayor Lee at City Hall, a short stroll from where Kearney and his ilk bawled, \"The Chinese must go!\" Just across the bay in Berkeley, there is little doubt which of the state's diverse ethnic groups is most successful at the nation's premier public university. Immigrants from China still seek a California dream and contribute in ways that couldn't have been imagined in the 19th century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whatever you think all those developments say about the Bay Area we live in today, whether you see this place as booming or busted, you can't help but take at least a little delight in how this piece of history has turned out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "What's Up With S.F.'s Bad Architecture?",
"title": "What's Up With S.F.'s Bad Architecture?",
"headTitle": "What Should KQED Investigate? | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>As part of our series, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown\u003c/a>, we’re \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/questions\" target=\"_blank\">answering questions\u003c/a> from KQED listeners and readers. Our second one comes from Dave Taylor, who is not impressed by the new buildings going up in San Francisco. He asks:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430396\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 150px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10430396\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405-400x590.jpg\" alt=\"Dave Taylor. (Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\" width=\"150\" height=\"222\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405-400x590.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405.jpg 616w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave Taylor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\"Why are the new buildings so ugly?\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic boom has brought a surge in construction projects to San Francisco -- particularly in the city's emerging Mid-Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is pleased with what they're seeing built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are at the corner of what I consider the most atrocious buildings in the entire city,\" says Dave Taylor, who has lived in the city for more than 20 years. \"This corridor of shame that I call Van Ness and Market is just a spectacular example of failed urban planning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor works as a media services technician -- \"I play with toys that gather light and sound\" -- and describes himself as \"a very opinionated closet architect.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did not hold back as we walked down Market Street from 11th to Eighth, pointing out the buildings that most offended him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190627247\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s 1455 Market: “A glorified parking structure with windows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street: “We won’t even talk about Fox Plaza. We won’t even go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, the brand-new NEMA apartments: “This gigantic black prison complex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone has an opinion, so we asked someone who has looked at the city’s buildings for a while: San Francisco Chronicle urban design critic John King.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I share the listener’s dismay,” he says. “A lot of what’s being built in S.F. right now really feels like product.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says many of the buildings going up have one particular consumer: The 29-year-old who just got the IPO and can afford a $4,500 rent payment or mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Market’s Come a Long Way\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For a long time, this area was the dumpy end of Market Street that nobody cared about, King says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429825\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429825\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt='Taylor calls 1455 Market St. a \"glorified parking structure.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED) ' width=\"400\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taylor calls 1455 Market St. a \"glorified parking structure.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in the '70s, it was essentially storage space for a lot of Financial District firms -- the place they parked their giant computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now those dumpy buildings have flashy neighbors: tech companies and luxury apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are paying attention -- and griping. King says that part at least isn’t new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of being a San Franciscan is never to like what’s happening right now,” he says. \"… to resent the fact that the city’s not exactly like it was when you moved there, and you discovered Utopia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who’s in Charge?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Dave Taylor says his issue isn’t about nostalgia. It’s about taste -- and pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to feel a little despair when these monoliths go up, because these things are going to be there for 50 years,” he says. “It makes you wonder who’s in charge. Does anybody care anymore?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"jxwC2Yrmpyj3ZLmXCFKDbzHr9QnXzzCp\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few answers to this question. First: Yes, someone is in charge. Actually, a lot of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are plans aplenty,” says King. “The list of who’s responsible is endless, and it gets a little different with each building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permits and approvals can be costly and time-consuming. And behind every construction project is a complicated marriage of planners, neighborhood groups, developers and architects -- some who want to make their mark and others who just want to make a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor says these people don’t have San Francisco’s best interests at heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see people walk by City Hall, they take pictures, they stop, they smile,” he says. “From here all the way to Powell, they look down, they don’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A City’s Autobiography\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“In the built environment, as one writer puts it, all our warts and our glories are there,” says Paul Groth, an architectural historian at UC Berkeley. “You can tell how we're treating our fellow humans in the built environment. It really is an autobiography.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what does Groth think our current architecture says?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Greed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429827\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429827\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-400x600.jpg\" alt='Fox Plaza is another offender to Taylor in his so-called \"corridor of shame.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED)' width=\"400\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fox Plaza is another offender to Taylor in his so-called corridor of shame. (Katie Brigham/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Big buildings, glass boxes, dark materials, pools and plazas on the inside -- all those elements are just today’s trend in luxury living, Groth says. You can see it the most in New York, Miami and San Francisco. It speaks deliberately to a kind of \u003cem>exclusivity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s that -- as well as the design -- that makes Dave Taylor want to get away from the corner of 11th and Market as soon as he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got an artistic soul. That’s why people used to move here. It was a place, not a sanctuary, but a place where we could be and belong,” he says. “As an artist, beautiful things speak back to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other art, say, a dance performance or a painting, you can’t avoid the buildings where you live or where you work. Taylor says that when he’s walking by Western Addition Victorians or the Transamerica Pyramid, buildings he loves, he feels like he’s having an experience -- like he’s part of the city’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows you to go deep places and start to think and start to grow,” he says. “This isn’t a commodity, this is a way of living, that you should be surrounded by beautiful things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new construction projects all over the city right now. And he’s hoping some of those buildings will be the kind that speak back to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/questions\" target=\"_blank\">Submit a question\u003c/a> you'd like us to answer as part of our \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A KQED listener is not happy about some buildings going up in S.F. and wonders why design isn't better.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>As part of our series, \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown\u003c/a>, we’re \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/questions\" target=\"_blank\">answering questions\u003c/a> from KQED listeners and readers. Our second one comes from Dave Taylor, who is not impressed by the new buildings going up in San Francisco. He asks:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10430396\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 150px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"wp-image-10430396\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405-400x590.jpg\" alt=\"Dave Taylor. (Lisa Morehouse/KQED)\" width=\"150\" height=\"222\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405-400x590.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/P1040405.jpg 616w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dave Taylor.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>\"Why are the new buildings so ugly?\"\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The economic boom has brought a surge in construction projects to San Francisco -- particularly in the city's emerging Mid-Market neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But not everyone is pleased with what they're seeing built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are at the corner of what I consider the most atrocious buildings in the entire city,\" says Dave Taylor, who has lived in the city for more than 20 years. \"This corridor of shame that I call Van Ness and Market is just a spectacular example of failed urban planning.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor works as a media services technician -- \"I play with toys that gather light and sound\" -- and describes himself as \"a very opinionated closet architect.\" \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He did not hold back as we walked down Market Street from 11th to Eighth, pointing out the buildings that most offended him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190627247&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/190627247'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s 1455 Market: “A glorified parking structure with windows.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street: “We won’t even talk about Fox Plaza. We won’t even go there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, the brand-new NEMA apartments: “This gigantic black prison complex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone has an opinion, so we asked someone who has looked at the city’s buildings for a while: San Francisco Chronicle urban design critic John King.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I share the listener’s dismay,” he says. “A lot of what’s being built in S.F. right now really feels like product.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says many of the buildings going up have one particular consumer: The 29-year-old who just got the IPO and can afford a $4,500 rent payment or mortgage.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Market’s Come a Long Way\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>For a long time, this area was the dumpy end of Market Street that nobody cared about, King says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429825\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429825\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-400x600.jpg\" alt='Taylor calls 1455 Market St. a \"glorified parking structure.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED) ' width=\"400\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14218_1455-Market-St.-2-scr.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Taylor calls 1455 Market St. a \"glorified parking structure.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Back in the '70s, it was essentially storage space for a lot of Financial District firms -- the place they parked their giant computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now those dumpy buildings have flashy neighbors: tech companies and luxury apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People are paying attention -- and griping. King says that part at least isn’t new.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The whole point of being a San Franciscan is never to like what’s happening right now,” he says. \"… to resent the fact that the city’s not exactly like it was when you moved there, and you discovered Utopia.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>Who’s in Charge?\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>But Dave Taylor says his issue isn’t about nostalgia. It’s about taste -- and pride.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have to feel a little despair when these monoliths go up, because these things are going to be there for 50 years,” he says. “It makes you wonder who’s in charge. Does anybody care anymore?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are a few answers to this question. First: Yes, someone is in charge. Actually, a lot of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are plans aplenty,” says King. “The list of who’s responsible is endless, and it gets a little different with each building.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Permits and approvals can be costly and time-consuming. And behind every construction project is a complicated marriage of planners, neighborhood groups, developers and architects -- some who want to make their mark and others who just want to make a profit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor says these people don’t have San Francisco’s best interests at heart.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you see people walk by City Hall, they take pictures, they stop, they smile,” he says. “From here all the way to Powell, they look down, they don’t stop.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>A City’s Autobiography\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>“In the built environment, as one writer puts it, all our warts and our glories are there,” says Paul Groth, an architectural historian at UC Berkeley. “You can tell how we're treating our fellow humans in the built environment. It really is an autobiography.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, what does Groth think our current architecture says?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Greed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429827\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429827\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-400x600.jpg\" alt='Fox Plaza is another offender to Taylor in his so-called \"corridor of shame.\" (Katie Brigham/KQED)' width=\"400\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-400x600.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14216_1390-Market-St.-2-lpr.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Fox Plaza is another offender to Taylor in his so-called corridor of shame. (Katie Brigham/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Big buildings, glass boxes, dark materials, pools and plazas on the inside -- all those elements are just today’s trend in luxury living, Groth says. You can see it the most in New York, Miami and San Francisco. It speaks deliberately to a kind of \u003cem>exclusivity\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And it’s that -- as well as the design -- that makes Dave Taylor want to get away from the corner of 11th and Market as soon as he can.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve got an artistic soul. That’s why people used to move here. It was a place, not a sanctuary, but a place where we could be and belong,” he says. “As an artist, beautiful things speak back to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other art, say, a dance performance or a painting, you can’t avoid the buildings where you live or where you work. Taylor says that when he’s walking by Western Addition Victorians or the Transamerica Pyramid, buildings he loves, he feels like he’s having an experience -- like he’s part of the city’s story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It allows you to go deep places and start to think and start to grow,” he says. “This isn’t a commodity, this is a way of living, that you should be surrounded by beautiful things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are new construction projects all over the city right now. And he’s hoping some of those buildings will be the kind that speak back to him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/questions\" target=\"_blank\">Submit a question\u003c/a> you'd like us to answer as part of our \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism",
"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism",
"headTitle": "Boomtown | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=\"iwyXPwnnPcISIXLFcSKeuudC8uPKrfI8\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Boomtown, 1870s: Decade of Bonanza, Bust and Unbridled Racism | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>First of two parts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">I\u003c/span> am guessing that on some level lots of us buy into the stereotype of the Bay Area as a hotbed of progressive activism. A place that's bluer than blue, that's quick to march, that's home to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.democracynow.org/2009/10/7/as_afghan_war_enters_9th_year\" target=\"_blank\">only member of Congress\u003c/a> to vote against going to war in Afghanistan after 9/11. A place that's proud to have fostered the Free Speech Movement, the Black Panthers and the fight for gay (now LGBTQ) liberation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's true that street activism is very much alive here. The last six years, for instance, have seen what amounts to one long campaign against police violence and social injustice -- a campaign that was sparked by the police killing of BART passenger Oscar Grant, became entwined with the economic justice demands of the Occupy movement and that continues today as part of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">1870s San Francisco was a sort of perverse twin to today's city, home to an activism that was anything but 'progressive.'\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Amid those sporadic eruptions, the tech boom got going and itself became enmeshed in protest. You know the story: Armies of mostly young and highly paid programmers, engineers and entrepreneurs -- and the companies that employ them -- are remaking large swaths of San Francisco, Oakland, the Peninsula and Silicon Valley. Rents have soared, lower-income tenants have lost homes and familiar local businesses, watering holes, art galleries and nonprofits have been priced out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overnight, or so it seemed, fleets of huge corporate shuttle buses appeared on the streets to whisk the better-paid-than-most-of-us technologists to and from Silicon Valley. Anti-eviction activists turned the vehicles into \u003ca href=\"http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/25/google-bus-protest-swells-to-revolt-san-francisco\" target=\"_blank\">an internationally recognized symbol\u003c/a> for wealth inequality and community displacement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So that's our tradition of activism as it looks in the early 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when you get out your pick and shovel (or your library card, Kindle and Web browser) and start digging through the dense strata of protest, agitation and political turbulence that have been laid down here over the decades, you eventually find yourself in 1870s San Francisco, a sort of perverse twin to today's city. It was a place of magnificent wealth displayed amid a full-on depression. It was crowded with desperate and disillusioned people, and it was home to an activism marked by unbridled intolerance and racism directed at one group of immigrants who had ventured across the Pacific to join the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">B\u003c/span>y 1870, San Francisco had experienced two major booms. The first was touched off in 1848 by the Gold Rush and transformed a village of about 800 people into a city of 35,000 in just five years. When the flow of gold from the Sierra slowed in the mid-1850s, San Francisco suffered its first prolonged economic slump. Population growth slowed and the city's \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/01/13/san-francisco-real-estate-prices-gold-rush\" target=\"_blank\">real estate bubble collapsed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the downturn didn't last long. Another boom got under way in 1859 with the discovery of Nevada's \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/comstock-lode\" target=\"_blank\">Comstock Lode\u003c/a> in the mountains northeast of Lake Tahoe. The Comstock was one of the biggest silver finds in history and touched off a new kind of mining bonanza, one in which speculators, bankers and everyday investors all joined the rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Comstock mines produced more than $300 million in silver in a little more than two decades, wealth that was largely controlled in San Francisco and helped spark the city's rapid growth -- from about 57,000 in 1860 to 150,000 in 1870 and 233,000 in 1880. (The Comstock also drove a secondary mining boom in the hills just south of the small town of San Jose, where mines in the \u003ca href=\"http://www.historysanjose.org/neighborhoods/newalmaden/\">New Almaden district\u003c/a> produced mercury crucial to the gold and silver refining process.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The wealth extracted from the mines was one thing. But there was another source of wealth to be tapped, too, for those who knew how.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Development of the Comstock was financed largely by investment and speculation on San Francisco's new stock exchange, which focused on trading shares in mining concerns. For a time, everyone wanted in on the game. Here's how Gary Kamiya describes the local Comstock mania in his popular history, \u003ca href=\"http://sfpl.org/index.php?pg=1014001201\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Cool Gray City of Love\u003c/em>\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>San Francisco had always been a gambler’s town, but during silver’s 15-year heyday, virtually the entire population succumbed to a gambling mania unlike any it had seen before or would ever see again. What made speculating in mining stocks so addictive was that their values fluctuated so wildly. A rumor that a new vein had been found could cause the value of a mine’s stock to go up 10 times; it could plummet a week later. As a result, anyone could make a fortune literally overnight, and many did. The entire city buzzed with tales of chambermaids who bought the rooming houses they had worked in a few weeks earlier and of former ditchdiggers riding down newly fashionable Kearny Street in opulent carriages.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>But those who got rich -- and for the most part stayed rich -- were a small group of \u003ca href=\"http://www.onlinenevada.org/articles/bank-crowd\" target=\"_blank\">bankers\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://floodestate.com/GullixsonPresentsTheFloodEstate/History.html\" target=\"_blank\">investors\u003c/a> who controlled both the mines and the exchange.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"By controlling information from the mines,\" historian Gray Brechin writes in \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Imperial_San_Francisco.html?id=lGJq8nWqY-oC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>Imperial San Francisco\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, this group \"had an advantage available to few other gamblers on the Exchange. The barest hint of a new discovery in the mines triggered mayhem in San Francisco resembling religious rapture or riot. ... Those who had the latest information ... used it to manipulate the market to aggrandize their fortunes from the investments of others.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kamiya and Brechin quote \u003ca href=\"http://www.timeshutter.com/image/robert-louis-stevenson-memorial-san-francisco-california\" target=\"_blank\">Robert Louis Stevenson\u003c/a>'s description of the scene and the process that was at work as he viewed it from a neighborhood he termed \"the hill of palaces\":\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>From Nob Hill, looking down upon the business wards of the city, we can decry a building with a little belfry, and that is the stock exchange, the heart of San Francisco; a great pump we might call it, continually pumping up the savings of the lower quarters into the pockets of the millionaires upon the hill.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429593\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 559px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-10429593\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg\" alt=\"An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \" width=\"559\" height=\"400\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544.jpg 559w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/RS14046_AAB-9544-400x286.jpg 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 559px) 100vw, 559px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An 1891 view of Nob Hill, looking north up Powell Street. To the left (west) of Powell at the top of the hill are the mansions of Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins and James C. Flood. \u003ccite>(San Francisco Public Library History Center)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Comstock made several of those millionaires who built palaces on the hill, including James Flood, whose mansion survives today as the Pacific Union Club, at California and Mason streets. Others who chose Nob Hill as a showcase for their fortunes included Leland Stanford, Mark Hopkins, Collis Huntington and Charles Crocker, \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=The_Octopus_and_the_Big_Four\" target=\"_blank\">the Big Four\u003c/a>, the principal founding investors in the Central Pacific, North America's first transcontinental railroad.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the railroad made the Big Four rich, it didn't turn into the engine of prosperity that promoters promised or that San Francisco expected when it was finished in 1869. On the one hand, the road's completion sent thousands of workers, many of them Chinese immigrants, looking for new jobs. On the other, the railroad served as a conduit for masses of people coming in search of work and land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There was little land to be had, though. By one account 0.2 percent of the state's population -- that's two-tenths of 1 percent -- controlled half the land, and huge tracts had been granted to the railroads. Jobs were few, too, as the economy of San Francisco and California as a whole sank into a funk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"The particular point we have in view is the lamentable lack of employment for laborers, which is so crying an evil of the day,\" wrote the San Francisco Evening Bulletin in early 1870. \"There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'There are those who estimate the proportion of laborers in California who are out of work ... as high as twenty percent, or one-fifth of the entire mass of inhabitants.'\u003ccite>San Francisco Evening Bulletin, 1870\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>One East Coast commentator wrote that California and San Francisco were experiencing a \"revolution,\" plunging back to earth after the excesses of the Gold Rush and Comstock decades:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Speculation was the groundwork of all her wealth and her growth; uncertainty and irregularity were the laws of her prosperity. High prices and vast profits, a grand and reckless way of business and of life pervaded all her society and her movements,\" wrote Massachusetts newspaper editor Samuel Bowles, who twice visited the city in the mid- and late 1860s. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bowles characterized the situation as the city and state \"struggling into conformity with the modes and morals and money of the nation,\" a transition he observed provoked widespread discontent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"At first the people seemed stunned with the revelation and the revolution,\" Bowles said. \"They cursed the railroad, they cursed the Bank of California, and they cursed the Chinese, one and all, as parents of their disappointment.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">\"C\u003c/span>ursing the Chinese\" was something of a constant among California's white population in the state's early decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chinese, of course, had joined the rush to what they called Gold Mountain in 1849, along with immigrants from the eastern U.S. states, Western Europe, Mexico, Chile, Peru, Hawaii, Australia and New Zealand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429650\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429650\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg\" alt=\"Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \" width=\"400\" height=\"411\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-400x411.jpg 400w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-800x822.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666-32x32.jpg 32w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/chineserailroad-e1423609155666.jpg 1252w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 400px) 100vw, 400px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Chinese workers on the Central Pacific Railroad's route through the Sierra Nevada. \u003ccite>(Harper's Weekly/Bancroft Library)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>White California was not, by and large, a particularly welcoming place for the new arrivals from Mexico and lands south, many of whom were experienced miners when they arrived in the gold fields. Historians note they played an important role in teaching the American novices how to find and remove gold from the streams and hillsides where it lay. Their reward was a state tax on foreign miners and repeated episodes of violence and mistreatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Worse was in store for the Chinese.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California -- most of the white population, its lawmakers and their enactments -- reserved a sustained hostility for these early Asian immigrants almost from the first. Arriving in the gold fields, they were generally excluded from all but the poorest mining claims -- those that had already been worked and believed exhausted. They were often the target of violence and were, like blacks and Indians, denied the right even to testify in court against those who robbed and attacked them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What was the source of the animus, which was soon to have official backing?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Theodore Hittell, who produced a voluminous California history, \u003ca href=\"https://archive.org/stream/gb0e4-lf4RejkC#page/n93/mode/2up\" target=\"_blank\">offered this speculation\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>It was the practice of the Chinese then as now to huddle together in special and confined quarters and to dress and live as they had dressed and lived in China. Almost all their clothing and most all their food, which consisted in great part of rice, were imported from their native land. As a class they were harmless, peaceful and exceedingly industrious; but, as they were remarkably economical and spent little or none of their earnings except for the necessaries of life and this chiefly to merchants of their own nationality, they soon began to provoke the prejudice and ill-will of those who could not see any value in their labor to the country.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>A much more recent historian -- Charles J. McClain, in \u003ca href=\"https://books.google.com/books?id=eZ7TqtjYlfcC\" target=\"_blank\">\u003cem>In Search of Equality: The Chinese Struggle against Discrimination in Nineteenth-Century America\u003c/em>\u003c/a> -- cites that passage and amplifies it:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>In short, [the Chinese] worked too hard (often for less pay than others were willing to accept), saved too much, and spent too little. In addition, they looked and behaved differently from the majority population. Beneath all the surface rationalizations, this was to be the gravamen of the complaint against the Chinese through the many phases of the anti-Chinese movement in California.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>That movement led to a series of state and local laws meant to force the Chinese to leave California or make it extremely difficult or expensive to stay. The tax on foreign miners was increased repeatedly. The Legislature enacted a variety of fees and taxes on arriving Chinese immigrants, then a tax of $2.50 month (something like $60 in today's money) on most Chinese residents. Chinese children were excluded from the state's public schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness ... we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life.'\u003ccite>Norman Asing,\u003cbr>\nChinese-American merchant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>San Francisco's Board of Supervisors joined in the anti-Chinese campaign with a long list of discriminatory ordinances. One attempted to ban Chinese peddlers from the common practice of carrying their goods on poles. Other laws attempted to impose punitive fees on the city's large number of Chinese laundries and to regulate the size of rooms in lodging-houses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As McClain notes, the Chinese didn't take this continuing assault on their liberty lying down. As the anti-Chinese agitation got under way in the early 1850s, Gov. John Bigler sent the Legislature a special message urging a program of taxes and other measures to stop Chinese immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among his justifications: the unfounded claim that the Chinese arriving in California were \"coolies\" -- essentially indentured servants who were little better than slaves for the Chinese contractors who hired them. He also argued that, in essence, the Chinese were inferior, ignorant of the enlightened American way of doing things: incapable, for instance, of understanding the importance of or keeping an oath of citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bigler's message brought a response from a Chinese merchant in San Francisco named Norman Asing, who blasted the logic of excluding productive immigrants and questioning who in California really represented an inferior culture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We would beg to remind you that when your nation was a wilderness, and the nation from whom you sprung \u003cem>barbarous\u003c/em>, we exercised most of the arts and virtues of civilized life,\" Asing wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More important, McClain says, is that leading members of the Chinese community, centered in San Francisco, approached the Legislature directly to try to stem the tide of punitive taxes and other laws. When that effort met with only modest success, they challenged the anti-Chinese laws in court and got the worst of them thrown out. In the 1850s, for instance, Chinese plaintiffs sued the state to overturn a tax to be levied against all arriving Chinese passengers and another that sought to ban Chinese from landing at the state's ports. Both laws were struck down for interfering with federal powers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Likewise in the late 1860s and early '70s, Chinese Californians waged long and ultimately successful campaigns to win the right to testify in court and to end enforcement of the discriminatory tax on foreign miners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-size: 4.6875em;float: left;line-height: 0.733em;padding: 0.05em 0.1em 0 0;font-family: times, serif, georgia\">T\u003c/span>he consistency with which courts struck down the anti-Chinese laws did little to dampen the anti-Chinese movement. Calls for an end to Chinese immigration grew louder as California and San Francisco bumped from one economic trough to another in the 1870s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Speculation in Comstock mining shares grew fevered in 1872, then subsided with widespread losses. Immense new silver discoveries in 1873 triggered another investment frenzy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubert Howe Bancroft's \u003cem>History of California\u003c/em> said the stock exchanges \"were weird in their excitement, the brokers crying to one another, like the unseemly harpies of Dante's hell, every cry carrying the Comstock higher.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"If people were wild in those cases or in the excitement of 1872, they now became, so to speak, insane,\" wrote T.H. Hittell in his own history of the period. He said everyone wanted in:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>The race for wealth, which was simply a race to secure stock in the bonanza mines, attracted nearly everybody. The man or woman, who had or could raise money and did not invest, was the exception. Not only the profits of common trade, manufactures and agriculture but often the principal, the slow accumulations of industry, the hard-earned wages of labor, the salaries of professors and preachers, the fees of lawyers and physicians, the deposits in savings banks, the produce of mortgaged homesteads, the money that was inherited or that could be borrowed -- nearly all found their way into the mining-stock market.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10429664\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 400px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-e1423609877768.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-10429664\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/02/William_Chapman_Ralston-400x553.jpg\" alt=\"William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \" width=\"400\" height=\"553\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">William C. Ralston, president of the Bank of California, drowned in San Francisco Bay the day after a run on the bank revealed it to be bankrupt. \u003ccite>(Wikimedia Commons)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It didn't take long for the speculation to exact its toll. One of the first and most notable investors ruined in the 1875 fall of mining stocks was San Francisco's \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmuseum.net/hist10/wralston.html\">William C. Ralston\u003c/a>. His Bank of California, the biggest financial institution in the state, was forced to close for a time because of losses incurred in his secret speculation in the mines. Ralston drowned off North Beach the day after a run on the bank, a death many presumed to be a suicide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A plunge in mining stocks in 1877 wiped out investors large and small in the city and led to a renewed financial panic. Economic conditions were made worse by the effects of a drought that wiped out most of the year's wheat crop and devastated the cattle industry. The effects of a nationwide depression added to the malaise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a city with a population that now exceeded 200,000, about one in five adult men were out of work. Charities in the city were feeding about 2,000 people a day. Only the very wealthiest, the insiders who had developed the Comstock mines and those who had built the railroads -- those folks who had put up their palaces on Nob Hill -- seemed to be immune from the hard times that had descended over the city in the summer of 1877.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Trade was bad, work was scarce, and for what there was of it the Chinese, willing to take only half the ordinary wages, competed with the white labourer,\" wrote 19th century political historian James Bryce. \"The mob of San Francisco, swelled by disappointed miners from the camps and labourers out of work, men lured from distant homes by the hope of wealth and ease in the land of gold, saw itself on the verge of starvation, while the splendid mansions of speculators, who fifteen years before had kept little shops, rose along the heights of the city, and the newspapers reported their luxurious banquets.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, the millionaires and San Francisco's roughly 20,000 Chinese residents -- groups at opposite ends of the economic spectrum --- were about to become the targets of a fierce political movement on the city's streets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Part 2:\u003c/strong> \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2015/02/12/boomtown-history-2b\" target=\"_blank\">'The Chinese Must Go!'\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "naacps-amos-brown-blacks-have-gained-zero-from-bay-areas-boom",
"title": "NAACP's Amos Brown: Blacks Have Gained 'Zero' From Bay Area's Boom",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rev. Amos C. Brown, 74, is the p\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>astor at Third Baptist Church of San Francisco. He also serves as the \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong style=\"line-height: 1.5\">San Francisco branch president of the NAACP and is a national board member. Brown first c\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>ame to San Francisco in 1976.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you make of the Bay Area’s economic boom?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s principally been going on at the expense of black people, and the marginalized. And that’s what troubles me, as it was even in the Gold Rush days — blacks were excluded from the boom. It’s happening again now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/189378704″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How much, if at all, is the boom benefiting your congregants at Third Baptist and the people you serve through the NAACP? Are there any benefits?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, there’s no benefits from it. Zero. The black population was dislocated in this town (by the redevelopment of the Western Addition). …There are not enough blacks left in this town to even fill up Candlestick Park. Why did that happen to one group? Why is it that other groups are holding their own, or they’re going up? What’s odd about black people that we can’t have the same equal opportunities as everyone else to fail and to succeed? There is a disadvantage to being black in this town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[EDITOR’S NOTE: The 2010 Census found that San Francisco has 48,870 African-American residents, or 6.1 percent of its population. Candlestick Park holds about 70,000 people.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What about solutions? What specific policies might help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There need to be some reparations. And I use that word without being apologetic. Tennyson says in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.poetryfoundation.org/poem/174659\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ulysses\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: “I am a part of all that I have met.” And you mean to tell me that you feel that we don’t deserve anything, when you can give reparations to the Japanese for what we did to them when they were in (internment) camps? Here, in this Northern California region. We gave them reparations. We’re talking about a collective effort made to empower a people, and there should be millions of dollars made available: for economic empowerment (and) compensation for the deficiencies in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”fHlCnSdNpP0W54fiFDJadkyJlH6CXXLX”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For non-black San Franciscans, explain what difference it should make that blacks are leaving the city. How does it affect them?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diversity, the rainbow, brings quality to the human existence — even in music. Dr. (Martin Luther) King once said he had the dream that everybody from bass black to treble white would be significant on the Constitution’s keyboard. But instead of that dream being fulfilled, instead of us having harmony, there’s been dissonance and noise. Because we do not respect everybody’s uniqueness and everybody’s culture: be they gay or straight, black, brown, yellow, red or white. We ought to have respect for the worth and dignity of all human life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>The Rev. Amos C. Brown, 74, is the p\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>astor at Third Baptist Church of San Francisco. He also serves as the \u003c/strong>\u003cstrong style=\"line-height: 1.5\">San Francisco branch president of the NAACP and is a national board member. Brown first c\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>ame to San Francisco in 1976.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What do you make of the Bay Area’s economic boom?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s principally been going on at the expense of black people, and the marginalized. And that’s what troubles me, as it was even in the Gold Rush days — blacks were excluded from the boom. It’s happening again now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/189378704″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/189378704″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How much, if at all, is the boom benefiting your congregants at Third Baptist and the people you serve through the NAACP? Are there any benefits?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No, there’s no benefits from it. Zero. The black population was dislocated in this town (by the redevelopment of the Western Addition). …There are not enough blacks left in this town to even fill up Candlestick Park. Why did that happen to one group? Why is it that other groups are holding their own, or they’re going up? What’s odd about black people that we can’t have the same equal opportunities as everyone else to fail and to succeed? There is a disadvantage to being black in this town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>[EDITOR’S NOTE: The 2010 Census found that San Francisco has 48,870 African-American residents, or 6.1 percent of its population. Candlestick Park holds about 70,000 people.]\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What about solutions? What specific policies might help?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There need to be some reparations. And I use that word without being apologetic. Tennyson says in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.poetryfoundation.org/poem/174659\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Ulysses\u003c/a>\u003c/em>: “I am a part of all that I have met.” And you mean to tell me that you feel that we don’t deserve anything, when you can give reparations to the Japanese for what we did to them when they were in (internment) camps? Here, in this Northern California region. We gave them reparations. We’re talking about a collective effort made to empower a people, and there should be millions of dollars made available: for economic empowerment (and) compensation for the deficiencies in education.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>For non-black San Franciscans, explain what difference it should make that blacks are leaving the city. How does it affect them?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diversity, the rainbow, brings quality to the human existence — even in music. Dr. (Martin Luther) King once said he had the dream that everybody from bass black to treble white would be significant on the Constitution’s keyboard. But instead of that dream being fulfilled, instead of us having harmony, there’s been dissonance and noise. Because we do not respect everybody’s uniqueness and everybody’s culture: be they gay or straight, black, brown, yellow, red or white. We ought to have respect for the worth and dignity of all human life.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Curious about the boom/bust cycle that is reshaping the Bay Area? Check out our \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/boomtown\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Boomtown series.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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