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"slug": "congress-advanced-some-major-housing-reforms-heres-how-it-could-impact-california",
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"content": "\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis spreads across the country, Congress is finalizing a package of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">bills \u003c/a>to forestall the worst of the Golden State’s fate by proposing what some national experts say are among the most significant federal housing reforms in years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed bills attack the country’s housing shortage at multiple angles: from innovating construction methods to simplifying federal programs to encouraging localities to plan for more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in many cases, they emulate laws California has already enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local housing activists say Congress’ bills are unlikely to result in big changes here, but that some could support California’s goal of building \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/05/14/governor-newsom-unveils-proposal-to-cut-red-tape-and-fast-track-housing-and-development/\">2.5 million homes by 2030\u003c/a> by jumpstarting construction innovation and further streamlining existing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government could be doing a lot more to really put the pedal to the metal, but this is a good first step,” said Laura Foote, executive director of YIMBY Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075046\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Middle housing units are under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on Oct. 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the House and Senate have been working on bipartisan bill packages since last year, which were consolidated \u003ca href=\"https://www.banking.senate.gov/newsroom/minority/scott-warren-release-21st-century-road-to-housing-act-legislative-package-to-boost-housing-supply-and-bring-down-costs\">earlier this month\u003c/a> into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.banking.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/MIR26311.pdf\">21st Century ROAD to Housing Act\u003c/a>. Last week, the Senate approved the package, but House leaders have called for a conference to discuss changes to the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the debate is a recently added provision, which limits large institutional investors from buying single-family homes, a proposed rule President Donald \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/13/housing-deal-faces-new-hurdle-as-trump-pushes-investor-ban-00779021\">Trump requested in February\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, he announced his own set of reforms: two executive orders aiming to tackle both supply and demand. One order seeks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2026/03/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-removes-regulatory-barriers-to-affordable-home-construction/\">remove regulatory barriers, such as green building mandates, from\u003c/a> permitting requirements, while the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2026/03/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-promotes-access-to-mortgage-credit/\">loosens mortgage lending regulations\u003c/a> for community banks, according to the White House’s fact sheets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California experts say, should Congress’ suite of bills pass, it could amplify or complement efforts locally in some of the key areas they say have been clogging the housing production pipeline for years: old construction methods, lengthy environmental reviews and outdated regulations.[aside postID=news_12075689 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/RibbonCutting.jpg']Reforming some of those outdated federal regulations could help boost the state’s factory-built housing industry, which local lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">paying close attention\u003c/a> to this year. Congress’ package includes multiple provisions to improve financing for modular housing and removes \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/COMPS-10382\">outdated safety standard\u003c/a>s that industry experts argue makes manufactured housing more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, the federal regulations could work in lockstep with local bills encouraging modular and factory-built housing construction across California. State Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Berkeley, plans to soon introduce a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">package of state bills\u003c/a> aimed at the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Dworkin, CEO of the National Housing Conference, a housing advocacy coalition, said Congress’ focus on modular housing could also help Californian communities rebuild faster after a wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell you right now, if [Congress passes] this, people in California are gonna see it immediately in places like Altadena and other communities that were devastated by these fires,” he said. “It’s gonna significantly improve the ability to create housing off-site and design it so that it matches the existing architecture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068866\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Ave., in San Francisco, on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He also noted parts of the federal package were inspired by California’s recently passed laws \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">streamlining state environmental reviews\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal package proposes similar streamlining under its national counterpart, the National Environmental Policy Act, for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/6644/text#H9CB10B2CEB434513B2CF9AE36E3688E1\">number of federally funded projects\u003c/a>, including infill housing, small-scale construction and rehabilitation work. Dworkin said those changes were more palatable for Congressional progressives because of the reforms California already enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump would never say this,” Dworkin said, “but I think that Gov. [Gavin] Newsom gets to pat himself on the back on this one.”[aside postID=news_12075043 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/026_KQED_Vallejo_FactoryOS_08062020_qed.jpg']The federal legislation could also complement California laws like AB 609, which exempts infill housing from state environmental review, by exempting those projects from national review as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other recently passed California laws could get a boost from Congress’ package, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059533/newsom-signs-ambitious-bill-to-boost-housing-density-near-public-transit\">SB 79\u003c/a>, which encourages dense housing near busy bus stops and train stations. That law could work in tandem with Congress’ package, which would reward projects built near public transit with easier access to federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed federal bills could also help California develop housing more quickly by encouraging localities to approve standardized designs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Roche, project director for the Pew Charitable Trusts’ housing policy initiative, pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1332\">2023 California law\u003c/a> that required cities and counties to create pre-approved designs for accessory dwelling units (ADUs), also known as in-law units or granny flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress’ bill takes that a step further by offering grants to local governments to develop a similar type of “pattern book” for ADUs, as well as for duplexes and townhomes. Roche said that could speed approval timelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, California housing advocates say the bill package could go further to penalize cities and counties that don’t want to allow more housing. Foote said she doesn’t think the bills “will greatly change the incentives for cities” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A site of new middle housing units is under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on Oct. 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This doesn’t have a lot of sticks,” she said. “This is all carrots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Congressman Sam Liccardo, D-16, sponsored two of the bills that became part of the House’s package, which focus on making it easier to build affordable and infill housing with federal dollars. He said the reality of these bills is that they “will marginally reduce the cost of construction,” but said every dollar counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, the fact that Congress was able to agree on something is in itself commendable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a group of modest improvements on housing policy,” he said. “We need to do far more, and we need to go far faster, but I think we should celebrate a first step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As California’s housing crisis spreads across the country, Congress is finalizing a package of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/housing\">bills \u003c/a>to forestall the worst of the Golden State’s fate by proposing what some national experts say are among the most significant federal housing reforms in years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed bills attack the country’s housing shortage at multiple angles: from innovating construction methods to simplifying federal programs to encouraging localities to plan for more housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And in many cases, they emulate laws California has already enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Local housing activists say Congress’ bills are unlikely to result in big changes here, but that some could support California’s goal of building \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2025/05/14/governor-newsom-unveils-proposal-to-cut-red-tape-and-fast-track-housing-and-development/\">2.5 million homes by 2030\u003c/a> by jumpstarting construction innovation and further streamlining existing laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The federal government could be doing a lot more to really put the pedal to the metal, but this is a good first step,” said Laura Foote, executive director of YIMBY Action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075046\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075046\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/251007-sacramentomiddlehousing_00240_TV_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Middle housing units are under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on Oct. 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Both the House and Senate have been working on bipartisan bill packages since last year, which were consolidated \u003ca href=\"https://www.banking.senate.gov/newsroom/minority/scott-warren-release-21st-century-road-to-housing-act-legislative-package-to-boost-housing-supply-and-bring-down-costs\">earlier this month\u003c/a> into the \u003ca href=\"https://www.banking.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/MIR26311.pdf\">21st Century ROAD to Housing Act\u003c/a>. Last week, the Senate approved the package, but House leaders have called for a conference to discuss changes to the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the center of the debate is a recently added provision, which limits large institutional investors from buying single-family homes, a proposed rule President Donald \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/13/housing-deal-faces-new-hurdle-as-trump-pushes-investor-ban-00779021\">Trump requested in February\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, he announced his own set of reforms: two executive orders aiming to tackle both supply and demand. One order seeks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2026/03/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-removes-regulatory-barriers-to-affordable-home-construction/\">remove regulatory barriers, such as green building mandates, from\u003c/a> permitting requirements, while the other \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/fact-sheets/2026/03/fact-sheet-president-donald-j-trump-promotes-access-to-mortgage-credit/\">loosens mortgage lending regulations\u003c/a> for community banks, according to the White House’s fact sheets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California experts say, should Congress’ suite of bills pass, it could amplify or complement efforts locally in some of the key areas they say have been clogging the housing production pipeline for years: old construction methods, lengthy environmental reviews and outdated regulations.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Reforming some of those outdated federal regulations could help boost the state’s factory-built housing industry, which local lawmakers are \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">paying close attention\u003c/a> to this year. Congress’ package includes multiple provisions to improve financing for modular housing and removes \u003ca href=\"https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/COMPS-10382\">outdated safety standard\u003c/a>s that industry experts argue makes manufactured housing more expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If passed, the federal regulations could work in lockstep with local bills encouraging modular and factory-built housing construction across California. State Assemblymember Buffy Wicks, a Democrat from Berkeley, plans to soon introduce a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075043/its-expensive-to-build-housing-california-lawmakers-say-factory-built-is-the-future\">package of state bills\u003c/a> aimed at the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>David Dworkin, CEO of the National Housing Conference, a housing advocacy coalition, said Congress’ focus on modular housing could also help Californian communities rebuild faster after a wildfire.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I can tell you right now, if [Congress passes] this, people in California are gonna see it immediately in places like Altadena and other communities that were devastated by these fires,” he said. “It’s gonna significantly improve the ability to create housing off-site and design it so that it matches the existing architecture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12068866\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12068866\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/01/250618-NewTeacherHousing-18-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction workers build at 750 Golden Gate Ave., in San Francisco, on June 18, 2025, during a groundbreaking ceremony marking the start of two affordable housing projects. One will deliver 75 units prioritized for SFUSD and City College educators, and the other at 850 Turk will add 92 family apartments. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He also noted parts of the federal package were inspired by California’s recently passed laws \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12046558/california-lawmakers-approve-major-overhaul-of-landmark-environmental-law\">streamlining state environmental reviews\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal package proposes similar streamlining under its national counterpart, the National Environmental Policy Act, for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/6644/text#H9CB10B2CEB434513B2CF9AE36E3688E1\">number of federally funded projects\u003c/a>, including infill housing, small-scale construction and rehabilitation work. Dworkin said those changes were more palatable for Congressional progressives because of the reforms California already enacted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“President Trump would never say this,” Dworkin said, “but I think that Gov. [Gavin] Newsom gets to pat himself on the back on this one.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The federal legislation could also complement California laws like AB 609, which exempts infill housing from state environmental review, by exempting those projects from national review as well.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other recently passed California laws could get a boost from Congress’ package, including \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12059533/newsom-signs-ambitious-bill-to-boost-housing-density-near-public-transit\">SB 79\u003c/a>, which encourages dense housing near busy bus stops and train stations. That law could work in tandem with Congress’ package, which would reward projects built near public transit with easier access to federal funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed federal bills could also help California develop housing more quickly by encouraging localities to approve standardized designs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tara Roche, project director for the Pew Charitable Trusts’ housing policy initiative, pointed to a \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB1332\">2023 California law\u003c/a> that required cities and counties to create pre-approved designs for accessory dwelling units (ADUs), also known as in-law units or granny flats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Congress’ bill takes that a step further by offering grants to local governments to develop a similar type of “pattern book” for ADUs, as well as for duplexes and townhomes. Roche said that could speed approval timelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, California housing advocates say the bill package could go further to penalize cities and counties that don’t want to allow more housing. Foote said she doesn’t think the bills “will greatly change the incentives for cities” in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12059485\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12059485\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/10/251007-SACRAMENTOMIDDLEHOUSING_00195_TV-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A site of new middle housing units is under construction at 2824 D St. in Sacramento on Oct. 7, 2025. Developers are reviving “middle housing” such as duplexes and cottage clusters, but say California’s rollout of the new rules has been anything but smooth. \u003ccite>(Tâm Vũ/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“This doesn’t have a lot of sticks,” she said. “This is all carrots.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Congressman Sam Liccardo, D-16, sponsored two of the bills that became part of the House’s package, which focus on making it easier to build affordable and infill housing with federal dollars. He said the reality of these bills is that they “will marginally reduce the cost of construction,” but said every dollar counts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And, he said, the fact that Congress was able to agree on something is in itself commendable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a group of modest improvements on housing policy,” he said. “We need to do far more, and we need to go far faster, but I think we should celebrate a first step.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-passed-a-law-to-curb-spikes-in-gas-prices-why-isnt-it-using-those-powers-now",
"title": "California Passed a Law to Curb Spikes in Gas Prices. Why Isn’t It Using Those Powers Now?",
"publishDate": 1773702711,
"format": "standard",
"headTitle": "California Passed a Law to Curb Spikes in Gas Prices. Why Isn’t It Using Those Powers Now? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, California built a first-in-the-nation system aimed at protecting drivers when oil \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/economy\">markets turn calamitous\u003c/a>. The Legislature passed it. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed it. He proclaimed “California took on Big Oil and won.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its author, then-Sen. Nancy Skinner called it a “landmark law” that “will allow us to hold oil companies accountable if they pad their profits at the expense of hard-working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the law — which gave regulators the power to cap refinery profits and penalize oil companies for price gouging — has never been used. Instead, last year, the California Energy Commission voted to delay the rules for five years. Skinner – who wrote the law as a Senator – was absent when her own commission voted to delay it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with gas \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/09/california-gas-prices-iran-war\">topping $5.30 a gallon\u003c/a> statewide, that decision is under a new spotlight. The Iran war has sent global oil prices soaring — but the war is only part of the story. California has a structural problem: fewer refineries, a captive market and no easy outside supply options. When prices rise nationally, they can rise even more here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/AP23086788063121-scaled-e1770414780894.jpg\" alt=\"A sign at a gas station shows very high gas prices, approaching $6 a gallon. The Bay Bridge can be scene in the background.\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bay Bridge rises behind the price board of a gas station in San Francisco on July 20, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proponents say this is precisely the moment the 2023 law was designed for. The commissioners last year left the door open to rescind the delay — and move forward with the rule before the five years — if they change their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the moments we need them, because when the price of a commodity goes through the roof — be it crude oil or refined gasoline — that’s when companies make outrageous profits,” said Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who backed the delay argue it was a necessary concession — that penalizing refiners risked driving them out of the state entirely. It’s a tension that cuts to the heart of California’s energy predicament: how to protect consumers today from an industry the state can’t yet afford to lose, while still making good on its promise to leave that industry behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>California’s unused gas-price tools\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When the California Energy Commission met last August Newsom was already retreating from his confrontation with the oil industry. The question before commissioners was whether to move ahead with aggressive rules targeting refinery profits — or step back, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/08/oil-compromise-california-legislature/\">as the governor was doing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was a sharp reversal. Newsom had declared \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/08/california-gas-prices-newsom-special-session/\">special legislative sessions\u003c/a> in 2022 and 2024, pushing through sweeping new powers to curb gasoline price spikes — including requirements that refiners store more fuel and replace lost supply during maintenance, and the profit-cap rules now sitting dormant. A new energy commission oversight division created by the law found an unexplained gasoline premium of about 41 cents per gallon between 2015 and 2024, costing drivers \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-10/CEC-900-2025-001.pdf\">an estimated $59 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are critically important laws,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “What that information shows is that Californians are at the mercy of a very few refiners with immense power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil industry strongly opposed the measures, and some economists remain skeptical of them. UC Berkeley energy economist Severin Borenstein warned that capping refinery profits during shortages could backfire.[aside postID=news_12076523 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2264208891-2000x1465.jpg']“The last thing we need is to start trying to regulate refinery margins,” he said. “As much as people don’t like high gasoline prices, they really, really hate gas lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By last August, refinery closures were looming and warnings of $8-a-gallon gasoline circulated in Sacramento. Newsom and Democratic leaders were negotiating with the oil industry to boost production in Kern County — talks that produced a law that has since driven an uptick in drilling permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Valero said it would close its Benicia refinery, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Newsom-Gupta-Letter-4.21.pdf\">Newsom directed Siva Gunda\u003c/a>, vice chair of the California Energy Commission, to “redouble the state’s efforts to work closely with refiners on short- and long-term planning” and ensure a “reliable supply of transportation fuels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gunda responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-07/CEC%27s_Respone_to_Governor_Newsom%27s_Letter_June-27-2025_ada.pdf\">series of recommendations\u003c/a> that aligned largely with industry’s desires — among them a pause in the state’s profit-cap rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Against that backdrop, energy commissioners \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/filebrowser/download/7958?fid=7958\">voted on Aug. 29\u003c/a> to delay the rules for five years. Ahead of the vote, Gunda said the delay would help boost “investor confidence” in the state’s oil refiners, “thereby ensuring a reliable in-state refining capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Valero refinery in Benicia on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oil industry representatives say the decision made sense – the profit-cap measures, they argued, miss the real problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real problem is California is an energy island — we’re losing 17% of our refining capacity,” said Zachary Leary, a lobbyist for the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Court, of Consumer Watchdog, said the governor “panicked,” leaving the state without the “hammer” it now needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have this type of level of gas run up, you’re going to need those tools,” Court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The difficult middle of the energy transition\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has committed to phasing out fossil fuels by 2045 — but it still depends heavily on gasoline, and it is losing the refineries that produce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phillips 66 last year shut its Los Angeles refinery, citing concerns about the sustainability of the California market. Valero is closing its Benicia refinery next month, pointing to a challenging regulatory environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The silhouettes of several smokestacks emit fumes into the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillips 66 Los Angeles Refinery Wilmington Plant stands beyond a residential street on November 28, 2022 in Wilmington. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you start losing refineries — as we are going to — and you don’t have an alternative source of supply, we’re going to start getting price spikes when there’s any sort of disruption at one of our refineries,” Borenstein said. “Or just during high demand periods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge of reducing fossil fuel use while maintaining adequate supply has created what Gunda — Newsom’s point person in negotiations with the oil industry — calls the “mid-transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to be a smooth transition,” Gunda said last month in testimony to a state Senate committee. “Every time you lose a refinery, it’s going to be a double-digit percent of refined fuel lost in California. So that abrupt transition will mean an abrupt increase in imports.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A global oil shock hits California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The recent jump in gasoline prices reflects a global oil shock tied to the war with Iran — not a policy change unique to California, experts said. But the surge highlights how exposed the state remains to global energy markets as it loses refining capacity and \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65704\">imports more crude\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.spglobal.com/energy/en/news-research/latest-news/crude-oil/112525-californias-gasoline-demand-met-with-increased-global-supply-as-refineries-close\">gasoline\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the conflict began, the international benchmark for crude oil has climbed more than $25 a barrel — a shift that typically translates to about 60 cents per gallon at the pump, in line with the increase in California retail prices, argues Borenstein, of UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075007\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of demonstrators march along Market Street during a “Hands Off Iran” rally on Feb. 28, 2026, in San Francisco. Protesters took over the roadway while calling for an arms embargo and an end to U.S. participation in the strikes. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All of the change we’ve seen in the last couple of weeks is in line with the change in crude oil prices, and therefore is not California specific,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has made a similar argument, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/03/10/governor-newsom-blasts-trump-for-raising-gasoline-prices-on-americans-with-no-plan-and-no-accountability/\">blaming the spike\u003c/a> on global oil markets and the war with Iran rather than California policies. But analysts note that the state’s shrinking refinery base means global shocks land harder here than elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key concern is the Strait of Hormuz. Before the conflict, the narrow waterway carried \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65504#:~:text=The%20Strait%20of%20Hormuz%2C%20located,of%20global%20petroleum%20liquids%20consumption.\">more than 20 million barrels of oil a day\u003c/a> — roughly one-fifth of global supply. Traffic is now at a standstill, and crude prices topped $100 a barrel again — even after more than 30 countries \u003ca href=\"https://www.iea.org/news/iea-member-countries-to-carry-out-largest-ever-oil-stock-release-amid-market-disruptions-from-middle-east-conflict\">announced\u003c/a> releases from emergency reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Cummings, chief of staff at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policymaking, said a prolonged closure could push crude prices above $130 or $140 per barrel — driving California prices closer to $7, with a worst-case scenario approaching $10 at some stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076648\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The port city of Gwadar balochistan on the southwestern coast of Pakistan, just outside the Strait of Hormuz near key shipping routes in and out of the Persian Gulf. \u003ccite>(SM Rafiq Photography via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most analysts consider that outcome unlikely but no longer unthinkable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, this doesn’t appear likely, but it is a worst-case scenario that is growing by the day,” Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Competing ideas for what comes next\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Siegel, of the Center for Biological Diversity, said California should move forward immediately to implement the profit-cap rules and require companies to hold larger fuel inventories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our leaders shouldn’t rest until the rules are in place to prevent price gouging on top of volatility, and should not rest until people get their money back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists say California’s biggest challenge may be infrastructure. Valero plans to close its Benicia refinery, which produces about 10% of the state’s gasoline, next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051503\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luna Angulo looks at the Chevron Refinery from the Wildcat Marsh Staging Area in Richmond on Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://nealemahoney.substack.com/p/an-analysis-of-the-valero-benicia\">analysis posted last year\u003c/a>, Stanford economist Neale Mahoney and Cummings said California could offset lost refinery production with gasoline imports – if permitting allows refineries like Benicia to convert to fuel import terminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said in January his administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/01/06/governor-newsoms-statement-on-valeros-benicia-refinery-update/\">working with the company\u003c/a> to continue importing gasoline into Northern California after its refinery operations close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was in the Legislature right now, all of my energies and effort would be built on, one, making sure that Benicia gets turned into an import terminal — and two, making sure whoever owns or operates that is not an incumbent,” Cummings said.[aside postID=news_12075522 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/11/RobBontaAP.jpg']Court, of Consumer Watchdog, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.phillips66.com/newsroom/western-gateway-pipeline/\">a proposed Phillips 66 pipeline\u003c/a> that could bring refined gasoline from Midwest refineries into the state – something California has never had, relying instead on in-state refining and marine imports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the Western Gateway Pipeline, the project would build a new pipeline and reverse an existing one to move gasoline and diesel from central U.S. refineries to Arizona and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One state lawmaker has \u003ca href=\"https://ransom.asmdc.org/press-releases/20260219-assemblymember-rhodesia-ransom-introduces-bill-gives-access-cheaper\">proposed expanding access to E85\u003c/a>, a cheaper ethanol blend. Both ideas remain proposals without clear timelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/27873034-mpc-proposed-cap-and-invest-amendments-concerns-30926/\">some oil companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/27813814-asm-member-letter-carb-ci-regs-concerns-march-9/\">even some Democrats\u003c/a> are warning California’s climate policies could raise production costs enough that refineries reconsider operating in California — adding another pressure point to an already strained supply picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The profit-cap rules that could penalize oil companies remain on hold until 2029. By then, California may have lost more refineries — and may still be grappling with the problem Newsom once promised to solve: gasoline price shocks in the country’s most unaffordable market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/03/california-iran-oil-profit-spike/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c!-- Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ -->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was originally published by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\">CalMatters\u003c/a>. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/subscribe-to-calmatters/\">Sign up\u003c/a> for their newsletters.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, California built a first-in-the-nation system aimed at protecting drivers when oil \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/economy\">markets turn calamitous\u003c/a>. The Legislature passed it. Gov. Gavin Newsom signed it. He proclaimed “California took on Big Oil and won.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Its author, then-Sen. Nancy Skinner called it a “landmark law” that “will allow us to hold oil companies accountable if they pad their profits at the expense of hard-working families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the law — which gave regulators the power to cap refinery profits and penalize oil companies for price gouging — has never been used. Instead, last year, the California Energy Commission voted to delay the rules for five years. Skinner – who wrote the law as a Senator – was absent when her own commission voted to delay it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, with gas \u003ca href=\"https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/mar/09/california-gas-prices-iran-war\">topping $5.30 a gallon\u003c/a> statewide, that decision is under a new spotlight. The Iran war has sent global oil prices soaring — but the war is only part of the story. California has a structural problem: fewer refineries, a captive market and no easy outside supply options. When prices rise nationally, they can rise even more here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944934\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944934\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/AP23086788063121-scaled-e1770414780894.jpg\" alt=\"A sign at a gas station shows very high gas prices, approaching $6 a gallon. The Bay Bridge can be scene in the background.\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1319\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bay Bridge rises behind the price board of a gas station in San Francisco on July 20, 2022. \u003ccite>(Jeff Chiu/AP)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Proponents say this is precisely the moment the 2023 law was designed for. The commissioners last year left the door open to rescind the delay — and move forward with the rule before the five years — if they change their minds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the moments we need them, because when the price of a commodity goes through the roof — be it crude oil or refined gasoline — that’s when companies make outrageous profits,” said Jamie Court, president of Consumer Watchdog.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those who backed the delay argue it was a necessary concession — that penalizing refiners risked driving them out of the state entirely. It’s a tension that cuts to the heart of California’s energy predicament: how to protect consumers today from an industry the state can’t yet afford to lose, while still making good on its promise to leave that industry behind.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>California’s unused gas-price tools\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When the California Energy Commission met last August Newsom was already retreating from his confrontation with the oil industry. The question before commissioners was whether to move ahead with aggressive rules targeting refinery profits — or step back, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2025/08/oil-compromise-california-legislature/\">as the governor was doing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076525\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076525\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/260116-NewsomLuriePresser-33-BL_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks during a press conference at the Friendship House Association of American Indians in San Francisco on Jan. 16, 2026.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was a sharp reversal. Newsom had declared \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/08/california-gas-prices-newsom-special-session/\">special legislative sessions\u003c/a> in 2022 and 2024, pushing through sweeping new powers to curb gasoline price spikes — including requirements that refiners store more fuel and replace lost supply during maintenance, and the profit-cap rules now sitting dormant. A new energy commission oversight division created by the law found an unexplained gasoline premium of about 41 cents per gallon between 2015 and 2024, costing drivers \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-10/CEC-900-2025-001.pdf\">an estimated $59 billion\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are critically important laws,” said Kassie Siegel, director of the Climate Law Institute at the Center for Biological Diversity. “What that information shows is that Californians are at the mercy of a very few refiners with immense power.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s oil industry strongly opposed the measures, and some economists remain skeptical of them. UC Berkeley energy economist Severin Borenstein warned that capping refinery profits during shortages could backfire.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The last thing we need is to start trying to regulate refinery margins,” he said. “As much as people don’t like high gasoline prices, they really, really hate gas lines.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By last August, refinery closures were looming and warnings of $8-a-gallon gasoline circulated in Sacramento. Newsom and Democratic leaders were negotiating with the oil industry to boost production in Kern County — talks that produced a law that has since driven an uptick in drilling permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After Valero said it would close its Benicia refinery, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Newsom-Gupta-Letter-4.21.pdf\">Newsom directed Siva Gunda\u003c/a>, vice chair of the California Energy Commission, to “redouble the state’s efforts to work closely with refiners on short- and long-term planning” and ensure a “reliable supply of transportation fuels.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gunda responded with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/sites/default/files/2025-07/CEC%27s_Respone_to_Governor_Newsom%27s_Letter_June-27-2025_ada.pdf\">series of recommendations\u003c/a> that aligned largely with industry’s desires — among them a pause in the state’s profit-cap rule.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Against that backdrop, energy commissioners \u003ca href=\"https://www.energy.ca.gov/filebrowser/download/7958?fid=7958\">voted on Aug. 29\u003c/a> to delay the rules for five years. Ahead of the vote, Gunda said the delay would help boost “investor confidence” in the state’s oil refiners, “thereby ensuring a reliable in-state refining capacity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12037671\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12037671\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/230921-VALERO-BENICIA-REFINERY-MD-02_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Valero refinery in Benicia on Sept. 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Oil industry representatives say the decision made sense – the profit-cap measures, they argued, miss the real problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The real problem is California is an energy island — we’re losing 17% of our refining capacity,” said Zachary Leary, a lobbyist for the Western States Petroleum Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Court, of Consumer Watchdog, said the governor “panicked,” leaving the state without the “hammer” it now needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you have this type of level of gas run up, you’re going to need those tools,” Court said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The difficult middle of the energy transition\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California has committed to phasing out fossil fuels by 2045 — but it still depends heavily on gasoline, and it is losing the refineries that produce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Phillips 66 last year shut its Los Angeles refinery, citing concerns about the sustainability of the California market. Valero is closing its Benicia refinery next month, pointing to a challenging regulatory environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11960711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11960711\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"The silhouettes of several smokestacks emit fumes into the air.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/239011-OIL-AIR-QUALITY-Getty-MT-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Phillips 66 Los Angeles Refinery Wilmington Plant stands beyond a residential street on November 28, 2022 in Wilmington. \u003ccite>(Mario Tama/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If you start losing refineries — as we are going to — and you don’t have an alternative source of supply, we’re going to start getting price spikes when there’s any sort of disruption at one of our refineries,” Borenstein said. “Or just during high demand periods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The challenge of reducing fossil fuel use while maintaining adequate supply has created what Gunda — Newsom’s point person in negotiations with the oil industry — calls the “mid-transition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not going to be a smooth transition,” Gunda said last month in testimony to a state Senate committee. “Every time you lose a refinery, it’s going to be a double-digit percent of refined fuel lost in California. So that abrupt transition will mean an abrupt increase in imports.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A global oil shock hits California\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The recent jump in gasoline prices reflects a global oil shock tied to the war with Iran — not a policy change unique to California, experts said. But the surge highlights how exposed the state remains to global energy markets as it loses refining capacity and \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65704\">imports more crude\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.spglobal.com/energy/en/news-research/latest-news/crude-oil/112525-californias-gasoline-demand-met-with-increased-global-supply-as-refineries-close\">gasoline\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the conflict began, the international benchmark for crude oil has climbed more than $25 a barrel — a shift that typically translates to about 60 cents per gallon at the pump, in line with the increase in California retail prices, argues Borenstein, of UC Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075007\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075007\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/022826_IRAN-BAY-AREA-RESPONSE_GH_011-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds of demonstrators march along Market Street during a “Hands Off Iran” rally on Feb. 28, 2026, in San Francisco. Protesters took over the roadway while calling for an arms embargo and an end to U.S. participation in the strikes. \u003ccite>(Gustavo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“All of the change we’ve seen in the last couple of weeks is in line with the change in crude oil prices, and therefore is not California specific,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom has made a similar argument, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/03/10/governor-newsom-blasts-trump-for-raising-gasoline-prices-on-americans-with-no-plan-and-no-accountability/\">blaming the spike\u003c/a> on global oil markets and the war with Iran rather than California policies. But analysts note that the state’s shrinking refinery base means global shocks land harder here than elsewhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A key concern is the Strait of Hormuz. Before the conflict, the narrow waterway carried \u003ca href=\"https://www.eia.gov/todayinenergy/detail.php?id=65504#:~:text=The%20Strait%20of%20Hormuz%2C%20located,of%20global%20petroleum%20liquids%20consumption.\">more than 20 million barrels of oil a day\u003c/a> — roughly one-fifth of global supply. Traffic is now at a standstill, and crude prices topped $100 a barrel again — even after more than 30 countries \u003ca href=\"https://www.iea.org/news/iea-member-countries-to-carry-out-largest-ever-oil-stock-release-amid-market-disruptions-from-middle-east-conflict\">announced\u003c/a> releases from emergency reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Cummings, chief of staff at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policymaking, said a prolonged closure could push crude prices above $130 or $140 per barrel — driving California prices closer to $7, with a worst-case scenario approaching $10 at some stations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076648\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1980px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12076648\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1980\" height=\"1320\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574.jpg 1980w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-639787574-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1980px) 100vw, 1980px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The port city of Gwadar balochistan on the southwestern coast of Pakistan, just outside the Strait of Hormuz near key shipping routes in and out of the Persian Gulf. \u003ccite>(SM Rafiq Photography via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most analysts consider that outcome unlikely but no longer unthinkable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, this doesn’t appear likely, but it is a worst-case scenario that is growing by the day,” Cummings said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Competing ideas for what comes next\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Siegel, of the Center for Biological Diversity, said California should move forward immediately to implement the profit-cap rules and require companies to hold larger fuel inventories.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our leaders shouldn’t rest until the rules are in place to prevent price gouging on top of volatility, and should not rest until people get their money back,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Economists say California’s biggest challenge may be infrastructure. Valero plans to close its Benicia refinery, which produces about 10% of the state’s gasoline, next month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12051503\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12051503\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/08/250808-CAP-AND-TRADE-ENVIRO-JUSTICE-MD-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Luna Angulo looks at the Chevron Refinery from the Wildcat Marsh Staging Area in Richmond on Aug. 8, 2025. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In an \u003ca href=\"https://nealemahoney.substack.com/p/an-analysis-of-the-valero-benicia\">analysis posted last year\u003c/a>, Stanford economist Neale Mahoney and Cummings said California could offset lost refinery production with gasoline imports – if permitting allows refineries like Benicia to convert to fuel import terminals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said in January his administration is \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2026/01/06/governor-newsoms-statement-on-valeros-benicia-refinery-update/\">working with the company\u003c/a> to continue importing gasoline into Northern California after its refinery operations close.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I was in the Legislature right now, all of my energies and effort would be built on, one, making sure that Benicia gets turned into an import terminal — and two, making sure whoever owns or operates that is not an incumbent,” Cummings said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Court, of Consumer Watchdog, pointed to \u003ca href=\"https://www.phillips66.com/newsroom/western-gateway-pipeline/\">a proposed Phillips 66 pipeline\u003c/a> that could bring refined gasoline from Midwest refineries into the state – something California has never had, relying instead on in-state refining and marine imports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dubbed the Western Gateway Pipeline, the project would build a new pipeline and reverse an existing one to move gasoline and diesel from central U.S. refineries to Arizona and California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One state lawmaker has \u003ca href=\"https://ransom.asmdc.org/press-releases/20260219-assemblymember-rhodesia-ransom-introduces-bill-gives-access-cheaper\">proposed expanding access to E85\u003c/a>, a cheaper ethanol blend. Both ideas remain proposals without clear timelines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/27873034-mpc-proposed-cap-and-invest-amendments-concerns-30926/\">some oil companies\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/27813814-asm-member-letter-carb-ci-regs-concerns-march-9/\">even some Democrats\u003c/a> are warning California’s climate policies could raise production costs enough that refineries reconsider operating in California — adding another pressure point to an already strained supply picture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The profit-cap rules that could penalize oil companies remain on hold until 2029. By then, California may have lost more refineries — and may still be grappling with the problem Newsom once promised to solve: gasoline price shocks in the country’s most unaffordable market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This article was \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/environment/2026/03/california-iran-oil-profit-spike/\">originally published on CalMatters\u003c/a> and was republished under the \u003ca href=\"https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/\">Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives\u003c/a> license.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The war on Iran opened up yet another opportunity for Gov. Gavin Newsom and President Donald Trump to play the blame game — this time, over the soaring cost of gasoline in California and across the country.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott, Marisa and Guy break down how the debate is playing out politically and what’s driving the state’s rising fuel costs. They also discuss Proposition 1, Newsom’s sweeping behavioral health initiative aimed at addressing homelessness and mental illness. Nearly two years after voters narrowly approved the measure, critics say progress toward opening new treatment beds has been slow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Check out \u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Gov. Gavin Newsom and President Donald Trump are trading blame for rising gasoline prices, as the conflict with Iran intensifies. Meanwhile, Newsom is facing criticism over the implementation for Proposition 1, his signature behavioral health initiative.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Billionaire climate activist Tom Steyer has vastly outspent his competitors in the California governor’s race. The former hedge fund manager, who previously ran an unsuccessful bid for president in 2020, now promises that if elected governor, he will lower costs by requiring corporations pay what he calls their “fair share.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In conversation with Marisa and Scott, Steyer reflects on growing up in New York City and how he went from building his fortune at Farallon Capitol to fighting climate change. The discussion also covers his policy agenda, including plans to reduce electricity bills by breaking up utility monopolies and boosting funding for public schools.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/QjXvKfldFlI'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/QjXvKfldFlI'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>This interview is part of a series of conversations with the 2026 gubernatorial candidates for California. The primary election is June 2.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Check out \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/newsletters/political-breakdown\">Political Breakdown’s weekly newsletter\u003c/a>, delivered straight to your inbox.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "san-francisco-receives-100-million-prop-1-windfall-to-expand-treatment-beds",
"title": "San Francisco Receives $100 Million Proposition 1 Windfall to Expand Treatment Beds",
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"content": "\u003cp>As San Francisco faces a looming budget deficit, city leaders are breathing a momentary sigh of relief thanks to around $100 million in new state funding that will go toward expanding local psychiatric and addiction treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest funding comes from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a $6.4 billion bond that California voters passed in 2024, and will specifically fund additional beds at three different locations in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes as the city is also proposing to cut millions of dollars across departments, including public health, to close a nearly $900 million budget shortfall and amid federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These investments strengthen our city’s ability to respond with compassion and accountability. Facing a serious budget deficit as we are here in the city, we are leveraging every possible funding source,” Lurie said as he announced the funding on Thursday. “We’re not simply pouring money into something that’s broken, but investing in solutions that get people off the streets, into treatment and on a path to recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, California has distributed nearly $4.17 billion across the state in one-time Proposition 1 dollars to support nearly 7,000 residential treatment beds and 27,500 outpatient treatment slots, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076232/projects-under-initial-prop-1-funding-hit-delays\">some projects have been delayed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036369\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale Street in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. San Francisco plans to expand a program pairing shelter beds at the Adante Hotel on Geary Street in Lower Nob Hill with access to addiction treatment, to intervene in the city’s drug crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco received funding for 73 new locked and dual diagnosis treatment beds through the bond program last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this latest funding round, local health officials plan to put $70.2 million toward 50 sub-acute beds and six acute psychiatric beds at UCSF Health Hyde Hospital, $14.2 million toward 44 treatment beds on Treasure Island and $11.2 million toward opening a sobering center in an unused city property at 1660 Mission St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health Director Daniel Tsai said the funding is desperately needed. The city has a dearth of adequate and \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">available beds\u003c/a>, which means that people who are ready for treatment must often leave the city.[aside postID=news_12075619 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/12/250418-SFPDFile-46-BL_qed.jpg']The move can pull them away from their support network, making their recovery even more difficult, or it can deter them from treatment entirely. “There are simply not enough beds. We are sending people as far as Santa Barbara for this level of care,” Tsai said on Thursday. “In many cases, folks are left on the street because there is no appropriate level of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction for the new beds on Treasure Island is slated to begin in winter of 2026 at a 64,000-square-foot, six-story building located at Tradewinds Avenue and Mackey Lane. About 172 existing recovery beds on Treasure Island will also be relocated from the former U.S. Navy housing on the island to the site that is slated to be redeveloped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timelines for the other two projects were not specified, but Tsai said they will begin “as fast as humanely possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials added that the vision for the site at 1660 Mission St. includes a sobering center that also serves as a hub for other public health care services, like pharmacy pick-ups, case worker meetings and other health assessments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be the second sobering center that Lurie’s administration has attempted, after the city recently announced the upcoming opening of the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073638/san-francisco-moves-ahead-with-sobering-center-despite-legal-risk-memo\">RESET Center\u003c/a>, where police are expected to drop off people they arrest for outdoor drug use, rather than taking them to jail for booking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new behavioral health center at 822 Geary St., opened by the Department of Public Health, in San Francisco on May 2, 2025, is geared toward treating unhoused individuals experiencing a behavioral health crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, if someone has an outstanding warrant or other reason for arrest along with drug use, they could still be booked into jail. Some studies have shown that the risk of fatal and non-fatal \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10795482/\">overdose dramatically increases\u003c/a> following a release from jail or prison. That, along with Lurie’s controversial decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032239/overdoses-climb-lurie-orders-scaling-back-harm-reduction-programs\">scale back many of the city’s harm reduction\u003c/a> public health programs, has alarmed some addiction experts and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new funding comes almost a year after Lurie opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">mental health crisis center at 822 Geary St.\u003c/a>, also intended for first responders to drop off people struggling on the street. Individuals can also walk in themselves for a quiet space to relax and get connected with medical professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These programs will provide much-needed mental health services to some of our most vulnerable individuals in the community and support them on their road to recovery,” Crestwood CEO Patty Bloom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The health organization will operate the new 50 locked beds at Health Hyde Hospital for people under mental health conservatorship, and it currently oversees the stabilization center at 822 Geary St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Patrick McDonald on Sixth Street in San Francisco after visiting the outdoor triage center to get a shelter space on Feb. 11, 2025. He has a broken hip. “I’ve been on the streets so long, I just want off,” he said. “I just want to cry.” \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028499/can-sfs-new-triage-centers-help-solve-the-addiction-crisis\">police-friendly triage center on Sixth Street\u003c/a>, however, did not have the same success and has quietly tapered off services such as offering a place to sit and get a hot coffee on the often-hectic South of Market neighborhood stretch, or sign up for social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, overdose rates have fluctuated on a month-to-month basis but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data--preliminary-unintentional-drug-overdose-deaths\">remain high in San Francisco\u003c/a>, with fentanyl still one of the most common substances involved in accidental overdose death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the mayor touted the progress the city has made on street-level conditions, one of the key issues he campaigned on before entering office. Last month, the city saw a drop in tent encampments and more people participating in Journey Home, a program that covers transportation out of the city for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that we have challenges on our streets, but with this momentum, we will continue to push for results for the people of San Francisco,” Lurie said. “We must keep going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "San Francisco Receives $100 Million Proposition 1 Windfall to Expand Treatment Beds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As San Francisco faces a looming budget deficit, city leaders are breathing a momentary sigh of relief thanks to around $100 million in new state funding that will go toward expanding local psychiatric and addiction treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The latest funding comes from \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11980415/newsom-celebrates-proposition-1-victory-after-sleepless-weeks\">Proposition 1\u003c/a>, a $6.4 billion bond that California voters passed in 2024, and will specifically fund additional beds at three different locations in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It comes as the city is also proposing to cut millions of dollars across departments, including public health, to close a nearly $900 million budget shortfall and amid federal funding cuts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These investments strengthen our city’s ability to respond with compassion and accountability. Facing a serious budget deficit as we are here in the city, we are leveraging every possible funding source,” Lurie said as he announced the funding on Thursday. “We’re not simply pouring money into something that’s broken, but investing in solutions that get people off the streets, into treatment and on a path to recovery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Already, California has distributed nearly $4.17 billion across the state in one-time Proposition 1 dollars to support nearly 7,000 residential treatment beds and 27,500 outpatient treatment slots, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12076232/projects-under-initial-prop-1-funding-hit-delays\">some projects have been delayed\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12036369\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12036369\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/04/019_KQED_EmbarcaderoNavigationCenter_01302020_7872_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The dormitory at the Embarcadero SAFE Navigation Center at the corner of Embarcadero and Beale Street in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2020. San Francisco plans to expand a program pairing shelter beds at the Adante Hotel on Geary Street in Lower Nob Hill with access to addiction treatment, to intervene in the city’s drug crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>San Francisco received funding for 73 new locked and dual diagnosis treatment beds through the bond program last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In this latest funding round, local health officials plan to put $70.2 million toward 50 sub-acute beds and six acute psychiatric beds at UCSF Health Hyde Hospital, $14.2 million toward 44 treatment beds on Treasure Island and $11.2 million toward opening a sobering center in an unused city property at 1660 Mission St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health Director Daniel Tsai said the funding is desperately needed. The city has a dearth of adequate and \u003ca href=\"https://www.findtreatment-sf.org/\">available beds\u003c/a>, which means that people who are ready for treatment must often leave the city.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The move can pull them away from their support network, making their recovery even more difficult, or it can deter them from treatment entirely. “There are simply not enough beds. We are sending people as far as Santa Barbara for this level of care,” Tsai said on Thursday. “In many cases, folks are left on the street because there is no appropriate level of care.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction for the new beds on Treasure Island is slated to begin in winter of 2026 at a 64,000-square-foot, six-story building located at Tradewinds Avenue and Mackey Lane. About 172 existing recovery beds on Treasure Island will also be relocated from the former U.S. Navy housing on the island to the site that is slated to be redeveloped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Timelines for the other two projects were not specified, but Tsai said they will begin “as fast as humanely possible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>City officials added that the vision for the site at 1660 Mission St. includes a sobering center that also serves as a hub for other public health care services, like pharmacy pick-ups, case worker meetings and other health assessments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It would be the second sobering center that Lurie’s administration has attempted, after the city recently announced the upcoming opening of the so-called \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12073638/san-francisco-moves-ahead-with-sobering-center-despite-legal-risk-memo\">RESET Center\u003c/a>, where police are expected to drop off people they arrest for outdoor drug use, rather than taking them to jail for booking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12038603\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12038603\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/05/250502-TENDERLOINTRIAGECENTER-02-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A new behavioral health center at 822 Geary St., opened by the Department of Public Health, in San Francisco on May 2, 2025, is geared toward treating unhoused individuals experiencing a behavioral health crisis. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, if someone has an outstanding warrant or other reason for arrest along with drug use, they could still be booked into jail. Some studies have shown that the risk of fatal and non-fatal \u003ca href=\"https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10795482/\">overdose dramatically increases\u003c/a> following a release from jail or prison. That, along with Lurie’s controversial decision to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12032239/overdoses-climb-lurie-orders-scaling-back-harm-reduction-programs\">scale back many of the city’s harm reduction\u003c/a> public health programs, has alarmed some addiction experts and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new funding comes almost a year after Lurie opened a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12038376/tenderloin-welcomes-mental-health-clinic-demands-broader-city-action-on-homelessness\">mental health crisis center at 822 Geary St.\u003c/a>, also intended for first responders to drop off people struggling on the street. Individuals can also walk in themselves for a quiet space to relax and get connected with medical professionals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These programs will provide much-needed mental health services to some of our most vulnerable individuals in the community and support them on their road to recovery,” Crestwood CEO Patty Bloom said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The health organization will operate the new 50 locked beds at Health Hyde Hospital for people under mental health conservatorship, and it currently oversees the stabilization center at 822 Geary St.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12026726\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12026726\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/02/20250211_SFPOLICETRIAGE_GC-20-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">James Patrick McDonald on Sixth Street in San Francisco after visiting the outdoor triage center to get a shelter space on Feb. 11, 2025. He has a broken hip. “I’ve been on the streets so long, I just want off,” he said. “I just want to cry.” \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12028499/can-sfs-new-triage-centers-help-solve-the-addiction-crisis\">police-friendly triage center on Sixth Street\u003c/a>, however, did not have the same success and has quietly tapered off services such as offering a place to sit and get a hot coffee on the often-hectic South of Market neighborhood stretch, or sign up for social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, overdose rates have fluctuated on a month-to-month basis but \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/data--preliminary-unintentional-drug-overdose-deaths\">remain high in San Francisco\u003c/a>, with fentanyl still one of the most common substances involved in accidental overdose death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Thursday, the mayor touted the progress the city has made on street-level conditions, one of the key issues he campaigned on before entering office. Last month, the city saw a drop in tent encampments and more people participating in Journey Home, a program that covers transportation out of the city for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know that we have challenges on our streets, but with this momentum, we will continue to push for results for the people of San Francisco,” Lurie said. “We must keep going.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Following hours of public testimony and discussion, the Oakley City Council voted 4-1 on Tuesday to approve a controversial industrial project that will convert vineyards into a logistics hub, though the plan no longer includes data centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developer removed that possibility from the project’s application before the council’s final vote around midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 164-acre \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/3954117/SR_CC_BIP_2026-03-10.pdf\">Bridgehead Industrial Project\u003c/a> site sits in the northwestern corner of the east Contra Costa County town of Oakley, south of the San Joaquin Delta. The vineyards on the site also border single-family residences and the Big Break Regional Shoreline Park to the east.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oxfoot Oakley LLC, the project applicant, requested the council approve a series of land-use changes to begin construction on 10 buildings that could be used for general warehousing, logistics facilities, truck and trailer parking and industrial battery storage. The original project also included data center use as a potential permitted use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, the project will exceed a whopping 7 million square feet, making it one of the largest of its kind in the Bay Area. By comparison, Tesla’s Fremont Factory is more than 5 million square feet. The future tenants have not yet been identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Tuesday’s meeting, residents packed the council’s chambers to express their concerns about the environmental impact of the project on their community and nearby ecosystems. The most pressing objections centered on the enormous water and electricity demands of the potential data centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risks obviously outweigh the benefits and your commute and comfort is likely not worth the health of our community, right?” 16-year Oakley resident Alyssa Thomas said during public comment. “We certainly cannot house an AI data center, but it’s also important just to keep in mind and for everyone to understand that Oakley does not need another lot full of warehouses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076162 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2-160x49.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2-1536x469.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bridgehead Industrial Project would transform 164 acres near the San Joaquin River and Big Break Regional Shoreline into industrial buildings, potentially housing warehouses, logistics facilities and battery storage. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of City of Oakley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas also pointed to the “significant and unavoidable impacts” listed in the project’s Environmental Impact Report, which detailed the loss of farmland, conflicts with air quality plans during the project operation and an increase in air pollutants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, union representatives argued that the project would be a boon to the local economy, providing an estimated 3,500 jobs to a region starved for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Haynes, a business representative with the Sheet Metal Workers Local Union 104, argued that even temporary jobs matter to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I could work on one job for one year and I live in Oakley, that’s going to give me an extra thousand hours to spend with my family and with my community. I think you have to weigh that heavily,” Haynes said. “I think this is a wonderful opportunity to build something nice, new, shiny, sustainable. And I applaud the developer and the property owner for working with the trades and taking pride in union membership to build this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Oakley Councilmember Brad Nix pointed to what he described as a massive jobs-to-housing imbalance in east Contra Costa County.[aside postID=news_12072118 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/CAT-%E2%80%94-DataCenters2-2000x1125.png']“The number one issue Oakley has always had has been jobs,” he said. “This is an opportunity to address that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the applicant’s representative Jason Bennett, a principal with development firm JB2 Partners, rose to address the council, he acknowledged the community’s concerns and announced the developer was pulling data centers from the project entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have certainly heard the concerns of the community and, in line with the fact that that was never our principal strategy to develop data centers here … I respectfully request a modifier application to remove [the] data center from … the application in its entirety,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett’s announcement drew cheers and immediately shifted the council’s deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was not in any way ready to support this project with the data centers in it. I just think that it wasn’t something that my constituents were going to support,” Councilmember Shannon Shaw said, before casting her ‘yes’ vote. “It made this a whole lot easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The soon-to-be-uprooted vineyards belong to Fred Cline of Cline Family Cellars, who also owns Oxfoot Oakley LLC. The family claims the vineyards have reached the end of their lifespan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the data center’s opponents claimed a partial victory, Oakley resident Savioso Ramirez worried the chemical runoff from the project in any form could threaten the local salmon population, and that increased truck traffic would worsen air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless, if the data center is built there or not, we want to be clear that it will be devastating to the environment,” Ramirez told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/swhitney\">\u003cem>Spencer Whitney\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeeeKhyuk-_odJH80iw5eAlpLBF-YWJnOi_Yqs4BEN9fY1YJA/viewform?usp=publish-editor\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Following hours of public testimony and discussion, the Oakley City Council voted 4-1 on Tuesday to approve a controversial industrial project that will convert vineyards into a logistics hub, though the plan no longer includes data centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developer removed that possibility from the project’s application before the council’s final vote around midnight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 164-acre \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/3954117/SR_CC_BIP_2026-03-10.pdf\">Bridgehead Industrial Project\u003c/a> site sits in the northwestern corner of the east Contra Costa County town of Oakley, south of the San Joaquin Delta. The vineyards on the site also border single-family residences and the Big Break Regional Shoreline Park to the east.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oxfoot Oakley LLC, the project applicant, requested the council approve a series of land-use changes to begin construction on 10 buildings that could be used for general warehousing, logistics facilities, truck and trailer parking and industrial battery storage. The original project also included data center use as a potential permitted use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In total, the project will exceed a whopping 7 million square feet, making it one of the largest of its kind in the Bay Area. By comparison, Tesla’s Fremont Factory is more than 5 million square feet. The future tenants have not yet been identified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During Tuesday’s meeting, residents packed the council’s chambers to express their concerns about the environmental impact of the project on their community and nearby ecosystems. The most pressing objections centered on the enormous water and electricity demands of the potential data centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The risks obviously outweigh the benefits and your commute and comfort is likely not worth the health of our community, right?” 16-year Oakley resident Alyssa Thomas said during public comment. “We certainly cannot house an AI data center, but it’s also important just to keep in mind and for everyone to understand that Oakley does not need another lot full of warehouses.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12076162\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-12076162 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"611\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2-160x49.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/OakleyProjectRendering2-1536x469.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Bridgehead Industrial Project would transform 164 acres near the San Joaquin River and Big Break Regional Shoreline into industrial buildings, potentially housing warehouses, logistics facilities and battery storage. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of City of Oakley)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Thomas also pointed to the “significant and unavoidable impacts” listed in the project’s Environmental Impact Report, which detailed the loss of farmland, conflicts with air quality plans during the project operation and an increase in air pollutants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, union representatives argued that the project would be a boon to the local economy, providing an estimated 3,500 jobs to a region starved for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric Haynes, a business representative with the Sheet Metal Workers Local Union 104, argued that even temporary jobs matter to workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If I could work on one job for one year and I live in Oakley, that’s going to give me an extra thousand hours to spend with my family and with my community. I think you have to weigh that heavily,” Haynes said. “I think this is a wonderful opportunity to build something nice, new, shiny, sustainable. And I applaud the developer and the property owner for working with the trades and taking pride in union membership to build this project.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Former Oakley Councilmember Brad Nix pointed to what he described as a massive jobs-to-housing imbalance in east Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The number one issue Oakley has always had has been jobs,” he said. “This is an opportunity to address that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the applicant’s representative Jason Bennett, a principal with development firm JB2 Partners, rose to address the council, he acknowledged the community’s concerns and announced the developer was pulling data centers from the project entirely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have certainly heard the concerns of the community and, in line with the fact that that was never our principal strategy to develop data centers here … I respectfully request a modifier application to remove [the] data center from … the application in its entirety,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bennett’s announcement drew cheers and immediately shifted the council’s deliberations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was not in any way ready to support this project with the data centers in it. I just think that it wasn’t something that my constituents were going to support,” Councilmember Shannon Shaw said, before casting her ‘yes’ vote. “It made this a whole lot easier.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The soon-to-be-uprooted vineyards belong to Fred Cline of Cline Family Cellars, who also owns Oxfoot Oakley LLC. The family claims the vineyards have reached the end of their lifespan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even as the data center’s opponents claimed a partial victory, Oakley resident Savioso Ramirez worried the chemical runoff from the project in any form could threaten the local salmon population, and that increased truck traffic would worsen air quality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Regardless, if the data center is built there or not, we want to be clear that it will be devastating to the environment,” Ramirez told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/swhitney\">\u003cem>Spencer Whitney\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe\n src='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeeeKhyuk-_odJH80iw5eAlpLBF-YWJnOi_Yqs4BEN9fY1YJA/viewform?usp=publish-editor?embedded=true'\n title='https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSeeeKhyuk-_odJH80iw5eAlpLBF-YWJnOi_Yqs4BEN9fY1YJA/viewform?usp=publish-editor'\n width='760' height='500'\n frameborder='0'\n marginheight='0' marginwidth='0'>\u003c/iframe>\u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom limited to two terms, California’s got a wide open governor’s race. Eight Democrats and two Republicans will be on the ballot in the June primary; from there, the top two finishers, regardless of party, will head to a runoff in November. KQED’s Guy Marzorati explains why this governor’s race is the most wide-open in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075156/californias-governors-race-is-breaking-an-80-year-political-mold\">California’s Governor’s Race Is Breaking an 80-Year Political Mold | KQED\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2828114348&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:01] \u003c/em>From KQED, I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara and welcome to the Bay local news to keep you rooted. Political news has been absolutely dominated by President Donald Trump. But whether it feels like it or not, we’ve got a whole governor’s race going on in California right now to replace Gavin Newsom. And the first step is right around the corner in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:31] \u003c/em>It’s a real test for voters to say, okay, who’s your pick? What are you looking for in a leader?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:38] \u003c/em>Voters have a long list of candidates to choose from, especially if you’re a Democrat. And without a clear standout star in this year’s race, Californians have a lot of options. Today, California’s wide open governor’s race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:09] \u003c/em>This is without a doubt the most wide open race for California governor in the 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:18] \u003c/em>Guy Marzorotti is a politics and government correspondent for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:24] \u003c/em>You know, there’s been a lot of consternation about the fact that, oh, we don’t have a natural front runner or there’s a lot of messiness in terms of how this is being sorted out. I see it as kind of exciting, honestly, for Californians. There’s no one who’s been anointed. The special interests in the state have not knighted someone to be our next governor. This is truly a wide open race that leaves a lot of really interesting choices for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:53] \u003c/em>Maybe this is just me, but it actually doesn’t even really feel like we’re having a governor’s race this year. I guess I mean this just in terms of the fact that there isn’t, like, a big name in the race that people are super familiar with. And I’m wondering if you can just talked first about, I mean, who’s not in? In the race and how that has sort of shaped the governor’s race in California this year in many ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:24] \u003c/em>Yeah I mean I think the vibe that you’re feeling is right on. In many ways this race has been defined for a while about like who’s not in it. First there was a lot of anticipation would Kamala Harris run for governor? She decided not to. Would US Senator Alex Padilla run? He decided not to with the state’s attorney general that’s typically been like the best launching pad to become governor with the State’s Attorney General Rob Bonta run. He decided not to. I would also say like there’s been a lot else going on. You know, like that is distracted from this campaign playing out. Of course, everything happening at the national level, the kind of day by day whirlwind of the Trump administration, but also a lot here in California. We had a whole statewide campaign last year with Proposition 50, that the gerrymandering effort to redraw our congressional maps that no one really expected. It kind of came out of the blue and dominated California’s political scene. To the detriment and kind of to the exclusion of focus on the governance race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:28] \u003c/em>That’s a great point. I mean, all the stuff going on with immigration, it’s just our attentions feel elsewhere right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:35] \u003c/em>Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:36] \u003c/em>Can you describe then for me the shape of the race so far now? I mean we have, it sounds like a bunch of people running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:44] \u003c/em>Yeah. So I think if we break the race down broadly into a category of like top contenders, we currently have eight Democrats and two Republicans. In that top 10, you have eight Democrats, Congressmember Eric Swalwell from the East Bay, former U.S. Representative Katie Porter, who’s from Orange County, Tom Steyer, who is a wealthy investor, Matt Mahan, the mayor of San Jose, Xavier Becerra, the former attorney general, former Health and Human Services secretary, former LA mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, the state’s former controller, Betty Yee, and the current state superintendent, Tony Thurmond. So that’s the Democratic field. And then two Republicans, conservative commentator Steve Hilton, and then Riverside County Sheriff, Chad Bianco. And remember the June primary is a top two primary. So everyone appears on the ballot together regardless of party and you can vote for a Democrat, you could vote for Republican, the top two will advance to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:56] \u003c/em>So there’s not one breakout star in this year’s governor’s race, but who is rising to the top right now, especially among voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:05] \u003c/em>Yeah, so, you know, I mentioned that 10 candidate field. We are seeing somewhat of a top five in polling where you have the two Republicans, Steve Hilton, this, you know, commentator who has appeared a lot throughout the years on\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chad Bianco: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:22] \u003c/em>We need change in California. We’ve had one-party rules now 16 years, as I keep pointing out. It’s just a question of balance in our system. I don’t think it’s one party rule is healthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:33] \u003c/em>Chad Bianco, a sheriff of Riverside County, who’s really heralded his conservative law enforcement credentials. California, the Democrat party, the Democratic agenda, and California is indefensible. And then three Democrats who have kind of risen up in the polls, Eric Swalwell, who made his name in Congress really fighting against President Donald Trump. He served as an impeachment manager in the 2021 impeachment hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Eric Swalwell: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:02] \u003c/em>And so as governor, I will make sure that I’m on offense on behalf of Californians so that the most vulnerable are not on defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:11] \u003c/em>Katie Porter, who also made her name in Congress, both as an opponent of Trump and as someone who kind of became famous for wielding this whiteboard during hearings and having these confrontations with pharmaceutical executives and folks in the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Porter: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:27] \u003c/em>If you’ve seen me in a hearing, you know that I like to eat. Cheating CEOs for breakfast, lunch, and dinner, I am unafraid to take on the rich and powerful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:36] \u003c/em>And then Tom Steyer who made his wealth as a hedge fund manager, but has spent more than a decade now as really a big time political investor and running campaigns, fighting against tobacco companies and others in statewide ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tom Steyer: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:53] \u003c/em>Why do I think it’s me? I don’t owe any on anything, and I’m willing to take on very well-funded special interests who are not going to like me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:05] \u003c/em>We’ve seen those top five pretty consistently in recent polling, but I should say, even within that, no candidate has gotten even a fifth of the vote reliably. We haven’t seen any of those candidates reliably poll above 20%. So a lot of that polling, I think, at this point in the race, is speaking to name identification, simply who are Californians familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:32] \u003c/em>Among the Democrats, you noted that some of the top contenders so far are Eric Swalwell, Katie Porter, and Tom Steyer. Why do you think those three are sort of rising to the top?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:46] \u003c/em>Yeah, I think a lot of that has to do at this point in the race with simply who are voters familiar with. In the case of Eric Swalwell and Katie Porter, they both made their name in Congress. They’ve only ever ever represented one congressional district, yet they’ve made their name by being, you know, a constant antagonist to the Trump administration. They’ve created these viral moments in congressional hearings, and so they become these congressional superstars with. A name ID that really goes beyond the boundaries of their congressional district. And then that third Democrat I mentioned, Tom Steyer, he’s kind of gotten himself out there in a different way. It’s been through his own spending. He spent about $80 million so far on this campaign, running ads all over the state, seemingly at all hours, and really put himself and his more kind of progressive platform on the radar for a lot of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:50] \u003c/em>We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after the break. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:02] \u003c/em>Do we have any idea who could line up behind any one of these candidates on the Democratic side? I mean, have we seen any kinds of big endorsements?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:13] \u003c/em>When it comes to the endorsement question, like who have groups gotten behind, we haven’t seen a lot of consensus. You know, the Democratic Party held a convention. They held an endorsement vote. No one received the endorsements. No one was able to get the 60% of delegates needed. But I think the lack of consensus goes beyond just the Democratic party. Take labor unions, like there is no consensus labor candidate right now, and you can go back 30 years in governor’s races in California, traditionally when the labor community consolidates around a Democrat, that Democrat wins the primary. We’re not seeing that this year. The California Nurses Association endorsed Tom Steyer. We’ve seen the Teamsters support Katie Porter, the Building Trades, Union support Antonio Villaraigosa. And then outside of organized labor, there have been some other groups that have gotten involved and shown a real willingness to spend money. I’m thinking about. A group representing doctors that’s getting behind Eric Swalwell, and then the big one is Silicon Valley, which we’ve seen a lot of prominent tech entrepreneurs, executives and investors give to Matt Mahan. Since he’s jumped in the race, he’s already gotten more than $10 million. He’s basically ahead of everyone in fundraising except Tom Steyer, who’s funding his own campaign largely, and then we’ve seen interest from Silicon Valley. Executives to create outside groups to be able to pour even more money into Mahan’s campaign. So that’s really in the recent weeks where you’ve seen the largest movement financially is Tom Steyer continuing to give tens of millions to his campaign and Silicon valley really lining up behind Matt Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:11] \u003c/em>And I guess a reminder for folks listening that the top two finishers in this June primary will advance to November, regardless of their party. I know there’s been a lot of talk about how the number of choices among the Democrats is just so high that folks are kind of afraid that this actually might end up being a runoff between two Republicans. I mean, how likely is that given the lack of unity among the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:43] \u003c/em>Yeah, I mean, this has become an increasing concern for democratic leaders in the state as we’ve seen the field really not narrow much at all. Right now, there’s Paul Mitchell, who’s a voting data expert in California. He put together this simulator that puts in polling and other metrics to figure out what are the chances of that actually happening. Right now it’s hovering somewhere around kind of a one in four chance that we would end up with two Republicans in the general election. And that’s been kind of too close for comfort for a lot of Democratic leaders. So in the last week, you saw the chair of the state party, Rusty Hicks. Call on candidates who he said, look, if you don’t have a path, a viable path to make it to the general election, it’s time to start wrapping up your campaign. We saw his call echoed by Governor Gavin Newsom, the speaker of the state assembly, Robert Revis. So more and more of these leading Democrats say, okay, it’s for some of the lower polling candidates to drop out. And this will be a test of like party strength. Like is that call heated or do we, you know, see this large field continue? Uh… Into may when voting begins\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:55] \u003c/em>Yeah, I mean you mentioned earlier that the top five in the polls right now are sort of writing on a little bit of name recognition, but it does sort of feel like any one of these folks are like maybe just one viral moment away from taking the lead on this thing given how open it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:15] \u003c/em>Yeah, no, I think that’s exactly fair. And when you think about the top Democrats, like I’ve been thinking about this recently, like the path that we’re seeing is something so different from traditional California history, where usually the governor is someone who has previously served in statewide office. That’s how you build up recognition among voters. That is how you build up support from interest groups at the state capitol. We’re not seeing that in this year’s election. Eric Swalwell. Has represented one congressional district. Katie Porter has represented one congressional District yet, they’ve been able to capitalize on what you described viral moments in DC that’s then led to exposure on national cable television. And as we’ve seen more of the nationalization of political media, that’s really played in their advantage. And I would say it’s also put a spotlight on really the ability for Democrats to use Trump. To get their name out. Like we were less than two months from voting getting underway, yet this campaign has not been defined really at all about like policy disagreements. But like, I think a lot of people are attracted to candidates because of their kind of value statements, right? And what they say they stand for versus maybe any specific position. If we don’t have a race in which the party establishment and others are all coalescing around one candidate and basically saying to voters, okay, here’s our pick. It’s a real test for voters to say, okay who’s your pick? It opens up a really interesting test. Of what voters are looking for in a leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:15:59] \u003c/em>Well, Guy, thank you so much for breaking this down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:16:02] \u003c/em>Yeah, thanks for having me.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>With Gov. Gavin Newsom limited to two terms, California’s got a wide open governor’s race. Eight Democrats and two Republicans will be on the ballot in the June primary; from there, the top two finishers, regardless of party, will head to a runoff in November. KQED’s Guy Marzorati explains why this governor’s race is the most wide-open in decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075156/californias-governors-race-is-breaking-an-80-year-political-mold\">California’s Governor’s Race Is Breaking an 80-Year Political Mold | KQED\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>Some members of the KQED podcast team are represented by The Screen Actors Guild, American Federation of Television and Radio Artists, San Francisco-Northern California Local.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm?e=KQINC2828114348&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:01] \u003c/em>From KQED, I’m Ericka Cruz Guevara and welcome to the Bay local news to keep you rooted. Political news has been absolutely dominated by President Donald Trump. But whether it feels like it or not, we’ve got a whole governor’s race going on in California right now to replace Gavin Newsom. And the first step is right around the corner in the June primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:31] \u003c/em>It’s a real test for voters to say, okay, who’s your pick? What are you looking for in a leader?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:00:38] \u003c/em>Voters have a long list of candidates to choose from, especially if you’re a Democrat. And without a clear standout star in this year’s race, Californians have a lot of options. Today, California’s wide open governor’s race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:09] \u003c/em>This is without a doubt the most wide open race for California governor in the 21st century.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:18] \u003c/em>Guy Marzorotti is a politics and government correspondent for KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:24] \u003c/em>You know, there’s been a lot of consternation about the fact that, oh, we don’t have a natural front runner or there’s a lot of messiness in terms of how this is being sorted out. I see it as kind of exciting, honestly, for Californians. There’s no one who’s been anointed. The special interests in the state have not knighted someone to be our next governor. This is truly a wide open race that leaves a lot of really interesting choices for voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:01:53] \u003c/em>Maybe this is just me, but it actually doesn’t even really feel like we’re having a governor’s race this year. I guess I mean this just in terms of the fact that there isn’t, like, a big name in the race that people are super familiar with. And I’m wondering if you can just talked first about, I mean, who’s not in? In the race and how that has sort of shaped the governor’s race in California this year in many ways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:02:24] \u003c/em>Yeah I mean I think the vibe that you’re feeling is right on. In many ways this race has been defined for a while about like who’s not in it. First there was a lot of anticipation would Kamala Harris run for governor? She decided not to. Would US Senator Alex Padilla run? He decided not to with the state’s attorney general that’s typically been like the best launching pad to become governor with the State’s Attorney General Rob Bonta run. He decided not to. I would also say like there’s been a lot else going on. You know, like that is distracted from this campaign playing out. Of course, everything happening at the national level, the kind of day by day whirlwind of the Trump administration, but also a lot here in California. We had a whole statewide campaign last year with Proposition 50, that the gerrymandering effort to redraw our congressional maps that no one really expected. It kind of came out of the blue and dominated California’s political scene. To the detriment and kind of to the exclusion of focus on the governance race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:28] \u003c/em>That’s a great point. I mean, all the stuff going on with immigration, it’s just our attentions feel elsewhere right now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:35] \u003c/em>Right, right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>\u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:36] \u003c/em>Can you describe then for me the shape of the race so far now? I mean we have, it sounds like a bunch of people running.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:03:44] \u003c/em>Yeah. So I think if we break the race down broadly into a category of like top contenders, we currently have eight Democrats and two Republicans. In that top 10, you have eight Democrats, Congressmember Eric Swalwell from the East Bay, former U.S. Representative Katie Porter, who’s from Orange County, Tom Steyer, who is a wealthy investor, Matt Mahan, the mayor of San Jose, Xavier Becerra, the former attorney general, former Health and Human Services secretary, former LA mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, the state’s former controller, Betty Yee, and the current state superintendent, Tony Thurmond. So that’s the Democratic field. And then two Republicans, conservative commentator Steve Hilton, and then Riverside County Sheriff, Chad Bianco. And remember the June primary is a top two primary. So everyone appears on the ballot together regardless of party and you can vote for a Democrat, you could vote for Republican, the top two will advance to the general election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:04:56] \u003c/em>So there’s not one breakout star in this year’s governor’s race, but who is rising to the top right now, especially among voters?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:05] \u003c/em>Yeah, so, you know, I mentioned that 10 candidate field. We are seeing somewhat of a top five in polling where you have the two Republicans, Steve Hilton, this, you know, commentator who has appeared a lot throughout the years on\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Chad Bianco: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:22] \u003c/em>We need change in California. We’ve had one-party rules now 16 years, as I keep pointing out. It’s just a question of balance in our system. I don’t think it’s one party rule is healthy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:05:33] \u003c/em>Chad Bianco, a sheriff of Riverside County, who’s really heralded his conservative law enforcement credentials. California, the Democrat party, the Democratic agenda, and California is indefensible. And then three Democrats who have kind of risen up in the polls, Eric Swalwell, who made his name in Congress really fighting against President Donald Trump. He served as an impeachment manager in the 2021 impeachment hearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Eric Swalwell: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:02] \u003c/em>And so as governor, I will make sure that I’m on offense on behalf of Californians so that the most vulnerable are not on defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:11] \u003c/em>Katie Porter, who also made her name in Congress, both as an opponent of Trump and as someone who kind of became famous for wielding this whiteboard during hearings and having these confrontations with pharmaceutical executives and folks in the Trump administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Katie Porter: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:27] \u003c/em>If you’ve seen me in a hearing, you know that I like to eat. Cheating CEOs for breakfast, lunch, and dinner, I am unafraid to take on the rich and powerful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:36] \u003c/em>And then Tom Steyer who made his wealth as a hedge fund manager, but has spent more than a decade now as really a big time political investor and running campaigns, fighting against tobacco companies and others in statewide ballot initiatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Tom Steyer: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:06:53] \u003c/em>Why do I think it’s me? I don’t owe any on anything, and I’m willing to take on very well-funded special interests who are not going to like me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:05] \u003c/em>We’ve seen those top five pretty consistently in recent polling, but I should say, even within that, no candidate has gotten even a fifth of the vote reliably. We haven’t seen any of those candidates reliably poll above 20%. So a lot of that polling, I think, at this point in the race, is speaking to name identification, simply who are Californians familiar with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:32] \u003c/em>Among the Democrats, you noted that some of the top contenders so far are Eric Swalwell, Katie Porter, and Tom Steyer. Why do you think those three are sort of rising to the top?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:07:46] \u003c/em>Yeah, I think a lot of that has to do at this point in the race with simply who are voters familiar with. In the case of Eric Swalwell and Katie Porter, they both made their name in Congress. They’ve only ever ever represented one congressional district, yet they’ve made their name by being, you know, a constant antagonist to the Trump administration. They’ve created these viral moments in congressional hearings, and so they become these congressional superstars with. A name ID that really goes beyond the boundaries of their congressional district. And then that third Democrat I mentioned, Tom Steyer, he’s kind of gotten himself out there in a different way. It’s been through his own spending. He spent about $80 million so far on this campaign, running ads all over the state, seemingly at all hours, and really put himself and his more kind of progressive platform on the radar for a lot of voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:08:50] \u003c/em>We’ll have more with KQED’s Guy Marzorati right after the break. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:02] \u003c/em>Do we have any idea who could line up behind any one of these candidates on the Democratic side? I mean, have we seen any kinds of big endorsements?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:10:13] \u003c/em>When it comes to the endorsement question, like who have groups gotten behind, we haven’t seen a lot of consensus. You know, the Democratic Party held a convention. They held an endorsement vote. No one received the endorsements. No one was able to get the 60% of delegates needed. But I think the lack of consensus goes beyond just the Democratic party. Take labor unions, like there is no consensus labor candidate right now, and you can go back 30 years in governor’s races in California, traditionally when the labor community consolidates around a Democrat, that Democrat wins the primary. We’re not seeing that this year. The California Nurses Association endorsed Tom Steyer. We’ve seen the Teamsters support Katie Porter, the Building Trades, Union support Antonio Villaraigosa. And then outside of organized labor, there have been some other groups that have gotten involved and shown a real willingness to spend money. I’m thinking about. A group representing doctors that’s getting behind Eric Swalwell, and then the big one is Silicon Valley, which we’ve seen a lot of prominent tech entrepreneurs, executives and investors give to Matt Mahan. Since he’s jumped in the race, he’s already gotten more than $10 million. He’s basically ahead of everyone in fundraising except Tom Steyer, who’s funding his own campaign largely, and then we’ve seen interest from Silicon Valley. Executives to create outside groups to be able to pour even more money into Mahan’s campaign. So that’s really in the recent weeks where you’ve seen the largest movement financially is Tom Steyer continuing to give tens of millions to his campaign and Silicon valley really lining up behind Matt Mahan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:11] \u003c/em>And I guess a reminder for folks listening that the top two finishers in this June primary will advance to November, regardless of their party. I know there’s been a lot of talk about how the number of choices among the Democrats is just so high that folks are kind of afraid that this actually might end up being a runoff between two Republicans. I mean, how likely is that given the lack of unity among the Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:12:43] \u003c/em>Yeah, I mean, this has become an increasing concern for democratic leaders in the state as we’ve seen the field really not narrow much at all. Right now, there’s Paul Mitchell, who’s a voting data expert in California. He put together this simulator that puts in polling and other metrics to figure out what are the chances of that actually happening. Right now it’s hovering somewhere around kind of a one in four chance that we would end up with two Republicans in the general election. And that’s been kind of too close for comfort for a lot of Democratic leaders. So in the last week, you saw the chair of the state party, Rusty Hicks. Call on candidates who he said, look, if you don’t have a path, a viable path to make it to the general election, it’s time to start wrapping up your campaign. We saw his call echoed by Governor Gavin Newsom, the speaker of the state assembly, Robert Revis. So more and more of these leading Democrats say, okay, it’s for some of the lower polling candidates to drop out. And this will be a test of like party strength. Like is that call heated or do we, you know, see this large field continue? Uh… Into may when voting begins\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:13:55] \u003c/em>Yeah, I mean you mentioned earlier that the top five in the polls right now are sort of writing on a little bit of name recognition, but it does sort of feel like any one of these folks are like maybe just one viral moment away from taking the lead on this thing given how open it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guy Marzorati: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:14:15] \u003c/em>Yeah, no, I think that’s exactly fair. And when you think about the top Democrats, like I’ve been thinking about this recently, like the path that we’re seeing is something so different from traditional California history, where usually the governor is someone who has previously served in statewide office. That’s how you build up recognition among voters. That is how you build up support from interest groups at the state capitol. We’re not seeing that in this year’s election. Eric Swalwell. Has represented one congressional district. Katie Porter has represented one congressional District yet, they’ve been able to capitalize on what you described viral moments in DC that’s then led to exposure on national cable television. And as we’ve seen more of the nationalization of political media, that’s really played in their advantage. And I would say it’s also put a spotlight on really the ability for Democrats to use Trump. To get their name out. Like we were less than two months from voting getting underway, yet this campaign has not been defined really at all about like policy disagreements. But like, I think a lot of people are attracted to candidates because of their kind of value statements, right? And what they say they stand for versus maybe any specific position. If we don’t have a race in which the party establishment and others are all coalescing around one candidate and basically saying to voters, okay, here’s our pick. It’s a real test for voters to say, okay who’s your pick? It opens up a really interesting test. Of what voters are looking for in a leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/b>\u003cem>[00:15:59] \u003c/em>Well, Guy, thank you so much for breaking this down. Appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San José State University is challenging the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071407/trump-officials-say-san-jose-state-broke-civil-rights-law-by-letting-trans-athlete-play\">threats to withhold funding\u003c/a> over policies supporting transgender student-athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed in federal court last week by the California State University system comes after the U.S. Department of Education presented San José State with an ultimatum in January, saying that if the school does not make a set of sweeping policy changes and public statements barring transgender students from athletic programs, it could risk losing hundreds of millions of dollars in federal financial aid and research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is no choice at all,” the lawsuit reads. “SJSU has filed this action to defend the rule of law and protect itself and its community against such lawless acts by the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school made national headlines when a series of opponents forfeited games against its women’s volleyball team, which had a transgender player, in 2024. Shortly after, the department’s Office for Civil Rights opened an investigation into San José State University in February 2025, alleging the school violated federal Title IX law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same month, President Donald Trump issued an executive order barring transgender athletes from participating in women’s sports, and the NCAA said it would change its policies in line with the directive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074482\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GettyImages-2262729717-scaled-e1773182284895.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1413\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during a press briefing at the White House on Feb. 20, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Chen Mengtong/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The moves followed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015114/anti-trans-lawsuit-seeks-ban-san-jose-state-volleyball-player-tournament\">lawsuit filed during the 2024 season\u003c/a> by San José State’s co-captain, Brooke Slusser and a slew of players on teams that had forfeited attempting to bar the transgender athlete from playing on San José State’s team, alleging that the school and the Big Mountain West athletic conference violated the rights of women by allowing transgender players to compete. At the time, the university had not acknowledged publicly whether a transgender athlete played on the team, and the player had not yet publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/20/magazine/trans-athletes-women-college-sports.html\">come out\u003c/a> as trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the federal government threatened to withhold federal funding if it didn’t make changes to school policies that state that there are only two sexes and that “the sex of a human — female or male — is unchangeable,” issue public and personal apologies to women who forfeited games against the volleyball team and bar transgender women from women’s sports teams and gendered facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school receives nearly $200 million in research funding from the federal government. About two-thirds of its students also rely on a total of about $130 million in federal financial aid, according to the lawsuit. Without the funding, the lawsuit states, those students, many of whom are the first in their families to go to college, could lose necessary financial support and may not be able to afford tuition.[aside postID=news_12071407 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-01-1020x680.jpg']Still, the CSU rejected the proposed resolution agreement from the Department of Education last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the school said that its policies allowing transgender players to participate on the team between 2022 and 2024 were in line with federal law, and the DOE’s own interpretation of Title IX at the time. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals also issued rulings in 2023 and 2024 upholding the rights of transgender athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our position is simple: We have followed the law and cannot be punished for doing so,” SJSU President Cynthia Teniente-Matson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the CSU added that any future change cannot be applied retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The President does not have the authority to override judicial decisions interpreting the Constitution or federal statutes — much less to go back in time and change the rules that applied before he took office,” the suit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on its website, the CSU said its policies supporting transgender students and prohibiting gender identity discrimination remain in place, and “remains unwavering in its commitment to fostering an inclusive, respectful, and safe environment for all students, faculty, and staff — including LGBTQ+ community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the question of whether transgender athletes could be barred from competing in women’s sports more broadly in the future remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Inside a gym with players in yellow uniforms.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San José State Spartans play the Air Force Falcons during the first set of an NCAA college volleyball match on Thursday, Oct. 31, 2024, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Eakin Howard/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order restricting transgender athletes’ participation is currently being challenged in multiple lawsuits — both alleging that its enforcement violates Title IX precedent, like the CSU case, and that the administration’s process for rescinding federal funding is unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiwali Patel, a senior director of education justice at the National Women’s Law Center and a Title IX attorney, said that federal law limits the government from rescinding funds from an entire institution, as opposed to the program that’s been found in noncompliance with Title IX.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075180/advocates-worry-supreme-court-is-going-after-the-transgender-community-deliberately\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> is also expected to rule on a pair of state laws banning transgender athletes from women’s teams this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03.jpg\" alt=\"People wearing volleyball uniforms shake hands near the volleyball net.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San José State Spartans volleyball team greets their opponents, the University of New Mexico Lobos, before playing their home game on Nov. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Natalia Navarro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in January, the court appeared poised to uphold the bans, though depending on how narrowly the court chooses to rule, that decision might not directly impact schools in California, which has state laws protecting transgender students’ rights to participate in sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Assuming that the court does that, and does not hold that Title IX mandates an anti-trans sports ban, then there is even stronger grounds for CSU to fight back against the Trump administration,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some schools that have faced federal funding threats have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/trump-university-college.html\">made concessions \u003c/a>or come to agreements with the Trump administration, and the suit said that if the Supreme Court or Ninth Circuit changes the law and imposes new or different requirements, “SJSU will comply going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "San José State Claps Back at Trump Threats to Withhold Student Funding | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San José State University is challenging the Trump administration’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071407/trump-officials-say-san-jose-state-broke-civil-rights-law-by-letting-trans-athlete-play\">threats to withhold funding\u003c/a> over policies supporting transgender student-athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit filed in federal court last week by the California State University system comes after the U.S. Department of Education presented San José State with an ultimatum in January, saying that if the school does not make a set of sweeping policy changes and public statements barring transgender students from athletic programs, it could risk losing hundreds of millions of dollars in federal financial aid and research funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That is no choice at all,” the lawsuit reads. “SJSU has filed this action to defend the rule of law and protect itself and its community against such lawless acts by the federal government.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school made national headlines when a series of opponents forfeited games against its women’s volleyball team, which had a transgender player, in 2024. Shortly after, the department’s Office for Civil Rights opened an investigation into San José State University in February 2025, alleging the school violated federal Title IX law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same month, President Donald Trump issued an executive order barring transgender athletes from participating in women’s sports, and the NCAA said it would change its policies in line with the directive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12074482\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12074482\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/GettyImages-2262729717-scaled-e1773182284895.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1413\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">President Donald Trump speaks during a press briefing at the White House on Feb. 20, 2026, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Chen Mengtong/China News Service/VCG via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The moves followed a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12015114/anti-trans-lawsuit-seeks-ban-san-jose-state-volleyball-player-tournament\">lawsuit filed during the 2024 season\u003c/a> by San José State’s co-captain, Brooke Slusser and a slew of players on teams that had forfeited attempting to bar the transgender athlete from playing on San José State’s team, alleging that the school and the Big Mountain West athletic conference violated the rights of women by allowing transgender players to compete. At the time, the university had not acknowledged publicly whether a transgender athlete played on the team, and the player had not yet publicly \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/20/magazine/trans-athletes-women-college-sports.html\">come out\u003c/a> as trans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In January, the federal government threatened to withhold federal funding if it didn’t make changes to school policies that state that there are only two sexes and that “the sex of a human — female or male — is unchangeable,” issue public and personal apologies to women who forfeited games against the volleyball team and bar transgender women from women’s sports teams and gendered facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The school receives nearly $200 million in research funding from the federal government. About two-thirds of its students also rely on a total of about $130 million in federal financial aid, according to the lawsuit. Without the funding, the lawsuit states, those students, many of whom are the first in their families to go to college, could lose necessary financial support and may not be able to afford tuition.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Still, the CSU rejected the proposed resolution agreement from the Department of Education last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the school said that its policies allowing transgender players to participate on the team between 2022 and 2024 were in line with federal law, and the DOE’s own interpretation of Title IX at the time. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals also issued rulings in 2023 and 2024 upholding the rights of transgender athletes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our position is simple: We have followed the law and cannot be punished for doing so,” SJSU President Cynthia Teniente-Matson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys for the CSU added that any future change cannot be applied retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The President does not have the authority to override judicial decisions interpreting the Constitution or federal statutes — much less to go back in time and change the rules that applied before he took office,” the suit reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement on its website, the CSU said its policies supporting transgender students and prohibiting gender identity discrimination remain in place, and “remains unwavering in its commitment to fostering an inclusive, respectful, and safe environment for all students, faculty, and staff — including LGBTQ+ community members.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, the question of whether transgender athletes could be barred from competing in women’s sports more broadly in the future remains unclear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12016237\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12016237\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed.jpg\" alt=\"Inside a gym with players in yellow uniforms.\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/AP24306173842056_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San José State Spartans play the Air Force Falcons during the first set of an NCAA college volleyball match on Thursday, Oct. 31, 2024, in San José, California. \u003ccite>(Eakin Howard/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Trump’s executive order restricting transgender athletes’ participation is currently being challenged in multiple lawsuits — both alleging that its enforcement violates Title IX precedent, like the CSU case, and that the administration’s process for rescinding federal funding is unlawful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shiwali Patel, a senior director of education justice at the National Women’s Law Center and a Title IX attorney, said that federal law limits the government from rescinding funds from an entire institution, as opposed to the program that’s been found in noncompliance with Title IX.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075180/advocates-worry-supreme-court-is-going-after-the-transgender-community-deliberately\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> is also expected to rule on a pair of state laws banning transgender athletes from women’s teams this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12015199\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12015199\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03.jpg\" alt=\"People wearing volleyball uniforms shake hands near the volleyball net.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/11/241120-TransgenderAthletes-03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The San José State Spartans volleyball team greets their opponents, the University of New Mexico Lobos, before playing their home game on Nov. 2, 2024. \u003ccite>(Natalia Navarro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>During oral arguments in January, the court appeared poised to uphold the bans, though depending on how narrowly the court chooses to rule, that decision might not directly impact schools in California, which has state laws protecting transgender students’ rights to participate in sports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Assuming that the court does that, and does not hold that Title IX mandates an anti-trans sports ban, then there is even stronger grounds for CSU to fight back against the Trump administration,” Patel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, some schools that have faced federal funding threats have \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/article/trump-university-college.html\">made concessions \u003c/a>or come to agreements with the Trump administration, and the suit said that if the Supreme Court or Ninth Circuit changes the law and imposes new or different requirements, “SJSU will comply going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "mahan-calls-for-belt-tightening-in-san-jose-budget-plan",
"title": "Mahan Calls for Belt-Tightening in San José Budget Plan",
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"headTitle": "Mahan Calls for Belt-Tightening in San José Budget Plan | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Facing a projected budget shortfall of $56 million, San José Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/matt-mahan\">Matt Mahan\u003c/a> on Tuesday called for a round of belt-tightening at City Hall in his annual spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, who is running for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">California governor\u003c/a>, acknowledged that cuts are likely unavoidable given sluggish tax returns and rising employee costs — but he called for the preservation of funding for five city “focus areas” that have defined both his mayoralty and his nascent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">statewide campaign\u003c/a>: unsheltered homelessness, public safety, housing production, neighborhood cleanup and economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our current fiscal outlook demands that we make difficult trade-offs to maintain critical core services for our residents,” Mahan wrote in his March Budget Message. “Recommitting to focus reinforces our commitment to fiscal sustainability and cost-effective service delivery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan did not identify specific positions for cuts. Under San José’s weak-mayor system, that work will be left to the city manager, who oversees the municipal workforce and crafts a detailed budget based on the mayor’s budget message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his message, Mahan called broadly for reductions to come with minimal service impacts; investments in downtown to spur economic activity; and the pursuit of new revenue, including a potential expansion of the parcel tax that supports libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he vowed to reduce the ongoing cost of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">signature program\u003c/a>: a network of shelters and tiny homes for people experiencing homelessness that Mahan has credited for a drop in the city’s unsheltered homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city council will review Mahan’s initial budget plan on March 17. That vote will be followed by months of hearings and negotiations, before the council votes on a final budget in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tucker, senior union representative for AFSCME Local 101, said there is a “pretty big concern” that layoffs could be coming. AFSCME represents most unionized municipal employees, including workers at San José Mineta International Airport and city libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San José already runs with one of the leanest city workforces of any major city in the country,” Tucker said. “So, when budget pressure like this hits, there’s not really a lot of cushion — and what that usually looks like then is reduced library hours and longer response times for services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/128789/639081378653070000\">budget forecast\u003c/a> released last week, San José’s city manager wrote that while city revenues are only slightly lower than anticipated last year, projected expenditures are running $54.2 million higher — largely driven by increases in employee compensation and retirement contributions.[aside postID=news_12075490 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260227-MATT-MAHAN-ON-PB-MD-05-KQED.jpg']Last fall, the city council unanimously approved a new contract with San José’s police union with wage increases of 7%, 5% and 3%, which will cost an \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=14792860&GUID=534B17E5-8894-4197-B2DE-396CB354F373\">estimated\u003c/a> $14.3 million in the upcoming fiscal year, according to the city’s director of human resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast also pointed to the cost of the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">interim housing program\u003c/a>, which has rapidly expanded during Mahan’s time as mayor to include nearly 2,200 shelter spots across a network of tiny homes, converted motels and RV parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of interim housing costs are covered using money in a voter-approved homeless fund — the result of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026437/san-jose-mayor-proposes-permanent-shift-homeless-funding-from-housing-shelter\">previous\u003c/a> budget \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">debates\u003c/a> during Mahan’s tenure. But operating costs for the shelters are currently projected to outstrip that Measure E funding, requiring a projected $15 million infusion from the general fund in the upcoming budget year and $29 million in 2027-28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have essentially shifted all of that money to [interim housing], and it is still not enough,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said in an interview. “It is unsustainable to be addressing our homelessness crisis at a level that is so focused on one faction of the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has described those forecasts as “pessimistic” and is promising to drive down interim housing costs by re-bidding contracts, obtaining funding from the state government and Santa Clara County and exploring the idea of charging interim housing residents a fee for their stay or having them assume maintenance tasks at the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we complete this phase of shelter expansion, we are shifting focus to system optimization: building on our progress by lowering operating costs without compromising outcomes,” Mahan wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042506\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An interim housing site is built near an unhoused community along the Guadalupe River in San José on May 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City budget analysts are projecting that this year’s shortfall will be followed by smaller deficits of $26.8 million in 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29, before expected surpluses at the end of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retirement costs, the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10656386/san-joses-long-and-winding-road-to-pension-reform-takes-another-turn\">bitter political fights\u003c/a> last decade, are expected to decrease in future budget years — from $405.1 million in 2026-27 to $382.6 million in 2030-31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, labor relations remain a volatile political issue in California’s third-largest city.[aside postID=news_12074738 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/02/260223-PLEASANTHILLSDEV-12-BL-KQED.jpg']In 2023, Mahan was the lone vote against a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">wage agreement\u003c/a> with two unions representing nearly 4,500 city workers that narrowly avoided a strike. In a recent interview with KQED’s \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>, Mahan said the city’s current fiscal outlook has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">vindicated\u003c/a> him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over my warning, our council, under an incredible amount of pressure from some of our unions, gave a 14.5% raise over three years,” Mahan said. “This year we will be cutting services, we will be laying off unionized workers as a result, and it was avoidable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tucker, the union representative, called Mahan’s comment “concerning.” He pointed to the wage increase for police officers and questioned the administration’s downtown spending related to major sporting events and future upgrades to the SAP Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the city can spend on hockey arena upgrades and global events like the Super Bowl and the World Cup and March Madness, it should be able to fund the workforce that continues to deliver services,” Tucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new infusion of tax revenue could be on the way to help ease future cuts. City leaders are asking San José voters to approve a 2% increase in the city’s hotel tax that could raise $10 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Facing a projected budget shortfall of $56 million, San José Mayor \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/matt-mahan\">Matt Mahan\u003c/a> on Tuesday called for a round of belt-tightening at City Hall in his annual spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan, who is running for \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">California governor\u003c/a>, acknowledged that cuts are likely unavoidable given sluggish tax returns and rising employee costs — but he called for the preservation of funding for five city “focus areas” that have defined both his mayoralty and his nascent \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12071306/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-announces-run-for-california-governor\">statewide campaign\u003c/a>: unsheltered homelessness, public safety, housing production, neighborhood cleanup and economic growth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our current fiscal outlook demands that we make difficult trade-offs to maintain critical core services for our residents,” Mahan wrote in his March Budget Message. “Recommitting to focus reinforces our commitment to fiscal sustainability and cost-effective service delivery.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan did not identify specific positions for cuts. Under San José’s weak-mayor system, that work will be left to the city manager, who oversees the municipal workforce and crafts a detailed budget based on the mayor’s budget message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In his message, Mahan called broadly for reductions to come with minimal service impacts; investments in downtown to spur economic activity; and the pursuit of new revenue, including a potential expansion of the parcel tax that supports libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And he vowed to reduce the ongoing cost of his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072999/tiny-homes-big-ambitions-matt-mahans-run-for-governor-spotlights-his-shelter-strategy\">signature program\u003c/a>: a network of shelters and tiny homes for people experiencing homelessness that Mahan has credited for a drop in the city’s unsheltered homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12075969\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12075969\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/20230801-SJCityHall-21-JY_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Pedestrians walk past City Hall in San José, California, on Aug. 1, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city council will review Mahan’s initial budget plan on March 17. That vote will be followed by months of hearings and negotiations, before the council votes on a final budget in early June.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Tucker, senior union representative for AFSCME Local 101, said there is a “pretty big concern” that layoffs could be coming. AFSCME represents most unionized municipal employees, including workers at San José Mineta International Airport and city libraries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San José already runs with one of the leanest city workforces of any major city in the country,” Tucker said. “So, when budget pressure like this hits, there’s not really a lot of cushion — and what that usually looks like then is reduced library hours and longer response times for services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseca.gov/home/showpublisheddocument/128789/639081378653070000\">budget forecast\u003c/a> released last week, San José’s city manager wrote that while city revenues are only slightly lower than anticipated last year, projected expenditures are running $54.2 million higher — largely driven by increases in employee compensation and retirement contributions.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Last fall, the city council unanimously approved a new contract with San José’s police union with wage increases of 7%, 5% and 3%, which will cost an \u003ca href=\"https://sanjose.legistar.com/View.ashx?M=F&ID=14792860&GUID=534B17E5-8894-4197-B2DE-396CB354F373\">estimated\u003c/a> $14.3 million in the upcoming fiscal year, according to the city’s director of human resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The forecast also pointed to the cost of the city’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12072666/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-wants-to-be-governor-heres-a-look-into-his-signature-homelessness-program\">interim housing program\u003c/a>, which has rapidly expanded during Mahan’s time as mayor to include nearly 2,200 shelter spots across a network of tiny homes, converted motels and RV parking lots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vast majority of interim housing costs are covered using money in a voter-approved homeless fund — the result of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12026437/san-jose-mayor-proposes-permanent-shift-homeless-funding-from-housing-shelter\">previous\u003c/a> budget \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12043418/san-jose-council-approves-mahans-shelter-enforcement-plan\">debates\u003c/a> during Mahan’s tenure. But operating costs for the shelters are currently projected to outstrip that Measure E funding, requiring a projected $15 million infusion from the general fund in the upcoming budget year and $29 million in 2027-28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have essentially shifted all of that money to [interim housing], and it is still not enough,” Councilmember Pamela Campos said in an interview. “It is unsustainable to be addressing our homelessness crisis at a level that is so focused on one faction of the issue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan has described those forecasts as “pessimistic” and is promising to drive down interim housing costs by re-bidding contracts, obtaining funding from the state government and Santa Clara County and exploring the idea of charging interim housing residents a fee for their stay or having them assume maintenance tasks at the properties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As we complete this phase of shelter expansion, we are shifting focus to system optimization: building on our progress by lowering operating costs without compromising outcomes,” Mahan wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_12042506\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-12042506\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2025/06/250529-SJARRESTSHELTERVOTE-14-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An interim housing site is built near an unhoused community along the Guadalupe River in San José on May 29, 2025. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>City budget analysts are projecting that this year’s shortfall will be followed by smaller deficits of $26.8 million in 2027-28 and $11.8 million in 2028-29, before expected surpluses at the end of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Retirement costs, the subject of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10656386/san-joses-long-and-winding-road-to-pension-reform-takes-another-turn\">bitter political fights\u003c/a> last decade, are expected to decrease in future budget years — from $405.1 million in 2026-27 to $382.6 million in 2030-31.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, labor relations remain a volatile political issue in California’s third-largest city.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2023, Mahan was the lone vote against a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11958290/san-jose-city-council-approves-agreements-with-unions-to-avoid-strike\">wage agreement\u003c/a> with two unions representing nearly 4,500 city workers that narrowly avoided a strike. In a recent interview with KQED’s \u003cem>Political Breakdown\u003c/em>, Mahan said the city’s current fiscal outlook has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/12075490/san-jose-mayor-matt-mahan-positions-himself-as-a-change-candidate-in-governors-race\">vindicated\u003c/a> him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over my warning, our council, under an incredible amount of pressure from some of our unions, gave a 14.5% raise over three years,” Mahan said. “This year we will be cutting services, we will be laying off unionized workers as a result, and it was avoidable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tucker, the union representative, called Mahan’s comment “concerning.” He pointed to the wage increase for police officers and questioned the administration’s downtown spending related to major sporting events and future upgrades to the SAP Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the city can spend on hockey arena upgrades and global events like the Super Bowl and the World Cup and March Madness, it should be able to fund the workforce that continues to deliver services,” Tucker said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A new infusion of tax revenue could be on the way to help ease future cuts. City leaders are asking San José voters to approve a 2% increase in the city’s hotel tax that could raise $10 million annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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How did you get to the Bay Area?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Vincent Salimi:\u003c/strong> My life, it’s similar to a lot of Iranians who suffered the consequences of the Islamic Republic of Iran. My father studied civil engineering in Germany in the ‘60s and went back to Iran [and] married my mother. I [also] have an older sister.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1984, the family moved to France because the situation was becoming horrible in Iran, and in early 2000, I moved to the Bay Area by myself with $500. I didn’t speak very good English, and all I had was just a hope of a better tomorrow. I had the opportunity to go anywhere, but like Tony Bennett said, I left my heart in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How did you decide to get involved in local politics?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since I left Iran in 1984, I had this fire inside, to do something. After I became a U.S. citizen in 2018, I had the opportunity to get the endorsement of the Democratic Party and [several] unions. I campaigned for three months against other candidates, and then, I was elected.[aside postID=news_12075199 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2026/03/GettyImages-2263689274-2000x1367.jpg']\u003cstrong>Tell me more about this proclamation that you had the city of Pinole issue back in 2022. It also focuses on the rights of women.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the last 47 years, [Iran] went back 5,000 years. I come from a strong mother who has given me all the energy that I have today. A society without women’s rights, it’s not a healthy society. I have a daughter. 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"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"order": 8
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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