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Prinzing, argued that the initiative is already hampering state and local governments’ ability to plan because they are crafting budget proposals without knowing whether dozens of taxes approved since 2022 would have to be delayed and put back before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prinzing said the proposal clearly shifts power from elected officials to the electorate, making it too far-reaching for the normal initiative process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What qualifies a revision as a revision is that it’s a fundamental change in the structure of government and its powers. And that’s what’s happening here,” Prinzing said, noting that the court has previously described the power to tax as “the most vital and essential attribute of government, without which government cannot function.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And what we would be talking about here with this measure is the Legislature would no longer have that power. It would instead be delayed through the voter approval requirement and would be in the hands of a body that is not the Legislature,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Politics Coverage' tag='politics']The court pressed Prinzing on why it should strip the measure from the ballot entirely, limiting voters’ ability to weigh in, instead of waiting to see whether it passes and then staying the law while the court decides its legality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Goodwin Liu wondered whether the proposal went so far as to be a constitutional revision, given the state’s long history of sharing the power to tax between elected officials and voters. Prinzing said it’s because the initiative would take away the Legislature’s power to levy taxes “and turn it into a power to propose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters and the Legislature obviously operate, occupy different spaces and in the area of taxation,” she said. “This measure would obliterate that distinction when it comes to taxes…. So it’s a revision, and it’s a revision that would occur in ways that would endanger the government’s ability to provide essential government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Hiltachk, the Sacramento-based lawyer representing the initiative sponsors, pushed back. When pressed by Liu as to whether the ballot measure shifts California from a republican form of government, where elected officials are granted power, to a direct democracy, Hiltachk argued that the state has never had a purely republican form of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because our Constitution, since its inception, has stated that all political power is inherent in the people and has stated that the people have the power to reform and alter their government whenever they decide it needs reform,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk also noted that the power to approve taxes has been shared between the electorate and the Legislature “at least since 1911 and the enactment of the initiative referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shared power between the people and the Legislature, so there is no unilateral power of the Legislature to impose taxes,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk was pressed on whether delaying a tax proposal to get voter approval could tie the government’s hands in an emergency situation like the COVID-19 pandemic. And Liu pushed him on the provision that requires all fees to be approved by lawmakers, musing that it would strip power from the executive branch and potentially expand the referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if a local senior center wants to charge a fee, right, for rental of its facilities, that has to be approved now by the city council, right, in order to do that?” Liu asked. “And it is thus subject to the referendum power. If you want to impose a library fine, and you don’t give individual due process to the person subject to the fine, that too right can be subject to legislative approval? I mean, this is vast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk said the measure would simply return California to a system that existed a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have evolved into is an administrative state that has far too much power among non-elected bureaucrats who no one knows their name,” he said, arguing that the Legislature and local elected bodies should have to weigh in. “That’s accountability. That’s not a revision, and that does not impair essential government functions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will decide by the end of June whether to allow the measure to stay on the November ballot. If it does appear before voters, Democrats and their allies will not only campaign against the initiative but also push two of their own aimed at weakening the Business Roundtable measure’s impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would require that this type of ballot measure pass by a two-thirds majority to take effect instead of the current majority required. Another would make it easier to pass local tax and bond measures related to housing and infrastructure, requiring only a 55% vote instead of two-thirds.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s top court had tough questions for both sides on Wednesday morning about whether voters should be allowed to weigh in on a sweeping ballot initiative that would make it \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985267/why-cities-call-this-ballot-measure-an-existential-threat\">more difficult for state and local governments to raise taxes\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure, sponsored by business executives and anti-tax groups, would require voters to approve all state and local tax increases — including retroactively applying to any tax approved since January 2022. It also would require the Legislature or local elected leaders to vote to approve all government fees, including library fines and park entrance charges. Dubbed the “Taxpayer Protection Act,” it’s being bankrolled by the California Business Roundtable, a group made up of top executives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic state leaders, including Gov. Gavin Newsom, sued to have the measure taken off the November ballot, claiming that it amounts to a full revision of the state Constitution, not just an amendment. Revisions must be placed on the ballot by either a constitutional convention or a supermajority vote of the state Legislature; this measure was placed on the ballot through the signature-gathering process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justices seemed skeptical at times of both sides’ arguments during Wednesday’s proceedings at the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, represented in court by Oakland-based attorney Margaret R. Prinzing, argued that the initiative is already hampering state and local governments’ ability to plan because they are crafting budget proposals without knowing whether dozens of taxes approved since 2022 would have to be delayed and put back before voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The court pressed Prinzing on why it should strip the measure from the ballot entirely, limiting voters’ ability to weigh in, instead of waiting to see whether it passes and then staying the law while the court decides its legality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Goodwin Liu wondered whether the proposal went so far as to be a constitutional revision, given the state’s long history of sharing the power to tax between elected officials and voters. Prinzing said it’s because the initiative would take away the Legislature’s power to levy taxes “and turn it into a power to propose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The voters and the Legislature obviously operate, occupy different spaces and in the area of taxation,” she said. “This measure would obliterate that distinction when it comes to taxes…. So it’s a revision, and it’s a revision that would occur in ways that would endanger the government’s ability to provide essential government services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thomas Hiltachk, the Sacramento-based lawyer representing the initiative sponsors, pushed back. When pressed by Liu as to whether the ballot measure shifts California from a republican form of government, where elected officials are granted power, to a direct democracy, Hiltachk argued that the state has never had a purely republican form of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because our Constitution, since its inception, has stated that all political power is inherent in the people and has stated that the people have the power to reform and alter their government whenever they decide it needs reform,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk also noted that the power to approve taxes has been shared between the electorate and the Legislature “at least since 1911 and the enactment of the initiative referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a shared power between the people and the Legislature, so there is no unilateral power of the Legislature to impose taxes,” he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk was pressed on whether delaying a tax proposal to get voter approval could tie the government’s hands in an emergency situation like the COVID-19 pandemic. And Liu pushed him on the provision that requires all fees to be approved by lawmakers, musing that it would strip power from the executive branch and potentially expand the referendum power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So if a local senior center wants to charge a fee, right, for rental of its facilities, that has to be approved now by the city council, right, in order to do that?” Liu asked. “And it is thus subject to the referendum power. If you want to impose a library fine, and you don’t give individual due process to the person subject to the fine, that too right can be subject to legislative approval? I mean, this is vast.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hiltachk said the measure would simply return California to a system that existed a century ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we have evolved into is an administrative state that has far too much power among non-elected bureaucrats who no one knows their name,” he said, arguing that the Legislature and local elected bodies should have to weigh in. “That’s accountability. That’s not a revision, and that does not impair essential government functions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The court will decide by the end of June whether to allow the measure to stay on the November ballot. If it does appear before voters, Democrats and their allies will not only campaign against the initiative but also push two of their own aimed at weakening the Business Roundtable measure’s impacts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would require that this type of ballot measure pass by a two-thirds majority to take effect instead of the current majority required. Another would make it easier to pass local tax and bond measures related to housing and infrastructure, requiring only a 55% vote instead of two-thirds.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Who is the flesh-and-blood landlord with a city-spanning portfolio of apartments concealed behind an obscurely named limited liability company? Who is the proprietor of a local restaurant, hotel or regional car wash chain shrouded beneath a corporate veil?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who actually owns what in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For three years, a coalition of anti-eviction advocates, unions, legal aid organizations, affordable housing boosters, workers rights groups and pro-transparency activists have been demanding that the state make it easier to answer those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for three years, those efforts have failed in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of this year’s version, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1201?slug=CA_202320240SB1201\">Senate Bill 1201,\u003c/a> authored by \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/maria-elena-durazo-165445\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, now worry that their fourth effort will soon meet a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses operating in California must regularly submit documents to the Secretary of State that list the company’s name and address, along with those of its top managers and anyone responsible for receiving legal filings on the company’s behalf. That information is publicly available on the \u003ca href=\"https://bizfileonline.sos.ca.gov/search/business\">Secretary of State’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo’s bill would add an additional disclosure requirement: The names and home or business addresses of “beneficial owners” — defined as anyone who “exercises substantial control” or owns at least 25% of a company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11983000,news_11945744,news_11984610\" label=\"Related Stories\"]As Durazo \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257789?t=1504&f=9894c3d5281deb91c62d4cf1b0cd7321\">explained at a recent Senate committee hearing\u003c/a>, the bill is “simply adding one line on the forms that anybody fills out…It’s not asking for any more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee, tasked with putting a fiscal price tag on pending legislation, said implementing the bill would cost the state $9.3 million in its first year and nearly $3 million every year after that. The majority of those ongoing expenses would go toward paying the estimated 24 state employees that Secretary of State analysts say are needed to make the bill work. That would represent \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/reports/2024/bus-filing-processing-time-report-march-2024.pdf\">roughly 10% of the agency’s workforce \u003c/a>that now processes business filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though $9 million is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">couch cushion change by California budgetary standards\u003c/a>, the bill’s supporters say the number mystifies them. For a 2020 bill requiring the Secretary of State to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3075\">add a different question to the same form\u003c/a>, the fiscal estimate was a mere $561,000 in the first year and $79,000 thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an example of a good governance bill that will fail because of bad governance,” said Jyotswaroop Bawa with the progressive nonprofit Rise Economy, which is sponsoring the bill. “By not collecting beneficial owner information, the Secretary of State’s office is allowing chaos to continue with impunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bawa and other supporters of the bill say publishing ownership information will make it easier for tenants, workers and regulators to track down scofflaw landlords and other business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill, which include state and local landlord groups, the California Association of Realtors and the California Chamber of Commerce, argue that it is already easy enough to contact a business and that disclosing the identities of individual owners would violate their privacy and enable harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Secretary of State’s office refused to break down sky-high estimate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Once a bill receives a big cost estimate, it’s put in a list known\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\"> as the “suspense file.”\u003c/a> Then, in marathon sessions held twice a year, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees rapidly tick through every bill on that list, passing some along and killing others without debate or a public vote. The first legislative culling of the year is set for mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its seven-digit cost estimate, Bawa said she worries SB 1201 will be the latest victim of “death by price tag,” especially when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">facing a multibillion-dollar deficit\u003c/a>. And it wouldn’t be the first time this idea has died a quiet procedural death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a bill that would have required companies to unveil their human owners when filing business records with the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1199\">didn’t get a hearing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB889\">revived attempt\u003c/a> the next year failed in the Senate after a majority on a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">declined to cast a vote “yes” or “no” but simply abstained\u003c/a>. Last year, a third try succumbed to the suspense file after the bill was dinged with a $9 million cost estimate from the Secretary of State’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming up with this year’s figure, the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/202320240SB1201_Senate-Appropriations.pdf\">committee’s fiscal analysis\u003c/a> said it got the estimates from the Secretary of State. Itemized totals include $3 million in “IT project costs” and more than $2 million in “mailing costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s office refused to answer specific questions from CalMatters about the bill’s cost estimate but instead responded by email with an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Office of the Secretary of State continues to be involved in deliberations and ongoing discussions with legislative staff related to SB 1201. In furtherance of this process, we must respectfully decline to publicly comment on the substantive or fiscal issues associated with the bill at this early point in the legislative process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the office “did not provide context” for its fiscal breakdown, the committee analysis says, the Secretary of State expressed more detailed concerns over last year’s version of the bill. Back then, the office warned that investigating and verifying the ownership information through a modified form would be costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as currently written, does not require the Secretary of State to perform that due diligence, which led an earlier Senate committee to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1201#\">raise concerns about the bill’s effectiveness.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We could do it for $200’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Corporations and limited liability companies exist in part to ensure that investors in a company aren’t held directly legally responsible for the things that that company does or doesn’t do. If a company maintains unsafe conditions at a rental property, a tenant can sue the company itself, seeking damages from the corporate treasury but not from the business owner’s personal checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publicizing an owner’s name and address, then, doesn’t serve an obvious legal purpose, said Debra Carlton, a spokesperson for the California Apartment Association. Landlords can always be reached through the property management companies they employ. Lawsuits can always be served to a company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/business-programs/business-entities/service-process\">listed representative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point of the corporate veil is that you go after the corporation’s assets” in a lawsuit, said Carlton, but it doesn’t prevent landlords from getting sued. “You see lawsuits every day being brought against the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Silver, a lawyer who represents cities and counties in substandard housing cases, agreed that Durazo’s bill isn’t likely to make his work easier going after negligent landlords. It’s often quicker to serve court papers to a corporation or LLC than “an individual slumlord” who doesn’t have a paper trail or web presence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a path that leads you from the corporate name to the people who actually own it, ultimately, and we will find them and hold them responsible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are times when it’s crucial to track down a human business owner quickly, long before matters end up at court, said Larry Brooks, who runs the residential lead prevention program for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers a case in 2022 when twin toddlers were found living in an old apartment with flaking paint. Lead levels in their blood were so high the children were immediately hospitalized. The twins’ parents, undocumented immigrants, initially refused to put Brooks and his team in touch with the building’s property management company, fearing eviction or deportation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Brooks began hunting on his own. He turned first to the county assessor’s office to find the property owner’s name, then plugged that name into the Secretary of State’s database. The corporate documents there only listed a street address. Brooks struggled to connect that address with a phone number or email address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, a county nurse persuaded the twins’ mother to share the phone number of a Sacramento-based property management company. That company put Brooks in touch with the owner, a corporation in Texas, he said. The entire process took two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that there were some state or federal law that required every corporate landlord to have a local contact,” said Brooks, who has also advised Human Impact Partners, a public health nonprofit that supports Durazo’s bill. “In a situation like with the twins, where the blood lead levels were so high they were life-threatening, and the kids had to be rushed to the hospital, you want to be able to call somebody immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said he couldn’t share additional information about the children or the landlord, citing medical privacy laws and pending litigation. CalMatters was unable to verify the details of the story independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it easier to find the name and address of a business owner would provide a treasure trove of data for tenant rights organizations, housing researchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-02-24/rental-housing-shell-companies-landlords\">investigative reporters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it would also be a boon for would-be harassers and activists, said Carlton. “I can’t figure out what their true purpose is,” she said of the bill’s sponsors. “They want to shame people publicly, maybe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Carlton was also puzzled by the $9 million cost estimate: “I almost felt like saying, ‘We could do it,’” she said. “We could do it for $200.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Who is the flesh-and-blood landlord with a city-spanning portfolio of apartments concealed behind an obscurely named limited liability company? Who is the proprietor of a local restaurant, hotel or regional car wash chain shrouded beneath a corporate veil?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Who actually owns what in California?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For three years, a coalition of anti-eviction advocates, unions, legal aid organizations, affordable housing boosters, workers rights groups and pro-transparency activists have been demanding that the state make it easier to answer those questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And for three years, those efforts have failed in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of this year’s version, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1201?slug=CA_202320240SB1201\">Senate Bill 1201,\u003c/a> authored by \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/maria-elena-durazo-165445\">Sen. María Elena Durazo\u003c/a>, a Los Angeles Democrat, now worry that their fourth effort will soon meet a similar fate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Businesses operating in California must regularly submit documents to the Secretary of State that list the company’s name and address, along with those of its top managers and anyone responsible for receiving legal filings on the company’s behalf. That information is publicly available on the \u003ca href=\"https://bizfileonline.sos.ca.gov/search/business\">Secretary of State’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Durazo’s bill would add an additional disclosure requirement: The names and home or business addresses of “beneficial owners” — defined as anyone who “exercises substantial control” or owns at least 25% of a company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As Durazo \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/hearings/257789?t=1504&f=9894c3d5281deb91c62d4cf1b0cd7321\">explained at a recent Senate committee hearing\u003c/a>, the bill is “simply adding one line on the forms that anybody fills out…It’s not asking for any more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yet last week, the Senate Appropriations Committee, tasked with putting a fiscal price tag on pending legislation, said implementing the bill would cost the state $9.3 million in its first year and nearly $3 million every year after that. The majority of those ongoing expenses would go toward paying the estimated 24 state employees that Secretary of State analysts say are needed to make the bill work. That would represent \u003ca href=\"https://admin.cdn.sos.ca.gov/reports/2024/bus-filing-processing-time-report-march-2024.pdf\">roughly 10% of the agency’s workforce \u003c/a>that now processes business filings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though $9 million is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">couch cushion change by California budgetary standards\u003c/a>, the bill’s supporters say the number mystifies them. For a 2020 bill requiring the Secretary of State to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB3075\">add a different question to the same form\u003c/a>, the fiscal estimate was a mere $561,000 in the first year and $79,000 thereafter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is an example of a good governance bill that will fail because of bad governance,” said Jyotswaroop Bawa with the progressive nonprofit Rise Economy, which is sponsoring the bill. “By not collecting beneficial owner information, the Secretary of State’s office is allowing chaos to continue with impunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bawa and other supporters of the bill say publishing ownership information will make it easier for tenants, workers and regulators to track down scofflaw landlords and other business owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of the bill, which include state and local landlord groups, the California Association of Realtors and the California Chamber of Commerce, argue that it is already easy enough to contact a business and that disclosing the identities of individual owners would violate their privacy and enable harassment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>The Secretary of State’s office refused to break down sky-high estimate\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Once a bill receives a big cost estimate, it’s put in a list known\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2017/09/capitol-suspense-california-bills-vanish-almost-without-trace/\"> as the “suspense file.”\u003c/a> Then, in marathon sessions held twice a year, the Assembly and Senate appropriations committees rapidly tick through every bill on that list, passing some along and killing others without debate or a public vote. The first legislative culling of the year is set for mid-May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With its seven-digit cost estimate, Bawa said she worries SB 1201 will be the latest victim of “death by price tag,” especially when the state is \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/budget-deficit-california-deal/\">facing a multibillion-dollar deficit\u003c/a>. And it wouldn’t be the first time this idea has died a quiet procedural death.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2021, a bill that would have required companies to unveil their human owners when filing business records with the state \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB1199\">didn’t get a hearing\u003c/a>. A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billVotesClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB889\">revived attempt\u003c/a> the next year failed in the Senate after a majority on a key committee \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/digital-democracy/2024/04/california-democrats-no-votes/\">declined to cast a vote “yes” or “no” but simply abstained\u003c/a>. Last year, a third try succumbed to the suspense file after the bill was dinged with a $9 million cost estimate from the Secretary of State’s office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In coming up with this year’s figure, the Senate \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/202320240SB1201_Senate-Appropriations.pdf\">committee’s fiscal analysis\u003c/a> said it got the estimates from the Secretary of State. Itemized totals include $3 million in “IT project costs” and more than $2 million in “mailing costs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Secretary of State’s office refused to answer specific questions from CalMatters about the bill’s cost estimate but instead responded by email with an unsigned statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Office of the Secretary of State continues to be involved in deliberations and ongoing discussions with legislative staff related to SB 1201. In furtherance of this process, we must respectfully decline to publicly comment on the substantive or fiscal issues associated with the bill at this early point in the legislative process,” the statement said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the office “did not provide context” for its fiscal breakdown, the committee analysis says, the Secretary of State expressed more detailed concerns over last year’s version of the bill. Back then, the office warned that investigating and verifying the ownership information through a modified form would be costly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill, as currently written, does not require the Secretary of State to perform that due diligence, which led an earlier Senate committee to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB1201#\">raise concerns about the bill’s effectiveness.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3>‘We could do it for $200’\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>Corporations and limited liability companies exist in part to ensure that investors in a company aren’t held directly legally responsible for the things that that company does or doesn’t do. If a company maintains unsafe conditions at a rental property, a tenant can sue the company itself, seeking damages from the corporate treasury but not from the business owner’s personal checking account.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Publicizing an owner’s name and address, then, doesn’t serve an obvious legal purpose, said Debra Carlton, a spokesperson for the California Apartment Association. Landlords can always be reached through the property management companies they employ. Lawsuits can always be served to a company’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/business-programs/business-entities/service-process\">listed representative.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The point of the corporate veil is that you go after the corporation’s assets” in a lawsuit, said Carlton, but it doesn’t prevent landlords from getting sued. “You see lawsuits every day being brought against the industry.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Silver, a lawyer who represents cities and counties in substandard housing cases, agreed that Durazo’s bill isn’t likely to make his work easier going after negligent landlords. It’s often quicker to serve court papers to a corporation or LLC than “an individual slumlord” who doesn’t have a paper trail or web presence, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a path that leads you from the corporate name to the people who actually own it, ultimately, and we will find them and hold them responsible,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are times when it’s crucial to track down a human business owner quickly, long before matters end up at court, said Larry Brooks, who runs the residential lead prevention program for Alameda County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He remembers a case in 2022 when twin toddlers were found living in an old apartment with flaking paint. Lead levels in their blood were so high the children were immediately hospitalized. The twins’ parents, undocumented immigrants, initially refused to put Brooks and his team in touch with the building’s property management company, fearing eviction or deportation, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So Brooks began hunting on his own. He turned first to the county assessor’s office to find the property owner’s name, then plugged that name into the Secretary of State’s database. The corporate documents there only listed a street address. Brooks struggled to connect that address with a phone number or email address.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, a county nurse persuaded the twins’ mother to share the phone number of a Sacramento-based property management company. That company put Brooks in touch with the owner, a corporation in Texas, he said. The entire process took two weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wish that there were some state or federal law that required every corporate landlord to have a local contact,” said Brooks, who has also advised Human Impact Partners, a public health nonprofit that supports Durazo’s bill. “In a situation like with the twins, where the blood lead levels were so high they were life-threatening, and the kids had to be rushed to the hospital, you want to be able to call somebody immediately.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brooks said he couldn’t share additional information about the children or the landlord, citing medical privacy laws and pending litigation. CalMatters was unable to verify the details of the story independently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Making it easier to find the name and address of a business owner would provide a treasure trove of data for tenant rights organizations, housing researchers and \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/opinion/story/2021-02-24/rental-housing-shell-companies-landlords\">investigative reporters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it would also be a boon for would-be harassers and activists, said Carlton. “I can’t figure out what their true purpose is,” she said of the bill’s sponsors. “They want to shame people publicly, maybe.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Carlton was also puzzled by the $9 million cost estimate: “I almost felt like saying, ‘We could do it,’” she said. “We could do it for $200.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Assemblymember Evan Low claimed second place in the primary election for California’s 16th Congressional District on Wednesday by five votes after the completion of a recount that broke a historic tie between him and Santa Clara County Supervisor Joe Simitian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low (D-Campbell) will now face fellow Democrat Sam Liccardo, the former mayor of San José, in the November general election to fill the seat long held by Rep. Anna Eshoo, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11975950/open-house-seat-in-silicon-valley-triggers-a-robust-race-to-replace-eshoo\">who is not running for \u003c/a>another term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My team and I knew that succeeding the esteemed Anna Eshoo would be challenging, so we see a race ending in a tie followed by a recount as character building for your next representative in Congress,” Low wrote on X.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result brings to a close a\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982090/unpredictable-race-for-silicon-valley-congressional-seat-after-unprecedented-tie\"> nail-biting primary\u003c/a> replete with political intrigue, legal quandaries and a 13-day recount in parts of Santa Clara and San Mateo counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Simitian, whose run for Congress came after stints representing the South Bay at the county and state level, said in a statement that he was “disappointed, but not sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed on a personal level because I had looked forward to running in November and serving in Congress. I’m disappointed because I couldn’t deliver a win for the oh-so-many folks who gave their time, effort, energy and resources to our campaign,” Simitian said. “And frankly, I’m disappointed because I won’t have the opportunity to bring a fresh take to our nation’s capital— where we urgently need a renewed sense of purpose and a commitment to maintaining and sustaining our democracy.”[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"evan-low,joe-simitian\"]The recount was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">requested last month\u003c/a> by Jonathan Padilla, a tech entrepreneur and former Liccardo campaign staffer, who donated $1,000 to Liccardo’s congressional campaign in December. Those ties led to criticisms from Low and his allies that Liccardo and his supporters were orchestrating the recount to narrow the field to two candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said his efforts, which included helping to start a political committee to raise money for the recount’s costs, were intended to both ensure a proper count and to prevent a three-way general election in which a candidate could claim the seat with less than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not spoken to Mr. Liccardo about this. I have not spoken to anybody in the campaign about this,” Padilla told KQED early in the recount. “I’ve had no meaningful contact with anybody in the Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The independent expenditure committee that Padilla helped create, called Count the Vote, paid over $300,000 for a machine recount in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties, as California does not have a law to trigger an automatic government-funded recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla requested the recount on behalf of Low, even though the candidate said he opposed the effort. Lawyers for California’s Secretary of State’s office ruled last week that Padilla could not recoup his costs even if Low finished ahead of Simitian because Low would already be heading to the general election by virtue of the tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of lawyers with the Santa Clara County Government Attorneys Association filed a complaint with the Federal Elections Commission last week, arguing that recount backers coordinated their efforts with Liccardo without disclosing their activities as in-kind contributions to Liccardo’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount committee has until July 15 to report its donors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/6/EMG_chapt_15_august_26_2010.pdf\">per federal guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign has denied any involvement in the recount. On Tuesday, Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/opinion/sam-liccardo-its-the-counting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote in an op-ed in San Jose Inside, \u003c/a>“Neither I nor anyone in my campaign has communicated with Padilla or his donors about the recount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Padilla is a supporter of mine is not remarkable; every independent expenditure committee in history has been created by a candidate’s supporter,” Liccardo added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo commended election officials on Wednesday for working to ensure an accurate result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982871/evan-low-joe-simitian-recount-16th-congressional-district\"> began the process\u003c/a> of recounting ballots earlier this month, which involved running them back through counting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla’s lawyers also challenged a number of ballots that were left out of the initial count after being deemed ineligible by election officials. These included ballots received without a postmark date and others that were cast by individuals who registered to vote on the same day they cast a ballot — and who did not check a box attesting to their U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 45 uncounted ballots that were challenged in Santa Clara County, seven were ultimately included in the recount. Additionally, 19 ballots that the registrar said it had “not tallied due to human errors by the tabulation machine operators” were included in the final count, while three ballots mistakenly counted twice were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, 28 ballots were challenged, 16 of which were challenged because of their postmark date and when they actually arrived at the elections office. Seven of those ballots ultimately added to the tally, giving Low one additional vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The recount was \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982501/requests-for-recount-could-upend-silicon-valley-race-for-congress\">requested last month\u003c/a> by Jonathan Padilla, a tech entrepreneur and former Liccardo campaign staffer, who donated $1,000 to Liccardo’s congressional campaign in December. Those ties led to criticisms from Low and his allies that Liccardo and his supporters were orchestrating the recount to narrow the field to two candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla said his efforts, which included helping to start a political committee to raise money for the recount’s costs, were intended to both ensure a proper count and to prevent a three-way general election in which a candidate could claim the seat with less than 50% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have not spoken to Mr. Liccardo about this. I have not spoken to anybody in the campaign about this,” Padilla told KQED early in the recount. “I’ve had no meaningful contact with anybody in the Liccardo campaign since I made my donation at the end of December.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The independent expenditure committee that Padilla helped create, called Count the Vote, paid over $300,000 for a machine recount in Santa Clara and San Mateo counties, as California does not have a law to trigger an automatic government-funded recount.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla requested the recount on behalf of Low, even though the candidate said he opposed the effort. Lawyers for California’s Secretary of State’s office ruled last week that Padilla could not recoup his costs even if Low finished ahead of Simitian because Low would already be heading to the general election by virtue of the tie.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A group of lawyers with the Santa Clara County Government Attorneys Association filed a complaint with the Federal Elections Commission last week, arguing that recount backers coordinated their efforts with Liccardo without disclosing their activities as in-kind contributions to Liccardo’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recount committee has until July 15 to report its donors, \u003ca href=\"https://www.eac.gov/sites/default/files/eac_assets/1/6/EMG_chapt_15_august_26_2010.pdf\">per federal guidelines\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo’s campaign has denied any involvement in the recount. On Tuesday, Liccardo \u003ca href=\"https://www.sanjoseinside.com/opinion/sam-liccardo-its-the-counting/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">wrote in an op-ed in San Jose Inside, \u003c/a>“Neither I nor anyone in my campaign has communicated with Padilla or his donors about the recount.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that Padilla is a supporter of mine is not remarkable; every independent expenditure committee in history has been created by a candidate’s supporter,” Liccardo added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Liccardo commended election officials on Wednesday for working to ensure an accurate result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Election officials\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982871/evan-low-joe-simitian-recount-16th-congressional-district\"> began the process\u003c/a> of recounting ballots earlier this month, which involved running them back through counting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Padilla’s lawyers also challenged a number of ballots that were left out of the initial count after being deemed ineligible by election officials. These included ballots received without a postmark date and others that were cast by individuals who registered to vote on the same day they cast a ballot — and who did not check a box attesting to their U.S. citizenship.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the 45 uncounted ballots that were challenged in Santa Clara County, seven were ultimately included in the recount. Additionally, 19 ballots that the registrar said it had “not tallied due to human errors by the tabulation machine operators” were included in the final count, while three ballots mistakenly counted twice were removed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Mateo County, 28 ballots were challenged, 16 of which were challenged because of their postmark date and when they actually arrived at the elections office. Seven of those ballots ultimately added to the tally, giving Low one additional vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
"id": "reveal",
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