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"content": "\u003cp>Daniel Lurie is rich, and he knows San Franciscans might have qualms about it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An heir to the Levi Strauss fortune and candidate for San Francisco mayor, Lurie leaned into his upbringing on Tuesday night at the first mayoral election forum this year. The Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club hosted it at the First Unitarian Universalist Church & Center on Franklin Street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie said he had no choice in growing up wealthy. Instead, the choice he made was to create an anti-poverty nonprofit, Tipping Point, to try to help people using his resources, he told Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Milk Club and the forum’s moderator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every door that’s been open for me, I’ve tried to bring along as many people as possible,” Lurie told Kwong on stage. ”There’s no buying this election. This is why you’re not going to see a candidate work as hard as me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong bluntly told Lurie that people have a “visceral” response to seeing such a wealthy person enter the mayor’s race. Some fear his money could sway the election, Kwong said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you read about me these days, the first thing you hear is ‘Levi’s,’” Lurie told the crowd. “I run toward that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the five mayoral candidates faced questions about their policies and personal histories from the club of progressive Democrats, Lurie wasn’t the only one to be grilled about his finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor, denied his campaign had any unethical ties with independent political groups that wield significant spending power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Text messages revealed by Mission Local and the San Francisco Chronicle suggest coordination between independent political groups \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">TogetherSF\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/moderate-groups-influence-election-2024-19416954.php\">Neighbors for a Better San Francisco\u003c/a> — which have spent millions from wealthy tech funders on behalf of moderate Democratic causes — and Farrell’s campaign. Some coordination between such groups may flout state and local ethics laws. The Milk Club’s members pressed Farrell on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all organizations that every single candidate, I’m sure, that is up on the stage is courting,” Farrell told Kwong on stage. “And they have independent boards, and I hope to earn their support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987395\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1446\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-800x603.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Mark Farrell, right, speaks onstage with Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, during a candidate forum hosted by the club on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Farrell denied that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984718/kanishka-cheng-the-most-influential-san-franciscan-youve-never-heard-of\">Kanishka Cheng, TogetherSF Action’s CEO\u003c/a>, and her husband Jay Cheng, head of Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, unethically coordinated with his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kanishka was someone who used to work for me in City Hall. She’s done amazing things running her organization inside of City Hall, and she’s a friend, and that’s it,” Farrell said after the event. When pressed to answer directly whether either of the Chengs coordinated with his campaign, he said “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The forum gave San Franciscans their first public glimpse into the policies and character of the top contenders in the mayor’s race: Lurie, Farrell, Mayor London Breed, Supervisor Ahsha Safai and Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong interviewed each candidate for 30 minutes in front of roughly 200 attendees, with no debate between candidates. The forum was announced after San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">first planned mayoral debate began to crumble\u003c/a> last week over the alleged ties between Farrell’s campaign and political advocacy organizations. That debate would have been hosted by TogetherSF Action until Breed and Peskin questioned its independence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a novel election, as incumbent mayors are not usually challenged. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/mayor-london-breed-election-18678601.php\">poll conducted for the\u003cem> San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in February showed that 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor, a result mirrored in multiple polls, revealing Breed to be vulnerable to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"related coverage\" tag=\"san-francisco-mayors-race\"]\u003cstrong>Why it matters:\u003c/strong> Lurie’s opponents have publicly mocked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/billionaire-mom-gives-1m-to-son-s-sf-mayoral-race-18638051.php\">a billboard funded by his mother, Mimi Haas\u003c/a>, touting her $1 million donation to a group supporting her son’s candidacy. The candidates have all taken turns alleging Lurie is unequipped to be mayor because he’s never held public office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s messaging during the forum previewed what he may say on the campaign trail to rebut those claims. Jim Ross, a political consultant who ran Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 campaign for mayor, said every campaign has a question to answer, almost like a central thesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s obvious question he has to answer is basically, ‘Is being rich enough of a qualification to be mayor?’” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Farrell, ethics laws bar certain types of cooperation between such groups. That firewall forms the backbone of campaign finance law that allows independent political groups to fundraise in any amount to support multiple candidates, as opposed to candidate-controlled campaigns, which can only accept a maximum donation of $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross said TogetherSF mishandled its bad press, saying that a statement backing Farrell might have eased off some of the scrutiny the group has come under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because they kind of are trying to seem neutral or hide it and come off as independent, it’s making it a story,” Ross said. “It’s not the scandal, it’s the cover-up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other candidates in the hot seat:\u003c/strong> Lurie and Farrell weren’t the only ones questioned on controversial topics by Kwong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong told Breed that progressive Democrats bristle at her support for police and her relatively silent treatment around the need for police reform after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis officer. Breed disagreed with Kwong’s characterization but ultimately doubled down on supporting police and public safety. Audience members shouted slogans against the police department during the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hollering ‘defund the police,’” Breed said, “but let something happen to you, and you’re calling 911 and wondering why the police didn’t get there. I get that people have issues and concerns, and they’re not perfect, but I’ve worked really hard to build those bridges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong said Peskin’s critics have characterized him as a NIMBY and dislike that he blocks housing in his home neighborhood, North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can grow San Francisco without destroying our neighborhoods,” Peskin said, who cited his work to build 10,000 housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979849/peskins-rumored-mayor-run-has-same-strength-and-weakness-housing\">as part of the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, among other efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safai was challenged on his progressive bonafides. He said he’s the only candidate with a long history in the labor movement, working with a local janitors’ union for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> Peskin, Lurie, Farrell and Safai all had critical words for Breed, but due to the format, Breed had no opportunity to rebut them. Breed is a skilled orator; it’ll be fascinating to watch the first debate where Breed and her challengers can engage in dialogue together — even if it’s not yet certain when that will be.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you read about me these days, the first thing you hear is ‘Levi’s,’” Lurie told the crowd. “I run toward that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the five mayoral candidates faced questions about their policies and personal histories from the club of progressive Democrats, Lurie wasn’t the only one to be grilled about his finances.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and mayor, denied his campaign had any unethical ties with independent political groups that wield significant spending power.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Text messages revealed by Mission Local and the San Francisco Chronicle suggest coordination between independent political groups \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">TogetherSF\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/moderate-groups-influence-election-2024-19416954.php\">Neighbors for a Better San Francisco\u003c/a> — which have spent millions from wealthy tech funders on behalf of moderate Democratic causes — and Farrell’s campaign. Some coordination between such groups may flout state and local ethics laws. The Milk Club’s members pressed Farrell on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are all organizations that every single candidate, I’m sure, that is up on the stage is courting,” Farrell told Kwong on stage. “And they have independent boards, and I hope to earn their support.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11987395\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11987395\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1446\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-800x603.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1020x768.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/1000020306_qut-1536x1157.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco mayoral candidate Mark Farrell, right, speaks onstage with Jeffrey Kwong, president of the Harvey Milk LGBTQ Democratic Club, during a candidate forum hosted by the club on May 21, 2024. \u003ccite>(Joe Fitzgerald Rodriguez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Speaking to KQED, Farrell denied that \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984718/kanishka-cheng-the-most-influential-san-franciscan-youve-never-heard-of\">Kanishka Cheng, TogetherSF Action’s CEO\u003c/a>, and her husband Jay Cheng, head of Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, unethically coordinated with his campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kanishka was someone who used to work for me in City Hall. She’s done amazing things running her organization inside of City Hall, and she’s a friend, and that’s it,” Farrell said after the event. When pressed to answer directly whether either of the Chengs coordinated with his campaign, he said “no.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Catch up fast:\u003c/strong> The forum gave San Franciscans their first public glimpse into the policies and character of the top contenders in the mayor’s race: Lurie, Farrell, Mayor London Breed, Supervisor Ahsha Safai and Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong interviewed each candidate for 30 minutes in front of roughly 200 attendees, with no debate between candidates. The forum was announced after San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out\">first planned mayoral debate began to crumble\u003c/a> last week over the alleged ties between Farrell’s campaign and political advocacy organizations. That debate would have been hosted by TogetherSF Action until Breed and Peskin questioned its independence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a novel election, as incumbent mayors are not usually challenged. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/mayor-london-breed-election-18678601.php\">poll conducted for the\u003cem> San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a> in February showed that 71% of San Franciscans did not approve of Breed’s job performance as mayor, a result mirrored in multiple polls, revealing Breed to be vulnerable to challenge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Why it matters:\u003c/strong> Lurie’s opponents have publicly mocked \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/politics/article/billionaire-mom-gives-1m-to-son-s-sf-mayoral-race-18638051.php\">a billboard funded by his mother, Mimi Haas\u003c/a>, touting her $1 million donation to a group supporting her son’s candidacy. The candidates have all taken turns alleging Lurie is unequipped to be mayor because he’s never held public office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie’s messaging during the forum previewed what he may say on the campaign trail to rebut those claims. Jim Ross, a political consultant who ran Gov. Gavin Newsom’s successful 2003 campaign for mayor, said every campaign has a question to answer, almost like a central thesis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Lurie’s obvious question he has to answer is basically, ‘Is being rich enough of a qualification to be mayor?’” Ross said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As for Farrell, ethics laws bar certain types of cooperation between such groups. That firewall forms the backbone of campaign finance law that allows independent political groups to fundraise in any amount to support multiple candidates, as opposed to candidate-controlled campaigns, which can only accept a maximum donation of $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ross said TogetherSF mishandled its bad press, saying that a statement backing Farrell might have eased off some of the scrutiny the group has come under.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because they kind of are trying to seem neutral or hide it and come off as independent, it’s making it a story,” Ross said. “It’s not the scandal, it’s the cover-up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Other candidates in the hot seat:\u003c/strong> Lurie and Farrell weren’t the only ones questioned on controversial topics by Kwong.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong told Breed that progressive Democrats bristle at her support for police and her relatively silent treatment around the need for police reform after the 2020 murder of George Floyd by a Minneapolis officer. Breed disagreed with Kwong’s characterization but ultimately doubled down on supporting police and public safety. Audience members shouted slogans against the police department during the discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are hollering ‘defund the police,’” Breed said, “but let something happen to you, and you’re calling 911 and wondering why the police didn’t get there. I get that people have issues and concerns, and they’re not perfect, but I’ve worked really hard to build those bridges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kwong said Peskin’s critics have characterized him as a NIMBY and dislike that he blocks housing in his home neighborhood, North Beach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We can grow San Francisco without destroying our neighborhoods,” Peskin said, who cited his work to build 10,000 housing units in the Mission, South of Market and Central Waterfront \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979849/peskins-rumored-mayor-run-has-same-strength-and-weakness-housing\">as part of the Eastern Neighborhoods Plan\u003c/a>, among other efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safai was challenged on his progressive bonafides. He said he’s the only candidate with a long history in the labor movement, working with a local janitors’ union for a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What we’re watching:\u003c/strong> Peskin, Lurie, Farrell and Safai all had critical words for Breed, but due to the format, Breed had no opportunity to rebut them. Breed is a skilled orator; it’ll be fascinating to watch the first debate where Breed and her challengers can engage in dialogue together — even if it’s not yet certain when that will be.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='california-law']The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Special interest groups spent more than $114 million lobbying California officials and legislators in the first quarter of this year, matching the pace last year, when a record $480 million was spent to influence state policy decisions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, nearly $600 million has been spent since the current two-year session of the Legislature started in January 2023. This year’s pace so far is about $1.25 million per day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The top 10 spenders for the first quarter of 2024, revealed in the latest financial reports filed with the Secretary of State, include nine that have been on the top 10 list since 2005. The only one that wasn’t: Contra Costa County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are the 10 organizations that invested the most in state-level lobbying between January and March of this year and how much they spent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Chevron: $3 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-2\">San Ramon-based oil giant\u003c/a> continues to top the list of advocacy spenders, reporting more than $3 million spent between January and the end of March. The last time Chevron wasn’t in the top three spenders was in 2011. It has reported lobbying expenses totaling more than $77.6 million since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company lobbied the Legislature on several items, including the budget, hydrogen programs, and carbon sequestration. But that isn’t the only institution that Chevron wanted to influence. It also reported advocating before the state Energy Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Air Resources Board, the Natural Resources Agency and the Departments of Tax and Fee Administration and Fish and Wildlife.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel behemoth took a public position on just one bill so far this year: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab3155\">a proposal\u003c/a> from Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/laura-friedman-100935\">Laura Friedman\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Burbank, that would make oil well operators liable for civil penalties for health impacts on people who live in the area. Chevron opposed the bill, which is still pending after approval from two committees in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/63Ox1/5/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"625\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Western States Petroleum Association: $2.5 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">oil industry trade group\u003c/a> is Chevron’s perennial partner on the leaderboard. The association is the single-largest spender on state advocacy since 2005, reporting nearly $120 million in total expenses. To put that in some context, the SEIU state council, a labor organization and the next highest-spending group, reported $80 million over the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fossil fuel lobby \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778#lobbying-representations\">testified against two \u003c/a>bills in hearings: \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb559\">SB 559\u003c/a>, which died in January and would have directed state regulators to phase out offshore drilling in state waters, and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1866\">AB 1866\u003c/a>, which would require companies to develop plans to eliminate all idle oil wells. The bill is still pending in the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group advocated on more than \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-11778\">25 other bills since January\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Chamber of Commerce:\u003c/strong> \u003cstrong>$1.2 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-4\">Chamber of Commerce\u003c/a> spent a little less than $1.2 million to advocate on more than 100 pieces of legislation in the first quarter of 2024, as well as lobbying Cal/OSHA, the Public Utilities Commission, the relatively new Privacy Protection Agency and the Water Resources Control Board. The business trade group testified against a pending bill that would \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab82\">prevent people under 18\u003c/a> from buying diet or weight loss supplements over the counter, against a failed bill that would have \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">imposed a tax on residents\u003c/a> with more than $1 million in assets, and in support of a still-pending bill that \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2011\">makes permanent a family leave\u003c/a> mediation program for small employers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Chamber is the sixth-largest lobbyist employer since 2005, spending more than $61 million over that time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Pacific Gas & Electric: $1.15 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-8937\">PG&E\u003c/a> spent nearly $1.15 million advocating for issues, such as undergrounding power lines and the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. It also lobbied on 85 bills, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2666\">AB 2666\u003c/a>, which would require utilities to annually report to the Public Utilities Commission the amount spent on infrastructure after each approved rate hike, such as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/californians-electricity-rates/\">one approved\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>two weeks ago\u003c/a>. Despite PG&E’s opposition to the bill, it passed the Assembly Committee on Utilities and Energy last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investor-owned utility, which is regulated by the state, has spent nearly $40 million since 2005 to push its point of view in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Howard Jarvis: $1.05 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-9\">Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association\u003c/a> reported spending about $1 million in the first three months of the year. That represents an increase in advocacy by the anti-tax organization from last quarter when it spent just less than $157,000 between October and December last year. However, the spending aligns with the first quarter of 2023, when the association reported $1.15 million in advocacy receipts. The group lobbied on 12 bills this session, including against one from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/alex-lee-162481\">Alex Lee\u003c/a> of Milpitas to \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab259\">raise taxes on assets\u003c/a> worth more than $1 million. The bill died in January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the Howard Jarvis Taxpayer Association has invested $34.5 million in pushing its point of view to government officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Sywxi/2/\" width=\"1000\" height=\"575\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Hospital Association: $1 million\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The group representing hospitals and health care systems reported spending a little more than $1 million to advocate on 61 pieces of legislation, including \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab2200\">a bill\u003c/a> by Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/ash-kalra-100938\">Ash Kalra\u003c/a> from San Jose to create a single-payer health care system in California. The hospital association opposes the bill, which died last week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2005, the industry group has invested more than $58 million in lobbying the state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>AT&T: $865,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T \u003ca href=\"https://cal-access.sos.ca.gov/Lobbying/Employers/Detail.aspx?id=1146836&view=activity\">reported\u003c/a> advocating before the Public Utilities Commission and on two similar bills in the Legislature, \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1588\">one in the Assembly\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1179\">one in the Senate\u003c/a>. Both would require state agencies to only procure internet from providers offering affordable home internet service. Though the company reported lobbying on both bills, it didn’t take a public position on either.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The telecom company went on the record about a handful of education-related bills. It took public positions in support of five bills last year, four of which have to do with education-related topics, such as \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab1251\">credentialing teachers\u003c/a> in computer science and \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab873\">media literacy curriculums\u003c/a> for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AT&T has reported spending more than $63 million to lobby the state government since 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Contra Costa County: $773,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The East Bay Area county spent 65% of the total it spent last year in just the first quarter of this year and reported advocating on seven bills. It supported a bill about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab817\">hosting public meetings online\u003c/a> and another about \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1245\">in-home supportive health service certifications\u003c/a> through an association called Urban Counties.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The $570,000 quarter-over-quarter increase is due to a lobbying blitz in favor of a bill that extends \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240sb1432\">the deadline by which hospitals\u003c/a> must be seismically retrofitted or demolished. The bill is pending in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Contra Costa County was the only lobbyist employer in the top 10 spenders from last quarter not to be on the same list historically. Since 2005, it has reported spending just under $18 million to push its point of view in state government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SEIU State Council: $754,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Service Employees International Union, a labor organization that represents more than 700,000 state workers, including more than 180,000 state employees, spent nearly $754,000 on lobbying so far this year, advocating before the state’s public pension system, the state treasurer, and the governor as well as on 77 different bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among those bills, the union reported lobbying for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab518?slug=CA_202320240AB518\">a bill\u003c/a> from Democratic Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/buffy-wicks-165044\">Buffy Wicks\u003c/a> from Oakland to expand paid family leave benefits for caretakers of seriously ill people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the council is near the bottom of this list, it has been the second-largest aggregate spender on lobbying since 2005, reporting more than $80 million in total state-level advocacy expenditures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>California Teachers Association: $667,000\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statewide teachers union reported advocating on more legislation than any other group in the top 10: 172 bills and resolutions in just the first three months of this year. The union also reported lobbying on the state budget and before the Commission on Teacher Credentialing, but it did not report a new public position on legislation between January and March. Perhaps that’s not surprising — it’s already on the record for \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/organizations/-1#bill-alignment\">203 pieces of legislation.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The labor group hosts the fourth largest bill lobbying effort since 2005, reporting more than $70 million in lobbying expenses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "4 Progressives Go Head to Head in Heated Race for Berkeley City Council Seat",
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"content": "\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Harrison’s resignation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harrison announced her resignation during a Jan. 30 City Council meeting, citing dysfunction in the city’s bureaucracy, among other local issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Berkeley’s processes are broken, and I cannot in good conscience continue to serve on this body,” Harrison said during her resignation speech.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Accountability and transparency\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like Harrison, the district’s candidates expressed concerns about the city of Berkeley’s functionality. Alpert, Tregub, and Auerbach listed transparency and accountability for the City Council and management among their top five concerns for this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve seen a really big problem with the culture of City Hall, both from the City Council and senior management, that basically views the public and public processes as a distraction from their more enlightened work, rather than as like the fundamental job of the city,” said Alpert, who served as Harrison’s campaign manager for the Berkeley mayoral race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert is the current vice chair of the Berkeley Rent Stabilization Board and has worked as a legislative assistant in Berkeley since before earning his undergraduate degree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Alpert and Auerbach, if elected, Tregub plans to prioritize having a transparent, accountable, participatory process around Berkeley’s city governance and management to ensure that the city’s government is fulfilling the will of its citizens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub served on Berkeley’s Rent Board, Zoning Adjustments Board, and its Environment and Climate Commission and is currently the chair of a local Sierra Club chapter. His professional background centers around green energy and, more recently, consulting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We [could] be darn sure that the budgets that we approve as a city are truly a reflection of our holistic community values because we [would] have heard from as many members of the community as we could,” Tregub said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Mass surveillance and public safety\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Former councilmember Harrison’s resignation was announced during a council discussion of the potential of implementing mass surveillance technology in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is considering adding six new general surveillance cameras across the city, although the two-year pilot program for existing license plate cameras hasn’t yet been completed, meaning full data on the effectiveness of cameras on crime isn’t yet available.[aside tag=\"berkeley-city-council\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Four progressive candidates, all with a few years to two decades of experience in public service, are vying for Berkeley’s District 4 City Council seat next week after Councilmember Kate Harrison announced her resignation from the seat in late January.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soli Alpert, Elana Auerbach, Ruben Hernandez Story and Igor Tregub are registered for the race set for May 28.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>District 4 includes Berkeley’s downtown district and several blocks of residential streets between Oxford Way and Sacramento Street. The L-shaped district has a population of about 15,700 residents as of the 2020 U.S. Census.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The four candidates are using the city’s generous public financing program, which allows them to each receive a 6-to-1 match on donations to their campaign, up to $60. (So if someone donates $60 to a candidate, that candidate receives $360 in public matching funds. The city will contribute a maximum of $49,000 per candidate.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those rules have resulted in fairly significant war chests for all four candidates. As of the week before the election, Hernandez Story led the pack with $49,000 in matching funds from the city, followed by Auerbach’s $41,994, Alpert’s $40,050 and Tregub’s $37,728, \u003ca href=\"https://berkeleyca.gov/sites/default/files/documents/PubFi%20Tracking%20-%202024%20Special%20Election%20%28MAY%29_2.pdf\">according to city public finance records\u003c/a>. And that’s not including the individual campaign donations that triggered those matching funds from the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates spoke with \u003cem>Bay City News\u003c/em> about their positions on the issues they see as most important to their community.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Auerbach stressed her confusion of a pilot program’s purpose if its data will not be available in the consideration of a more permanent program. Auerbach previously served on Berkeley’s Tenants Union and volunteers at the group Berkeley Copwatch; her professional background is in finance and mediation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Tregub both voiced support for the program as a potential solution to a rise in property crimes in the area in recent years. Hernandez Story currently works as Berkeley District 2 councilmember Terry Taplin’s chief of staff and previously worked for former Richmond Mayor Tom Butt for four years. He worked in the Ohio Legislature as a college student.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All four candidates want to focus on reducing what they see as the core causes of crime. They identified unaffordable housing, homelessness and mental health crises as major contributors to public safety concerns in their district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The candidates endorsed the expansion of Berkeley’s Specialized Care Unit, a non-police response force for residents experiencing mental health crises, to a 24/7 service and ending outsourcing of the program. Auerbach is one of several Berkeley residents who contributed to establishing the Specialized Care Unit, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alpert, Tregub and Auerbach all listed non-police response to non-criminal crises in the city as a potential solution to slow response times and understaffing issues within the Berkeley Police Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert and Auerbach both see corporate-owned housing projects — both for-profit and non-profit — as one of the major obstacles to affordable housing in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Every tenant deserves rights, but these big venture capital, corporate owners are much more committed to trying to squeeze things dry,” Alpert said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city of Berkeley allows housing developers to avoid installing mandatory affordable housing units by contributing to an in-lieu affordable housing fund in its place. Auerbach wants to see an end to this loophole.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is detrimental to bridging the divides of class and race that permeate our city,” Auerbach said. “And not only that, but it also doesn’t create actual affordable housing, so we need to mandate that developers build those units.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez sees building starter homes — like duplexes and triplexes — alongside other housing as a potential solution to part of the housing crisis, while Tregub pointed more toward apartments.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Revitalizing downtown and supporting small businesses\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Alpert said that landlords pricing small businesses out of their stores is the primary cause of vacant storefronts throughout Berkeley’s Downtown district and called for a commercial vacancy tax—much like the residential vacancy tax already imposed—to encourage commercial landlords to rent out their spaces at rates affordable to local businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hernandez Story and Auerbach both want to encourage pop-up events, performances and businesses downtown to revitalize the area. Hernandez Story also suggested shutting down the portion of Center Street that is often closed for events to be used as a permanent pedestrian plaza.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tregub wants a sustainable fund to support small businesses and a streamlined permitting process to cut through red tape for business owners, while Auerbach thinks the city should invest in low- and no-interest loans for small businesses in the area, investing in a future return in sales taxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All candidates pointed to making the downtown area a more enjoyable public space to revitalize it economically. They pointed to recent installations of wooden benches at bus stops by community members as evidence of the lack of public spaces and seating throughout the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This should not be in the community’s wheelbarrow,” Hernandez Story said. “They should be able to enjoy public spaces.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Republican Party wrapped up its state convention in Burlingame on Sunday. It was a low-key gathering that focused on winning congressional and state legislative seats that are in play while also trying to undo the impact of Donald Trump’s message that voting by mail can’t be trusted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State Senate Minority Leader Brian Jones spoke with Scott and Marisa on Friday about his party’s struggle for statewide relevance, the loss of former Speaker Kevin McCarthy and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "tough-on-crime-ballot-measure-claims-to-tackle-housing-crisis-experts-doubtful",
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"content": "\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='housing']“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.[aside postID=news_11986380 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-15-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg']“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.[aside postID=news_11986281 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/ALAS_1_WEB-KQED-1020x675.jpg']Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Backers of the California ballot measure emphasize housing issues in their campaign to roll back Proposition 47. But would the measure actually help people get housed?",
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"title": "Tough-on-Crime Ballot Measure Claims to Tackle Housing Crisis, Experts Doubtful | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Homelessness gets top billing in a measure likely to make it onto your November ballot. Whether the measure has anything to do with homelessness is debatable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative proponents are calling the “\u003ca href=\"https://casafecommunities.com/\">Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act\u003c/a>” would increase penalties for some drug and theft crimes by rolling back\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>Proposition 47\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>— the criminal justice changes California voters passed a decade ago. It also would force some people arrested three or more times for drug crimes into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But where does \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homelessness\u003c/a> factor into this tough-on-crime measure? The initiative includes no money for housing, shelter or treatment beds — leading some experts to question how it would help get California’s more than 181,000 unhoused residents off the street in a state where recent research shows\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\"> loss of income is the leading cause\u003c/a> of homelessness. Nor does the measure allocate or create new funding sources to pay cities or counties to enforce it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig, who helped author the proposed ballot measure, the philosophy is simple: The measure would slash the homeless population by pushing those struggling with drug addiction into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The big part of this, which is the key to the program, is it’s going to be compelled,” Reisig said. “People are going to have to go through the program or accept the consequences.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, according to Elliott Currie, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California Irvine, the measure is based on a false assumption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The theory is that people are homeless because we’ve been too lenient with drug addiction,” Currie said. “I think I can safely say that I don’t see one shred of serious evidence that that’s what’s going on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Did Proposition 47 increase homelessness in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The proposed ballot measure targets Proposition 47, which, when passed by voters in 2014, reduced certain theft and drug crimes from felonies to misdemeanors. In some circles, Proposition 47 is now being blamed for a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2024/04/california-crime-oakland-san-francisco-businesses-residents/\">perceived increase in crime\u003c/a> — and a fierce debate is raging over \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/04/california-crime-progressives-bills/\">whether and how to change it\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Backers of the measure, which is likely to qualify for the ballot after it recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-crime-ballot-initiative-signatures-theft-fentanyl-e4863b0eb0b8808ea8f5746c60780ba7\">submitted more than 900,000 signatures\u003c/a> (about 547,000 valid ones are required), also blame Proposition 47 for California’s dire homelessness crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the decade that Proposition 47 has been in effect, homelessness in California has grown by more than half — and backers of the proposed ballot measure say the two are “directly connected.” They argue by watering down the legal consequences for drug use, Proposition 47 removed the incentives for homeless Californians to participate in mental health and drug treatment, and as a result, fewer are. Because of that, they argue, more people are living on the streets.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“One of the primary root causes of homelessness is serious addiction, which is debilitating and results in people not being able to function or even hold a job,” Reisig said in an interview with CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s true that \u003ca href=\"https://www.innovatingjustice.org/sites/default/files/media/documents/2020-03/report_sentencingreform_03262020.pdf\">participation in drug courts dropped\u003c/a> throughout the state in the wake of Proposition 47. In San Diego County, for example, more than 650 people went through drug court in the year before Proposition 47 passed. By 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/justice/2022/07/california-drug-courts-prop-47/#:~:text=A%202020%20paper%20from%20the,67%25%20between%202014%20and%202018\">it was down to just 255\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As evidence Proposition 47 is tied to homelessness, backers of the measure point to states with stronger drug laws and smaller homeless populations. Illinois, for example, has a homeless rate about five times less than California’s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But there are a lot of other factors — especially housing costs — contributing to the state’s homelessness crisis. Fair market rent for a \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">two-bedroom in Chicago is just $1,714\u003c/a> — nearly half the going rate in San Francisco. The \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/datasets/fmr/fmrs/FY2024_code/2024state_summary.odn\">San Francisco area rate\u003c/a> increased by 72% since Proposition 47 passed, hitting $3,359 this year, according to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For some experts who study crime and homelessness, the ballot measure is baffling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m not aware of any data that shows a connection between Prop. 47 and homelessness,” said Charis Kubrin, a professor of criminology at UC Irvine. “So it’s a bit of a puzzle to me why they’re together like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Blaming the state’s spike in homelessness on Proposition 47 is “preposterous,” said Sharon Rapport, director of California state policy for the Corporation for Supportive Housing. “All of the changes that the (ballot measure) is proposing have nothing, nothing whatsoever, to do with homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The organization hasn’t even taken an official position on the measure because, Rapport said, it’s not related to homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/06/california-homeless-growth-report/\">The number one reason Californians end up homeless\u003c/a> is a loss of income — not drug use, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.ucsf.edu/our-impact/studies/california-statewide-study-people-experiencing-homelessness\">UC San Francisco study\u003c/a> that provides the most comprehensive look yet at the state’s homelessness crisis. And in the six months before becoming homeless, the people surveyed were making a median income of just $960 a month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That doesn’t mean drug use has nothing to do with homelessness. Nearly a third of people surveyed reported using methamphetamines three times a week, while 11% used non-prescribed opioids. Other studies have had varying results: a 2022 Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research study, which cited research from multiple surveys across several states, showed that \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/homelessness-california-causes-and-policy-considerations#footnote-1\">43% to 88%\u003c/a> of the homeless population struggled with drug abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Drug and alcohol overdoses \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/02/homeless-mortality-report/#:~:text=Nationwide%2C%20drug%20and%20alcohol%20overdoses,a%20488%25%20increase%20from%202011.\">are also the leading cause of death\u003c/a> for homeless people nationwide, according to a February study examining mortality rates among unhoused people between 2011 and 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s clear not everyone on the streets has an addiction. Therefore, the proposed ballot measure would leave out a large chunk of the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure helps even a third of California’s 181,000 unhoused residents — that’s a huge number, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ll take that,” he said. “I’ll take that number to try and get those people well, and to get them reintegrated, and to keep them out of jail and prison, and keep them from dying on the street of overdose or murder.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This measure might help some people get sober, said Benjamin Henwood, director of the USC Center for Homelessness, Housing and Health Equity Research. But for many people, that won’t be enough to end their homelessness, he said. While being sober might make someone more likely to get a job, it won’t make housing any less expensive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is: Once treatment is up, where do they go?” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under this measure, the answer to that question will depend on each individual county and how much, if any, housing they make available for people coming out of treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would the Homelessness, Drug Addiction, and Theft Reduction Act work?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If voters approve the proposed ballot measure, certain repeat drug offenses could be prosecuted as a “treatment-mandated felony.” That means the third time someone is arrested for a drug offense, they could be given a choice between jail or mandatory addiction and mental health treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure says people participating in mandatory treatment also would be offered “shelter, job training, and other services designed to break the cycle of addiction and homelessness.” But it doesn’t say how any of that would be paid for. It would be up to counties to decide whether to offer shelter and other services and how to fund them, Reisig said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“That will have to be deployed in each county to the extent they can do it,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But without guaranteeing those housing services, the measure could actually worsen homelessness, Currie said. There’s already a robust jail-to-homelessness pipeline in California: 43% of those surveyed in the UCSF study were in jail or prison or on probation or parole in the six months before they became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Anybody who says you’ve got to solve the problem by putting more people behind bars, but you then don’t say anything about how you’re going to help them re-enter when they come out — I think that’s pretty bogus,” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure also doesn’t specify how the mandatory drug and mental health treatment would be funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for treatment are already stretched thin in California. In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.dhcs.ca.gov/Documents/Assessing-the-Continuum-of-Care-for-BH-Services-in-California.pdf\">2022 survey\u003c/a> by the state’s Department of Health Care Services, 70% of California counties reported “urgently” needing more residential addiction treatment, while nearly 40% didn’t have any residential facilities at all.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to providing no new funding, the proposed ballot measure could actually end up \u003cem>reducing \u003c/em>funds for the very programs it’s trying to bolster, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/fiscal-impact-estimate-report%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">report from the independent Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a>. That’s because Proposition 47 saved the state money in criminal justice costs by diverting people away from prison and jail. Those savings are earmarked for projects that provide mental health and substance use treatment (\u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/Prop-47-C1-final-evaluation-report.pdf\">nearly $104 million was awarded\u003c/a> between 2017 and 2020, and \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">another $96 million\u003c/a> between 2019 and 2023).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By gutting Proposition 47 and funneling more people into the state’s jails and prisons, the Legislative Analyst estimates the proposed ballot measure would eat away at those savings and increase criminal justice costs by as much as tens of millions of dollars per year. That could mean less money for mental health services and addiction treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig dismissed that worry, saying, at least in Yolo County, where he is district attorney, Proposition 47 savings haven’t made much difference. “There’s literally nothing that I fear losing through this program,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some new money available from other pots. In March, California voters approved a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-prop-1/\">$6.4 billion bond\u003c/a> to pay for 6,800 beds in facilities treating mental illness and addiction and as many as 4,350 housing units for people who need those services. The state is \u003ca href=\"https://mentalhealth.ca.gov/\">set to start awarding that money\u003c/a> in the spring and summer of 2025, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/california-moves-faster-to-transform-mental-health-system-for-all-with-urgent-focus-on-most-seriously-ill-homeless/\">Newsom said this month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the same time, to plug a yawning budget deficit, Newsom has \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/05/may-revise-2024-homeless-housing/\">proposed cutting funds\u003c/a> from the Behavioral Health Bridge Housing Program, which provides beds for people who need mental health and addiction services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Currie said he is “skeptical” of the lack of funding mechanisms for treatment programs and other services to ensure homeless people stay off the streets post-treatment. That, he said, could burden counties that already struggle with insufficient funding for such services — one in five homeless people surveyed by UCSF researchers said they sought substance abuse treatment but failed to get it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You can’t just say, ‘OK, you counties. Since you are swimming in so much money after all … we are going to mandate drug treatment for some people on top of the existing number of clients,’” Currie said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The politics of homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some political strategists say the measure’s tie to homelessness represents the campaign’s attempt to capitalize on public concern about the problem. Homelessness is a top issue on California voters’ minds, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/ppic-statewide-survey-californians-and-their-government-february-2024/\">February 2024 statewide survey\u003c/a> by the Public Policy Institute of California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This notion somehow that it addresses homelessness is deceptive and downright farcical,” said Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant who has worked on ballot measures for more than 20 years.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Homelessness is ultimately due to a lack of housing, he argued, and measures aiming to address the problem without providing housing are “disingenuous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve heard the old saying ‘Putting lipstick on a pig,’” South said. “I’m not saying that this measure is a pig, but what I’m saying is it’s a standard procedure … to try to gussy it up with some reference or some provision that really strikes a responsive chord with voters when that’s not really what the initiative is about.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the measure appears before voters in November, “homelessness” won’t be in the title they see on their ballots. The \u003ca href=\"https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/Title%20and%20Summary%20%2823-0017A1%29.pdf\">official title\u003c/a> of the measure, chosen by the state attorney general, is: “Allows felony charges and increases sentences for certain drug and theft crimes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot of thought, politics, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/2020/08/california-proposition-descriptions-lawsuits-attorney-general/\">sometimes even litigation\u003c/a> goes into drafting the title and summary of a ballot measure. While proponents of a proposition want to entice voters with their description, it’s ultimately the state attorney general’s job to make sure the language is fair.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even without mentioning homelessness, South said the ballot measure could still “pass on its own merits.” He, for one, would likely vote for it as a way to decrease crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Drugs and homelessness\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tom Wolf, who has experienced both homelessness and addiction firsthand in San Francisco, said the proposed ballot measure has great potential to help people who were like him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An opioid addiction cost Wolf his job and his home and landed him on the streets of San Francisco’s Tenderloin neighborhood in 2018. He said he worked as a “holder” for nearby drug dealers, safeguarding their stash of narcotics in case they were busted by the police. Sometimes, he stole razor blades from a nearby Target and sold them for money to buy heroin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wolf said he was arrested on drug charges five times within three months and was released back to the street each time. The sixth time he was arrested, the judge let him sit in jail for three months, where he got sober. Wolf finally called his brother, who said he would bail him out if Wolf went to drug treatment. Wolf agreed. He said that if he had been given the choice between jail and treatment the last time he was picked up, he would have chosen treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, Wolf will have six years sober. He’s now an advocate for drug policy reform and works as director of West Coast initiatives for the Foundation for Drug Policy Solutions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That accountability piece was the key to me getting off the street,” he said, “getting sober, becoming willing to accept an opportunity to go to treatment and give recovery an honest try.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"meta": {
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"order": 9
},
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
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},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
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},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
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},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
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"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
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"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
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"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/political-breakdown",
"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/07RVyIjIdk2WDuVehvBMoN",
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