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"content": "\u003cp>Candidates vying to be San Francisco’s next mayor are collectively raking in millions from everyday voters to Silicon Valley billionaires, according to campaign finance disclosures released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is already shaping up to be one of the city’s most expensive in terms of total dollars raised and spent. As the candidates’ financing profiles come into focus leading up to November, some focus on big-money donors while others are banking on a wider base of small donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, whose campaign raised more than $894,000 from January to June, records show. Lurie, also an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also invested $590,000 of his own money into the campaign, bringing the total from the reporting period to more than $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial disclosures reported this week only represent direct contributions, which are limited to $500 per individual. Other sources of funding include public financing for candidates who qualify and political action committee contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign is fueled by the support of thousands of donors who believe in our message of accountable leadership and share my vision for a safer, more affordable and inclusive San Francisco,” Lurie said in a statement. “We are building a citywide movement to bring a culture of accountability to City Hall and tackle our biggest challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Lurie is the only candidate to not accept matching public financing, a move he said would save taxpayers $1.2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe title=\"Total Funds Received by Top Candidates in SF Mayor's Race (as of July 31)\" aria-label=\"Stacked Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ejLZv\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ejLZv/10/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"331\" data-external=\"1\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">!function(){\"use strict\";window.addEventListener(\"message\",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"]){var e=document.querySelectorAll(\"iframe\");for(var t in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var r=0;r\u003ce.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][t]+\"px\";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}();\n\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, raked in $654,000 over the same six-month period. Farrell has not yet received public matching funds, but his campaign said he will accept the money and is anticipating about $1.2 million through the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking nothing for granted,” Jade Tu, Farrell’s campaign manager, said in a statement. “We are laser-focused on talking directly to as many voters as possible between now and Election Day about our plans and vision to deliver real change and a better life for all of San Francisco’s families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell, a moderate Democrat, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-mayoral-candidate-farrell-s-fundraising-19526243.php\">taken heat for accepting donations\u003c/a> from major Republican donors like Tom Coates and William Oberndorf. He has also come under increasing scrutiny for allegations of skirting campaign finance limits, like recently using a ballot measure committee backed by the moderate political group TogetherSF Action to bring in donations over the $500 limit on individual contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie and Farrell \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DanielLurie/status/1819051324144779343\">traded barbs over fundraising on X\u003c/a>, formerly known as Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11992943 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240620-AffordableHousingPresser-05-BL_qed-1020x680.jpg']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign behind Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who entered the race in April, raised nearly $469,000 by June 30. His campaign has already received $300,000 in matching public financing and anticipates that it will grow to $937,000 after approvals by the San Francisco Ethics Commission, bringing his total to about $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin decried his opponents’ wealthy backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We raised more money per day than any of the other candidates and qualified for public financing faster than any of the other candidates,” Peskin said. “We aren’t going to outspend the billionaire and their hand-picked candidates, but we have enough money to be competitive and win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed raised nearly $304,000 during the first six months of 2024 from more individual donors than any of her opponents. Donors include Donna Brazile, the former Democratic National Committee chairwoman, and fashion designer Tory Burch. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Candidates vying to be San Francisco’s next mayor are collectively raking in millions from everyday voters to Silicon Valley billionaires, according to campaign finance disclosures released Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year’s mayoral race is already shaping up to be one of the city’s most expensive in terms of total dollars raised and spent. As the candidates’ financing profiles come into focus leading up to November, some focus on big-money donors while others are banking on a wider base of small donations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Take nonprofit founder Daniel Lurie, whose campaign raised more than $894,000 from January to June, records show. Lurie, also an heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, also invested $590,000 of his own money into the campaign, bringing the total from the reporting period to more than $1.4 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The financial disclosures reported this week only represent direct contributions, which are limited to $500 per individual. Other sources of funding include public financing for candidates who qualify and political action committee contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This campaign is fueled by the support of thousands of donors who believe in our message of accountable leadership and share my vision for a safer, more affordable and inclusive San Francisco,” Lurie said in a statement. “We are building a citywide movement to bring a culture of accountability to City Hall and tackle our biggest challenges.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, Lurie is the only candidate to not accept matching public financing, a move he said would save taxpayers $1.2 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe title=\"Total Funds Received by Top Candidates in SF Mayor's Race (as of July 31)\" aria-label=\"Stacked Bars\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-ejLZv\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/ejLZv/10/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"331\" data-external=\"1\">\u003c/iframe>\u003cscript type=\"text/javascript\">!function(){\"use strict\";window.addEventListener(\"message\",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"]){var e=document.querySelectorAll(\"iframe\");for(var t in a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"])for(var r=0;r\u003ce.length;r++)if(e[r].contentWindow===a.source){var i=a.data[\"datawrapper-height\"][t]+\"px\";e[r].style.height=i}}}))}();\n\u003c/script>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor, raked in $654,000 over the same six-month period. Farrell has not yet received public matching funds, but his campaign said he will accept the money and is anticipating about $1.2 million through the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are taking nothing for granted,” Jade Tu, Farrell’s campaign manager, said in a statement. “We are laser-focused on talking directly to as many voters as possible between now and Election Day about our plans and vision to deliver real change and a better life for all of San Francisco’s families.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Farrell, a moderate Democrat, has \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-mayoral-candidate-farrell-s-fundraising-19526243.php\">taken heat for accepting donations\u003c/a> from major Republican donors like Tom Coates and William Oberndorf. He has also come under increasing scrutiny for allegations of skirting campaign finance limits, like recently using a ballot measure committee backed by the moderate political group TogetherSF Action to bring in donations over the $500 limit on individual contributions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lurie and Farrell \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/DanielLurie/status/1819051324144779343\">traded barbs over fundraising on X\u003c/a>, formerly known as Twitter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign behind Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin, who entered the race in April, raised nearly $469,000 by June 30. His campaign has already received $300,000 in matching public financing and anticipates that it will grow to $937,000 after approvals by the San Francisco Ethics Commission, bringing his total to about $1.5 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin decried his opponents’ wealthy backers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We raised more money per day than any of the other candidates and qualified for public financing faster than any of the other candidates,” Peskin said. “We aren’t going to outspend the billionaire and their hand-picked candidates, but we have enough money to be competitive and win.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed raised nearly $304,000 during the first six months of 2024 from more individual donors than any of her opponents. Donors include Donna Brazile, the former Democratic National Committee chairwoman, and fashion designer Tory Burch. The incumbent mayor also received $743,100 in public financing in the period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed took a swing at her competitors when celebrating her fundraising achievements on Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“While my opponents embrace and endorse the GOP’s narrative of our city, I continue to be San Francisco’s biggest champion and defender. I will not stand for attacks on our city and our rights, whether they’re from Mark Farrell, Donald Trump or Project 2025,” Breed said in a statement. “I will earn my right to a second term instead of trying to buy the office like Daniel Lurie. My mom donated $150 to my campaign, while Lurie’s mother donated $1 million to his.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, Supervisor Ahsha Safaí raised around $158,000 in the first half of the year and has qualified for more than $466,000 in public financing since entering the race last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> officially signed San Francisco’s new $15.9 billion budget on Thursday morning after the city faced a deficit of hundreds of millions of dollars and looming fears over its expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan for the next two fiscal years uses one-time funds and expense reductions, including from public health programs, to help close a $789 million deficit. In the coming five years, that deficit is expected to increase to $1.3 billion, according to city projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the budget’s significant outlays are a minimum wage increase to $25 an hour for city workers and an investment of $45 million to outreach and drug treatment programs coming from settlements the city has reached with drug companies and pharmacies over their roles in the overdose crisis. The spending plan sustains funding for programs addressing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also includes increases to law enforcement and funding for downtown revitalization — both key areas of Breed’s reelection campaign amid a contentious race. Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988875/breeds-15-9-billion-sf-budget-plan-adds-money-for-police-other-city-workers\">proposal\u003c/a> included that new and existing entry-level police employees would receive nearly 8% salary increases, and incentives would be added to attract and retain early and mid-career officers to stem a staffing shortage. The plan also allocated $3.7 million over two years for new surveillance cameras and data collection following the passage of Measure E in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan criticized the budget’s reliance on one-time funds, which include reserve money and revenue from various ballot measures, to close the gap, saying the move is not a sustainable way to finance the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is always a moment for celebration when we can finish out the [budget] process every year; this is not that moment,” she told KQED. “This time around, we know that this budget can really only last us for the next six months. It literally was stitched together by the mayor just to get us through the next six months. We know that when the new year comes, San Franciscans have some tough choices in front of us that we have to make.”[aside postID=news_11997957 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230831-SAFE-USE-POP-UP-MD-04-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Cuts to the Department of Public Health, which could affect funding for oral health care and food security and nutrition programs, will begin in fiscal year 2025, Chan said. Last December, Breed also asked city departments to make 10% cuts to reduce the shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the budget and legislative analyst’s office suggested cutting $750,000 from the $15 million that Breed’s budget proposal set aside for the Downtown Recovery Program, which aims to bring activations, increase safety and fill storefront vacancies in the Union Square and Yerba Buena neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s memo also included a line item noting that whether to fund the Downtown Recovery Program at all was a “policy matter” up to the Board of Supervisors. The supervisors voted 10–1 to approve the budget, with Supervisor Dean Preston as the lone vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said the downtown funds fell under the “nice to have” but not necessary category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, at a moment like this, when we’re facing a ballooning budget deficit, can we afford it? The answer is no, we cannot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re basically spending more than what we’re taking in overall, and we continue to use deep into our reserves to balance the budget, and that is not the way to go. … Pretty much, we’re out of money and out of options at the moment. We’re running out of options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> officially signed San Francisco’s new $15.9 billion budget on Thursday morning after the city faced a deficit of hundreds of millions of dollars and looming fears over its expansion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The spending plan for the next two fiscal years uses one-time funds and expense reductions, including from public health programs, to help close a $789 million deficit. In the coming five years, that deficit is expected to increase to $1.3 billion, according to city projections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the budget’s significant outlays are a minimum wage increase to $25 an hour for city workers and an investment of $45 million to outreach and drug treatment programs coming from settlements the city has reached with drug companies and pharmacies over their roles in the overdose crisis. The spending plan sustains funding for programs addressing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also includes increases to law enforcement and funding for downtown revitalization — both key areas of Breed’s reelection campaign amid a contentious race. Her \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11988875/breeds-15-9-billion-sf-budget-plan-adds-money-for-police-other-city-workers\">proposal\u003c/a> included that new and existing entry-level police employees would receive nearly 8% salary increases, and incentives would be added to attract and retain early and mid-career officers to stem a staffing shortage. The plan also allocated $3.7 million over two years for new surveillance cameras and data collection following the passage of Measure E in March.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor Connie Chan criticized the budget’s reliance on one-time funds, which include reserve money and revenue from various ballot measures, to close the gap, saying the move is not a sustainable way to finance the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is always a moment for celebration when we can finish out the [budget] process every year; this is not that moment,” she told KQED. “This time around, we know that this budget can really only last us for the next six months. It literally was stitched together by the mayor just to get us through the next six months. We know that when the new year comes, San Franciscans have some tough choices in front of us that we have to make.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Cuts to the Department of Public Health, which could affect funding for oral health care and food security and nutrition programs, will begin in fiscal year 2025, Chan said. Last December, Breed also asked city departments to make 10% cuts to reduce the shortfall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In June, the budget and legislative analyst’s office suggested cutting $750,000 from the $15 million that Breed’s budget proposal set aside for the Downtown Recovery Program, which aims to bring activations, increase safety and fill storefront vacancies in the Union Square and Yerba Buena neighborhoods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office’s memo also included a line item noting that whether to fund the Downtown Recovery Program at all was a “policy matter” up to the Board of Supervisors. The supervisors voted 10–1 to approve the budget, with Supervisor Dean Preston as the lone vote against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chan said the downtown funds fell under the “nice to have” but not necessary category.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The question is, at a moment like this, when we’re facing a ballooning budget deficit, can we afford it? The answer is no, we cannot,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re basically spending more than what we’re taking in overall, and we continue to use deep into our reserves to balance the budget, and that is not the way to go. … Pretty much, we’re out of money and out of options at the moment. We’re running out of options.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "What's in Project 2025 — and Why Trump Is Publicly Distancing Himself",
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"content": "\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906159/whats-inside-project-2025\">Project 2025,” the 900-page right-wing\u003c/a> policy agenda by allies of former President Donald Trump, has \u003ca href=\"https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=today%203-m&geo=US&q=Project%202025&hl=en\">entered the mainstream in the last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Trump’s claims that he has nothing to do with the extensive document — authored by the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank — many of its authors and supporters are Trump allies, former and current Trump staffers and \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/184393/jd-vance-violent-foreword-kevin-roberts-project-2025-leader-book\">even his vice presidential pick\u003c/a>. The lengthy treatise puts forth concrete plans for the next Republican administration to consolidate presidential power, sideline critics and \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">implement an extreme religious-right social agenda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993255/if-trump-wins-project-2025\">It’s not just a policy agenda, though\u003c/a>: The Heritage Foundation has also created a personnel database of pre-vetted conservatives who could serve in the next GOP administration; a training program to get potential personnel up to speed; and a secret plan for the first 180 days of a new Republican administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Heritage announced that its director, Paul Gans, was stepping down but that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/30/g-s1-14455/project-2025-trump-heritage\">Project 2025’s work would now instead be led by its president, Kevin Roberts.\u003c/a> But what is in Project 2025, and how achievable are its aims?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Political Breakdown podcast spoke to Philip Bump, national columnist for \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>, to dig into Project 2025 as a right-wing “wish list,” why Trump keeps attempting to publicly disavow it, and how fast a second Trump administration could be able to enact such plans starting January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for the takeaways from their conversation with Bump about Project 2025, or listen to the audio below (the Project 2025 conversation begins at 10:53.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC7758550327\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>There’s a reason Trump hasn’t provided many concrete presidential policy plans himself\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Phillip Bump: \u003c/strong>Over the course of the Republican primary, especially before he really started to gain ground against Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, Trump started to do these little videos articulating what they called Agenda 47: What he would do when he came back in office. And most of them were very responsive to whatever the hot issue on Fox News, and in the right, happened to be at the moment … all these really random things.\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/06/18/trump-has-unveiled-an-agenda-his-own-he-just-doesnt-mention-it-much/\"> [See Bump’s searchable tool for Agenda 47 for \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>.] \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundamentally … he doesn’t want to offer a lot of specifics. This is a guy whose career prior to becoming a politician was a salesman — and not only was he a salesman, he was a guy selling real estate in New York. Which is, you know, like selling used cars in Topeka. This is not someone whose track record of salesmanship is rooted in the most robust ethics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so he doesn’t \u003cem>want \u003c/em>to commit. He wants to tell people what he wants to tell them in order to make the sale, and so that means being very vague. He frames this as being part of his art in negotiation. … But it’s really fundamentally about telling as few people as possible something they don’t want to hear so that he can maximize the number of people who might be receptive to his candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>It benefits Trump to deny any association with Project 2025\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First of all, I think it’s fundamentally dishonest. You can’t both say, “I know nothing about Project 2025” and “I disagree with some of its elements.” Like that doesn’t make sense, right? But it is about recognizing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/11/nx-s1-5035272/project-2025-trump-biden-heritage-foundation-conservative\">Project 2025 establishes something for Democrats to point at\u003c/a> — it says, “Here are the things that Donald Trump would do.” And it does so very credibly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Heritage Foundation, which put together Project 2025, did tap a lot of people from Trump World, in part because that’s the locus of power within the political right at this point in time. It has people like John McEntee, who was basically in charge of staffing at the tail end of the Trump administration. It has Russ Vought, who used to run [the U.S. Office of Management and Budget] and has been talked about as being potentially Trump’s chief of staff. And a number of other individuals who participated in Donald Trump’s administration and who are now saying, “Here’s what we think the government should do, should a conservative return to power in the White House” — which, of course, means should Donald Trump be elected in 2024 and take office in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, for the Trump campaign, it is crucially urgent … to get people to think that Project 2025 is something else that isn’t theirs, isn’t what they want to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Trump’s campaign was not prepared for their 2016 win — but Project 2025 shows how they’d hit the ground running this time\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think that part of it is a response to the way in which Trump took power in 2017. It’s important to remember, of course, that no one expected Donald Trump to be taking the presidency. The polling up until the very end showed that he was likely to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, of course, he took power, and he came into the White House with this amalgamation of both the establishment side of the GOP — Reince Priebus, who used to run the actual RNC, and then he had Steve Bannon, representing the fringe right on the other side. And he tried to mesh those things together, and he didn’t know what the balance of his power was, and he was concerned about reelection and all these aspects that were in place in 2017 that won’t be in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“We take a lot of exception with Joe Biden. But the one thing I do credit his team with was being prepared. So they were signing things all week long the first week, and we are going to be doing the same. We are now in the course of drafting these executive orders, and rethinking and identifying the stuff that needs to come down. We’re not going to wait and do this in the 90 days between the election. We’re going to be doing this as a team, as an entire movement years ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>– Paul Gans, the now-departed director of the Heritage Foundation\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So [Trump]’s returning to the White House, should he win the election this year, with a clearer sense of purpose — with a better understanding of where the boundaries are, with no concern about being reelected down the road. And with an entire movement already lined up behind him to affect the things that he wants to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which, of course, are really the things that \u003cem>they \u003c/em>want.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A major focus of Project 2025 is reshaping the federal government — quickly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Among [the 2025 plans] is this plan to very dramatically overhaul the federal government, to get rid of as many federal governments [sic] as they possibly can so that they can be replaced with Trump sympathizers. And to do so in the context of having already tested the limits and seeing where the limits don’t really exist, and seeing limits removed by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a long time, the core focus of the political right was to unwind the power of government. And that has been reshaped in the Trump era to imbue a lot more power in the presidency for presidents who don’t carry a “D” on their ballot assignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone, I think, recognizes that Donald Trump himself doesn’t care a whole lot about what policies are implemented. And so what they’re trying to do is get a big cadre of people together who \u003cem>do \u003c/em>care about it, to give Donald Trump the mechanism to actually overhaul as much of the government as possible and then put these people in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 is about things like identifying who can move into these positions, who should be hired, who can serve in cabinet positions, but who can also serve in government agencies. And there is a training program that is for people who are interested in coming and learning about the ideals that the Heritage Foundation and Project 2025 are trying to have government employees arrive in D.C. with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is this broad effort to overhaul the government — in a way that it is responsive to the will of the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998326\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of The Heritage Foundation building on July 30, 2024, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When it comes to removing government workers in 2025, there aren’t as many guardrails as you’d think\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump tried to do this at the tail end of his presidency and introduce a new category for federal officials called Schedule F, which would make it easier to fire a number of people. He tried to implement that. It didn’t take hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden reversed the decision, came into office, and then tried to put in some roadblocks to keep doing that. But there really is broad power that [Trump]’s got to effect the changes, the bureaucracies he wants to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also, of course, empowered by a Supreme Court that has shown a lot of deference to the worldview that Donald Trump represents. I mean, if this comes down to a fight at the Supreme Court between federal employees and Donald Trump in terms of where power should lie, it’s pretty obvious where the Supreme Court’s going to land.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Project 2025 is a wishlist that goes beyond reshaping government\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think it’s important to recognize, too, that when we talk about this, it’s sort of a wish list that the people who, for a long time, have been frustrated with particular aspects of the federal government are happy to put down on paper. “Oh, well, we should get rid of this agency or that agency,” and so on and so forth. There’s a lot of that sort of thing that exists in Project 2025, or at least in this 900-page document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">There’s also a lot of social issues\u003c/a>: things like overhauling the ways in which people can be charged with crimes for alleged voter fraud; things that are responsive to Donald Trump’s efforts to try and claim that the 2020 election was stolen. There are changes, potentially, in the ways in which divorce is handled in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is really a wish list of: if you have heard a conservative or a Republican say, “Hey, wouldn’t it be great if?” over the course of the past 20 years, the odds are good that they got someone to write up 300 words and put it in this document explaining why this should be part of the next administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">[See Vox’s roundup of what is — and isn’t — in Project 2025, including plans to restrict abortion and contraceptives.]\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>It won’t necessarily matter if Project 2025 isn’t ‘popular’ with most Americans\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the Trump campaign is freaked out [about being associated with Project 2025] is because they don’t want to be tied to this thing, because they \u003cem>know \u003c/em>there are aspects of it that can be picked out and pointed to that are not popular. Even his vague statement about how he disagrees with some of what’s in there, they can apply that to whatever they want to apply to, to say that he disagrees with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s important to recognize, too, that all of this is predicated on, to some extent, the minority position having more power. The minority position in 2016 was that Donald Trump should not be president. And then he won because of the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court that scaled back \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/stories/what-happens-if-supreme-court-ends-chevron-deference\">Chevron deference\u003c/a> and that \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/us-supreme-court-due-rule-trumps-immunity-bid-blockbuster-case-2024-07-01/\">gave Trump — or presidents — immunity\u003c/a> was one that was appointed. Three of the justices were appointed by Trump after he won only because he liked the Electoral College. Four of the six Republican-nominated justices got votes from senators who represent less than half of the country right there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless he wins the popular vote in November, which is possible … the ways in which he wields power, or plans to wield power, are based on a minority of Americans getting their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The Heritage Foundation behind Project 2025 has openly spoken of ‘revolution’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“We are in the process of the second American Revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>– Kevin Roberts, president of the Heritage Foundation\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Heritage Foundation was, for a long time, one of the key think tanks on the right in Washington, D.C. And it did the work that right-wing think tanks usually do, which is put together policy proposals and advocate for a reduction in the size of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike some other think tanks, it really leaned into the power shift that accompanied Donald Trump. And part of it, I think, is the advent of Roberts, who has only been there for a couple of years — and the Heritage Foundation has really perceptively shifted in tone since Roberts has been in charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think his “revolution” comments were obviously alarming and, frankly, from the context of the head of the Heritage Foundation, unprecedented. And it was striking to me because he was basically saying that we’re in the process of a second American Revolution, but what he and Project 2025 are advocating for — if we extend that analogy — is not an increase in freedom and independence as the first revolution was fought, but a return to the monarchy and establishing a very powerful, unchecked political figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s sort of another revolution — in reverse. And I think we’re all praying that it remains “bloodless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Looking at Project 2025's right-wing 'wish list,' why Trump keeps disavowing it in public and how a second Trump administration could enact such plans starting in January 2025.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101906159/whats-inside-project-2025\">Project 2025,” the 900-page right-wing\u003c/a> policy agenda by allies of former President Donald Trump, has \u003ca href=\"https://trends.google.com/trends/explore?date=today%203-m&geo=US&q=Project%202025&hl=en\">entered the mainstream in the last month\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite Trump’s claims that he has nothing to do with the extensive document — authored by the conservative Heritage Foundation think tank — many of its authors and supporters are Trump allies, former and current Trump staffers and \u003ca href=\"https://newrepublic.com/article/184393/jd-vance-violent-foreword-kevin-roberts-project-2025-leader-book\">even his vice presidential pick\u003c/a>. The lengthy treatise puts forth concrete plans for the next Republican administration to consolidate presidential power, sideline critics and \u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">implement an extreme religious-right social agenda\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993255/if-trump-wins-project-2025\">It’s not just a policy agenda, though\u003c/a>: The Heritage Foundation has also created a personnel database of pre-vetted conservatives who could serve in the next GOP administration; a training program to get potential personnel up to speed; and a secret plan for the first 180 days of a new Republican administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Heritage announced that its director, Paul Gans, was stepping down but that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/30/g-s1-14455/project-2025-trump-heritage\">Project 2025’s work would now instead be led by its president, Kevin Roberts.\u003c/a> But what is in Project 2025, and how achievable are its aims?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Political Breakdown podcast spoke to Philip Bump, national columnist for \u003cem>The\u003c/em> \u003cem>Washington Post\u003c/em>, to dig into Project 2025 as a right-wing “wish list,” why Trump keeps attempting to publicly disavow it, and how fast a second Trump administration could be able to enact such plans starting January 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Keep reading for the takeaways from their conversation with Bump about Project 2025, or listen to the audio below (the Project 2025 conversation begins at 10:53.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC7758550327\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>There’s a reason Trump hasn’t provided many concrete presidential policy plans himself\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Phillip Bump: \u003c/strong>Over the course of the Republican primary, especially before he really started to gain ground against Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, Trump started to do these little videos articulating what they called Agenda 47: What he would do when he came back in office. And most of them were very responsive to whatever the hot issue on Fox News, and in the right, happened to be at the moment … all these really random things.\u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/06/18/trump-has-unveiled-an-agenda-his-own-he-just-doesnt-mention-it-much/\"> [See Bump’s searchable tool for Agenda 47 for \u003cem>The Washington Post\u003c/em>.] \u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But fundamentally … he doesn’t want to offer a lot of specifics. This is a guy whose career prior to becoming a politician was a salesman — and not only was he a salesman, he was a guy selling real estate in New York. Which is, you know, like selling used cars in Topeka. This is not someone whose track record of salesmanship is rooted in the most robust ethics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And so he doesn’t \u003cem>want \u003c/em>to commit. He wants to tell people what he wants to tell them in order to make the sale, and so that means being very vague. He frames this as being part of his art in negotiation. … But it’s really fundamentally about telling as few people as possible something they don’t want to hear so that he can maximize the number of people who might be receptive to his candidacy.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>It benefits Trump to deny any association with Project 2025\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>First of all, I think it’s fundamentally dishonest. You can’t both say, “I know nothing about Project 2025” and “I disagree with some of its elements.” Like that doesn’t make sense, right? But it is about recognizing that \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/11/nx-s1-5035272/project-2025-trump-biden-heritage-foundation-conservative\">Project 2025 establishes something for Democrats to point at\u003c/a> — it says, “Here are the things that Donald Trump would do.” And it does so very credibly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Heritage Foundation, which put together Project 2025, did tap a lot of people from Trump World, in part because that’s the locus of power within the political right at this point in time. It has people like John McEntee, who was basically in charge of staffing at the tail end of the Trump administration. It has Russ Vought, who used to run [the U.S. Office of Management and Budget] and has been talked about as being potentially Trump’s chief of staff. And a number of other individuals who participated in Donald Trump’s administration and who are now saying, “Here’s what we think the government should do, should a conservative return to power in the White House” — which, of course, means should Donald Trump be elected in 2024 and take office in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, for the Trump campaign, it is crucially urgent … to get people to think that Project 2025 is something else that isn’t theirs, isn’t what they want to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Trump’s campaign was not prepared for their 2016 win — but Project 2025 shows how they’d hit the ground running this time\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think that part of it is a response to the way in which Trump took power in 2017. It’s important to remember, of course, that no one expected Donald Trump to be taking the presidency. The polling up until the very end showed that he was likely to lose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then, of course, he took power, and he came into the White House with this amalgamation of both the establishment side of the GOP — Reince Priebus, who used to run the actual RNC, and then he had Steve Bannon, representing the fringe right on the other side. And he tried to mesh those things together, and he didn’t know what the balance of his power was, and he was concerned about reelection and all these aspects that were in place in 2017 that won’t be in 2025.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“We take a lot of exception with Joe Biden. But the one thing I do credit his team with was being prepared. So they were signing things all week long the first week, and we are going to be doing the same. We are now in the course of drafting these executive orders, and rethinking and identifying the stuff that needs to come down. We’re not going to wait and do this in the 90 days between the election. We’re going to be doing this as a team, as an entire movement years ahead.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>– Paul Gans, the now-departed director of the Heritage Foundation\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>So [Trump]’s returning to the White House, should he win the election this year, with a clearer sense of purpose — with a better understanding of where the boundaries are, with no concern about being reelected down the road. And with an entire movement already lined up behind him to affect the things that he wants to do.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Which, of course, are really the things that \u003cem>they \u003c/em>want.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>A major focus of Project 2025 is reshaping the federal government — quickly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Among [the 2025 plans] is this plan to very dramatically overhaul the federal government, to get rid of as many federal governments [sic] as they possibly can so that they can be replaced with Trump sympathizers. And to do so in the context of having already tested the limits and seeing where the limits don’t really exist, and seeing limits removed by the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For a long time, the core focus of the political right was to unwind the power of government. And that has been reshaped in the Trump era to imbue a lot more power in the presidency for presidents who don’t carry a “D” on their ballot assignation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Everyone, I think, recognizes that Donald Trump himself doesn’t care a whole lot about what policies are implemented. And so what they’re trying to do is get a big cadre of people together who \u003cem>do \u003c/em>care about it, to give Donald Trump the mechanism to actually overhaul as much of the government as possible and then put these people in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Project 2025 is about things like identifying who can move into these positions, who should be hired, who can serve in cabinet positions, but who can also serve in government agencies. And there is a training program that is for people who are interested in coming and learning about the ideals that the Heritage Foundation and Project 2025 are trying to have government employees arrive in D.C. with.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is this broad effort to overhaul the government — in a way that it is responsive to the will of the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11998326\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1024px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11998326\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1024\" height=\"683\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/08/GettyImages-2163946228-160x107.jpg 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An exterior view of The Heritage Foundation building on July 30, 2024, in Washington, D.C. \u003ccite>(Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>When it comes to removing government workers in 2025, there aren’t as many guardrails as you’d think\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump tried to do this at the tail end of his presidency and introduce a new category for federal officials called Schedule F, which would make it easier to fire a number of people. He tried to implement that. It didn’t take hold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden reversed the decision, came into office, and then tried to put in some roadblocks to keep doing that. But there really is broad power that [Trump]’s got to effect the changes, the bureaucracies he wants to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s also, of course, empowered by a Supreme Court that has shown a lot of deference to the worldview that Donald Trump represents. I mean, if this comes down to a fight at the Supreme Court between federal employees and Donald Trump in terms of where power should lie, it’s pretty obvious where the Supreme Court’s going to land.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>Project 2025 is a wishlist that goes beyond reshaping government\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>I think it’s important to recognize, too, that when we talk about this, it’s sort of a wish list that the people who, for a long time, have been frustrated with particular aspects of the federal government are happy to put down on paper. “Oh, well, we should get rid of this agency or that agency,” and so on and so forth. There’s a lot of that sort of thing that exists in Project 2025, or at least in this 900-page document.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">There’s also a lot of social issues\u003c/a>: things like overhauling the ways in which people can be charged with crimes for alleged voter fraud; things that are responsive to Donald Trump’s efforts to try and claim that the 2020 election was stolen. There are changes, potentially, in the ways in which divorce is handled in the United States.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It is really a wish list of: if you have heard a conservative or a Republican say, “Hey, wouldn’t it be great if?” over the course of the past 20 years, the odds are good that they got someone to write up 300 words and put it in this document explaining why this should be part of the next administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.vox.com/politics/360318/project-2025-trump-policies-abortion-divorce\">[See Vox’s roundup of what is — and isn’t — in Project 2025, including plans to restrict abortion and contraceptives.]\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>It won’t necessarily matter if Project 2025 isn’t ‘popular’ with most Americans\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Part of the reason the Trump campaign is freaked out [about being associated with Project 2025] is because they don’t want to be tied to this thing, because they \u003cem>know \u003c/em>there are aspects of it that can be picked out and pointed to that are not popular. Even his vague statement about how he disagrees with some of what’s in there, they can apply that to whatever they want to apply to, to say that he disagrees with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But it’s important to recognize, too, that all of this is predicated on, to some extent, the minority position having more power. The minority position in 2016 was that Donald Trump should not be president. And then he won because of the Electoral College.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court that scaled back \u003ca href=\"https://www.nrdc.org/stories/what-happens-if-supreme-court-ends-chevron-deference\">Chevron deference\u003c/a> and that \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/legal/us-supreme-court-due-rule-trumps-immunity-bid-blockbuster-case-2024-07-01/\">gave Trump — or presidents — immunity\u003c/a> was one that was appointed. Three of the justices were appointed by Trump after he won only because he liked the Electoral College. Four of the six Republican-nominated justices got votes from senators who represent less than half of the country right there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unless he wins the popular vote in November, which is possible … the ways in which he wields power, or plans to wield power, are based on a minority of Americans getting their way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>The Heritage Foundation behind Project 2025 has openly spoken of ‘revolution’\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>“We are in the process of the second American Revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>– Kevin Roberts, president of the Heritage Foundation\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>The Heritage Foundation was, for a long time, one of the key think tanks on the right in Washington, D.C. And it did the work that right-wing think tanks usually do, which is put together policy proposals and advocate for a reduction in the size of government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unlike some other think tanks, it really leaned into the power shift that accompanied Donald Trump. And part of it, I think, is the advent of Roberts, who has only been there for a couple of years — and the Heritage Foundation has really perceptively shifted in tone since Roberts has been in charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think his “revolution” comments were obviously alarming and, frankly, from the context of the head of the Heritage Foundation, unprecedented. And it was striking to me because he was basically saying that we’re in the process of a second American Revolution, but what he and Project 2025 are advocating for — if we extend that analogy — is not an increase in freedom and independence as the first revolution was fought, but a return to the monarchy and establishing a very powerful, unchecked political figure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So it’s sort of another revolution — in reverse. And I think we’re all praying that it remains “bloodless.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Former President Donald Trump derided Vice President Kamala Harris’ multiracial identity during an interview at the National Association of Black Journalists convention earlier today. It reveals how some Republicans are trying to make Harris’ gender and racial identity a liability in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the daughter of immigrants from Jamaica and India, how will Harris talk about her personal biography as she reintroduces herself to voters? Scott talks with New Yorker writer Jay Caspian Kang who argues that \u003ca href=\"https://www.newyorker.com/news/fault-lines/kamala-harris-should-tell-her-familys-story\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Harris shouldn’t shy away\u003c/a> from talking about her parents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:50 a.m. Tuesday: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1820828396298879294\">Vice President Kamala Harris announced Tuesday morning\u003c/a> that she has selected Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate in the 2024 presidential election. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998972/harris-vp-pick-of-tim-walz-is-a-heartland-of-america-democrat-pelosi-says\">Read more about Harris’ VP pick \u003c/a>or jump to\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\"> our analysis of Walz as a running mate candidate below.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1820828396298879294\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Kamala Harris says she will choose a running mate by next Wednesday — a little over two weeks from the day \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996616/biden-ends-reelection-campaign-leaving-democrats-next-steps-unclear\">she announced a run for president.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Usually, picking and vetting a vice presidential candidate takes months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Harris — who entered the race on July 21 hours after President Joe Biden dropped out and became \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/08/02/harris-becomes-democratic-nominee/\">the official Democratic presidential nominee Friday\u003c/a> — doesn’t have that kind of time, as the election is just 94 days away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will Kamala Harris announce her VP choice?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harris was given an Aug. 7 deadline to pick a vice presidential candidate by the Democratic National Party, which wants to lock up the entire ticket ahead of its convention later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Harris doesn’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to take all that time and could name her vice president at any point in the next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means an incredibly truncated timeline for vetting the potential vice presidential candidates — even as Harris hit the campaign trail and worked to stand up television ads and other campaign infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who could Kamala Harris choose for her VP?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harris’ reported shortlist of candidates comes from all over the country and has a wide range of life experiences and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, all have a few things in common: They’re all white men. And they are all from either purple swing states (also known as battleground states) that Democrats need to win in order to keep the White House — or they’ve been elected in red states that are tough for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">like Harris, are former state attorneys general.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person not on the shortlist: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">California Governor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/a> While he’s spent the last few years burnishing his national profile and been a top surrogate for Biden — and longtime political ally of Harris — there are a couple reasons he’s not being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, the constitution prohibits a president and vice president from being from the same state. And two, there would be no political upside — and potentially some political damage — to choosing someone from liberal California. Vice presidential picks are largely about balancing a ticket and maybe even picking up some new voters, so someone from a battleground state is a safer pick when it comes to convincing swing voters to back the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s who the likely Democratic nominee is considering as her running mate. (One note: two top contenders, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper, took themselves out of the running preemptively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to one of Harris’ possible VP choices:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#josh-shapiro-kamala-harris-vp\">Josh Shapiro\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#mark-kelly-kamala-harris-vp\">Mark Kelly\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#andy-beshear-kamala-harris-vp\">Andy Beshear\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\">Tim Walz\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pete-buttegeig-kamala-harris-vp\">Pete Buttigieg\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997713\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice President Kamala Harris speaks to supporters at her first campaign event as the presumptive Democratic nominee at West Allis High School in West Allis, Wisconsin, on July 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kevin Mohatt/Reuters via CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"josh-shapiro-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shapiro, 51, was elected Pennsylvania attorney general the year Harris went to Washington, D.C., as a senator. However, of the vice presidential contenders, Harris knows Shapiro the best personally — they met nearly 20 years ago — and his state is part of \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blue_wall_(U.S._politics)\">the “blue wall” Democrats have relied on to win the Electoral College\u003c/a> for decades. It’s a must-win this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shapiro won Pennsylvania governorship by 15 points in 2022, six years after Trump’s surprise victory there shocked Democrats. He’s made a name for himself as both attorney general and governor as an outspoken proponent of reproductive rights. As attorney general, he took on the Trump administration, filing lawsuits over the travel ban, birth control access and gun control. He also made national headlines for his “bombshell” investigation into Catholic clergy sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shapiro, who is Jewish, is an outspoken supporter of Israel — and to many on the left, a foe of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997961/an-opportunity-how-do-pro-palestinian-advocates-feel-about-a-kamala-harris-candidacy\">pro-Palestinian protesters and the Palestinian cause more generally\u003c/a>. Before the Oct. 7 Hamas attack and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza\">the war on Gaza\u003c/a>, Shapiro supported Pennsylvania’s anti-divestment, boycott and sanctions law. He has also been vocally critical of pro-Palestinian college protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"mark-kelly-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The son of two New Jersey police officers, Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly, 60, is a former U.S. Navy pilot who flew 39 combat missions during the Gulf War. He went on to become a NASA astronaut, taking four trips into space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, his wife, then-Congresswoman Gabby Giffords, was targeted by a gunman as she held a constituent event outside a supermarket in Tucson. Giffords was shot in the head; six people were killed and 12 others injured. Two years later, after the Sandy Hook Elementary massacre, Giffords and Kelly formed an organization aimed at combating gun violence that has become one of the foremost groups pushing gun safety laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly ran for Senate in 2020 and captured the seat long held by John McCain in a special election. Kelly’s narrow win flipped the seat from red to blue, and he won a full term in 2022 with a solid 5-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s biography is impressive enough, but he also has bipartisan credibility in Arizona — a state Trump carried in 2016, and Biden won in 2020 — on an issue seen as a weakness for Harris: immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is seen as an expert on the politics and technicalities of the U.S.-Mexico border and as a pragmatist who supports both more border security and preserving asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"andy-beshear-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump won Kentucky by 26 points in 2020, yet Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear was able to hold onto the governorship last year with a comfortable 5-point margin and retains high approval ratings. And he’s launched this successful political career in a state dominated by the GOP — without compromising liberal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Harris, he previously served as his home state’s attorney general. The son of a former governor, he’s focused largely on bread-and-butter issues like the economy and infrastructure investment. But Beshar has also worked with the Republican-controlled Legislature to legalize medical cannabis and sports betting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, he’s clashed with Republicans, vetoing a bill that banned transgender care for minors (Republican lawmakers overrode the veto) and signing an executive order that restored voting rights for 175,000 people with past felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 46, he’s among the youngest of the vice president contenders — 13 years younger than Harris. He’s also seen as an effective communicator.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most “dad” of the potential vice presidential picks, Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz has gone viral in the past week for his plainspoken and funny attacks on MAGA politics on cable news, including coining the “weird dudes” phrase to characterize Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Tim_Walz/status/1815951829479330211\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walz, 60, is a former high school teacher and congressman whose Midwestern sensibility is just one of his selling points. He helped flip the state Senate blue in 2022, leaving Democrats in control of both houses of the Legislature and then embarked on an ambitious progressive agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that midterm election, Minnesota Democrats have codified abortion rights, passed protections for transgender people, approved paid sick and family leave, expanded voting rights and increased funding for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike some of the other contenders, though, Walz doesn’t bring a swing state to the ticket: Minnesotans haven’t voted for a Republican presidential candidate since 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"pete-buttegeig-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Pete Buttigieg\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayor Pete, as he’s colloquially known, has also become a cable news sensation on the left. Currently the Secretary of Transportation for President Biden, Pete Buttigieg’s highest elected office was as mayor of South Bend, Indiana — but he first made national waves four years ago during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former U.S. Navy Reserve officer, Pete Buttigieg is the first openly gay person confirmed to serve in a president’s Cabinet. In 2014, when he was mayor, he took a leave of absence to deploy to Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As transportation secretary, he’s overseen the rollout of Biden’s infrastructure law and federal responses to crises, including the collapse of the Francis Scott Key Bridge in Baltimore last year. He’s also worked on supply chain issues caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg is from a solidly red state (Indianians last went for a Democratic presidential candidate in 2008). His husband, Chasten Buttigieg, has become relatively famous in his own right, and the two share adopted twins. His sexual orientation could be seen as a potential asset and drawback; if Harris picks him, it would be a groundbreaking ticket.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update 7:50 a.m. Tuesday: \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/KamalaHarris/status/1820828396298879294\">Vice President Kamala Harris announced Tuesday morning\u003c/a> that she has selected Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate in the 2024 presidential election. \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11998972/harris-vp-pick-of-tim-walz-is-a-heartland-of-america-democrat-pelosi-says\">Read more about Harris’ VP pick \u003c/a>or jump to\u003c/strong>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\"> our analysis of Walz as a running mate candidate below.\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Original story continues:\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vice President Kamala Harris says she will choose a running mate by next Wednesday — a little over two weeks from the day \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11996616/biden-ends-reelection-campaign-leaving-democrats-next-steps-unclear\">she announced a run for president.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Usually, picking and vetting a vice presidential candidate takes months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Harris — who entered the race on July 21 hours after President Joe Biden dropped out and became \u003ca href=\"https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/08/02/harris-becomes-democratic-nominee/\">the official Democratic presidential nominee Friday\u003c/a> — doesn’t have that kind of time, as the election is just 94 days away.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>When will Kamala Harris announce her VP choice?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harris was given an Aug. 7 deadline to pick a vice presidential candidate by the Democratic National Party, which wants to lock up the entire ticket ahead of its convention later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, Harris doesn’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> to take all that time and could name her vice president at any point in the next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means an incredibly truncated timeline for vetting the potential vice presidential candidates — even as Harris hit the campaign trail and worked to stand up television ads and other campaign infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who could Kamala Harris choose for her VP?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harris’ reported shortlist of candidates comes from all over the country and has a wide range of life experiences and backgrounds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, all have a few things in common: They’re all white men. And they are all from either purple swing states (also known as battleground states) that Democrats need to win in order to keep the White House — or they’ve been elected in red states that are tough for Democrats.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And two, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/kamala-harris\">like Harris, are former state attorneys general.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One person not on the shortlist: \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gavin-newsom\">California Governor Gavin Newsom.\u003c/a> While he’s spent the last few years burnishing his national profile and been a top surrogate for Biden — and longtime political ally of Harris — there are a couple reasons he’s not being considered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, the constitution prohibits a president and vice president from being from the same state. And two, there would be no political upside — and potentially some political damage — to choosing someone from liberal California. Vice presidential picks are largely about balancing a ticket and maybe even picking up some new voters, so someone from a battleground state is a safer pick when it comes to convincing swing voters to back the ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s who the likely Democratic nominee is considering as her running mate. (One note: two top contenders, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer and North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper, took themselves out of the running preemptively).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Jump straight to one of Harris’ possible VP choices:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#josh-shapiro-kamala-harris-vp\">Josh Shapiro\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#mark-kelly-kamala-harris-vp\">Mark Kelly\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#andy-beshear-kamala-harris-vp\">Andy Beshear\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\">Tim Walz\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003cstrong>\u003ca href=\"#pete-buttegeig-kamala-harris-vp\">Pete Buttigieg\u003c/a>\u003c/strong>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11997713\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11997713\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/072324-Kamala-Harris-REUTERS-CM-copy-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vice President Kamala Harris speaks to supporters at her first campaign event as the presumptive Democratic nominee at West Allis High School in West Allis, Wisconsin, on July 23, 2024. \u003ccite>(Kevin Mohatt/Reuters via CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"josh-shapiro-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Shapiro, 51, was elected Pennsylvania attorney general the year Harris went to Washington, D.C., as a senator. However, of the vice presidential contenders, Harris knows Shapiro the best personally — they met nearly 20 years ago — and his state is part of \u003ca href=\"https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blue_wall_(U.S._politics)\">the “blue wall” Democrats have relied on to win the Electoral College\u003c/a> for decades. It’s a must-win this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shapiro won Pennsylvania governorship by 15 points in 2022, six years after Trump’s surprise victory there shocked Democrats. He’s made a name for himself as both attorney general and governor as an outspoken proponent of reproductive rights. As attorney general, he took on the Trump administration, filing lawsuits over the travel ban, birth control access and gun control. He also made national headlines for his “bombshell” investigation into Catholic clergy sexual abuse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shapiro, who is Jewish, is an outspoken supporter of Israel — and to many on the left, a foe of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11997961/an-opportunity-how-do-pro-palestinian-advocates-feel-about-a-kamala-harris-candidacy\">pro-Palestinian protesters and the Palestinian cause more generally\u003c/a>. Before the Oct. 7 Hamas attack and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/gaza\">the war on Gaza\u003c/a>, Shapiro supported Pennsylvania’s anti-divestment, boycott and sanctions law. He has also been vocally critical of pro-Palestinian college protests.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"mark-kelly-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The son of two New Jersey police officers, Arizona Sen. Mark Kelly, 60, is a former U.S. Navy pilot who flew 39 combat missions during the Gulf War. He went on to become a NASA astronaut, taking four trips into space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2011, his wife, then-Congresswoman Gabby Giffords, was targeted by a gunman as she held a constituent event outside a supermarket in Tucson. Giffords was shot in the head; six people were killed and 12 others injured. Two years later, after the Sandy Hook Elementary massacre, Giffords and Kelly formed an organization aimed at combating gun violence that has become one of the foremost groups pushing gun safety laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly ran for Senate in 2020 and captured the seat long held by John McCain in a special election. Kelly’s narrow win flipped the seat from red to blue, and he won a full term in 2022 with a solid 5-point margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly’s biography is impressive enough, but he also has bipartisan credibility in Arizona — a state Trump carried in 2016, and Biden won in 2020 — on an issue seen as a weakness for Harris: immigration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kelly is seen as an expert on the politics and technicalities of the U.S.-Mexico border and as a pragmatist who supports both more border security and preserving asylum.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003ca id=\"andy-beshear-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trump won Kentucky by 26 points in 2020, yet Democratic Gov. Andy Beshear was able to hold onto the governorship last year with a comfortable 5-point margin and retains high approval ratings. And he’s launched this successful political career in a state dominated by the GOP — without compromising liberal values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like Harris, he previously served as his home state’s attorney general. The son of a former governor, he’s focused largely on bread-and-butter issues like the economy and infrastructure investment. But Beshar has also worked with the Republican-controlled Legislature to legalize medical cannabis and sports betting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, he’s clashed with Republicans, vetoing a bill that banned transgender care for minors (Republican lawmakers overrode the veto) and signing an executive order that restored voting rights for 175,000 people with past felony convictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At 46, he’s among the youngest of the vice president contenders — 13 years younger than Harris. He’s also seen as an effective communicator.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"tim-walz-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most “dad” of the potential vice presidential picks, Democratic Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz has gone viral in the past week for his plainspoken and funny attacks on MAGA politics on cable news, including coining the “weird dudes” phrase to characterize Trump and his running mate, Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Walz, 60, is a former high school teacher and congressman whose Midwestern sensibility is just one of his selling points. He helped flip the state Senate blue in 2022, leaving Democrats in control of both houses of the Legislature and then embarked on an ambitious progressive agenda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since that midterm election, Minnesota Democrats have codified abortion rights, passed protections for transgender people, approved paid sick and family leave, expanded voting rights and increased funding for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike some of the other contenders, though, Walz doesn’t bring a swing state to the ticket: Minnesotans haven’t voted for a Republican presidential candidate since 1972.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>\u003cstrong>\u003ca id=\"pete-buttegeig-kamala-harris-vp\">\u003c/a>Pete Buttigieg\u003c/strong>\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Mayor Pete, as he’s colloquially known, has also become a cable news sensation on the left. Currently the Secretary of Transportation for President Biden, Pete Buttigieg’s highest elected office was as mayor of South Bend, Indiana — but he first made national waves four years ago during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A former U.S. Navy Reserve officer, Pete Buttigieg is the first openly gay person confirmed to serve in a president’s Cabinet. In 2014, when he was mayor, he took a leave of absence to deploy to Afghanistan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As transportation secretary, he’s overseen the rollout of Biden’s infrastructure law and federal responses to crises, including the collapse of the Francis Scott Key Bridge in Baltimore last year. He’s also worked on supply chain issues caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Buttigieg is from a solidly red state (Indianians last went for a Democratic presidential candidate in 2008). His husband, Chasten Buttigieg, has become relatively famous in his own right, and the two share adopted twins. His sexual orientation could be seen as a potential asset and drawback; if Harris picks him, it would be a groundbreaking ticket.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:20 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has agreed on the terms for the sale of its share of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> complex to a private developer, city officials announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Sheng Thao said officials signed the term sheet outlining the $105 million sale of the city’s half of the Coliseum, where the Oakland Athletics are playing their last season, to the African American Sports and Entertainment Group. The deal allows Oakland to avoid city employee layoffs as it deals with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">a budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve done today is we’ve changed Oakland for the better because what we’re doing is we’re investing not in just today, but we are investing in Oakland for tomorrow,” Thao said during a press conference on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987568/oakland-coliseum-sale-expected-to-help-city-avoid-drastic-budget-cuts\">Thao announced\u003c/a> that revenue from the sale to AASEG would be used to close part of the city’s massive budget deficit — $117 million this fiscal year and $175 million next year. The budget passed by the City Council early this month included $63 million in expected one-time revenue from the Coliseum sale to help close the shortfall without laying off workers or making massive cuts, including to public safety departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s plan to use the funds, which were pending at the time, to subsidize this year’s budget proved controversial during negotiations. Councilmember Janani Ramachandran said that a deal was “nowhere near” being signed at the time, and therefore, a budget utilizing its funds should be a “nonstarter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 2, the council voted 5–3 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">pass Thao’s budget\u003c/a>, with a contingency plan should the first funds from the Coliseum sale not be available by the September deadline, which city budget administrator Bradley Johnson said would require pulling the funding “emergency brake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Payments for the sale of Oakland’s 50% stake in the Coliseum site to AASEG will be made in installments over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the first payment of $5 million will be available within a week of the deal signing, which is set to happen no later than Aug. 23. A second $10 million payment will be available Sept. 1, and the remaining $90 million will be paid in three more installments before June 2026.[aside postID=news_11987568 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-1491550733-1020x670.jpg']The Oakland Police Officers Association said it was “doubtful the sale of the Oakland Coliseum will solve the mayor’s and city council’s epic mismanagement,” according to a statement from Sgt. Tim Dolan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are deeply concerned for the safety of residents, businesses, and our police officers,” Dolan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thao said the deal was not a short-term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a deal that will lead to a multi-billion-dollar investment in East Oakland,” she wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MayorShengThao/status/1818079165150798269\">post on X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said in May that the city would be working with AASEG to create housing, along with an entertainment, retail and sports destination at the site of the Coliseum. A spokesperson for the mayor also said that future property taxes from the Coliseum would be used to help the city address its larger structural deficit and create jobs for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner of the Black-owned firm, which also signed the deal on Monday, said the sale presents a new opportunity to revitalize East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it as an incredible opportunity, but more we see it as a profound responsibility,” Ray Bobbitt, a founder and managing member of AASEG, said during Tuesday’s press conference. “The fact that we are local, we’re here, we were all born and raised here, I’m a direct product of the Oakland public school system — that’s one of the reasons why we believe we were selected. We engage the community at a high level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG is also in talks to purchase the portion of the Coliseum owned by the A’s, who are still paying off the team’s 2019 purchase of Alameda County’s share of the site, and the two groups remain in “constant communication” negotiating, Bobbitt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal comes as the A’s filed official layoff notices for 415 employees. The team plans to finish the season at the Coliseum before moving to Sacramento for at least the next three seasons. Their long-term plan remains to build a stadium in Las Vegas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:20 p.m. Tuesday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Oakland has agreed on the terms for the sale of its share of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/oakland-coliseum\">Coliseum\u003c/a> complex to a private developer, city officials announced Monday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor Sheng Thao said officials signed the term sheet outlining the $105 million sale of the city’s half of the Coliseum, where the Oakland Athletics are playing their last season, to the African American Sports and Entertainment Group. The deal allows Oakland to avoid city employee layoffs as it deals with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">a budget shortfall\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve done today is we’ve changed Oakland for the better because what we’re doing is we’re investing not in just today, but we are investing in Oakland for tomorrow,” Thao said during a press conference on Tuesday morning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987568/oakland-coliseum-sale-expected-to-help-city-avoid-drastic-budget-cuts\">Thao announced\u003c/a> that revenue from the sale to AASEG would be used to close part of the city’s massive budget deficit — $117 million this fiscal year and $175 million next year. The budget passed by the City Council early this month included $63 million in expected one-time revenue from the Coliseum sale to help close the shortfall without laying off workers or making massive cuts, including to public safety departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao’s plan to use the funds, which were pending at the time, to subsidize this year’s budget proved controversial during negotiations. Councilmember Janani Ramachandran said that a deal was “nowhere near” being signed at the time, and therefore, a budget utilizing its funds should be a “nonstarter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On July 2, the council voted 5–3 to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992883/oakland-city-council-passes-budget-amid-concerns-over-pending-coliseum-sale\">pass Thao’s budget\u003c/a>, with a contingency plan should the first funds from the Coliseum sale not be available by the September deadline, which city budget administrator Bradley Johnson said would require pulling the funding “emergency brake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Payments for the sale of Oakland’s 50% stake in the Coliseum site to AASEG will be made in installments over the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said the first payment of $5 million will be available within a week of the deal signing, which is set to happen no later than Aug. 23. A second $10 million payment will be available Sept. 1, and the remaining $90 million will be paid in three more installments before June 2026.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Oakland Police Officers Association said it was “doubtful the sale of the Oakland Coliseum will solve the mayor’s and city council’s epic mismanagement,” according to a statement from Sgt. Tim Dolan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are deeply concerned for the safety of residents, businesses, and our police officers,” Dolan said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Thao said the deal was not a short-term solution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a deal that will lead to a multi-billion-dollar investment in East Oakland,” she wrote in a \u003ca href=\"https://x.com/MayorShengThao/status/1818079165150798269\">post on X\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thao said in May that the city would be working with AASEG to create housing, along with an entertainment, retail and sports destination at the site of the Coliseum. A spokesperson for the mayor also said that future property taxes from the Coliseum would be used to help the city address its larger structural deficit and create jobs for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The owner of the Black-owned firm, which also signed the deal on Monday, said the sale presents a new opportunity to revitalize East Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it as an incredible opportunity, but more we see it as a profound responsibility,” Ray Bobbitt, a founder and managing member of AASEG, said during Tuesday’s press conference. “The fact that we are local, we’re here, we were all born and raised here, I’m a direct product of the Oakland public school system — that’s one of the reasons why we believe we were selected. We engage the community at a high level.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>AASEG is also in talks to purchase the portion of the Coliseum owned by the A’s, who are still paying off the team’s 2019 purchase of Alameda County’s share of the site, and the two groups remain in “constant communication” negotiating, Bobbitt said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The deal comes as the A’s filed official layoff notices for 415 employees. The team plans to finish the season at the Coliseum before moving to Sacramento for at least the next three seasons. Their long-term plan remains to build a stadium in Las Vegas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two days before President Biden announced he would step back from his push for a second term, his campaign chair, Jen O’Malley Dillon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/19/nx-s1-5045682/biden-campaign-future\">appeared on television\u003c/a>, insisting the president would stay in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the best person to take on Donald Trump and prosecute that case,” Dillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">Vice President Harris addressed her campaign staff for the first time after a hectic 24-hour period during which Democratic lawmakers and potential rivals rallied around Harris’ candidacy for the presidency.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But about 72 hours later, Vice President Harris was instead \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">making that same argument\u003c/a> — and reviving a case she had made in 2019 when she ran in a crowded Democratic field seeking the nomination that year.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before I was elected as vice president before I was elected as United States senator, I was the elected attorney general, as I’ve mentioned, of California. And before that, I was a courtroom prosecutor,” Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">said to campaign staffers\u003c/a> in Wilmington, Del., on the day after Biden endorsed her to take his place at the top of the Democratic ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In those roles, I took on perpetrators of all kinds — predators who abused women, fraudsters who ripped off consumers, cheaters who broke the rules for their own gain. So, hear me when I say: I know Donald Trump’s type,” Harris said in a line that has become the centerpiece of her whirlwind campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/3400x2544+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F3b%2F04%2Fc3bdfbaa4e35a64898c01ca143a9%2Fgettyimages-455195032.jpg\" alt=\"Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris briefs the media after raids on money laundering operations in Los Angeles on Sept. 10, 2014.\">\u003cfigcaption>Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris briefs the media after raids on money laundering operations in Los Angeles on Sept. 10, 2014. \u003ccite>(Mark Ralston | AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>It’s rhetoric Harris has used before\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in 2019, when she first ran for president, Harris’ campaign was centered on her career as a prosecutor. Her slogan was “for the people,” which is how Harris introduced herself in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her pitch to voters is the same today: that, with her background as a prosecutor, she is the best person to take on Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/12/03/784443227/kamala-harris-drops-out-of-presidential-race\">five years ago\u003c/a>, Harris’ record as a prosecutor was a liability in her campaign. She faced attacks from her Democratic opponents in the primary debates on her record with marijuana and on cracking down on truancy rates. Voters on the left referred to Harris as a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they didn’t mean that as a compliment,” said Paul Butler, a law professor at Georgetown, himself a former public prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/8640x5760+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fcb%2F52%2F2ea9d3ae409eb0294aeb69cedca6%2Fgettyimages-2154742700.jpg\" alt=\"Former President Donald Trump leaves the courthouse after he was found guilty in his hush money trial at Manhattan Criminal Court on May 30, 2024.\">\u003cfigcaption>Former President Donald Trump leaves the courthouse after he was found guilty in his hush money trial at Manhattan Criminal Court on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pool | Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The message hits differently in 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This time around, though, Butler said Harris’ history as a prosecutor might be perceived by voters differently — because voters’ perceptions of public safety, criminal justice and Trump have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some ways, the prosecution of Donald Trump has flipped the way that some progressives and some conservatives think about our criminal legal system,” Butler said. “Now, a lot of people that are on the left are all-in on prosecuting, holding Donald Trump accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butler said Harris will likely use her experience as a prosecutor to try to highlight her centrist politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her message to more conservative audiences will be that her policies as district attorney and California state attorney general demonstrate that she’s not soft on crime,” Butler said. “But her message to progressive audiences will be that her prosecutorial experiences give her unique expertise on the problems in the system and how to fix them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/4500x3000+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fdf%2F46%2F09b26908486390ee1bef4b0bd84a%2Fgettyimages-1241726005.jpg\" alt=\"Vice President Harris speaks with police officers after a shooting that left seven people dead in Highland Park, Ill., on July 5, 2022.\">\u003cfigcaption>Vice President Harris speaks with police officers after a shooting that left seven people dead in Highland Park, Illinois, on July 5, 2022. \u003ccite> (Kamil Krzaczynski | AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Harris’ pitch was to be ‘smart’ on crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trying to tack to the middle on justice issues has long been a part of Harris’ strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, a courtroom prosecutor, launched her first political campaign, running for district attorney of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She rejected the idea that law enforcement officials either had to be tough on crime or soft on crime, said David Chiu, a friend who was part of Harris’ “kitchen cabinet” at the time. Instead, she wanted to be “smart” on crime, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all about getting those conviction rates up, but at the same time thinking about what recidivism rates are and using data to manage reform and accountability,” said Chiu, now San Francisco City Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harris became district attorney, she started initiatives like Back on Track, a job training program for first-time nonviolent offenders. Supporters of Harris said that the program and other efforts by Harris were ahead of her time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some other efforts received criticism — especially her work to cut down on truancy, which criminalized parents whose kids were missing school. That history was one that concerned many voters in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allies like Chiu, though, said times have changed. “It was a very different time in 2003 than it is in ‘24,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two days before President Biden announced he would step back from his push for a second term, his campaign chair, Jen O’Malley Dillon, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/19/nx-s1-5045682/biden-campaign-future\">appeared on television\u003c/a>, insisting the president would stay in the race.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He is the best person to take on Donald Trump and prosecute that case,” Dillon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">Vice President Harris addressed her campaign staff for the first time after a hectic 24-hour period during which Democratic lawmakers and potential rivals rallied around Harris’ candidacy for the presidency.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But about 72 hours later, Vice President Harris was instead \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">making that same argument\u003c/a> — and reviving a case she had made in 2019 when she ran in a crowded Democratic field seeking the nomination that year.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Before I was elected as vice president before I was elected as United States senator, I was the elected attorney general, as I’ve mentioned, of California. And before that, I was a courtroom prosecutor,” Harris \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2024/07/22/g-s1-12690/democrats-rally-behind-vice-president-harris\">said to campaign staffers\u003c/a> in Wilmington, Del., on the day after Biden endorsed her to take his place at the top of the Democratic ticket.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In those roles, I took on perpetrators of all kinds — predators who abused women, fraudsters who ripped off consumers, cheaters who broke the rules for their own gain. So, hear me when I say: I know Donald Trump’s type,” Harris said in a line that has become the centerpiece of her whirlwind campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/3400x2544+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F3b%2F04%2Fc3bdfbaa4e35a64898c01ca143a9%2Fgettyimages-455195032.jpg\" alt=\"Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris briefs the media after raids on money laundering operations in Los Angeles on Sept. 10, 2014.\">\u003cfigcaption>Then-California Attorney General Kamala Harris briefs the media after raids on money laundering operations in Los Angeles on Sept. 10, 2014. \u003ccite>(Mark Ralston | AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>It’s rhetoric Harris has used before\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Back in 2019, when she first ran for president, Harris’ campaign was centered on her career as a prosecutor. Her slogan was “for the people,” which is how Harris introduced herself in court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her pitch to voters is the same today: that, with her background as a prosecutor, she is the best person to take on Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2019/12/03/784443227/kamala-harris-drops-out-of-presidential-race\">five years ago\u003c/a>, Harris’ record as a prosecutor was a liability in her campaign. She faced attacks from her Democratic opponents in the primary debates on her record with marijuana and on cracking down on truancy rates. Voters on the left referred to Harris as a cop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And they didn’t mean that as a compliment,” said Paul Butler, a law professor at Georgetown, himself a former public prosecutor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/8640x5760+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fcb%2F52%2F2ea9d3ae409eb0294aeb69cedca6%2Fgettyimages-2154742700.jpg\" alt=\"Former President Donald Trump leaves the courthouse after he was found guilty in his hush money trial at Manhattan Criminal Court on May 30, 2024.\">\u003cfigcaption>Former President Donald Trump leaves the courthouse after he was found guilty in his hush money trial at Manhattan Criminal Court on May 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Pool | Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>The message hits differently in 2024\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>This time around, though, Butler said Harris’ history as a prosecutor might be perceived by voters differently — because voters’ perceptions of public safety, criminal justice and Trump have changed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In some ways, the prosecution of Donald Trump has flipped the way that some progressives and some conservatives think about our criminal legal system,” Butler said. “Now, a lot of people that are on the left are all-in on prosecuting, holding Donald Trump accountable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Butler said Harris will likely use her experience as a prosecutor to try to highlight her centrist politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Her message to more conservative audiences will be that her policies as district attorney and California state attorney general demonstrate that she’s not soft on crime,” Butler said. “But her message to progressive audiences will be that her prosecutorial experiences give her unique expertise on the problems in the system and how to fix them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims3/default/strip/false/crop/4500x3000+0+0/resize/1200/quality/75/format/jpeg/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fdf%2F46%2F09b26908486390ee1bef4b0bd84a%2Fgettyimages-1241726005.jpg\" alt=\"Vice President Harris speaks with police officers after a shooting that left seven people dead in Highland Park, Ill., on July 5, 2022.\">\u003cfigcaption>Vice President Harris speaks with police officers after a shooting that left seven people dead in Highland Park, Illinois, on July 5, 2022. \u003ccite> (Kamil Krzaczynski | AFP via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Harris’ pitch was to be ‘smart’ on crime\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Trying to tack to the middle on justice issues has long been a part of Harris’ strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2003, Harris, a courtroom prosecutor, launched her first political campaign, running for district attorney of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She rejected the idea that law enforcement officials either had to be tough on crime or soft on crime, said David Chiu, a friend who was part of Harris’ “kitchen cabinet” at the time. Instead, she wanted to be “smart” on crime, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s all about getting those conviction rates up, but at the same time thinking about what recidivism rates are and using data to manage reform and accountability,” said Chiu, now San Francisco City Attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Harris became district attorney, she started initiatives like Back on Track, a job training program for first-time nonviolent offenders. Supporters of Harris said that the program and other efforts by Harris were ahead of her time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, some other efforts received criticism — especially her work to cut down on truancy, which criminalized parents whose kids were missing school. That history was one that concerned many voters in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Allies like Chiu, though, said times have changed. “It was a very different time in 2003 than it is in ‘24,” Chiu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>A lawsuit brought by the leader of a prominent pro-development group against San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston, accusing him of lying about his housing record in his reelection paperwork, has been thrown out by a judge who called it “linguistic fencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">June lawsuit\u003c/a> from Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, sought a writ of mandate that would have ordered the San Francisco Department of Elections to remove a line from Preston’s candidate statement saying that he has voted to approve 30,000 units of housing during his tenure. Smith argued the number was closer to 14,000, a claim that Preston had dismissed as a publicity stunt that was “splitting hairs” over his housing record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer sided with Preston, denying Smith’s accusation that Preston’s statement was “false and misleading.” He said Smith had to cite “clear and convincing proof” that Preston’s statements were false, and “he does not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s housing record has long been the subject of debate and NIMBY speculation, most notably in a 2021 report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>” from SF YIMBY volunteer David Broockman, who is cited in the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report accuses Preston of opposing market-rate housing development projects, including 128 homes at 650 Divisadero St. and 321 more on the site of an abandoned gas station at 400 Divisadero St. An opposing \u003ca href=\"https://www.deanshousingrecord.com/\">report\u003c/a> written in 2023 by volunteers supporting Preston said that he led the charge to change the 650 Divisadero project to a 100% affordable housing development that is “\u003ca href=\"https://www.deanshousingrecord.com/\">being acquired by the city\u003c/a>” and is trying to do the same at 400 Divisadero.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact is that my housing record — available in public records — includes stopping thousands of evictions in our city, taxing billionaires to the tune of over $300 million since I took office, and approving 30,000 new homes, 86% affordable,” Preston said in a statement.[aside postID=news_11997233 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS67599_230802-CableCarAnniversary-13-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']In his lawsuit, Smith argued that Preston was inflating the number of new homes he’d voted to approve by including hotel rooms that were converted to housing during the COVID-19 pandemic and units that were approved through Proposition K, which voters passed in 2020. Preston noted that he had authored the proposition and voted to put it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer ruled that Preston’s votes to approve both the motel room acquisitions and Proposition K were undisputed and not misleading, and neither was writing that he had approved 30,000 homes in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s suit alleged that more than 8,000 hotel rooms used to house formerly unhoused people during the pandemic, which Preston includes in the 30,000, are “not real homes.” Ulmer wrote that by Smith’s own definition of home — “one’s place of residence” — they are, since “many thousand San Franciscans reside in hotel rooms for months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer also disagreed with Smith’s claim that Preston didn’t approve the 10,000 units of housing approved by Proposition K, as they also needed approval from voters and housing regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Approval of Prop. K by Preston and his board colleagues was step one to the other approvals,” Ulmer wrote in his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said he would not be contesting the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed in the decision and think Preston’s votes opposing housing speaks for itself,” he said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A lawsuit brought by the leader of a prominent pro-development group against San Francisco Supervisor Dean Preston, accusing him of lying about his housing record in his reelection paperwork, has been thrown out by a judge who called it “linguistic fencing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992055/san-francisco-supervisor-defends-housing-record-calling-lawsuit-a-publicity-stunt\">June lawsuit\u003c/a> from Corey Smith, executive director of the Housing Action Coalition, sought a writ of mandate that would have ordered the San Francisco Department of Elections to remove a line from Preston’s candidate statement saying that he has voted to approve 30,000 units of housing during his tenure. Smith argued the number was closer to 14,000, a claim that Preston had dismissed as a publicity stunt that was “splitting hairs” over his housing record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Monday, San Francisco Superior Court Judge Richard Ulmer sided with Preston, denying Smith’s accusation that Preston’s statement was “false and misleading.” He said Smith had to cite “clear and convincing proof” that Preston’s statements were false, and “he does not.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preston’s housing record has long been the subject of debate and NIMBY speculation, most notably in a 2021 report titled “\u003ca href=\"https://nimby.report/preston\">Dean Preston’s Housing Graveyard\u003c/a>” from SF YIMBY volunteer David Broockman, who is cited in the suit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In his lawsuit, Smith argued that Preston was inflating the number of new homes he’d voted to approve by including hotel rooms that were converted to housing during the COVID-19 pandemic and units that were approved through Proposition K, which voters passed in 2020. Preston noted that he had authored the proposition and voted to put it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer ruled that Preston’s votes to approve both the motel room acquisitions and Proposition K were undisputed and not misleading, and neither was writing that he had approved 30,000 homes in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith’s suit alleged that more than 8,000 hotel rooms used to house formerly unhoused people during the pandemic, which Preston includes in the 30,000, are “not real homes.” Ulmer wrote that by Smith’s own definition of home — “one’s place of residence” — they are, since “many thousand San Franciscans reside in hotel rooms for months.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ulmer also disagreed with Smith’s claim that Preston didn’t approve the 10,000 units of housing approved by Proposition K, as they also needed approval from voters and housing regulators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Approval of Prop. K by Preston and his board colleagues was step one to the other approvals,” Ulmer wrote in his ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smith said he would not be contesting the ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m disappointed in the decision and think Preston’s votes opposing housing speaks for itself,” he said via email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"soldout": {
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