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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra joined the Biden administration as the COVID-19 vaccine was rolling out. Scott talks with him at the Ideas Festival produced by CalMatters about issues ranging from cannabis policy to abortion, health disparities and climate change as a health issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "salvadoran-american-voters-in-san-francisco-divided-over-tough-on-crime-approach",
"title": "Salvadoran American Voters in San Francisco Divided Over Tough-on-Crime Approach",
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"headTitle": "Salvadoran American Voters in San Francisco Divided Over Tough-on-Crime Approach | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990370/diaspora-salvadorena-san-francisco-bukele\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting at a table in the center of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District, Aminta Calderón recalled her experience voting online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter helped me to vote on my cellphone,” Calderón said in Spanish. She added that she took out her identification card issued by the Salvadoran government, and “she logged into the website and there, easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón was excited to vote for the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of 322,000 Salvadorans living abroad who overwhelmingly voted for Bukele earlier this year. The incumbent’s controversial yet popular, tough-on-crime policies earned him an average of 96.5% of expatriate online and in-person votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans are the second-largest Latino population in San Francisco, and with concerns about rising crime throughout the city, the idea of voting for a more law-and-order-leaning candidate is a political force in the community. Bukele’s popularity, however, has also moved progressives in the area to mobilize against the Salvadoran president’s influence abroad and in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón poses for a photo inside of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. Calderón voted online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, 73, is firmly in the law-and-order camp. She recounted the danger she faced in El Salvador from both its civil war and growing gang violence. She decided to flee her country in 1995 after being shot at by men attempting to steal goods from her trucking business. She sold off what little she had and immigrated to San Francisco, where she’s operated various food businesses over her time in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her work allowed her to send remittances to her family in El Salvador so they could afford basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also stayed informed about violence in her home country and believed it would never change — until Bukele took office in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He eliminated all those massacres by putting many gang members in jail,” Calderón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bukele’s influence on U.S. Latino voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after Bukele was reelected, he visited the United States. He was a featured guest speaker at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland on Feb. 22. As he walked on stage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOFErQLbd8k\">the crowd erupted with cheers\u003c/a>. Some waved small Salvadoran flags while others chanted his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the speech, he urged those in attendance to “put up a fight” against those who are not aligned with the values of Bukele and his supporters. He also criticized the officials in major cities in the U.S. for accepting crime and promoting illegal drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramirez (right) and her husband and watch the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco parade in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. Ramirez’s hat bears the logo of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele’s newly formed party, Nuevas Ideas, and a T-shirt with the president’s face. She voted for Bukele in the Feb. 4 election and plans to move back to El Salvador next year. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How many young people have you lost to the streets of Philadelphia or San Francisco to fentanyl,” Bukele asked. “The same thing was happening in El Salvador. In the span of less than a decade, gangs took control of the country and our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said his administration arrested the gang members, ousted corrupt judges and removed corrupt prosecutors to cleanse El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador’s homicide rate hit its peak in 2015, reaching 102 deaths per 100,000 people, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">Salvadoran government\u003c/a>. The homicide rate slowly declined, and in 2019, the year Bukele took office, the rate stood at 36 per 100,000. In his five-year tenure, the rate \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">dropped to 2.4\u003c/a> per 100,000, making the small country one of the safest in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Salvadoran Americans watched Bukele’s first term from afar, cheering on the president for his accomplishment. Calderón is among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, this peace we have now endures,” Calderón said. “Because if [Bukele] stops governing, and another corrupt person like before arrives, they will release the criminals from jail, and it’s going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bukele’s crackdown on violence has concerned human rights organizations. The Salvadoran president ordered a “\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">state of exception\u003c/a>” in March 2022 — a move that suspended four basic rights in El Salvador’s constitution, including the right to a defense upon detention, freedom of assembly, privacy in digital communications without police interception and a time limit to being detained before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said it was a necessary move to fight violent crime. In those two years, as the homicide rate plummeted, the incarceration rate rose and is now one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/el-salvador/\">highest in the world\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the police were created to bring law and order, let them bring law and order,” Bukele said in his CPAC speech. “If the judicial system was created to bring justice, let them bring justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s criminal justice shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has been criticized as slowly shifting away from what’s been considered progressive criminal justice policies since voters ousted former District Attorney Chesa Boudin almost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins to be San Francisco’s new district attorney in 2022. Jenkins vowed to prioritize safety in the city. She was reelected later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988897\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would be easy to couch some of my expressions that you hear in sound bites as a return to tough-on-crime or a lock-em-up approach,” Jenkins said in her swearing-in speech. “For some, accountability may have to be prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors achieved convictions in 42% of cases during Jenkins’ first full year in office, an increase from a 36% conviction rate the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also announced a joint opioid task force in late 2023 alongside Breed and Gov. Gavin Newsom. That’s part of an overall crackdown on drug sales in San Francisco. Bukele has waged his own campaign against drug trafficking in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón said the sale of fentanyl is destroying communities in the U.S., including San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of crime here, and if there isn’t a strong hand,” she said, “the crime, rather than decreasing, goes up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opioid task force, which aims to be fully operational by the end of this year, would treat San Francisco overdose deaths that can be traced back to a specific drug dealer as homicide cases. It’s a move being replicated by district attorneys in other California counties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2023/11/03/murder-sentencing-for-fentanyl-dealer-is-first-in-riverside-county/\">Riverside\u003c/a>, to crack down on suspected fentanyl dealers and the increase in overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s move toward more conservative policies to address crime and drug use gained voters’ endorsement in March when two initiatives Breed supported passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E will allow the city’s police department to deploy more public surveillance tools and reduce officer reporting requirements when there is a use of force. Proposition F will require welfare recipients suspected of using drugs to undergo testing and enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also supports a November ballot measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">reform Proposition 47\u003c/a> by removing provisions to ensure non-violent crimes were prosecuted as misdemeanors rather than felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a fundamental shift in San Francisco’s political economy,” Roberto Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compared Bay Area politics to El Salvador’s current political strategy — creating short-term solutions to showcase on social media to gain support. It’s a strategy Lovato believes has worked on the Salvadoran-American population when voting for Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of Salvadorans, you have the fascist culture that influenced our families,” Lovato said. “There are fewer and fewer alternatives for people to think outside of a fascist framework. So Bukele’s appeal should not surprise us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salvadoran Americans in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lovato, 61, is the author of \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, a book about intergenerational trauma between the United States and El Salvador. He’s documented the long-term effects that El Salvador’s violent history has had on immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador was once considered one of the most violent in Latin America. In the 20th century, the country saw a rise of militarization within its government around the same time as its coffee exportation grew. Uprisings grew due to discontent with the government and were quickly squashed, most notably an event in 1932 named “La Matanza,” which means the massacre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Salvadoran flag flies during the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco held in the Mission district in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To leave that violence, Lovato’s parents immigrated to the Mission District in the ’40s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that it is one of, if not the most, consistently dictated societies,” Lovato said. “So if you want to understand our families, they’re families that have fled or been shaped by historic, deeply rooted fascism in the heart of El Salvador through the long-standing military dictatorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans continued to live in a state of militarization for decades. Then, a leftist guerilla movement named the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front grew as it promised to topple the government, a move that led to a 12-year civil war beginning in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The war killed tens of thousands of people, including multiple massacres of women, children and civilians, with death tolls in the several hundreds. It pushed another wave of migration out of El Salvador, Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in San Francisco, Lovato was surrounded by Central American activists who opposed El Salvador’s long-standing right-wing government. Many of them resided in the Mission District and held meetings to plan how to provide aid for revolutionaries throughout Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato said he was among Salvadoran activists living in San Francisco who went to El Salvador to join the guerilla movement and fight in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a long history of revolutionary culture in the Mission,” Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, a long-time member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), attends a rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, 76, is a member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). The organization actively participated in activism in San Francisco during the Salvadoran civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recalled how he helped to send vehicles with donated supplies to El Salvador and marched through the streets in San Francisco, calling for the mayor to condemn U.S. involvement in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did a big march at the Oakland Naval Supply Center over in Oakland,” Josselyn said. “We had 200 people blockading the gate, and the police came in and arrested everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Salvadoran civil war ended in 1992, the leftist guerilla movement, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, became a political party. The conservative party in power throughout the civil war, named the Nationalist Republican Alliance, remained an opposing force in Salvadoran politics throughout the years following the war. A populist movement grew from the idea that both parties had been corrupted, leading to the election of a newly formed third party led by Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area chapter of CISPES has continued its activism throughout the war and post-war period. The group now focuses on protesting Bukele’s presidential actions. Their members have spoken to Salvadoran organizers, many of whom recounted stories of retaliation for speaking about concerns with Bukele’s administration. Some of their members have also observed Salvadoran elections for years to ensure a smooth democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, a member of CISPES, observed the election process in San Francisco at two polling stations in hotel conference rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first location I was in was the larger hotel. I think the final count was like 2,500,” Morales said. “At the second location, it was about like 1,300 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Bay Area Salvadorans could vote\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the Bay Area have been navigating politics much differently than in other parts of California, according to Marcela García-Castañon, an associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University. She has surveyed different communities’ political sentiments for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73, left, hands a large pot to her coworker at her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the questions we ask, for example, is ‘What are the most important topics facing your community?’ And in the Bay Area, you see a much higher propensity of people being really specific,” García-Castañon said. “Things like police brutality and or Black Lives Matter. They name the movements, they use the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her most recent survey was held in 2022. It showed that those who had been a victim of crime or gun violence were looking for the criminal justice system to be more responsive.[aside postID=news_11888162 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2021/09/RS51414_005_Oakland_ItzelDiazandFamily_09092021-qut-1020x680.jpg']“Responsiveness did not not necessarily mean ‘lock-them-all-up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Castañon said the recent survey had an oversample of youth, many of whom came from immigrant families. Her survey also showed those respondents did not feel represented by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent polls have shown that Latinos, who have been long-standing left voters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">have been shifting to the right\u003c/a>. Lovato believes there is a silent majority of those with left-wing ideology, especially younger Salvadorans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think factors like peer pressure, the absolute domination of the media sphere and its effects in its society has a silencing effect,” Lovato said. “Do you really want to speak out when it feels like everybody online and offline is pro-Bukele?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mission District pupusería owner Aminta Calderón, on the other hand, said she could see herself voting for someone in San Francisco whose politics reflected Bukele’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This country is very tolerant, and many are taking advantage of that,” Calderón said. “If there wasn’t as much tolerance here, then these criminals would stop coming out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "El Salvador’s president takes a tough-on-crime approach, which is gaining huge support among Salvadorans, including remote voters from San Francisco. Yet this stance clashes with some Bay Area Salvadorans rooted in a revolutionary past.",
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"title": "Salvadoran American Voters in San Francisco Divided Over Tough-on-Crime Approach | KQED",
"description": "El Salvador’s president takes a tough-on-crime approach, which is gaining huge support among Salvadorans, including remote voters from San Francisco. Yet this stance clashes with some Bay Area Salvadorans rooted in a revolutionary past.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11990370/diaspora-salvadorena-san-francisco-bukele\">\u003cem>Leer en español\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting at a table in the center of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District, Aminta Calderón recalled her experience voting online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My daughter helped me to vote on my cellphone,” Calderón said in Spanish. She added that she took out her identification card issued by the Salvadoran government, and “she logged into the website and there, easy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón was excited to vote for the incumbent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She is one of 322,000 Salvadorans living abroad who overwhelmingly voted for Bukele earlier this year. The incumbent’s controversial yet popular, tough-on-crime policies earned him an average of 96.5% of expatriate online and in-person votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans are the second-largest Latino population in San Francisco, and with concerns about rising crime throughout the city, the idea of voting for a more law-and-order-leaning candidate is a political force in the community. Bukele’s popularity, however, has also moved progressives in the area to mobilize against the Salvadoran president’s influence abroad and in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988899\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988899\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-2-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón poses for a photo inside of her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. Calderón voted online for Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in the country’s Feb. 4 election. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Calderón, 73, is firmly in the law-and-order camp. She recounted the danger she faced in El Salvador from both its civil war and growing gang violence. She decided to flee her country in 1995 after being shot at by men attempting to steal goods from her trucking business. She sold off what little she had and immigrated to San Francisco, where she’s operated various food businesses over her time in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her work allowed her to send remittances to her family in El Salvador so they could afford basic necessities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She also stayed informed about violence in her home country and believed it would never change — until Bukele took office in 2019.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He eliminated all those massacres by putting many gang members in jail,” Calderón said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Bukele’s influence on U.S. Latino voters\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Two weeks after Bukele was reelected, he visited the United States. He was a featured guest speaker at the annual Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland on Feb. 22. As he walked on stage, \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hOFErQLbd8k\">the crowd erupted with cheers\u003c/a>. Some waved small Salvadoran flags while others chanted his name.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the speech, he urged those in attendance to “put up a fight” against those who are not aligned with the values of Bukele and his supporters. He also criticized the officials in major cities in the U.S. for accepting crime and promoting illegal drug use.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989092\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989092\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-02-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Morena Ramirez (right) and her husband and watch the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco parade in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. Ramirez’s hat bears the logo of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele’s newly formed party, Nuevas Ideas, and a T-shirt with the president’s face. She voted for Bukele in the Feb. 4 election and plans to move back to El Salvador next year. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How many young people have you lost to the streets of Philadelphia or San Francisco to fentanyl,” Bukele asked. “The same thing was happening in El Salvador. In the span of less than a decade, gangs took control of the country and our society.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said his administration arrested the gang members, ousted corrupt judges and removed corrupt prosecutors to cleanse El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador’s homicide rate hit its peak in 2015, reaching 102 deaths per 100,000 people, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.pnc.gob.sv/logros-y-memorias/\">Salvadoran government\u003c/a>. The homicide rate slowly declined, and in 2019, the year Bukele took office, the rate stood at 36 per 100,000. In his five-year tenure, the rate \u003ca href=\"https://www.fiscalia.gob.sv/estadisticas/\">dropped to 2.4\u003c/a> per 100,000, making the small country one of the safest in Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many Salvadoran Americans watched Bukele’s first term from afar, cheering on the president for his accomplishment. Calderón is among them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hopefully, this peace we have now endures,” Calderón said. “Because if [Bukele] stops governing, and another corrupt person like before arrives, they will release the criminals from jail, and it’s going to get worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Bukele’s crackdown on violence has concerned human rights organizations. The Salvadoran president ordered a “\u003ca href=\"https://travel.state.gov/content/travel/en/traveladvisories/traveladvisories/el-salvador-travel-advisory.html#:~:text=The%20State%20of%20Exception%20grants,Prison%20conditions%20are%20harsh\">state of exception\u003c/a>” in March 2022 — a move that suspended four basic rights in El Salvador’s constitution, including the right to a defense upon detention, freedom of assembly, privacy in digital communications without police interception and a time limit to being detained before a trial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bukele said it was a necessary move to fight violent crime. In those two years, as the homicide rate plummeted, the incarceration rate rose and is now one of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.state.gov/reports/2023-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/el-salvador/\">highest in the world\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If the police were created to bring law and order, let them bring law and order,” Bukele said in his CPAC speech. “If the judicial system was created to bring justice, let them bring justice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>San Francisco’s criminal justice shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has been criticized as slowly shifting away from what’s been considered progressive criminal justice policies since voters ousted former District Attorney Chesa Boudin almost two years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mayor London Breed appointed Brooke Jenkins to be San Francisco’s new district attorney in 2022. Jenkins vowed to prioritize safety in the city. She was reelected later that year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988897\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988897\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-4_DUPE1-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Demonstrators rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It would be easy to couch some of my expressions that you hear in sound bites as a return to tough-on-crime or a lock-em-up approach,” Jenkins said in her swearing-in speech. “For some, accountability may have to be prison.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prosecutors achieved convictions in 42% of cases during Jenkins’ first full year in office, an increase from a 36% conviction rate the year before.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jenkins also announced a joint opioid task force in late 2023 alongside Breed and Gov. Gavin Newsom. That’s part of an overall crackdown on drug sales in San Francisco. Bukele has waged his own campaign against drug trafficking in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calderón said the sale of fentanyl is destroying communities in the U.S., including San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a lot of crime here, and if there isn’t a strong hand,” she said, “the crime, rather than decreasing, goes up.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The opioid task force, which aims to be fully operational by the end of this year, would treat San Francisco overdose deaths that can be traced back to a specific drug dealer as homicide cases. It’s a move being replicated by district attorneys in other California counties, such as \u003ca href=\"https://www.pressenterprise.com/2023/11/03/murder-sentencing-for-fentanyl-dealer-is-first-in-riverside-county/\">Riverside\u003c/a>, to crack down on suspected fentanyl dealers and the increase in overdose deaths.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco’s move toward more conservative policies to address crime and drug use gained voters’ endorsement in March when two initiatives Breed supported passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition E will allow the city’s police department to deploy more public surveillance tools and reduce officer reporting requirements when there is a use of force. Proposition F will require welfare recipients suspected of using drugs to undergo testing and enter treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also supports a November ballot measure to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">reform Proposition 47\u003c/a> by removing provisions to ensure non-violent crimes were prosecuted as misdemeanors rather than felonies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think there’s a fundamental shift in San Francisco’s political economy,” Roberto Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato compared Bay Area politics to El Salvador’s current political strategy — creating short-term solutions to showcase on social media to gain support. It’s a strategy Lovato believes has worked on the Salvadoran-American population when voting for Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In the case of Salvadorans, you have the fascist culture that influenced our families,” Lovato said. “There are fewer and fewer alternatives for people to think outside of a fascist framework. So Bukele’s appeal should not surprise us.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Salvadoran Americans in San Francisco\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Lovato, 61, is the author of \u003cem>Unforgetting\u003c/em>, a book about intergenerational trauma between the United States and El Salvador. He’s documented the long-term effects that El Salvador’s violent history has had on immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>El Salvador was once considered one of the most violent in Latin America. In the 20th century, the country saw a rise of militarization within its government around the same time as its coffee exportation grew. Uprisings grew due to discontent with the government and were quickly squashed, most notably an event in 1932 named “La Matanza,” which means the massacre.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989091\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989091\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-DH-01-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A Salvadoran flag flies during the 45th annual Carnaval San Francisco held in the Mission district in San Francisco on May 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Daniel Eduardo Hernandez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To leave that violence, Lovato’s parents immigrated to the Mission District in the ’40s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I know that it is one of, if not the most, consistently dictated societies,” Lovato said. “So if you want to understand our families, they’re families that have fled or been shaped by historic, deeply rooted fascism in the heart of El Salvador through the long-standing military dictatorship.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salvadorans continued to live in a state of militarization for decades. Then, a leftist guerilla movement named the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front grew as it promised to topple the government, a move that led to a 12-year civil war beginning in 1980.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The war killed tens of thousands of people, including multiple massacres of women, children and civilians, with death tolls in the several hundreds. It pushed another wave of migration out of El Salvador, Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While living in San Francisco, Lovato was surrounded by Central American activists who opposed El Salvador’s long-standing right-wing government. Many of them resided in the Mission District and held meetings to plan how to provide aid for revolutionaries throughout Latin America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lovato said he was among Salvadoran activists living in San Francisco who went to El Salvador to join the guerilla movement and fight in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a long history of revolutionary culture in the Mission,” Lovato said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988898\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988898\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240601_SALVADORANVOTERS2-9-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Phil Josselyn, a long-time member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), attends a rally against the reelection of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele in San Francisco on his Inauguration Day on June 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Phil Josselyn, 76, is a member of the Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES). The organization actively participated in activism in San Francisco during the Salvadoran civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Josselyn recalled how he helped to send vehicles with donated supplies to El Salvador and marched through the streets in San Francisco, calling for the mayor to condemn U.S. involvement in the war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We did a big march at the Oakland Naval Supply Center over in Oakland,” Josselyn said. “We had 200 people blockading the gate, and the police came in and arrested everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the Salvadoran civil war ended in 1992, the leftist guerilla movement, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, became a political party. The conservative party in power throughout the civil war, named the Nationalist Republican Alliance, remained an opposing force in Salvadoran politics throughout the years following the war. A populist movement grew from the idea that both parties had been corrupted, leading to the election of a newly formed third party led by Bukele.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area chapter of CISPES has continued its activism throughout the war and post-war period. The group now focuses on protesting Bukele’s presidential actions. Their members have spoken to Salvadoran organizers, many of whom recounted stories of retaliation for speaking about concerns with Bukele’s administration. Some of their members have also observed Salvadoran elections for years to ensure a smooth democratic process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leti Morales, a member of CISPES, observed the election process in San Francisco at two polling stations in hotel conference rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The first location I was in was the larger hotel. I think the final count was like 2,500,” Morales said. “At the second location, it was about like 1,300 people.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How Bay Area Salvadorans could vote\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Latinos in the Bay Area have been navigating politics much differently than in other parts of California, according to Marcela García-Castañon, an associate professor of political science at San Francisco State University. She has surveyed different communities’ political sentiments for almost a decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988900\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988900\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/20240603_SALVADORANVOTERS-3-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aminta Calderón, 73, left, hands a large pot to her coworker at her family’s pupusería in the Mission District in San Francisco on June 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Gina Castro/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“One of the questions we ask, for example, is ‘What are the most important topics facing your community?’ And in the Bay Area, you see a much higher propensity of people being really specific,” García-Castañon said. “Things like police brutality and or Black Lives Matter. They name the movements, they use the language.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her most recent survey was held in 2022. It showed that those who had been a victim of crime or gun violence were looking for the criminal justice system to be more responsive.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Responsiveness did not not necessarily mean ‘lock-them-all-up,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Castañon said the recent survey had an oversample of youth, many of whom came from immigrant families. Her survey also showed those respondents did not feel represented by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recent polls have shown that Latinos, who have been long-standing left voters, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982586/whats-behind-the-rightward-shift-of-voters-of-color\">have been shifting to the right\u003c/a>. Lovato believes there is a silent majority of those with left-wing ideology, especially younger Salvadorans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think factors like peer pressure, the absolute domination of the media sphere and its effects in its society has a silencing effect,” Lovato said. “Do you really want to speak out when it feels like everybody online and offline is pro-Bukele?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mission District pupusería owner Aminta Calderón, on the other hand, said she could see herself voting for someone in San Francisco whose politics reflected Bukele’s administration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This country is very tolerant, and many are taking advantage of that,” Calderón said. “If there wasn’t as much tolerance here, then these criminals would stop coming out.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">An attempt to recall a conservative school board president in the Riverside County city of Temecula seems to be succeeding. \u003c/span>It’s been a battle over issues also playing out nationally, like the rights of parents versus transgender kids, critical race theory and banning books with references to LGBTQ history. Scott and Guy talk about the implications of the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>Lisamaria Martinez isn’t sure when she last voted in person. But she remembers the boots she wore that day — her “fabulous,” new navy blue boots with chunky heels, which gave her blisters on her milelong walk back home from the polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of her “confidence attire” to feel empowered because on most election days, Martinez — a blind voter in Alameda County — said she had to show poll workers how to help her use the voting machine. She needed them to take her seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to tell people how to do their jobs, right?” Martinez said in an interview. “That emotional labor shouldn’t always be on the person with the disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez lost her sight when she was 5 due to severe allergic reactions but has regained some after surgeries. She needs her ballot read out loud to vote in person.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>In November 2012, however, the audio feature on the voting machine broke down, forcing her and others to read out their votes to others. She and others sued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1p672vy2HezfYXEt06Sbpy0H3NGwTiIjB/view\">the county\u003c/a> in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s other option is to fill out her ballot electronically. Visually impaired voters must still \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">print out the ballot\u003c/a>, make sure it’s correct, sign the envelope and return it, requiring help from a sighted person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a>, including those who struggle to use printed materials due to conditions such as learning disabilities or dexterity issues, experience similar challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been hailed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>by \u003ca href=\"https://drshirleyweber.com/priorities/#:~:text=Leaders%20like%20Dr.%20Weber%20can%20restore%20trust%20in%20our%20democracy.\">state officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/california-leads-nation-promoting-voter-access\">some voting rights advocates\u003c/a> as a \u003ca href=\"https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/08/2020-voting-guide.html\">national leader\u003c/a> in voting access. But advocates and blind voters, including Martinez, said Californians with disabilities still face unnecessary barriers to voting and lack options that work in other states. In 2022, the state ranked 17th in disability access, according to an election performance index by the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#/data/indicators\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/national-voter-registration-act-1993-nvra\">federal law\u003c/a>, the Secretary of State’s office doesn’t collect data on the number of registered voters with disabilities. \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST1Y2022.S1810?q=california%20disability\">Census data shows\u003c/a> about 4.2 million Californians of voting age live with a disability. More than 892,000 Californians have a visual disability, and about 93% of them are 18 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prompted by new laws and court fights, California election officials have, in recent years, established stricter requirements to test how accessible voting machines are and have adopted systems for voters with disabilities to fill out their ballots electronically. However, efforts to allow people to also \u003cem>return\u003c/em> ballots electronically have stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, disability advocates are going to court: They are asking a federal judge to compel Secretary of State Shirley Weber’s office to allow voters who have difficulty using printed materials to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/12_Ps_Ntc_of_Mtn__Mtn_for_PI__MOL_ISO_PI.pdf'\">return their ballots via fax (PDF)\u003c/a> in the November election — an option already available to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/military-overseas-voters\">military and overseas voters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current paper-based ballot return requirements … impose significant, unlawful barriers for voters with print disabilities,” the plaintiffs argue in the case, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.cand.uscourts.gov/CEO/cfd.aspx?71bv\">scheduled to be heard June 24\u003c/a> in U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states allow voters to return ballots electronically — by email, by fax or through an online portal — to at least some voters with disabilities, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/electronic-ballot-return-internet-voting\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">2022 bill\u003c/a> sought to do the same in California. However, Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it\u003c/a>, arguing that online voting would be vulnerable to cyberattacks. Some security experts and other election officials across the nation also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">raised similar concerns (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of state “of course supports the expansion of the franchise so that more voters can vote with more convenience,” Weber said in her opposition letter. “However, it is also our responsibility to weigh the expansion of the franchise with the security and safety of our existing election methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions for this story last week, citing the agency’s policy not to speak about pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do those with disabilities vote in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s constitution guarantees every voter\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the right to a secret ballot, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-bill-rights\">voter bill of rights\u003c/a> guarantees any assistance they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-all-mail-election-explained-november-2020/#b0e8ab03-bff3-47d1-8ebe-ab0f8c38e5c3\">Since the 1920s\u003c/a>,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the state has expanded voting rights. California legalized absentee voting for military and overseas voters in 1922 and for \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=18\">voters with physical disabilities in 1930 (PDF)\u003c/a>. It expanded it to all registered \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=22\">voters in 1978 (PDF)\u003c/a>, and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/california-becomes-8th-us-state-make-universal-mail-in-ballots-permanent-2021-09-28/\">eighth state\u003c/a> to mail every registered voter a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a> have also had their voting access improve through a mix of \u003ca href=\"https://acl.gov/sites/default/files/programs/2016-12/HAVA_factsheet.pdf\">federal (PDF)\u003c/a> and state policies, but that access is still limited, and progress was gained often through court fights, according to blind voters and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2013 lawsuit against Alameda County, Martinez and others argued that faulty machines disenfranchised voters and denied them the right to “vote with full privacy and independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Superior Court judge ruled in their favor in October 2013, and the county promised in May 2015 to test the accessibility of voting machines before every election, better\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>train poll workers on those machines and establish a hotline for any equipment malfunctions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/case/california-council-of-the-blind-ccb-et-al-v-county-of-alameda-et-al/\">Disability Rights Advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter at a vote center at Santa Ana College in Santa Ana on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2015, blind voters and advocates also \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">sued San Mateo County (PDF)\u003c/a> after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">county mailed ballots\u003c/a> to all registered voters in 2014 to encourage more participation and reduce election costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> said all-mail balloting in another county did not significantly boost voter turnout and that some voters with disabilities might prefer in-person voting. And since there was no system to fill out ballots electronically at the time, disability activists argued it \u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2015/12/18/lawsuit-san-mateo-county-absentee-voting-system-excludes-blind-voters/\">excluded some voters\u003c/a> who were unable to use printed ballots on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, blind and visually impaired voters must rely on the assistance of others to read and mark their absentee ballots, thereby sacrificing the confidentiality of their vote, or forgo their right to vote by absentee ballot altogether,” \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">the San Mateo lawsuit contended (PDF)\u003c/a>. The court eventually \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/settlement-groundbreaking-lawsuit-paves-way-blind-voters-access-absentee-voting-program/\">sided with the plaintiffs\u003c/a>, ordering the county to better accommodate voters with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2252\">passed a law in 2016\u003c/a> to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">a system\u003c/a> allowing eligible voters to fill out ballots electronically and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1013\">another in 2018\u003c/a> to require all counties to offer that system to voters with disabilities and military and overseas voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB860\">A 2020 state law\u003c/a> required all counties to offer the system to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2024-primary/trusted-info-ravbm.pdf\">any registered voter who requested it (PDF)\u003c/a> in the 2020 general election,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>and in 2021, another law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB37\">made that permanent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a video demonstration by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=54-Xbg5Nbg4\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a>, voters can hear the ballot text, check boxes accordingly and listen to their choices before voting. Voters can also choose bigger fonts or use magnifying lenses to vote. Voter guides are also available in audio and large font forms. Mail-in ballot envelopes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.factcheck.org/2021/08/exposing-the-holes-in-a-california-recall-election-conspiracy-theory/\">punch holes\u003c/a>, in part, to help visually impaired voters find where to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab545?slug=CA_202320240AB545\"> passed a law\u003c/a> that allows curbside voting for those with disabilities, regardless of whether the polling place is accessible or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the hurdles for the visually impaired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters with disabilities who want to mail in their ballot even after filling it out electronically need to find a printer. And without help from sighted people, it is hard for visually impaired voters to ensure their ballot was correctly printed and the envelope was correctly signed, said Jeff Thom, former president of the California Council of the Blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your printer may often be out of ink without you knowing it,” said Thom, who is blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters often seek help from family members and friends but sometimes have to pay others to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Thom shares his experiences and unique challenges as a blind voter in Sacramento on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To vote in the November 2022 election, Christopher Gray, who is blind, hired a reader to help him mark and return his ballot and had to take time off work to match his reader’s schedule, according to the federal lawsuit against the secretary of state to be heard later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray said he chose to use a paper ballot instead of an electronic one because he needed help returning his ballot. “Though I trusted my reader, I could not independently confirm they accurately marked my ballot and mailed it on my behalf,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Gray voted in person because his paid assistant was sick for nearly a month, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dependence on others may make some voters feel beholden to their assistants, said Fred Nisen, a disability attorney who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/cerebral-palsy/symptoms-causes/syc-20353999#:~:text=Cerebral%20palsy%20is%20a%20group,palsy%20may%20have%20exaggerated%20reflexes.\">cerebral palsy\u003c/a>. Nisen is co-chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/vaac\">Voting Accessibility Advisory Committee\u003c/a>, which makes recommendations to the secretary of state’s office and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0651-0700/ab_683_cfa_20150826_161916_sen_floor.html\">whose scope was expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to voters with any disability, not just the visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone’s political beliefs don’t align with their caregiver’s, for example, the caregiver might threaten to quit, Nisen said. “If you are divulging who you want to vote for, it can create conflict,” Nisen told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For visually impaired voters who want to cast their ballot in person, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907125/report-reducing-voting-locations-discouraged-participation-for-californias-black-and-latino-voters-in-2020\">consolidation of voting locations\u003c/a> in some counties forced some to travel farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You couldn’t just walk through your neighborhood polling place anymore. You had to likely get in a car or take an Uber or transit to these vote centers, which is just way more inconvenient,” said Tim Elder, a blind voter in Alameda County and a disability attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice opened an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1338841/dl\">accessibility at Los Angeles County’s voting locations\u003c/a> during the 2020 and 2022 elections, focused on issues such as ramps and signage for voters with disabilities, including those with vision impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thom said that the audio on some voting machines can be muffled, and increasing the volume sometimes makes it even harder to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, in-person voting was difficult even after Martinez’s lawsuit, according to some blind voters. During the June 2016 election, Elder waited as poll workers struggled to turn on the audio feature of voting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched just voter after voter finish their ballot and move on,” until it was almost closing time, he said. He had brought his children to teach them about civic duty, but his wife, who had finished voting, had to take them home while he waited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always an issue,” Martinez said. “It’s never under an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers receive some training on assisting voters with disabilities, but it’s not in-depth, said Valerie Morishige, a voting rights advocate in Los Angeles County. Workers are trained on how to be respectful to all voters and how to increase font size or turn on audio options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while she said accessibility has improved over the last three elections, Morishige recalls issues such as power outages that prevented the use of audio or audio not being loaded onto voting machines. In one case, Morishige said she helped a voter by reading the entire ballot to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our system has a long way to go,” she said. “Our entire culture, honestly, has a long way to go to make this accessible for folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is electronic ballot return too risky?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California advocates and lawmakers have tried to improve access for voters with disabilities. In 2022, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who led the Senate Elections Committee at the time, introduced the bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">allow them to return their ballots electronically\u003c/a>. It died in the Assembly after the secretary of state’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it (PDF)\u003c/a> due to security concerns.[aside postID=news_11964884 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/20230909-DAProtest-37-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Glazer contended that security issues can be easily resolved, arguing people conduct financial transactions online already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed that the secretary opposed my bill, which, all it did was give her the power to ask for\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>a full assessment of the technology and security matters,” Glazer told CalMatters. “I think we all benefit by having broad accessibility to the ballot box, and that shouldn’t be limited by a disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California would not be a trailblazer in allowing voters with disabilities to vote electronically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb21-188\">passed such a law\u003c/a> in 2021. Eligible voters must verify their identity by entering their driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number before marking and downloading their filled-out\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://myctbl.cde.state.co.us/sites/default/files/pdf/AccessibleVoting.pdf\">To return it (PDF)\u003c/a>, they must upload the electronic ballot, a signed ballot application and a picture of their ID to a secure state-run website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://app.enhancedvoting.com/ebd/voter/Hawaii/vbm\">Hawaii allows for\u003c/a> electronic returns through an online portal, email or fax. Voters can email their ballot to the county elections office along with a signed affidavit or an electronic signature via a secure link, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.hawaii.gov/accessible-electronic-ballot/\">according to the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksl.com/article/46600057/want-to-vote-from-your-smartphone-utah-county-to-become-3rd-area-in-us-to-test-mobile-voting\">Some counties\u003c/a> have tested voting with a smartphone app. But that method has sparked some security concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2020/02/14/new-study-raises/\">with experts saying\u003c/a> the app could be hacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic ballot return, in general, is deemed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">“high risk” (PDF)\u003c/a> by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, which recommended paper ballots. The institute said electronic ballots should be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">limited to voters (PDF)\u003c/a> who have no other means to return their ballot and have it counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Ronco, president of the California Association of Clerks and Elections Officials and the registrar of voters for Placer County, said he is concerned about that risk: “Until we can have a provable system that allows for that electronic process, I’d be wary of just allowing it before we know all the safeguards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, electronic ballot return is not a “never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology is scary and amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nisen acknowledged the security risks with online voting, which he said is why he would never advocate offering the option to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody in California has the right to vote independently and privately. But for voters with print disabilities, it’s only independent … if they vote in person,” he said. “We need to balance security with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California is hailed as a national leader in voting access. But visually impaired voters and their advocates say they still face unnecessary barriers such as broken voting machines, forcing them to have to read their vote out loud to others.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Lisamaria Martinez isn’t sure when she last voted in person. But she remembers the boots she wore that day — her “fabulous,” new navy blue boots with chunky heels, which gave her blisters on her milelong walk back home from the polling place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was part of her “confidence attire” to feel empowered because on most election days, Martinez — a blind voter in Alameda County — said she had to show poll workers how to help her use the voting machine. She needed them to take her seriously.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I shouldn’t have to tell people how to do their jobs, right?” Martinez said in an interview. “That emotional labor shouldn’t always be on the person with the disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez lost her sight when she was 5 due to severe allergic reactions but has regained some after surgeries. She needs her ballot read out loud to vote in person.\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>In November 2012, however, the audio feature on the voting machine broke down, forcing her and others to read out their votes to others. She and others sued \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1p672vy2HezfYXEt06Sbpy0H3NGwTiIjB/view\">the county\u003c/a> in 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Martinez’s other option is to fill out her ballot electronically. Visually impaired voters must still \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">print out the ballot\u003c/a>, make sure it’s correct, sign the envelope and return it, requiring help from a sighted person.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a>, including those who struggle to use printed materials due to conditions such as learning disabilities or dexterity issues, experience similar challenges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California has been hailed\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>by \u003ca href=\"https://drshirleyweber.com/priorities/#:~:text=Leaders%20like%20Dr.%20Weber%20can%20restore%20trust%20in%20our%20democracy.\">state officials\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.aclu.org/press-releases/california-leads-nation-promoting-voter-access\">some voting rights advocates\u003c/a> as a \u003ca href=\"https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2020/08/2020-voting-guide.html\">national leader\u003c/a> in voting access. But advocates and blind voters, including Martinez, said Californians with disabilities still face unnecessary barriers to voting and lack options that work in other states. In 2022, the state ranked 17th in disability access, according to an election performance index by the \u003ca href=\"https://elections.mit.edu/#/data/indicators\">Massachusetts Institute of Technology\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To comply with \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/national-voter-registration-act-1993-nvra\">federal law\u003c/a>, the Secretary of State’s office doesn’t collect data on the number of registered voters with disabilities. \u003ca href=\"https://data.census.gov/table/ACSST1Y2022.S1810?q=california%20disability\">Census data shows\u003c/a> about 4.2 million Californians of voting age live with a disability. More than 892,000 Californians have a visual disability, and about 93% of them are 18 or older.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prompted by new laws and court fights, California election officials have, in recent years, established stricter requirements to test how accessible voting machines are and have adopted systems for voters with disabilities to fill out their ballots electronically. However, efforts to allow people to also \u003cem>return\u003c/em> ballots electronically have stalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, disability advocates are going to court: They are asking a federal judge to compel Secretary of State Shirley Weber’s office to allow voters who have difficulty using printed materials to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/12_Ps_Ntc_of_Mtn__Mtn_for_PI__MOL_ISO_PI.pdf'\">return their ballots via fax (PDF)\u003c/a> in the November election — an option already available to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-registration/military-overseas-voters\">military and overseas voters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The current paper-based ballot return requirements … impose significant, unlawful barriers for voters with print disabilities,” the plaintiffs argue in the case, \u003ca href=\"https://apps.cand.uscourts.gov/CEO/cfd.aspx?71bv\">scheduled to be heard June 24\u003c/a> in U.S. District Court in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A dozen states allow voters to return ballots electronically — by email, by fax or through an online portal — to at least some voters with disabilities, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ncsl.org/elections-and-campaigns/electronic-ballot-return-internet-voting\">National Conference of State Legislatures\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">2022 bill\u003c/a> sought to do the same in California. However, Weber \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it\u003c/a>, arguing that online voting would be vulnerable to cyberattacks. Some security experts and other election officials across the nation also \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">raised similar concerns (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The secretary of state “of course supports the expansion of the franchise so that more voters can vote with more convenience,” Weber said in her opposition letter. “However, it is also our responsibility to weigh the expansion of the franchise with the security and safety of our existing election methods.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Weber’s office declined to answer CalMatters’ questions for this story last week, citing the agency’s policy not to speak about pending litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How do those with disabilities vote in California?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>California’s constitution guarantees every voter\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the right to a secret ballot, and its \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voter-bill-rights\">voter bill of rights\u003c/a> guarantees any assistance they need.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-all-mail-election-explained-november-2020/#b0e8ab03-bff3-47d1-8ebe-ab0f8c38e5c3\">Since the 1920s\u003c/a>,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>the state has expanded voting rights. California legalized absentee voting for military and overseas voters in 1922 and for \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=18\">voters with physical disabilities in 1930 (PDF)\u003c/a>. It expanded it to all registered \u003ca href=\"https://luskincenter.history.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/sites/66/2020/09/Reckoning-with-our-Rights-Report-September-2020.pdf#page=22\">voters in 1978 (PDF)\u003c/a>, and during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021, became the \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/california-becomes-8th-us-state-make-universal-mail-in-ballots-permanent-2021-09-28/\">eighth state\u003c/a> to mail every registered voter a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters with \u003ca href=\"https://web.archive.org/web/20131024195135/http:/readingrights.org/definition-print-disabled\">print disabilities\u003c/a> have also had their voting access improve through a mix of \u003ca href=\"https://acl.gov/sites/default/files/programs/2016-12/HAVA_factsheet.pdf\">federal (PDF)\u003c/a> and state policies, but that access is still limited, and progress was gained often through court fights, according to blind voters and advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 2013 lawsuit against Alameda County, Martinez and others argued that faulty machines disenfranchised voters and denied them the right to “vote with full privacy and independence.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A Superior Court judge ruled in their favor in October 2013, and the county promised in May 2015 to test the accessibility of voting machines before every election, better\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>train poll workers on those machines and establish a hotline for any equipment malfunctions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://dralegal.org/case/california-council-of-the-blind-ccb-et-al-v-county-of-alameda-et-al/\">Disability Rights Advocates\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989106\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989106\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A voter at a vote center at Santa Ana College in Santa Ana on March 5, 2024. \u003ccite>(Lauren Justice/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In 2015, blind voters and advocates also \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">sued San Mateo County (PDF)\u003c/a> after the \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">county mailed ballots\u003c/a> to all registered voters in 2014 to encourage more participation and reduce election costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201320140AB2028\">nonpartisan Legislative Analyst’s Office\u003c/a> said all-mail balloting in another county did not significantly boost voter turnout and that some voters with disabilities might prefer in-person voting. And since there was no system to fill out ballots electronically at the time, disability activists argued it \u003ca href=\"https://www.santacruzsentinel.com/2015/12/18/lawsuit-san-mateo-county-absentee-voting-system-excludes-blind-voters/\">excluded some voters\u003c/a> who were unable to use printed ballots on their own.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As a result, blind and visually impaired voters must rely on the assistance of others to read and mark their absentee ballots, thereby sacrificing the confidentiality of their vote, or forgo their right to vote by absentee ballot altogether,” \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.wpengine.com/wp-content/uploads/Dkt-1-Complaint-for-Violations-of-the-ADA-RA-GC-12-17-15-1325-1.pdf\">the San Mateo lawsuit contended (PDF)\u003c/a>. The court eventually \u003ca href=\"https://rbgg.com/settlement-groundbreaking-lawsuit-paves-way-blind-voters-access-absentee-voting-program/\">sided with the plaintiffs\u003c/a>, ordering the county to better accommodate voters with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state Legislature \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB2252\">passed a law in 2016\u003c/a> to develop \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/voting-resources/remote-accessible-vote-mail\">a system\u003c/a> allowing eligible voters to fill out ballots electronically and \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=201720180AB1013\">another in 2018\u003c/a> to require all counties to offer that system to voters with disabilities and military and overseas voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB860\">A 2020 state law\u003c/a> required all counties to offer the system to \u003ca href=\"https://elections.cdn.sos.ca.gov/statewide-elections/2024-primary/trusted-info-ravbm.pdf\">any registered voter who requested it (PDF)\u003c/a> in the 2020 general election,\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>and in 2021, another law \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billAnalysisClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220AB37\">made that permanent\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a video demonstration by \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=54-Xbg5Nbg4\">Disability Rights California\u003c/a>, voters can hear the ballot text, check boxes accordingly and listen to their choices before voting. Voters can also choose bigger fonts or use magnifying lenses to vote. Voter guides are also available in audio and large font forms. Mail-in ballot envelopes have \u003ca href=\"https://www.factcheck.org/2021/08/exposing-the-holes-in-a-california-recall-election-conspiracy-theory/\">punch holes\u003c/a>, in part, to help visually impaired voters find where to sign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, California\u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/bills/ca_202320240ab545?slug=CA_202320240AB545\"> passed a law\u003c/a> that allows curbside voting for those with disabilities, regardless of whether the polling place is accessible or not.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What are the hurdles for the visually impaired?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Voters with disabilities who want to mail in their ballot even after filling it out electronically need to find a printer. And without help from sighted people, it is hard for visually impaired voters to ensure their ballot was correctly printed and the envelope was correctly signed, said Jeff Thom, former president of the California Council of the Blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your printer may often be out of ink without you knowing it,” said Thom, who is blind.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Voters often seek help from family members and friends but sometimes have to pay others to help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11989108\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11989108\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/06/CMVoters03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeff Thom shares his experiences and unique challenges as a blind voter in Sacramento on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To vote in the November 2022 election, Christopher Gray, who is blind, hired a reader to help him mark and return his ballot and had to take time off work to match his reader’s schedule, according to the federal lawsuit against the secretary of state to be heard later this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gray said he chose to use a paper ballot instead of an electronic one because he needed help returning his ballot. “Though I trusted my reader, I could not independently confirm they accurately marked my ballot and mailed it on my behalf,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the March primary, Gray voted in person because his paid assistant was sick for nearly a month, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dependence on others may make some voters feel beholden to their assistants, said Fred Nisen, a disability attorney who has \u003ca href=\"https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/cerebral-palsy/symptoms-causes/syc-20353999#:~:text=Cerebral%20palsy%20is%20a%20group,palsy%20may%20have%20exaggerated%20reflexes.\">cerebral palsy\u003c/a>. Nisen is co-chairperson of the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/vaac\">Voting Accessibility Advisory Committee\u003c/a>, which makes recommendations to the secretary of state’s office and \u003ca href=\"http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/15-16/bill/asm/ab_0651-0700/ab_683_cfa_20150826_161916_sen_floor.html\">whose scope was expanded in 2016\u003c/a> to voters with any disability, not just the visually impaired.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If someone’s political beliefs don’t align with their caregiver’s, for example, the caregiver might threaten to quit, Nisen said. “If you are divulging who you want to vote for, it can create conflict,” Nisen told CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For visually impaired voters who want to cast their ballot in person, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11907125/report-reducing-voting-locations-discouraged-participation-for-californias-black-and-latino-voters-in-2020\">consolidation of voting locations\u003c/a> in some counties forced some to travel farther.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You couldn’t just walk through your neighborhood polling place anymore. You had to likely get in a car or take an Uber or transit to these vote centers, which is just way more inconvenient,” said Tim Elder, a blind voter in Alameda County and a disability attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2023, the U.S. Department of Justice opened an investigation into \u003ca href=\"https://www.justice.gov/crt/media/1338841/dl\">accessibility at Los Angeles County’s voting locations\u003c/a> during the 2020 and 2022 elections, focused on issues such as ramps and signage for voters with disabilities, including those with vision impairments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thom said that the audio on some voting machines can be muffled, and increasing the volume sometimes makes it even harder to hear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Alameda County, in-person voting was difficult even after Martinez’s lawsuit, according to some blind voters. During the June 2016 election, Elder waited as poll workers struggled to turn on the audio feature of voting machines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I watched just voter after voter finish their ballot and move on,” until it was almost closing time, he said. He had brought his children to teach them about civic duty, but his wife, who had finished voting, had to take them home while he waited.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s always an issue,” Martinez said. “It’s never under an hour.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Poll workers receive some training on assisting voters with disabilities, but it’s not in-depth, said Valerie Morishige, a voting rights advocate in Los Angeles County. Workers are trained on how to be respectful to all voters and how to increase font size or turn on audio options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And while she said accessibility has improved over the last three elections, Morishige recalls issues such as power outages that prevented the use of audio or audio not being loaded onto voting machines. In one case, Morishige said she helped a voter by reading the entire ballot to her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our system has a long way to go,” she said. “Our entire culture, honestly, has a long way to go to make this accessible for folks.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is electronic ballot return too risky?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some California advocates and lawmakers have tried to improve access for voters with disabilities. In 2022, Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://digitaldemocracy.calmatters.org/legislators/steven-glazer-165414\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, an Orinda Democrat who led the Senate Elections Committee at the time, introduced the bill to \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202120220SB1480\">allow them to return their ballots electronically\u003c/a>. It died in the Assembly after the secretary of state’s office \u003ca href=\"https://www.calvoter.org/sites/default/files/sb_1480_glazer-_opp_sos_6.27.22.pdf\">opposed it (PDF)\u003c/a> due to security concerns.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Glazer contended that security issues can be easily resolved, arguing people conduct financial transactions online already.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was disappointed that the secretary opposed my bill, which, all it did was give her the power to ask for\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>a full assessment of the technology and security matters,” Glazer told CalMatters. “I think we all benefit by having broad accessibility to the ballot box, and that shouldn’t be limited by a disability.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, California would not be a trailblazer in allowing voters with disabilities to vote electronically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Colorado, for example, \u003ca href=\"https://leg.colorado.gov/bills/sb21-188\">passed such a law\u003c/a> in 2021. Eligible voters must verify their identity by entering their driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number before marking and downloading their filled-out\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>ballot. \u003ca href=\"https://myctbl.cde.state.co.us/sites/default/files/pdf/AccessibleVoting.pdf\">To return it (PDF)\u003c/a>, they must upload the electronic ballot, a signed ballot application and a picture of their ID to a secure state-run website.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similarly, \u003ca href=\"https://app.enhancedvoting.com/ebd/voter/Hawaii/vbm\">Hawaii allows for\u003c/a> electronic returns through an online portal, email or fax. Voters can email their ballot to the county elections office along with a signed affidavit or an electronic signature via a secure link, \u003ca href=\"https://elections.hawaii.gov/accessible-electronic-ballot/\">according to the state\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ksl.com/article/46600057/want-to-vote-from-your-smartphone-utah-county-to-become-3rd-area-in-us-to-test-mobile-voting\">Some counties\u003c/a> have tested voting with a smartphone app. But that method has sparked some security concerns, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sltrib.com/news/politics/2020/02/14/new-study-raises/\">with experts saying\u003c/a> the app could be hacked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Electronic ballot return, in general, is deemed \u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">“high risk” (PDF)\u003c/a> by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, which recommended paper ballots. The institute said electronic ballots should be “\u003ca href=\"https://www.ic3.gov/Media/News/2024/240214.pdf\">limited to voters (PDF)\u003c/a> who have no other means to return their ballot and have it counted.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ryan Ronco, president of the California Association of Clerks and Elections Officials and the registrar of voters for Placer County, said he is concerned about that risk: “Until we can have a provable system that allows for that electronic process, I’d be wary of just allowing it before we know all the safeguards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he said, electronic ballot return is not a “never.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Technology is scary and amazing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nisen acknowledged the security risks with online voting, which he said is why he would never advocate offering the option to all voters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everybody in California has the right to vote independently and privately. But for voters with print disabilities, it’s only independent … if they vote in person,” he said. “We need to balance security with accessibility.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Kounalakis Hopes Her Abortion Super PAC Helps Biden — And Her Run for Governor",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Six years ago, Eleni Kounalakis became the first woman elected lieutenant governor in California. Now she’s running for the top job, hoping to become the first woman elected governor of California after Gavin Newsom is termed out in 2026.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scott is joined by Lt. Gov. Kounalakis to talk about the Super PAC she recently launched aimed at promoting abortion rights and what she’d like to do as governor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cp>A fight over control of the local school board has gripped the Bay Area community of Sunol, a small town of fewer than 1,000 people tucked in the hills between Fremont and Pleasanton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A large banner \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979555/two-sunol-school-board-members-to-face-recall-in-july\">supporting the recall of two board members in a July 2 special election\u003c/a> hangs across the street from the district’s only school. Up Kilkare Road, opposing blue and yellow lawn signs for and against the recall face off on opposite sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for a recall in this rural corner of Alameda County followed a September vote by board members Linda Hurley and Ryan Jergensen to enact a ban on flying flags other than the U.S. and California flags — after the district’s superintendent had flown the LGBTQ+ pride flag earlier in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988222\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunol Glen School in Sunol on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flag dustup was just one skirmish in a year of fights over LGBTQ+ inclusion and identity, along with disputes over board management and decorum, that sparked raucous meetings and staff turnover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Sylvester, a parent who is organizing to recall Hurley and Jergensen, likened the upcoming election to a “civil war” that has divided the community and reduced his relationships with his neighbors to a simple litmus test: whether they support or oppose the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things just keep adding up, and it just creates this turmoil,” Sylvester said. “This wonderful, peaceful school that was here once upon a time, not too long ago — we’re trying to get that back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar fights over conservative school board policies are heading to the ballot in communities across California. On Tuesday, the board president of the Temecula Valley Unified School District in Riverside County faces a recall election over policies akin to those passed in Sunol. In March, two conservative board members in Orange County were recalled — along with another trustee in Woodland, outside of Sacramento, who was criticized for anti-trans remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The string of recalls testing the gains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965684/amidst-backlash-conservative-groups-target-south-bay-school-board-seats\">California conservatives on local school boards\u003c/a> represents a pivot from the recent spate of high-profile recall efforts across California — which have mostly targeted elected officials on the left: from Gov. Gavin Newsom to San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin and three progressive school board members in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These school board recalls are mostly powered by groups of parents, disgruntled by combative rhetoric and policies they view as too socially conservative, along with teachers and, in some cases, the powerful unions who represent them. Conservatives, meanwhile, see the recall elections as a series of power grabs meant to restore the supremacy of teacher unions in school politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recalls are the latest act in a pandemic-era saga that has transformed previously sleepy school board seats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\">into some of the most bitterly-contested political ground\u003c/a> in California — home to fights over distanced learning, mask requirements and curriculum. Melissa Melendez, a former state senator and Assembly member representing the area in and around Temecula from 2012 to 2022, pointed to the San Francisco school board recall as an early flashpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people looked at that and said, ‘You know, I think I see an opportunity here,’” said Melendez, who is now the state director of the America First Policy Institute, a think tank aligned with former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as easy to recall someone, perhaps, in state elected office,” Melendez said. “But we’ve seen some success with school boards, and I think that it has gotten people on both sides of the aisle to look at it a little differently, hence the number of recall elections we’ve seen just in the past couple of years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalls in Yolo, Orange Counties in March\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the board members recalled in March, Woodland Joint Unified High School trustee Emily MacDonald, came under fire following comments she made during a June 2023 board discussion about a resolution recognizing Pride Month. MacDonald questioned why transgender Americans were grouped with gays and lesbians under the banner of LGBTQ, and she warned that “social contagion” is causing children to undergo gender-affirming surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacDonald was recalled with 63.6% of the vote in a special election that was consolidated with the state’s presidential primary. That same day, recalls against two trustees in the Orange Unified School District, Rick Ledesma and Madison Miner, passed with over 53% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11988220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A yard sign says, ‘Vote No’ in Sunol on May 29, 2024, referring to a July 2 school board recall vote for 2 Sunol Glen school board members. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ledesma and Miner had \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/orange-unified-becomes-sixth-california-district-to-adopt-transgender-parental-notification-policy/697122\">voted to ban flags other than the U.S. and California flags \u003c/a>from flying on district flag poles — a move seen by opponents as targeting the LBGTQ+ pride flag. They also approved a local transgender reporting law, requiring teachers and school staff to notify parents when their child asks to be identified as a gender other than the one listed on their birth certificate.[aside postID=news_11965684 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/02172023_ksuzuki_tkprogress-010-qut-1020x678.jpg']Such policies have been actively shopped to districts by right-wing activists and Republican lawmakers. The state GOP, locked out of power at the state capitol, has turned its attention toward school boards, holding trainings for candidates and investing in their campaigns. Meanwhile, the state Democratic Party has historically had less interest in school board elections, in which candidates don’t run with a party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the conservative policies spread across school districts last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11865045/local-school-boards-have-a-lot-of-power-will-the-pandemic-change-that\">California’s decentralized system of school governance\u003c/a> created hurdles for opponents to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom to create financial penalties against school districts for banning books was watered down amid objections from the statewide association representing school districts. And while Attorney General Rob Bonta has sued local districts to overturn transgender reporting policies, legislation to ban the policies was only introduced in the legislature a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, these conservative policies face an uphill battle in a reliably Democratic bastion like California. A ballot measure campaign to enshrine transgender reporting along with bans on transgender sports participation and gender-affirming surgeries failed to gather enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot. Similar proposals authored by Republicans in the legislature have had no success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those same issues — inclusive curriculum, transgender protections and parental involvement — are at play locally in the recall elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conservative policies backlash meet in Temecula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Joseph Komrosky is facing removal less than two years after he was elected to the five-member governing board of the Temecula Valley Unified School District — part of a wave of victorious school board members in Riverside County backed by a political committee organized by a local Christian pastor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temecula school board president Joseph Komrosky (center), who is facing a recall election on June 4, is joined by supporters at a rally on a busy street corner in Temecula on Saturday, May 18. \u003ccite>(Madison Aument/KVCR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Komrosky led a board majority that enacted a transgender reporting policy, banned critical race theory (which was never taught in the district) and removed a supplemented curriculum that referenced gay rights icon Harvey Milk, who Komrosky referred to as a “pedophile.”[aside postID=news_11962571 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/09/230927-CHINO-TRANSGENDER-SCHOOL-BOARD-Getty-DM-KQED-1020x680.jpg']Parents, teachers and community members with a political committee called One Temecula Valley have spent months knocking on doors to get people to mark “yes” on their recall ballots, arguing that Komrosky’s policies have had a chilling effect on classroom instruction and discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I worry for my teacher friends, my high school teacher friends that are looking over their shoulder or they’re afraid of what to say in their classroom,” said Susan Allen, an elementary school teacher in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Komrosky and his supporters have argued that the board’s conservative members have simply followed through on the vision of public education they laid out in their campaigns. When Komrosky ran for office in 2022, he openly criticized critical race theory, transgender expression, and what he described as inappropriate discussion of sex in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve just done what I said I was going to do,” Komrosky said. “I’m a man of my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Assessing the role of statewide teacher unions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Republican Party of Orange County, said the recall elections in Orange and elsewhere are an attempt by teacher unions to orchestrate a do-over of recent school board votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They lost regular elections and as soon as they got majorities that didn’t want what they wanted, they put a lot of money into special elections,” Whitaker said. “In a special election, you can actually motivate a targeted voter base better than you can in a general election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979212\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen at the Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. The meeting went for at least 4 hours. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unions representing educators have played a key role in financially backing the recall campaigns. The Orange Unified Education Association, a local affiliate of the California Teachers Association, was the top contributor to the recall in Orange, shelling out $58,636 in donations, supplies, office space and consultants. The CTA also contributed $38,400 to the Temecula Valley Educators political committee that is supporting the recall of Komrosky — and $1,500 toward the recall of MacDonald in Woodland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sunol, the California Federation of Teachers has contributed the majority of the resources to remove Jergensen and Hurley, spending $22,915 on banners, signs and voter data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CTA president David Goldberg called the campaign in Orange County a “great example” of educators and parents launching grassroots organizing against board members they felt had gone too far to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CTA’s role is there, I mean we have a statewide infrastructure,” Goldberg said. “But these local campaigns are run by the locals themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg said too much is at stake, both for the educators who make up the union membership and the students they teach, to wait until the next election to challenge policies they vehemently oppose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Elections] happen every four years, right? If you’re a student in high school and you have policies actively targeting you and your humanity, that’s your entire high school career,” Goldberg said. “You don’t get to wait another four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t know if our town will ever recover’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sunol school board president Ryan Jergensen said the outcry in the small Bay Area community had been misplaced. The restrictions he approved on flags were simply an attempt to avoid future fights, and even legal action, over giving preference to a specific flag, he said. Now, voting is underway in the election that could remove the father of six from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979211\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"School officials are sitting behind desks with a microphone in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trustee Ryan Jergensen (center) listens to public comment during a Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. Jergensen and Trustee Linda Hurley (right) will face a recall election in July. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if our town will ever recover from the all-out attacks and war that’s being thrown by the recall side, the tens of thousands of dollars thrown in by the teachers union to kind of squash two small-town community members, one who has kids in the school,” Jergensen said. “It’s going to be hard for people to want to support a school, to support the town, [to] come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the results in Temecula and Sunol, California’s school board fights appear unlikely to die down. Republican officials and conservative activists are determined to continue recruiting candidates and investing in school board races in hopes of regaining momentum in the fall. Many Democrats, union leaders and recall organizers said the four recall campaigns have been a wake-up call, a reminder to vigorously contest school board seats in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Crosbie, a Democratic activist and former school board member in Fremont, spent the last year traveling to meetings of the state Democratic party and its local central committees, where she implored party stalwarts to pay attention to the races at the bottom of the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats need to be aware because recall campaigns are very expensive, and they take a lot of time and effort that could be spent on supporting students,” Crosbie said. “We all need to be paying attention the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story included reporting from KVCR’s Madison Aument.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>A fight over control of the local school board has gripped the Bay Area community of Sunol, a small town of fewer than 1,000 people tucked in the hills between Fremont and Pleasanton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A large banner \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11979555/two-sunol-school-board-members-to-face-recall-in-july\">supporting the recall of two board members in a July 2 special election\u003c/a> hangs across the street from the district’s only school. Up Kilkare Road, opposing blue and yellow lawn signs for and against the recall face off on opposite sides of the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The push for a recall in this rural corner of Alameda County followed a September vote by board members Linda Hurley and Ryan Jergensen to enact a ban on flying flags other than the U.S. and California flags — after the district’s superintendent had flown the LGBTQ+ pride flag earlier in the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988222\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988222\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-29-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sunol Glen School in Sunol on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The flag dustup was just one skirmish in a year of fights over LGBTQ+ inclusion and identity, along with disputes over board management and decorum, that sparked raucous meetings and staff turnover.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Matthew Sylvester, a parent who is organizing to recall Hurley and Jergensen, likened the upcoming election to a “civil war” that has divided the community and reduced his relationships with his neighbors to a simple litmus test: whether they support or oppose the recall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these things just keep adding up, and it just creates this turmoil,” Sylvester said. “This wonderful, peaceful school that was here once upon a time, not too long ago — we’re trying to get that back.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar fights over conservative school board policies are heading to the ballot in communities across California. On Tuesday, the board president of the Temecula Valley Unified School District in Riverside County faces a recall election over policies akin to those passed in Sunol. In March, two conservative board members in Orange County were recalled — along with another trustee in Woodland, outside of Sacramento, who was criticized for anti-trans remarks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The string of recalls testing the gains of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11965684/amidst-backlash-conservative-groups-target-south-bay-school-board-seats\">California conservatives on local school boards\u003c/a> represents a pivot from the recent spate of high-profile recall efforts across California — which have mostly targeted elected officials on the left: from Gov. Gavin Newsom to San Francisco District Attorney Chesa Boudin and three progressive school board members in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These school board recalls are mostly powered by groups of parents, disgruntled by combative rhetoric and policies they view as too socially conservative, along with teachers and, in some cases, the powerful unions who represent them. Conservatives, meanwhile, see the recall elections as a series of power grabs meant to restore the supremacy of teacher unions in school politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recalls are the latest act in a pandemic-era saga that has transformed previously sleepy school board seats \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11861466/sfusd-isnt-alone-escalating-pressures-facing-lawmakers-in-school-reopening-debate-across-bay-area\">into some of the most bitterly-contested political ground\u003c/a> in California — home to fights over distanced learning, mask requirements and curriculum. Melissa Melendez, a former state senator and Assembly member representing the area in and around Temecula from 2012 to 2022, pointed to the San Francisco school board recall as an early flashpoint.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think a lot of people looked at that and said, ‘You know, I think I see an opportunity here,’” said Melendez, who is now the state director of the America First Policy Institute, a think tank aligned with former President Donald Trump.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not as easy to recall someone, perhaps, in state elected office,” Melendez said. “But we’ve seen some success with school boards, and I think that it has gotten people on both sides of the aisle to look at it a little differently, hence the number of recall elections we’ve seen just in the past couple of years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Recalls in Yolo, Orange Counties in March\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the board members recalled in March, Woodland Joint Unified High School trustee Emily MacDonald, came under fire following comments she made during a June 2023 board discussion about a resolution recognizing Pride Month. MacDonald questioned why transgender Americans were grouped with gays and lesbians under the banner of LGBTQ, and she warned that “social contagion” is causing children to undergo gender-affirming surgeries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MacDonald was recalled with 63.6% of the vote in a special election that was consolidated with the state’s presidential primary. That same day, recalls against two trustees in the Orange Unified School District, Rick Ledesma and Madison Miner, passed with over 53% of the vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988220\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11988220 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240529-SunolSchoolBoard-18-BL_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A yard sign says, ‘Vote No’ in Sunol on May 29, 2024, referring to a July 2 school board recall vote for 2 Sunol Glen school board members. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Ledesma and Miner had \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/orange-unified-becomes-sixth-california-district-to-adopt-transgender-parental-notification-policy/697122\">voted to ban flags other than the U.S. and California flags \u003c/a>from flying on district flag poles — a move seen by opponents as targeting the LBGTQ+ pride flag. They also approved a local transgender reporting law, requiring teachers and school staff to notify parents when their child asks to be identified as a gender other than the one listed on their birth certificate.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Such policies have been actively shopped to districts by right-wing activists and Republican lawmakers. The state GOP, locked out of power at the state capitol, has turned its attention toward school boards, holding trainings for candidates and investing in their campaigns. Meanwhile, the state Democratic Party has historically had less interest in school board elections, in which candidates don’t run with a party affiliation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the conservative policies spread across school districts last year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11865045/local-school-boards-have-a-lot-of-power-will-the-pandemic-change-that\">California’s decentralized system of school governance\u003c/a> created hurdles for opponents to respond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A law signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom to create financial penalties against school districts for banning books was watered down amid objections from the statewide association representing school districts. And while Attorney General Rob Bonta has sued local districts to overturn transgender reporting policies, legislation to ban the policies was only introduced in the legislature a few weeks ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Statewide, these conservative policies face an uphill battle in a reliably Democratic bastion like California. A ballot measure campaign to enshrine transgender reporting along with bans on transgender sports participation and gender-affirming surgeries failed to gather enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot. Similar proposals authored by Republicans in the legislature have had no success.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But those same issues — inclusive curriculum, transgender protections and parental involvement — are at play locally in the recall elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Conservative policies backlash meet in Temecula\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Joseph Komrosky is facing removal less than two years after he was elected to the five-member governing board of the Temecula Valley Unified School District — part of a wave of victorious school board members in Riverside County backed by a political committee organized by a local Christian pastor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11988446\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11988446\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_4079-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Temecula school board president Joseph Komrosky (center), who is facing a recall election on June 4, is joined by supporters at a rally on a busy street corner in Temecula on Saturday, May 18. \u003ccite>(Madison Aument/KVCR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Komrosky led a board majority that enacted a transgender reporting policy, banned critical race theory (which was never taught in the district) and removed a supplemented curriculum that referenced gay rights icon Harvey Milk, who Komrosky referred to as a “pedophile.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Parents, teachers and community members with a political committee called One Temecula Valley have spent months knocking on doors to get people to mark “yes” on their recall ballots, arguing that Komrosky’s policies have had a chilling effect on classroom instruction and discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I worry for my teacher friends, my high school teacher friends that are looking over their shoulder or they’re afraid of what to say in their classroom,” said Susan Allen, an elementary school teacher in the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Komrosky and his supporters have argued that the board’s conservative members have simply followed through on the vision of public education they laid out in their campaigns. When Komrosky ran for office in 2022, he openly criticized critical race theory, transgender expression, and what he described as inappropriate discussion of sex in classrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve just done what I said I was going to do,” Komrosky said. “I’m a man of my word.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Assessing the role of statewide teacher unions\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Republican Party of Orange County, said the recall elections in Orange and elsewhere are an attempt by teacher unions to orchestrate a do-over of recent school board votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They lost regular elections and as soon as they got majorities that didn’t want what they wanted, they put a lot of money into special elections,” Whitaker said. “In a special election, you can actually motivate a targeted voter base better than you can in a general election.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979212\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979212\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-18-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People listen at the Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. The meeting went for at least 4 hours. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unions representing educators have played a key role in financially backing the recall campaigns. The Orange Unified Education Association, a local affiliate of the California Teachers Association, was the top contributor to the recall in Orange, shelling out $58,636 in donations, supplies, office space and consultants. The CTA also contributed $38,400 to the Temecula Valley Educators political committee that is supporting the recall of Komrosky — and $1,500 toward the recall of MacDonald in Woodland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sunol, the California Federation of Teachers has contributed the majority of the resources to remove Jergensen and Hurley, spending $22,915 on banners, signs and voter data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CTA president David Goldberg called the campaign in Orange County a “great example” of educators and parents launching grassroots organizing against board members they felt had gone too far to the right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“CTA’s role is there, I mean we have a statewide infrastructure,” Goldberg said. “But these local campaigns are run by the locals themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goldberg said too much is at stake, both for the educators who make up the union membership and the students they teach, to wait until the next election to challenge policies they vehemently oppose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Elections] happen every four years, right? If you’re a student in high school and you have policies actively targeting you and your humanity, that’s your entire high school career,” Goldberg said. “You don’t get to wait another four years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I don’t know if our town will ever recover’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sunol school board president Ryan Jergensen said the outcry in the small Bay Area community had been misplaced. The restrictions he approved on flags were simply an attempt to avoid future fights, and even legal action, over giving preference to a specific flag, he said. Now, voting is underway in the election that could remove the father of six from office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979211\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979211\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"School officials are sitting behind desks with a microphone in front of them.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240312-SUNOL-RECALL-KSM-15-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trustee Ryan Jergensen (center) listens to public comment during a Sunol Glen Unified School District governing board meeting in Sunol on March 12, 2024. Jergensen and Trustee Linda Hurley (right) will face a recall election in July. \u003ccite>(Kathryn Styer Martínez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“I don’t know if our town will ever recover from the all-out attacks and war that’s being thrown by the recall side, the tens of thousands of dollars thrown in by the teachers union to kind of squash two small-town community members, one who has kids in the school,” Jergensen said. “It’s going to be hard for people to want to support a school, to support the town, [to] come together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Regardless of the results in Temecula and Sunol, California’s school board fights appear unlikely to die down. Republican officials and conservative activists are determined to continue recruiting candidates and investing in school board races in hopes of regaining momentum in the fall. Many Democrats, union leaders and recall organizers said the four recall campaigns have been a wake-up call, a reminder to vigorously contest school board seats in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ann Crosbie, a Democratic activist and former school board member in Fremont, spent the last year traveling to meetings of the state Democratic party and its local central committees, where she implored party stalwarts to pay attention to the races at the bottom of the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Democrats need to be aware because recall campaigns are very expensive, and they take a lot of time and effort that could be spent on supporting students,” Crosbie said. “We all need to be paying attention the first time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story included reporting from KVCR’s Madison Aument.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story originally published on May 7, 2024. It was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.[aside postID=news_11957446 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/230803-Manipur-02-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. But at least we have one another here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Ching Songput, Tara Hangzo, and Junia Hangzo shop for food at a market in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (right) and her sister Junia Hangzo walk through Delhi, India, on March 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "One year ago, the family of Bay resident Niang Hangzo fled violence in India. Hangzo started an organization to help raise awareness of the ethnic conflict as her mother and other family members wondered how to rebuild their lives.",
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"title": "A Family Fled Ethnic Violence in India. Its Echoes Resonate in the Bay Area | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This story originally published on May 7, 2024. It was supported by the Pulitzer Center. \u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sitting on a chair in a rented apartment in Delhi, India, Madhumati Khwairakpam recalled fleeing her home in Manipur.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On May 3, 2023, violence erupted after a local court awarded government benefits to the Meitei people, an ethnic group native to Manipur, a state in northeast India. A majority of the Meiteis practice Hinduism, though Manipur’s dominant ethnic community includes Muslims, Christians and followers of the traditional Sanamahi religion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several tribal communities, including the Kuki, who are mostly Christian, protested the court ruling. Waves of armed Meitei mobs, unofficially supported by the state government according to activists and human rights groups, chanted “Death to Kukis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam, an 87-year-old mother of 10 who identifies as Meitei, married into a Kuki family.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1237\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-004-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, eats lunch on March 31, 2024, made primarily with vegetables grown in Manipur, which the family bought in Delhi. Right: Tara Hangzo holds a photo of her parents, Vungkham Hangzo (left) and Madhumati Khwairakpam, in the apartment Hangzo shares with her mother, Madhumati, and her sister and sister-in-law in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The photo was recovered by Hangzo’s sister-in-law, Renu Takhellambam, at their home in Manipur after the house was looted following the violence that erupted on May 3, 2023. It was the only photo found at the home. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago this month, the lights in the family’s two-story home were off as they huddled silently in a bedroom. They heard the sound of windows being shattered by tossed stones. Someone called and said the nearby church had been lit aflame. The blasts from gas cylinders used for cooking shook the neighboring houses like bombs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The reverberations were felt in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For roughly three decades, one of Khwairakpam’s daughters, Niang Hangzo, who was born and raised in Manipur, has lived in the Bay Area. Another daughter, Vung Hangzo, also lives in the Bay Area. According to \u003cem>The Mercury News\u003c/em>, people born in India \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/10/28/how-big-is-bay-area-boom-in-india-born-residents-together-theyd-rank-as-the-regions-fourth-largest-city/?clearUserState=true\">represent the largest immigrant group\u003c/a> in Santa Clara and Alameda counties. That’s about 250,000 people, as Indian immigrants have settled in Sunnyvale, Milpitas, Fremont and Dublin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Niang Hangzo co-founded an organization to raise awareness and support for the Kuki people. Bay Area residents who are part of the Indian diaspora attended protests in August. \u003ca href=\"https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2024/4/15/manipur-bjp-cm-inflamed-conflict-assam-rifles-report-on-india-violence\">More than 200 people have been killed\u003c/a> since the conflict in Manipur began, and 60,000 people, like Khwairakpam, have been displaced, according to Al Jazeera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hundreds of churches have been reduced to ashes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is unprecedented,” Niang Hangzo said. “The fact that they were burned seems to be very obvious that this is a real overt act of showing that ‘You guys don’t belong here.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KQED’s Lakshmi Sarah and Beth LaBerge traveled to Delhi in March to see how Khwairakpam and her family are coping with the trauma of displacement. Khwairakpam told KQED she doesn’t have hope of seeing her home in Imphal, Manipur’s capital, again. She spoke in the Meitei language known as Manipuri, which was translated by Tara Manchin Hangzo, a daughter who lives with her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984078\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984078 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam’s daughter, Niang Hangzo, displays side-by-side photos of her family posing in front of their home in Manipur on the left in 2012. On the right, an image of the house after it burned when ethnic violence erupted on May 3, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>One year ago, Khwairakpam and her family stood on the street as their home burned before running to a hotel operated by a Meitei man. Khwairakpam lost one of her slippers in the melee. They watched the mob grow on surveillance video. They stayed at the hotel until the police arrived.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The police escorted them to a police station and then to a Kuki woman’s house near the precinct, where they waited to be picked up by the Indian Army. Several family members stayed in a squalid relief camp for three nights before relatives in the United States helped 12 of them pay for flights to Delhi, the sprawling metropolitan area that’s 1,500 miles away from their home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because of them, we were able to escape,” Khwairakpam said of her family in America.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11985075\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11985075\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/23210438080991-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dozens of houses lay vandalized and burnt during ethnic clashes and rioting in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur on June 21, 2023. \u003ccite>(Altaf Qadri/AP Photo)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam doesn’t speak Hindi, the primary language spoken in Delhi. She’s had breathing problems when the air quality is hazardous. Her joints ached in the winter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are no fruit trees near their three-bedroom apartment like the ones that surrounded their home in Manipur. There isn’t space to sit outside or walk on the street without the blaring horns of cars navigating the congested roads. The family doesn’t know how long they can afford the tight quarters they share, yet they still come together to enjoy each other’s company.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984050\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984050\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-008-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Madhumati Khwairakpam, 87, rests in the room she shares with her daughter, Junia, while her daughter Tara sits with her on the bed at their apartment in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984054\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984054\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-005-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Junia Hangzo, Khwairakpam’s youngest daughter, does laundry at the apartment she shares with her mother, sister, and sister-in-law in Delhi on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984053\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984053\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-003-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Jason Hangzo, 17, Renu Takhellambam, Jason’s mother, and Junia Hangzo drink tea together in their apartment in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘I didn’t believe it’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>On May 4, 2023, Niang Hangzo received a WhatsApp message from her brother as she was on her way to her engineering job in San José. He said their house in Manipur was under attack, but she ignored the message.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t believe it,” she recalled. “It’s so preposterous. What’s he talking about?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984079\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984079\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240421-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-004-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Niang Hangzo sits inside her home in Aptos, California, on Feb. 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She called her oldest sister, who was in Delhi for cancer treatment. It was true. According to Niang Hangzo, who knows many of the families living in the Bay Area who immigrated from Manipur, most of the mob were also from the local area. Some were neighbors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They knew my mother,” she said. “She might have been the one who delivered them because she worked as a nurse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to the violence, she formed the \u003ca href=\"https://namta.us/\">North American Manipur Tribal Association\u003c/a> with a former Imphal neighbor, who now lives in Texas, to preserve the heritage of Manipur’s tribal people. Doing something felt important, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The other option was to just stay and do nothing, just cry and console each other,” she said. “They lost everything. But beyond that, I think nobody anticipated it to be this long.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984693\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2200px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11984693 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2200\" height=\"1238\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002.jpg 2200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-2048x1152.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240421-BayAreaManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-Diptych-002-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2200px) 100vw, 2200px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Left: Sisters Niang (left) and Vung Hangzo sit at Vung’s home in San José on April 21, 2024. Right: Vung Hangzo looks at a WhatsApp group chat with her sisters that shows a photo of their mother, Madhumati Khwairakpam, in Delhi, at her home in San José on April 21, 2024. The family primarily uses WhatsApp to keep in touch and get updates on the situation in Manipur. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is currently seeking a historic third term, finally \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/india-modi-parliament-manipur-861226ea4158aaf3f278cc21cb0c9579\">broke his silence\u003c/a> more than three months after the violence began. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party holds power in Manipur, a hilly and mountainous state that shares an international border with Myanmar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conflict has impacted \u003ca href=\"https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/21/world/asia/india-presidential-election-voting-manipur.html\">voting in the region\u003c/a>, as armed men have attacked polling stations, according to \u003cem>The New York Times\u003c/em>. The third round of voting in the world’s largest general election is scheduled for today. There will be \u003ca href=\"https://www.reuters.com/world/india/why-does-voting-last-six-weeks-indias-general-election-2024-04-17/\">seven phases in total\u003c/a> and results will be announced on June 4. Niang Hangzo is afraid of what will happen when the news cycle moves on.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We could be annihilated, and nobody would know,” she said. “We need to have the government step up and the world to listen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly 1 billion Indians are eligible to cast ballots, but Tara Hangzo isn’t one because the government has not established a way for \u003ca href=\"https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/risk-to-life-makes-voting-tough-exercise-for-displaced/articleshow/109416369.cms\">internally displaced people to vote remotely\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I feel that I’m not part of India. Why should we be denied our right to vote just because we are here in Delhi as a displaced person?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khwairakpam was forced to leave her home eight decades earlier.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the spring of 1944, around the time of the Battle of Imphal, when Japanese troops attempted to break Allied lines to invade India through Myanmar, then known as Burma. British Indian troops forced the Japanese to retreat during the fighting that changed the course of World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kishalay Bhattacharjee, a journalist who has reported on northeastern India, said there are many layers to today’s violence in Manipur. Land, jobs and economic interests in the region, including the illicit trade of narcotics, human trafficking and arms, makes Manipur one of the most strategic states in India, according to Bhattacharjee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another layer is the armed militias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the most important story is the rise of a civil guerrilla outfit amongst the Meiteis,” Bhattacharjee said, referring to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.outlookindia.com/national/explained-who-are-meitei-radical-group-arambai-tenggol-and-why-did-they-summon-manipur-lawmakers\">Arambai Tenggol\u003c/a>, a radical Meitei group that is allegedly abducting people and threatening the government, according to news reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They are the ones who are spearheading the attack against the Kukis,” Bhattacharjee said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mob violence has created a situation that Sanjib Baruah, a professor of political studies at Bard College, believes resembles a civil war.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence,” he wrote in March in \u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/23210230241235360\">Studies in Indian Politics\u003c/a>\u003c/em>, an academic journal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984055\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984055\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240331-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-031-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A poster of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi hangs on a wall in Delhi, India, on March 31, 2024. The poster advertises the G20 summit, which took place in September 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Chitra Ahanthem, an independent journalist, said many people, including the media, have oversimplified the conflict.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not about the majority versus the minority. It’s not about the Hindu versus the Christian. It’s not about the poor tribal versus the entitled, majority community,” she said. “It’s much worse than that because the real reason is just too murky.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She believes it comes down to geopolitics and India’s business interests in Myanmar, where a civil war has been raging since the military coup in 2021. She said the conflict in Manipur provides a reason for the central government to activate more forces in the region, which is useful for India to defend itself against China.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahanthem was in Manipur in November to aid in the relief work. Because she is Meitei, she was only able to visit Meitei camps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are people who have committed suicides inside relief camps because they don’t see a future,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People from the Meitei community in Delhi who have spoken out critically against the state government have had their homes in Manipur attacked by local militia, she said. Because of the retaliation tactics, many Meiteis in Delhi contacted by KQED said they did not want to speak to the media.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Society is on its back foot when you are not allowed to ask questions. And that’s exactly where Manipur is,” Ahanthem said. “That’s exactly where India is — that you cannot ask questions anymore.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984058\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984058\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240330-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-025-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo buys vegetables from a shop owner from the Naga tribal community in Manipur in the Munirka neighborhood of Delhi, India, on March 30, 2024. “Will I ever have peace of mind? Will my community ever have a peace of mind? … Will we trust them, [Meitei people]?” Hangzo asked. “We will not be able to live together in peace for many years to come.” \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984060\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984060\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-014-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (center right) prays during Good Friday services at the Evangelical Baptist Convention Church in Delhi, India, on March 29, 2024. Hangzo belongs to the predominantly Christian Kuki tribal community. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>‘At least we have one another here’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Tara Hangzo’s life has drastically changed since coming to Delhi. It’s not just the extreme heat and cooler weather but also the water and food. Even the rice tastes different, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have very special rice. It’s almost sticky,” said Tara Hangzo, who continues to participate in the protest movement. “Everything was so natural and so fresh. We were living in a lap of nature.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984061\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984061\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240329-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-018-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ching Songput, daughter of Madhumati Khwairakpam, prepares tea in her kitchen in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She stops and looks at the stands on the side of the road to see if there are any items native to Manipur. She spends most of her time taking care of Khwairakpam and Junia Hangzo, her younger sister who has Down syndrome, with the help of her sister-in-law, whose husband died several years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ching Songput, Khwairakpam’s oldest daughter who is in Delhi for cancer treatment, doesn’t mind that she lost most of the material things like clothes and jewelry, but she wishes she still had the photo albums and videos from when her three daughters were young. Those were lost when the family’s compound was ransacked. The only photo recovered is of her mother and father, which is now in Khwairakpam’s Delhi apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For nearly a week, 11 members of the family shared Songput’s three-bedroom apartment. The family is devout Christian and has formed friendships with many people in the Kuki Christian community in Delhi.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a church, so we get busy with that,” Songput said. “We miss what we used to have in Imphal. But at least we have one another here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984063\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984063\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240327-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-010-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">(From left) Ching Songput, Tara Hangzo, and Junia Hangzo shop for food at a market in Delhi, India, on March 27, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11984064\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11984064\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/240326-ManipurIndia-BethLaBerge-001-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tara Hangzo (right) and her sister Junia Hangzo walk through Delhi, India, on March 26, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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},
"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"morning-edition": {
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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},
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},
"pbs-newshour": {
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},
"perspectives": {
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"order": 14
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"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
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"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 5
},
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.possible.fm/",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"
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},
"pri-the-world": {
"id": "pri-the-world",
"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 2pm-3pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
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