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"title": "Californians With Developmental Disabilities Must Soon Be Paid Minimum Wage. Can the State Find Enough Good Jobs?",
"headTitle": "Californians With Developmental Disabilities Must Soon Be Paid Minimum Wage. Can the State Find Enough Good Jobs? | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>At a warehouse tucked into a suburban Bay Area office park, along white folding tables lined up like an assembly line, about 50 people on a March morning snapped together plastic pieces of bicycle safety mirrors or stuffed envelopes with a nonprofit’s donor letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tasks were simple, but it’s work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The laborers are all adults who have intellectual or developmental disabilities, performing jobs under contract for local businesses and nonprofits. \u003ca href=\"http://www.vistability.us/aboutus/\">VistAbility\u003c/a>, the nonprofit employment services provider that runs the shop, pays them each $3 to $14 an hour, depending on their speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrangement is legal — for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article254509782.html\">a 2021 law change\u003c/a>, California will soon ban paying subminimum wages to people with disabilities, a decades-old practice originating from the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2025 “sheltered” disability programs like the one at VistAbility — which together employ about 5,000 Californians statewide — must begin paying the state’s $15.50-an-hour minimum wage or shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transition toward better pay has exposed a bitter debate within the state’s disability services community: Can everyone with a disability get a job in the broader labor market — and should that be the goal? And for a group of people largely receiving public assistance, what’s the role of a job in their lives?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bolle, VistAbility’s executive director, said when his workshop is required to pay minimum wage, some of the faster workers may be able to keep working. But he doubts local businesses and nonprofits will pay more expensive contracts to accommodate higher wages, and he predicted that the people with the most significant disabilities likely will lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state is essentially ignoring those people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better jobs ‘within my reach’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At VistAbility some workers said they liked the company of co-workers, the steady tasks and guaranteed weekday hours. They said it would be harder to find an “outside job.” John Shillick, 61, said he used to clean motel rooms with the help of a job coach, but he found it difficult to keep pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to get a better job with a decent salary,” Shillick said. “I don’t know exactly what, but something within my reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of subminimum wage programs like VistAbility’s say they segregate people who have disabilities, keeping them from obtaining better paying work and greater independence — which they could achieve with the right services to assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/10/californians-with-developmental-disabilities-must-now-be-paid-minimum-wage-can-the-state-find-enough-good-jobs/042723-visitability-calmatters-skn-img_3743-02-cm/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11949069\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949069\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM.jpg\" alt=\"people sit space out at a long folding table in a warehouse, with stacks of envelopes and bins in front of them\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">VistAbility workers pack envelopes with BART Clipper card information and assemble mirrors for bicycle helmets. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other side, program operators and some workers’ families defend the current arrangements, saying these workers would not otherwise have job opportunities. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/rc/dashboard/employment/\">About 20% of people who have developmental disabilities in California are employed\u003c/a>, the state’s Department of Developmental Services says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Bowers’ 42-year-old son, Cory, was one. He worked for nearly 20 years for less than minimum wage at an Orange County retail store, where an employment services provider placed him. Recently that provider shut down its subminimum wage programs, ending his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Bowers can’t imagine his son, who has Down syndrome, finding a job like that one, which provided transportation and a job coach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no avenue for our kids to go to a job site, other than somebody’s going to have to pay them $16 an hour,” Bowers said. “He can’t do the job of somebody that’s earning $16 an hour. It’s just not going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State resources for workers with disabilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new law requires that all subminimum wage workshops phase out. Whether their participants end up in better jobs, or with little to occupy their days, in large part depends on how California’s disability services system responds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Developmental Services, which pays for these services, says it is ramping up funding so providers of job placement services can get those currently working for less than minimum wage into “competitive integrated employment” — that is, working for at least minimum wage alongside coworkers who don’t have disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the past is prologue, the Legislative Analyst’s Office notes such resources are under-utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Brian Winfield, director of programs, California Department of Developmental Services\"]‘We have to set a new direction for our entire system, where employment is the expectation for everyone.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office analyzed state-funded competitive integrated employment programs for workers with disabilities — including paid internships — and found that service providers used only 60% of the funds allocated in the 2021-2022 fiscal year. And that was \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%2022%202023%20-%20Asm%20Sub.%201%20Agenda%20-%20DDS%2C%20SCDD%2C%20and%20DOR%202.22.pdf\">the most spent in each of the last five years (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developmental services department gave out $10 million in grants from last year’s budget to boost employment services and is developing another program this year to pay for placing workers with disabilities into competitive employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to set a new direction for our entire system, where employment is the expectation for everyone,” said Brian Winfield, its director of programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many worry that when workshops go away, there won’t be enough job placement services to go around. The disability services system is underfunded and understaffed, said Barry Jardini, director of the California Disability Services Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the challenge is around whether or not we have the policies in place in California today to make it possible on a broad scale to provide the intensive (worker) supports and job discovery, job exploration,” Jardini said. “Right now all of this policy change is being overlaid on a very stressed system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The first workshops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There also is a lack of data. The state tracks the kinds of employment services these workers get, but not the kinds of jobs, so it’s unclear where people exiting workshops are landing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying people with disabilities less than the minimum wage is legal because of a New Deal-era section of federal labor law called “14c,” designed to help wounded World War I veterans get limited access to jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers registered with the federal government to hire these workers at a fraction of the pay of other workers. The employers assessed their productivity every six months, comparing them to non-disabled workers making market wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the vast majority of 14c employers in California are vocational rehabilitation providers — job training services for people who have intellectual or developmental disabilities, including autism, Down syndrome and cerebral palsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians with disabilities have a constitutional right to services that allow them to live as independently as possible. If they seek employment help, state regional disabilities centers can refer them to 14c programs or to other employment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in 14c programs can pay workers less than not only the California minimum wage, but also the federal $7.25-an-hour minimum wage, in two types of settings: At congregate, factory-like worksites sometimes called “sheltered workshops,” or in small work groups that are assisted by a job coach. In the groups, three or four workers split a single minimum-wage position, typically mopping floors or stocking shelves at a local business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subminimum wage positions are most suitable for those with the most significant disabilities, program operators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A national shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As part of the national shift toward integrating people with disabilities into communities, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.usccr.gov/files/2020/2020-09-17-Subminimum-Wages-Report.pdf\">called for subminimum wage programs to end (PDF)\u003c/a>, saying the programs trap people in “exploitative and discriminatory” situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Pugliese, who has autism, worked in a video rental store after high school but lost that job when the industry crashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 21, a state regional center referred him to a sheltered workshop in the Sacramento area for employment training. At the workshop Pugliese assembled electronics alongside other workers with disabilities, cordoned off from other workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job paid him about $225 a month, included little useful training for other work and made him feel like “a cog in a machine,” said Pugliese, now 37.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know at that point in time that was nickels and dimes,” he said of his pay, compared to co-workers’.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Carole Watilo, director, Progressive Employment Concepts\"]‘When you start from the premise that there are going to be people that you can’t find a job for, then that is going to be a self-fulfilling prophecy.’[/pullquote]A dozen states besides California have passed laws banning below-minimum-wage programs. Also a federal rule in effect this year requires disability services to be more integrated with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of jobs have already declined in California. In 2009, as many as 16,000 people with disabilities worked in the workshops or the small groups that split a minimum wage. By 2021, employment in those programs had fallen to about 6,000, state officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the phaseout deadline approaches, it’s up to the state and a network of disability service providers to help transition workshop employees into other jobs, if they want them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fitting each worker’s need\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The gold standard, according to the independent State Council on Developmental Disabilities, would be a job placement and coaching service that’s highly tailored to fit each worker’s needs and abilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carole Watilo directs the Sacramento-area Progressive Employment Concepts, which provides job coaching and placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said a client who uses a wheelchair and communicates using a tablet device handles code enforcement for a small police department in Sacramento County, including spotting such violations as people parking illegally in disabled spaces. A support worker drives him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive initially placed him there as a volunteer, she said, then it received grants to cover his work. She hopes to find him ongoing paid employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you start from the premise that there are going to be people that you can’t find a job for, then that is going to be a self-fulfilling prophecy,” Watilo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pugliese also sought job services at Progressive after leaving the workshop. When he told them of his affinity for pets, a job coach found him a state-funded internship grooming dogs. They tried him at several pet groomers until they found a good fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s on a health leave now but normally earns $16 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had more general impact on the actual shop than ever before,” he said. “My actual work effort was reflected in the shop’s progress. I mattered as a person and as an employee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/10/californians-with-developmental-disabilities-must-now-be-paid-minimum-wage-can-the-state-find-enough-good-jobs/042723-visitability-calmatters-skn-img_3760-04-cm/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11949071\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949071\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM.jpg\" alt=\"we look over the shoulder of an older woman with white hair as she works through a stack of plastic envelopes in front of her\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">VistAbility worker Jennifer Painter assembles mirrors for bicycle helmets into plastic packaging. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What’s realistic?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chris Bowers, Cory’s father, said he doubts his son will work the same jobs as everybody else. That’s just the reality of the job market, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In high school Cory Bowers went to classes with a group of other students with disabilities. After they graduated, Goodwill of Orange County placed him, with two or three others, at a clothing company’s warehouse and later at a local retailer. They hung clothes on racks, splitting one minimum-wage job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey took home $2.50 an hour, his father said. He loved his job and came home feeling accomplished and eager to spend his paycheck, taking his parents out to dinner, Chris Bowers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goodwill of Orange County closed its subminimum wage program during the pandemic and never reopened it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, the nonprofit had placed as many as 700 workers in its stores or in local businesses, paying them less than minimum wage. Rick Adams, its vice president of mission services, said the “vast majority” of businesses were not interested in taking the workers back at higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now about 100 people with disabilities work for Goodwill stores and 50 have jobs in the community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of working, Cory now participates in a day services program that drives him and others to visit the library, coffee shops and stores. Chris Bowers described it as “glorified babysitting” and says his son is “different mentally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Chris Bowers it was never about the money; his son lives with him and receives Social Security benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As parents, especially in my circle, we sure didn’t care what our kids made,” he said. “We just wanted our kids to be out in a job site, learning.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "A federal law allows vocational programs to hire workers with intellectual or developmental disabilities, including Down syndrome and cerebral palsy, for far less than minimum wage. What happens if those jobs have to pay more?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>At a warehouse tucked into a suburban Bay Area office park, along white folding tables lined up like an assembly line, about 50 people on a March morning snapped together plastic pieces of bicycle safety mirrors or stuffed envelopes with a nonprofit’s donor letters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tasks were simple, but it’s work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The laborers are all adults who have intellectual or developmental disabilities, performing jobs under contract for local businesses and nonprofits. \u003ca href=\"http://www.vistability.us/aboutus/\">VistAbility\u003c/a>, the nonprofit employment services provider that runs the shop, pays them each $3 to $14 an hour, depending on their speed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The arrangement is legal — for now.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thanks to \u003ca href=\"https://www.sacbee.com/news/politics-government/capitol-alert/article254509782.html\">a 2021 law change\u003c/a>, California will soon ban paying subminimum wages to people with disabilities, a decades-old practice originating from the Great Depression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By 2025 “sheltered” disability programs like the one at VistAbility — which together employ about 5,000 Californians statewide — must begin paying the state’s $15.50-an-hour minimum wage or shut down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The transition toward better pay has exposed a bitter debate within the state’s disability services community: Can everyone with a disability get a job in the broader labor market — and should that be the goal? And for a group of people largely receiving public assistance, what’s the role of a job in their lives?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>John Bolle, VistAbility’s executive director, said when his workshop is required to pay minimum wage, some of the faster workers may be able to keep working. But he doubts local businesses and nonprofits will pay more expensive contracts to accommodate higher wages, and he predicted that the people with the most significant disabilities likely will lose their jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state is essentially ignoring those people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Better jobs ‘within my reach’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>At VistAbility some workers said they liked the company of co-workers, the steady tasks and guaranteed weekday hours. They said it would be harder to find an “outside job.” John Shillick, 61, said he used to clean motel rooms with the help of a job coach, but he found it difficult to keep pace.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I would like to get a better job with a decent salary,” Shillick said. “I don’t know exactly what, but something within my reach.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of subminimum wage programs like VistAbility’s say they segregate people who have disabilities, keeping them from obtaining better paying work and greater independence — which they could achieve with the right services to assist them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949069\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/10/californians-with-developmental-disabilities-must-now-be-paid-minimum-wage-can-the-state-find-enough-good-jobs/042723-visitability-calmatters-skn-img_3743-02-cm/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11949069\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949069\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM.jpg\" alt=\"people sit space out at a long folding table in a warehouse, with stacks of envelopes and bins in front of them\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3743-02-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">VistAbility workers pack envelopes with BART Clipper card information and assemble mirrors for bicycle helmets. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On the other side, program operators and some workers’ families defend the current arrangements, saying these workers would not otherwise have job opportunities. \u003ca href=\"https://www.dds.ca.gov/rc/dashboard/employment/\">About 20% of people who have developmental disabilities in California are employed\u003c/a>, the state’s Department of Developmental Services says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chris Bowers’ 42-year-old son, Cory, was one. He worked for nearly 20 years for less than minimum wage at an Orange County retail store, where an employment services provider placed him. Recently that provider shut down its subminimum wage programs, ending his job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now Bowers can’t imagine his son, who has Down syndrome, finding a job like that one, which provided transportation and a job coach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no avenue for our kids to go to a job site, other than somebody’s going to have to pay them $16 an hour,” Bowers said. “He can’t do the job of somebody that’s earning $16 an hour. It’s just not going to happen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>State resources for workers with disabilities\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The new law requires that all subminimum wage workshops phase out. Whether their participants end up in better jobs, or with little to occupy their days, in large part depends on how California’s disability services system responds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Department of Developmental Services, which pays for these services, says it is ramping up funding so providers of job placement services can get those currently working for less than minimum wage into “competitive integrated employment” — that is, working for at least minimum wage alongside coworkers who don’t have disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But if the past is prologue, the Legislative Analyst’s Office notes such resources are under-utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We have to set a new direction for our entire system, where employment is the expectation for everyone.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office analyzed state-funded competitive integrated employment programs for workers with disabilities — including paid internships — and found that service providers used only 60% of the funds allocated in the 2021-2022 fiscal year. And that was \u003ca href=\"https://abgt.assembly.ca.gov/sites/abgt.assembly.ca.gov/files/Feb%2022%202023%20-%20Asm%20Sub.%201%20Agenda%20-%20DDS%2C%20SCDD%2C%20and%20DOR%202.22.pdf\">the most spent in each of the last five years (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developmental services department gave out $10 million in grants from last year’s budget to boost employment services and is developing another program this year to pay for placing workers with disabilities into competitive employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to set a new direction for our entire system, where employment is the expectation for everyone,” said Brian Winfield, its director of programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But many worry that when workshops go away, there won’t be enough job placement services to go around. The disability services system is underfunded and understaffed, said Barry Jardini, director of the California Disability Services Association.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the challenge is around whether or not we have the policies in place in California today to make it possible on a broad scale to provide the intensive (worker) supports and job discovery, job exploration,” Jardini said. “Right now all of this policy change is being overlaid on a very stressed system.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The first workshops\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There also is a lack of data. The state tracks the kinds of employment services these workers get, but not the kinds of jobs, so it’s unclear where people exiting workshops are landing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Paying people with disabilities less than the minimum wage is legal because of a New Deal-era section of federal labor law called “14c,” designed to help wounded World War I veterans get limited access to jobs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers registered with the federal government to hire these workers at a fraction of the pay of other workers. The employers assessed their productivity every six months, comparing them to non-disabled workers making market wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now the vast majority of 14c employers in California are vocational rehabilitation providers — job training services for people who have intellectual or developmental disabilities, including autism, Down syndrome and cerebral palsy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Californians with disabilities have a constitutional right to services that allow them to live as independently as possible. If they seek employment help, state regional disabilities centers can refer them to 14c programs or to other employment options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers in 14c programs can pay workers less than not only the California minimum wage, but also the federal $7.25-an-hour minimum wage, in two types of settings: At congregate, factory-like worksites sometimes called “sheltered workshops,” or in small work groups that are assisted by a job coach. In the groups, three or four workers split a single minimum-wage position, typically mopping floors or stocking shelves at a local business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Subminimum wage positions are most suitable for those with the most significant disabilities, program operators said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A national shift\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>As part of the national shift toward integrating people with disabilities into communities, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights in 2020 \u003ca href=\"https://www.usccr.gov/files/2020/2020-09-17-Subminimum-Wages-Report.pdf\">called for subminimum wage programs to end (PDF)\u003c/a>, saying the programs trap people in “exploitative and discriminatory” situations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Michael Pugliese, who has autism, worked in a video rental store after high school but lost that job when the industry crashed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When he was 21, a state regional center referred him to a sheltered workshop in the Sacramento area for employment training. At the workshop Pugliese assembled electronics alongside other workers with disabilities, cordoned off from other workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The job paid him about $225 a month, included little useful training for other work and made him feel like “a cog in a machine,” said Pugliese, now 37.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I didn’t know at that point in time that was nickels and dimes,” he said of his pay, compared to co-workers’.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A dozen states besides California have passed laws banning below-minimum-wage programs. Also a federal rule in effect this year requires disability services to be more integrated with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>These kinds of jobs have already declined in California. In 2009, as many as 16,000 people with disabilities worked in the workshops or the small groups that split a minimum wage. By 2021, employment in those programs had fallen to about 6,000, state officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the phaseout deadline approaches, it’s up to the state and a network of disability service providers to help transition workshop employees into other jobs, if they want them.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fitting each worker’s need\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The gold standard, according to the independent State Council on Developmental Disabilities, would be a job placement and coaching service that’s highly tailored to fit each worker’s needs and abilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Carole Watilo directs the Sacramento-area Progressive Employment Concepts, which provides job coaching and placement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She said a client who uses a wheelchair and communicates using a tablet device handles code enforcement for a small police department in Sacramento County, including spotting such violations as people parking illegally in disabled spaces. A support worker drives him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Progressive initially placed him there as a volunteer, she said, then it received grants to cover his work. She hopes to find him ongoing paid employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you start from the premise that there are going to be people that you can’t find a job for, then that is going to be a self-fulfilling prophecy,” Watilo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pugliese also sought job services at Progressive after leaving the workshop. When he told them of his affinity for pets, a job coach found him a state-funded internship grooming dogs. They tried him at several pet groomers until they found a good fit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He’s on a health leave now but normally earns $16 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve had more general impact on the actual shop than ever before,” he said. “My actual work effort was reflected in the shop’s progress. I mattered as a person and as an employee.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11949071\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2023/05/10/californians-with-developmental-disabilities-must-now-be-paid-minimum-wage-can-the-state-find-enough-good-jobs/042723-visitability-calmatters-skn-img_3760-04-cm/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11949071\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" loading=\"lazy\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11949071\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM.jpg\" alt=\"we look over the shoulder of an older woman with white hair as she works through a stack of plastic envelopes in front of her\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM.jpg 1568w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/05/042723-VisitAbility-CalMatters-SKN-IMG_3760-04-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">VistAbility worker Jennifer Painter assembles mirrors for bicycle helmets into plastic packaging. \u003ccite>(Shelby Knowles/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>What’s realistic?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Chris Bowers, Cory’s father, said he doubts his son will work the same jobs as everybody else. That’s just the reality of the job market, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In high school Cory Bowers went to classes with a group of other students with disabilities. After they graduated, Goodwill of Orange County placed him, with two or three others, at a clothing company’s warehouse and later at a local retailer. They hung clothes on racks, splitting one minimum-wage job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corey took home $2.50 an hour, his father said. He loved his job and came home feeling accomplished and eager to spend his paycheck, taking his parents out to dinner, Chris Bowers said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Goodwill of Orange County closed its subminimum wage program during the pandemic and never reopened it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before the pandemic, the nonprofit had placed as many as 700 workers in its stores or in local businesses, paying them less than minimum wage. Rick Adams, its vice president of mission services, said the “vast majority” of businesses were not interested in taking the workers back at higher wages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now about 100 people with disabilities work for Goodwill stores and 50 have jobs in the community, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead of working, Cory now participates in a day services program that drives him and others to visit the library, coffee shops and stores. Chris Bowers described it as “glorified babysitting” and says his son is “different mentally.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To Chris Bowers it was never about the money; his son lives with him and receives Social Security benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As parents, especially in my circle, we sure didn’t care what our kids made,” he said. “We just wanted our kids to be out in a job site, learning.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Hundreds of workers at UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland walked off the job Wednesday in a one-day strike over job security and protecting medical services in the East Bay, chanting, “UC, UC, you can’t hide … We can see your greedy side!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vocational nurses, mental health staff, physical therapists and housekeepers were among the broad swath of workers represented by the National Union of Healthcare Workers, who formed an early morning picket line as the sun rose outside the North Oakland hospital — in what the union is calling the largest strike in the hospital’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers have been without contracts since last year, amid stalled negotiations with UCSF Health, which took over most hospital operations in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the union says, UCSF has cut crucial services and failed to adequately invest in its workforce, resulting in severe staffing shortages in some departments and reduced access to a variety of programs and procedures that many lower-income East Bay families have long relied on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Job security is the one thing that seems at the heart of all of this,” said Susana Yerian, a Spanish medical interpreter who translates for families who come in for pediatric surgery. “We just want to be able to provide care and not have anxiety about losing our job or not having a job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fears of further cutbacks have only increased after UCSF recently projected a $200 million budget shortfall in 2023 and warned that it must “operate more efficiently,” according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947188 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg\" alt=\"Throngs of protestors in red T-shirts hold red and yellow picket signs outside of UCSF Benioff Children's Hospital Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hospital employees and supporters gather for a rally outside UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital in Oakland on April 19, 2023, during a one-day strike authorized by more than 1,200 members of the National Union of Healthcare Workers at the Oakland and Walnut Creek hospitals. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re understaffed, and patients are underserved,” said Stephanie Lum Ho, an office associate at the hospital’s Walnut Creek outpatient center, where workers also picketed on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with a push for expanded services at the facility, the union says UCSF has rejected its key demands that workers receive the same compensation as their counterparts at UCSF facilities in San Francisco and be guaranteed comparable jobs if the company takes full control of the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s walkout follows a long succession of recent local and national labor actions, particularly in the health care sector, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929713/kaiser-mental-health-workers-appove-new-contract-ending-10-week-strike\">10-week strike last fall\u003c/a> waged by Kaiser Permanente mental health workers in Northern California, and a shorter walkout in late December \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Nurses-at-Alta-Bates-Summit-plan-to-strike-17652715.php\">among registered nurses\u003c/a> at Alta Bates Summit Medical Center in Oakland and Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Jackie Schalit, children’s mental health clinician, UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland\"]‘We love the population that we work with. We love the kids. But to be disrespected by UCSF, and to be told they know better than the folks on the front lines, is just really, really upsetting.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackie Schalit, a children’s mental health clinician at the hospital and part of the union’s bargaining team, says staffing in her department has been slashed in half under UCSF’s leadership, with a growing number of programs squeezed, shut down altogether or relocated to offices in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love the population that we work with. We love the kids,” she said. “But to be disrespected by UCSF, and to be told they know better than the folks on the front lines, is just really, really upsetting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland is one of five Level One pediatric trauma centers in California; the hospital accepts all patients no matter their income level or insurance status, and more than 70% of patients get their health coverage through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schalit, who has worked at the hospital for more than 20 years, said she was drawn to the Oakland institution for the community-centered services it has historically provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt so proud to work there. And it’s changed,” she said, noting that many of her young patients now have to wait months for services like occupational therapy — and are forced to travel to San Francisco for an increasing number of other basic services, like speech therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947189 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg\" alt=\"Throngs of protestors in red T-shirts hold red and yellow picket signs outside of UCSF Benioff Children's Hospital Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rally outside UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital in Oakland on April 19, 2023. Workers staged a one-day strike demanding better working conditions and preserving services in the East Bay for their patients. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How do you afford that? That’s not easy for a family that’s impacted by lots of different things,” Schalit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital will continue to provide critical health care services throughout the day, with the help of replacement staff, and its emergency room will remain open, but all outpatient services throughout the region will be closed, UCSF said in a statement.[aside label='More Stories on Health Care' tag='health-care']In the statement, UCSF also said it had made its “last, best, and final offer” to the union on Friday, one that would provide most NUHW-represented employees a pay increase of at least 13%. The company said it had also agreed to most of the union’s job-security and enhanced severance demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked hard to develop a proposal that honors the excellent work of our employees while preserving our ability to continue caring for children in our community,” UCSF said. “We’re disappointed the union rejected our final offer late Sunday night and is choosing to engage in a costly and disruptive strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s claim that UCSF was not committed to serving Oakland and East Bay communities was “simply not true,” the company said. It noted that the number of NUHW-represented employees at the hospital has steadily increased since 2018 and that UCSF is now investing $1.5 billion in modernizing its Oakland facilities and constructing a new hospital building to expand services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s April Dembosky.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Hundreds of workers at UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland walked off the job Wednesday in a one-day strike over job security and protecting medical services in the East Bay, chanting, “UC, UC, you can’t hide … We can see your greedy side!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Vocational nurses, mental health staff, physical therapists and housekeepers were among the broad swath of workers represented by the National Union of Healthcare Workers, who formed an early morning picket line as the sun rose outside the North Oakland hospital — in what the union is calling the largest strike in the hospital’s history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The workers have been without contracts since last year, amid stalled negotiations with UCSF Health, which took over most hospital operations in 2014.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since then, the union says, UCSF has cut crucial services and failed to adequately invest in its workforce, resulting in severe staffing shortages in some departments and reduced access to a variety of programs and procedures that many lower-income East Bay families have long relied on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Job security is the one thing that seems at the heart of all of this,” said Susana Yerian, a Spanish medical interpreter who translates for families who come in for pediatric surgery. “We just want to be able to provide care and not have anxiety about losing our job or not having a job.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fears of further cutbacks have only increased after UCSF recently projected a $200 million budget shortfall in 2023 and warned that it must “operate more efficiently,” according to the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947188\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947188 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg\" alt=\"Throngs of protestors in red T-shirts hold red and yellow picket signs outside of UCSF Benioff Children's Hospital Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/018_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hospital employees and supporters gather for a rally outside UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital in Oakland on April 19, 2023, during a one-day strike authorized by more than 1,200 members of the National Union of Healthcare Workers at the Oakland and Walnut Creek hospitals. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We’re understaffed, and patients are underserved,” said Stephanie Lum Ho, an office associate at the hospital’s Walnut Creek outpatient center, where workers also picketed on Wednesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with a push for expanded services at the facility, the union says UCSF has rejected its key demands that workers receive the same compensation as their counterparts at UCSF facilities in San Francisco and be guaranteed comparable jobs if the company takes full control of the hospital.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wednesday’s walkout follows a long succession of recent local and national labor actions, particularly in the health care sector, including a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11929713/kaiser-mental-health-workers-appove-new-contract-ending-10-week-strike\">10-week strike last fall\u003c/a> waged by Kaiser Permanente mental health workers in Northern California, and a shorter walkout in late December \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Nurses-at-Alta-Bates-Summit-plan-to-strike-17652715.php\">among registered nurses\u003c/a> at Alta Bates Summit Medical Center in Oakland and Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘We love the population that we work with. We love the kids. But to be disrespected by UCSF, and to be told they know better than the folks on the front lines, is just really, really upsetting.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jackie Schalit, a children’s mental health clinician at the hospital and part of the union’s bargaining team, says staffing in her department has been slashed in half under UCSF’s leadership, with a growing number of programs squeezed, shut down altogether or relocated to offices in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We love the population that we work with. We love the kids,” she said. “But to be disrespected by UCSF, and to be told they know better than the folks on the front lines, is just really, really upsetting.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital Oakland is one of five Level One pediatric trauma centers in California; the hospital accepts all patients no matter their income level or insurance status, and more than 70% of patients get their health coverage through Medi-Cal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Schalit, who has worked at the hospital for more than 20 years, said she was drawn to the Oakland institution for the community-centered services it has historically provided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I felt so proud to work there. And it’s changed,” she said, noting that many of her young patients now have to wait months for services like occupational therapy — and are forced to travel to San Francisco for an increasing number of other basic services, like speech therapy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11947189\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11947189 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg\" alt=\"Throngs of protestors in red T-shirts hold red and yellow picket signs outside of UCSF Benioff Children's Hospital Oakland.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/013_KQED_UCSFBenioffChildrensHospStrike_04192023-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rally outside UCSF Benioff Children’s Hospital in Oakland on April 19, 2023. Workers staged a one-day strike demanding better working conditions and preserving services in the East Bay for their patients. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“How do you afford that? That’s not easy for a family that’s impacted by lots of different things,” Schalit said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hospital will continue to provide critical health care services throughout the day, with the help of replacement staff, and its emergency room will remain open, but all outpatient services throughout the region will be closed, UCSF said in a statement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In the statement, UCSF also said it had made its “last, best, and final offer” to the union on Friday, one that would provide most NUHW-represented employees a pay increase of at least 13%. The company said it had also agreed to most of the union’s job-security and enhanced severance demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We worked hard to develop a proposal that honors the excellent work of our employees while preserving our ability to continue caring for children in our community,” UCSF said. “We’re disappointed the union rejected our final offer late Sunday night and is choosing to engage in a costly and disruptive strike.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The union’s claim that UCSF was not committed to serving Oakland and East Bay communities was “simply not true,” the company said. It noted that the number of NUHW-represented employees at the hospital has steadily increased since 2018 and that UCSF is now investing $1.5 billion in modernizing its Oakland facilities and constructing a new hospital building to expand services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from KQED’s April Dembosky.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "cal-state-undergrad-workers-pursue-union-representation-for-higher-wages-paid-sick-time",
"title": "Cal State Undergrad Workers Pursue Union Representation for Higher Wages, Paid Sick Time",
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"headTitle": "Cal State Undergrad Workers Pursue Union Representation for Higher Wages, Paid Sick Time | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>California State University is the largest public university system in the country, so when sophomore Delilah Mays-Triplett decided that working on the San Diego State University campus as a library assistant would be the best thing for her education, she didn’t expect to be paid less than the local minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Mays-Triplett’s check came, she saw she was paid $15.50 per hour, nearly a dollar lower than the San Diego minimum wage of $16.30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reason, paired with others, is why Mays-Triplett decided to sign a union authorization card when organizers approached her. Undergraduate student assistants at the university are mounting a union-organizing campaign, calling for more work hours, paid sick time and higher wages. The campaign could potentially affect thousands of library assistants, clerical workers and other nonacademic student employees and comes at a time of heightened labor activism on university campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of things that are kind of unfair about our job,” she said. “So just being able to organize and address some of those issues would be really helpful.” Mays-Triplett added that she finds power in “just being able to have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.csueu.org/\">California State University Employees Union\u003c/a>, which represents non-student workers in similar roles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/HEERA_STATEMENT_OF_INTEREST_v3-1.pdf\">filed petitions (PDF)\u003c/a> with the state’s Public Employment Relations Board in 2021 to add student assistants to its existing bargaining units, and has been working with student organizers to collect union authorization cards since last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of student assistants signed union cards. You’re almost ready to file for an election!” organizers texted student supporters April 8. Union spokesperson Khanh Weinberg declined to make leaders available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State has disputed the union’s claim that student workers have enough in common with other university support staff to be folded into existing bargaining units. “The Student Assistants’ primary role is that of a student and not a traditional employee,” Timothy Yeung, lawyer for the university, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CSU_Statement_of_Issues.pdf\">wrote in December to the administrative law judge handling the case (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More Stories on Education' tag='education']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have anything else to add on the matter,” Cal State spokesperson Mike Uhlenkamp wrote in response to an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Grace Dearborn, another San Diego State student, said she deserves the same benefits as any other employee. Dearborn said she caught COVID last semester. While her supervisor allowed her to make up the hours she missed, she felt she should have gotten the paid COVID-related leave that California at the time required businesses to give full-time workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a real job for a lot of students,” Dearborn said. “We get paid and we use that pay for bills and our personal expenses … if you’re expecting for it to be a real job, but not receive sick pay, I think that that’s really weird.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cited the discrepancy between Cal State’s minimum wage and local minimum wages as part of their motivation. University attorney Marc Mootchnik told San Diego State’s student newspaper, The Daily Aztec, in 2016 that because Cal State is a state agency, it \u003ca href=\"https://thedailyaztec.com/80394/news/city-minimum-wage-does-not-apply-at-sdsu/\">is not required to comply\u003c/a> with local minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emma Galloway, a commuter student at \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California State University, Northridge\u003c/span>, said receiving at least the Los Angeles minimum wage of $16.50 for her work as a student assistant in the journalism department office would help her save money to move out of her parents’ house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a very big fear of being homeless, especially with the homeless crisis in Los Angeles,” she said. “I’m really grateful to have my parents and to live under a roof, but that fear kind of lingers a little bit, and I just want to save enough to the point where I can rent a one-bedroom apartment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Student assistants are a backbone” for the campus departments where they work, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 11,000 Cal State teaching assistants and other academic workers already have union representation through the United Auto Workers. But the undergraduates involved in the California State University Employees Union organizing effort are doing work that’s arguably less related to their studies — such as filing office paperwork, helping with print jobs and assisting in checking out books at the library.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More students are organizing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>They’re part of a recent wave of campus labor activism that includes the largest higher education strike in history, in which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/01/six-takeaways-for-californians-after-the-uc-graduate-student-worker-strike/\">48,000 graduate student workers at the University of California\u003c/a> walked off the job in November, eventually winning raises, transit passes and child care benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A line of protesters of all ages hold blue and white picket signs as they chant on a college campus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members during a strike among some 48,000 academic workers across all 10 University of California campuses at the UCSF Mission Bay campus on Nov. 15, 2022. The California State University Employees Union, which represents non-student workers in similar roles, filed petitions with the state’s Public Employment Relations Board in 2021 to add student assistants into its existing bargaining units, and has been working with student organizers to collect union authorization cards since fall 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In February, Dartmouth University \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedartmouth.com/article/2023/02/college-swcd-reach-tentative-agreement-to-21-base-pay-proposal\">agreed to pay its student dining hall workers\u003c/a> a base wage of $21 per hour after they voted to authorize a strike — less than a year after being recognized as a union. And last month, undergraduate residential advisors at the University of Pennsylvania filed for representation with the Office and Professional Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most fundamental demand that people on college campuses are making right now is honor the principles that you say you are committed to,” said Caroline Luce, labor historian at the UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment and a member of the university’s lecturers’ union. “You say you’re a public-serving institution — it doesn’t make sense to be paying people wages that they can’t live on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Cal State undergraduates have been inspired by the gains made by graduate student organizing, Luce said, they face an uphill battle if the university continues to oppose the effort, because of the high turnover in their ranks.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Caroline Luce, labor historian, UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment\"]‘You say you’re a public-serving institution — it doesn’t make sense to be paying people wages that they can’t live on.’[/pullquote]“If [Cal State officials] draw things out, they will win basically because the students who [are organizing] will go on to bigger and better things and it might fall apart,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://perb.ca.gov/\">Public Employment Relations Board\u003c/a> hearings to determine whether the California State University Employees Union can expand its bargaining units to include student assistants began in March and will resume June 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either the union or the university could appeal the judge’s decision to the full board and then to a state court of appeal. If the union prevails, it could then submit cards showing majority support and petition to represent the students, said the board’s general counsel, Felix De La Torre. It could also file to create a new bargaining unit composed of student assistants only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What makes it more unique than a typical public employee union drive is we’re dealing with individuals who straddle the line between employees and students,” said De La Torre. He cited recent controversies over whether, for example, collegiate athletes should be allowed to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these cases begin to develop a body of law around this class of workers,” he said. “To that extent, it could be significant if this petition goes up to the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California State University undergraduate student assistants are mounting a union-organizing campaign that could affect thousands of library assistants, clerical workers and other nonacademic student employees.",
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"title": "Cal State Undergrad Workers Pursue Union Representation for Higher Wages, Paid Sick Time | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California State University is the largest public university system in the country, so when sophomore Delilah Mays-Triplett decided that working on the San Diego State University campus as a library assistant would be the best thing for her education, she didn’t expect to be paid less than the local minimum wage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when Mays-Triplett’s check came, she saw she was paid $15.50 per hour, nearly a dollar lower than the San Diego minimum wage of $16.30.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That reason, paired with others, is why Mays-Triplett decided to sign a union authorization card when organizers approached her. Undergraduate student assistants at the university are mounting a union-organizing campaign, calling for more work hours, paid sick time and higher wages. The campaign could potentially affect thousands of library assistants, clerical workers and other nonacademic student employees and comes at a time of heightened labor activism on university campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a lot of things that are kind of unfair about our job,” she said. “So just being able to organize and address some of those issues would be really helpful.” Mays-Triplett added that she finds power in “just being able to have a voice.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://www.csueu.org/\">California State University Employees Union\u003c/a>, which represents non-student workers in similar roles, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/HEERA_STATEMENT_OF_INTEREST_v3-1.pdf\">filed petitions (PDF)\u003c/a> with the state’s Public Employment Relations Board in 2021 to add student assistants to its existing bargaining units, and has been working with student organizers to collect union authorization cards since last fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Thousands of student assistants signed union cards. You’re almost ready to file for an election!” organizers texted student supporters April 8. Union spokesperson Khanh Weinberg declined to make leaders available for an interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cal State has disputed the union’s claim that student workers have enough in common with other university support staff to be folded into existing bargaining units. “The Student Assistants’ primary role is that of a student and not a traditional employee,” Timothy Yeung, lawyer for the university, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/CSU_Statement_of_Issues.pdf\">wrote in December to the administrative law judge handling the case (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t have anything else to add on the matter,” Cal State spokesperson Mike Uhlenkamp wrote in response to an interview request.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Grace Dearborn, another San Diego State student, said she deserves the same benefits as any other employee. Dearborn said she caught COVID last semester. While her supervisor allowed her to make up the hours she missed, she felt she should have gotten the paid COVID-related leave that California at the time required businesses to give full-time workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a real job for a lot of students,” Dearborn said. “We get paid and we use that pay for bills and our personal expenses … if you’re expecting for it to be a real job, but not receive sick pay, I think that that’s really weird.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several cited the discrepancy between Cal State’s minimum wage and local minimum wages as part of their motivation. University attorney Marc Mootchnik told San Diego State’s student newspaper, The Daily Aztec, in 2016 that because Cal State is a state agency, it \u003ca href=\"https://thedailyaztec.com/80394/news/city-minimum-wage-does-not-apply-at-sdsu/\">is not required to comply\u003c/a> with local minimum wage laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Emma Galloway, a commuter student at \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">California State University, Northridge\u003c/span>, said receiving at least the Los Angeles minimum wage of $16.50 for her work as a student assistant in the journalism department office would help her save money to move out of her parents’ house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a very big fear of being homeless, especially with the homeless crisis in Los Angeles,” she said. “I’m really grateful to have my parents and to live under a roof, but that fear kind of lingers a little bit, and I just want to save enough to the point where I can rent a one-bedroom apartment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Student assistants are a backbone” for the campus departments where they work, she added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some 11,000 Cal State teaching assistants and other academic workers already have union representation through the United Auto Workers. But the undergraduates involved in the California State University Employees Union organizing effort are doing work that’s arguably less related to their studies — such as filing office paperwork, helping with print jobs and assisting in checking out books at the library.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More students are organizing\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>They’re part of a recent wave of campus labor activism that includes the largest higher education strike in history, in which \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/education/higher-education/2023/01/six-takeaways-for-californians-after-the-uc-graduate-student-worker-strike/\">48,000 graduate student workers at the University of California\u003c/a> walked off the job in November, eventually winning raises, transit passes and child care benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946749\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946749\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A line of protesters of all ages hold blue and white picket signs as they chant on a college campus.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS60139_007_KQED_UCStrike_11152022-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Staff members during a strike among some 48,000 academic workers across all 10 University of California campuses at the UCSF Mission Bay campus on Nov. 15, 2022. The California State University Employees Union, which represents non-student workers in similar roles, filed petitions with the state’s Public Employment Relations Board in 2021 to add student assistants into its existing bargaining units, and has been working with student organizers to collect union authorization cards since fall 2022. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In February, Dartmouth University \u003ca href=\"https://www.thedartmouth.com/article/2023/02/college-swcd-reach-tentative-agreement-to-21-base-pay-proposal\">agreed to pay its student dining hall workers\u003c/a> a base wage of $21 per hour after they voted to authorize a strike — less than a year after being recognized as a union. And last month, undergraduate residential advisors at the University of Pennsylvania filed for representation with the Office and Professional Employees International Union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The most fundamental demand that people on college campuses are making right now is honor the principles that you say you are committed to,” said Caroline Luce, labor historian at the UCLA Institute for Research on Labor and Employment and a member of the university’s lecturers’ union. “You say you’re a public-serving institution — it doesn’t make sense to be paying people wages that they can’t live on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Cal State undergraduates have been inspired by the gains made by graduate student organizing, Luce said, they face an uphill battle if the university continues to oppose the effort, because of the high turnover in their ranks.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“If [Cal State officials] draw things out, they will win basically because the students who [are organizing] will go on to bigger and better things and it might fall apart,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://perb.ca.gov/\">Public Employment Relations Board\u003c/a> hearings to determine whether the California State University Employees Union can expand its bargaining units to include student assistants began in March and will resume June 12.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Either the union or the university could appeal the judge’s decision to the full board and then to a state court of appeal. If the union prevails, it could then submit cards showing majority support and petition to represent the students, said the board’s general counsel, Felix De La Torre. It could also file to create a new bargaining unit composed of student assistants only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What makes it more unique than a typical public employee union drive is we’re dealing with individuals who straddle the line between employees and students,” said De La Torre. He cited recent controversies over whether, for example, collegiate athletes should be allowed to organize.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All these cases begin to develop a body of law around this class of workers,” he said. “To that extent, it could be significant if this petition goes up to the board.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "ive-been-contributing-undocumented-workers-are-key-to-californias-economy-a-new-bill-would-give-them-unemployment-benefits",
"title": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits",
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"headTitle": "‘I’ve Been Contributing’: Undocumented Workers Are Key to California’s Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. [aside label=\"Related Stories\" tag=\"undocumented-workers\"]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. [pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Ana Alfaro, house cleaner in San Francisco\"]‘Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community. It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.’[/pullquote]The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "California’s undocumented immigrants contribute billions of dollars in taxes annually but are excluded from government financial assistance when they lose their jobs through no fault of their own. As more natural disasters and economic downturns are expected to hit the state, labor advocates are pushing to include these workers in the economic safety net.",
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"title": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits | KQED",
"description": "California’s undocumented immigrants contribute billions of dollars in taxes annually but are excluded from government financial assistance when they lose their jobs through no fault of their own. As more natural disasters and economic downturns are expected to hit the state, labor advocates are pushing to include these workers in the economic safety net.",
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"headline": "'I've Been Contributing': Undocumented Workers Are Key to California's Economy. A New Bill Would Give Them Unemployment Benefits",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Several hundred demonstrators from around California converged Thursday at the state’s Capitol in support of a bill that would offer income assistance to workers who are excluded from unemployment insurance benefits because of their immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “Safety Net for All Day of Action,” as dubbed by organizers, comes a month after a disastrous flood submerged vast expanses of berry and lettuce farmlands on the Central Coast and left \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11944008/we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season\">thousands of local agricultural workers — many of them undocumented — facing the prospect of no income for months\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As more natural disasters like this winter’s atmospheric-river fueled storms are expected to disrupt jobs, supporters of \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240SB227\">SB 227\u003c/a> say it’s urgent for the state of California to fund an economic safety net for laid-off undocumented residents — instead of leaving nonprofits scrambling after every emergency to offer cash aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946686\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946686\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg\" alt=\"A photo from behind of a group of people marching. A sign depicting Our Lady of Guadalupe is being held up. It says Salud y Justicia Para Todos, Safety Net for All\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_2-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Advocates say it’s essential for California to fund a safety net program for undocumented workers, who play a key role in California’s agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services industries. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s just not a feasible solution, where we have over a million undocumented workers in the state,” said Kim Ouillette, attorney with \u003ca href=\"https://legalaidatwork.org/\">Legal Aid at Work\u003c/a>, an organization that is part of the \u003ca href=\"https://caimmigrant.org/what-we-do/policy/economic-justice/safety-net-for-all-bill/\">Safety Net for All Coalition\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Realizing that reality, it can’t just be left to piecework charity,” she said. “The state has an obligation to ensure that there’s a system in place that protects California workers that are major parts of significant industries.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An estimated 1.1 million unauthorized immigrants labor in California, particularly in low-wage jobs in agriculture, construction, retail trade and food services. \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">In agriculture, half of the state’s crop workforce lacks employment authorization\u003c/a>, as estimated by the U.S. Department of Labor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edd.ca.gov/siteassets/files/pdf_pub_ctr/de8714b.pdf\">California’s unemployment insurance system is funded in part with dollars from the federal government (PDF)\u003c/a>, which renders unauthorized immigrants ineligible for those benefits. However, \u003ca href=\"https://clc.ucmerced.edu/sites/clc.ucmerced.edu/files/page/documents/essential_fairness.pdf\">the employers of those immigrants pay tax contributions to that same system — hundreds of millions of dollars each year — on their behalf (PDF)\u003c/a>, according to estimates by the UC Merced Community and Labor Center.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946687\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946687 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg\" alt='A sign that says \"Solo el Pueblo/Salva Al Pueblo\"' width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_3-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Researchers say unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SB 227 would direct the Employment Development Department, or EDD, to create an “Excluded Workers Program” offering eligible individuals $300 dollars weekly for up to 20 weeks, with funds that would come from state coffers only.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the bill, California residents would be eligible for the benefits if they performed at least 93 hours of work or earned $1,300 or more in gross wages over the course of three months during the year before their application. That cash assistance would become available at the earliest by Jan. 1, 2025, and end by the start of 2027, according to the measure by Los Angeles state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates and workers pushing for the bill said they started organizing at the start of the pandemic, when the safety net gap became increasingly evident as undocumented residents in hard-hit industries lost income but were unable to access the unemployment benefits other workers had.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946688\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946688 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg\" alt=\"Three demonstrators, all wearing dark sweatshirts and face masks that obscure their faces, hold up a yellow sign with a bright, round insignia that says Mixteco/Indigeni Community Organizing Project, standing in the middle of a street with trees and high-rise buildings beyond them, on a blue-sky day.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1281\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_4-1536x1025.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Hundreds gathered at the California state Capitol in support of SB 227, a bill that would offer unemployment benefits to undocumented workers, on Thursday, April 13, 2023. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“It’s not fair. I’ve been contributing to the state,” said Luis Mejia, who has worked in California for 13 years. “We need the governor to sign this law proposal.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 54-year-old car wash worker said losing his income for months during the pandemic — with no jobless benefits to rely on — was incredibly stressful. He fell hopelessly behind on rent and couldn’t send money to his two daughters in El Salvador.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those were moments that I would not wish on anyone else,” said Mejia, one of numerous Bay Area residents who woke up before dawn to ride a bus from San Francisco’s Civic Center to Sacramento with the organization \u003ca href=\"https://www.tuwu.org/\">Trabajadores Unidos Workers United\u003c/a>. “That’s why I’m taking measures so that on this trip to Sacramento, we tell Mr. Gavin Newsom that we are here. We are still in this fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946689\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11946689\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg\" alt=\"Demonstrators hold up a sign in front of the California State Capitol\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/SB_227_SafetyNet_5-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Under the bill, assistance for undocumented immigrants would begin Jan. 1, 2025. \u003ccite>(Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Legislature passed a similar bill last year, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/AB-2847-VETO.pdf?emrc=87cd0d\">Gov. Newsom vetoed it (PDF)\u003c/a>, citing fiscal concerns. Those objections could be magnified this year, as the state faces a huge budget shortfall. While the administration \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4687\">projected the deficit at $22.5 billion, it could be about $7 billion larger\u003c/a>, according to a report last month by the Legislative Analyst’s Office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, supporters of SB 227, which has become a top issue for the California Latino Legislative Caucus, argue that it’s a question of basic equity and justice. Unauthorized immigrants pay significant state and local taxes annually, to the tune of \u003ca href=\"https://immigrantdataca.org/indicators/economic-contributions?immig=3\">$3.72 billion in 2019\u003c/a>, researchers at the University of Southern California’s Equity Research Institute found. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Where there’s a will, there’s a way,” said Assembly Majority Leader Eloise Gómez Reyes at \u003ca href=\"https://www.assembly.ca.gov/media/assembly-budget-subcommittee-no-4-state-administration-20230328\">a budget subcommittee hearing on the proposal last month\u003c/a>. “They have been paying into the system, their employers have been paying their part of it. Yet none of those workers receive any of the benefits.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the march near the Capitol, a crowd of hundreds of people who had traversed the state from the Coachella Valley, Fresno and other regions, filled the sidewalks. An accompanying band played corridos and cumbias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Although we don’t have documents, we have rights to demand something better for our community,” said marcher Ana Alfaro, a home cleaner from San Francisco who said she had to borrow money and rely on a food bank to feed her family as she lost several clients during the pandemic. “It’s so important that our undocumented community is not afraid and that we stand united.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill’s supporters are requesting Newsom include $356 million for its implementation in his revised budget proposal next month. About $193 million of those funds would cover benefits for one year, while the rest would be for EDD expenses to get the program running, said Ouillette, with the Safety Net for All Coalition. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The governor’s office did not immediately respond to a request for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Taxpayers Association officially disapproved of the measure as of last month, arguing that the state’s unemployment system “does not have the financial ability to sustain any added benefits at this time.” But the association has since withdrawn its opposition, a spokesperson said, after clarifying the measure would not use money from the regular unemployment insurance fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, EDD projected it would need up to $237 million in one-time general funds to build an excluded workers program, with most of that funding going to a new tech platform to distribute the cash assistance. Ongoing administration costs were estimated at less than $23.1 million per year, according to the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The EDD is analyzing the potential price tag to implement the current bill, and does not have an updated estimate, an agency spokesperson told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Colorado became the first state to approve ongoing unemployment benefits for unauthorized workers. That state, with a significantly smaller population of undocumented residents, established a new fund using part of a tax already imposed on employers. Initial estimates pegged the cost of establishing a new program at $55 million, but the \u003ca href=\"https://www.fastcompany.com/90838985/colorado-is-about-to-launch-the-countrys-first-unemployment-fund-for-undocumented-immigrants\">actual expenses will be “tens of millions” lower, as reported by \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em>\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Carlos Cabrera-Lomelí contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Stockton’s experiment in guaranteed income — which paid more than 100 residents $500 a month with no strings attached — likely improved the recipients’ financial stability and health, but those effects were much less pronounced during the pandemic, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study of the two-year experiment that began in 2019 shows the promise and limitations of a guaranteed income, said Amy Castro, a study author and founding director of the Center for Guaranteed Income Research at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton program is one of the few modern U.S. experiments in regular cash payments with complete, published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro and co-author Stacia West wrote that guaranteed income “under normative economic and health conditions, does calm income volatility and allay financial, emotional, and psychological distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the pandemic, those results were inconclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to say definitively that there are certain changes in terms of mental health and physical health and well-being that are directly attributed to the cash,” Castro told CalMatters on Tuesday. “Year 2 (2020) showed us some of those limits, where $500 a month is not a panacea for all social ills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton pilot program kicked off a flurry of advocacy for unconditional cash programs across the country. The pandemic — along with infusions of federal aid to local governments — pushed officials and private organizations to start their own experiments giving people direct cash to alleviate poverty and financial instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowhere did the pilot programs take off more than in California. Earlier this year, CalMatters counted more than 40 programs that have launched or are preparing to launch this year, giving cash to more than 12,000 residents total.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program complications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many of the programs target immigrants or families raising children. Seven programs the state is funding will focus on lower-income, expectant mothers or foster youth aging out of state care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where the cost of living drives a top-of-the-nation poverty rate, and a large share of workers who are disqualified from traditional social services due to their immigration statuses, California officials have already taken interest in direct cash programs. They’ve expanded tax credits for lower-income families and loosened stringent federal work requirements for cash welfare recipients.[aside label=\"More Stories\" tag=\"guaranteed-income\"]Unconditional cash proposals have detractors. Critics say the programs could discourage work and are too expensive. And some skeptical labor leaders say employers should be paying higher wages if their workers can’t afford basic needs. Some proponents disagree about whether guaranteed income should replace current safety-net programs or be an addition to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complicating the Stockton study was its relatively small sample size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were initially tracking more than 100 recipients, but many of those receiving the cash and those in the control group couldn’t be reached for surveys and interviews during the pandemic. As a result, the researchers saw “trends of a positive trajectory” on many measures for recipients — such as an increased ability to pay for a $400 emergency — but results were not strong enough to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, a recently concluded pilot program in Los Angeles included more than 3,200 recipients. The Center for Guaranteed Income Research is also studying that experiment, but there are no published results yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial report on the first year of the Stockton experiment showed that the group receiving payments had increased its rate of full-time employment, as some recipients used the money to complete internships or consolidate part-time shifts and gig work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final study did not find effects on recipients’ employment to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pandemic spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michael Tubbs, Stockton’s former mayor, has founded an organization that launched several other guaranteed income programs; he also advises Gov. Gavin Newsom on poverty. He said the Stockton study shows the program did not drive down employment among recipients, even during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People did not stop working,” he said. “And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.”[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Former Stockton Mayor Michael Tubbs\"]‘People did not stop working. And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.’[/pullquote]Data the researchers collected from Stockton recipients’ debit cards shows that recipients on average spent more than a third of the funds on food. But during the first month of the pandemic, spending on food spiked to nearly half of the tracked funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers noted that recipients also transferred about 40% of the funds off the debit cards, with some people explaining they worried about scams and feared the money would be taken away, or they chose to pay for things in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro noted many program recipients reported using the money to buy food in bulk during the stay-at-home orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are activities that you can’t do when you’re experiencing poverty or when your income is going up and down each month,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946514 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a young Black man with a black moustache and goatee looking off-camera into light to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Less stress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gregory Gauthier, a 34-year-old recipient in Stockton, said the money helped keep his family afloat through two unexpected losses in income during the pandemic — once while he was waiting for unemployment checks when his job furloughed him for three months and again when he was recovering from surgery for several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been really hard” without guaranteed income payments, he said, which “make everything smoother and less stressful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier grew up in Stockton, in a working-class family that he said didn’t have much money and moved a lot.[aside postID=\"news_11820737,news_11863446,news_11882363\" label=\"Related Coverage\"]The pilot program randomly picked recipients from neighborhoods where the median household income was less than the city’s average — about $46,000 a year at the time. When Gauthier enrolled in the program in 2019, he was making $13 an hour at an auto-dismantling business. He had four kids at the time; two lived with him, his mother and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier had been saving to buy a car, he said, and the payments helped get him there sooner. He also spent it on food, car parts and his children’s clothing, school supplies and skateboards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the payments ended two years ago, he has felt the loss, he said, but his family has gotten by on the pay bumps he has earned at his auto-dismantling job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on the guaranteed income program, Gauthier said it allowed him to have enough to save for emergencies, and it prompted him to think about how to earn more in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With inflation I want to be above that, so I don’t have to worry,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Stockton’s experiment in guaranteed income — which paid more than 100 residents $500 a month with no strings attached — likely improved the recipients’ financial stability and health, but those effects were much less pronounced during the pandemic, researchers found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study of the two-year experiment that began in 2019 shows the promise and limitations of a guaranteed income, said Amy Castro, a study author and founding director of the Center for Guaranteed Income Research at the University of Pennsylvania.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton program is one of the few modern U.S. experiments in regular cash payments with complete, published results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro and co-author Stacia West wrote that guaranteed income “under normative economic and health conditions, does calm income volatility and allay financial, emotional, and psychological distress.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But during the pandemic, those results were inconclusive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were able to say definitively that there are certain changes in terms of mental health and physical health and well-being that are directly attributed to the cash,” Castro told CalMatters on Tuesday. “Year 2 (2020) showed us some of those limits, where $500 a month is not a panacea for all social ills.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stockton pilot program kicked off a flurry of advocacy for unconditional cash programs across the country. The pandemic — along with infusions of federal aid to local governments — pushed officials and private organizations to start their own experiments giving people direct cash to alleviate poverty and financial instability.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nowhere did the pilot programs take off more than in California. Earlier this year, CalMatters counted more than 40 programs that have launched or are preparing to launch this year, giving cash to more than 12,000 residents total.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Program complications\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Many of the programs target immigrants or families raising children. Seven programs the state is funding will focus on lower-income, expectant mothers or foster youth aging out of state care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state where the cost of living drives a top-of-the-nation poverty rate, and a large share of workers who are disqualified from traditional social services due to their immigration statuses, California officials have already taken interest in direct cash programs. They’ve expanded tax credits for lower-income families and loosened stringent federal work requirements for cash welfare recipients.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unconditional cash proposals have detractors. Critics say the programs could discourage work and are too expensive. And some skeptical labor leaders say employers should be paying higher wages if their workers can’t afford basic needs. Some proponents disagree about whether guaranteed income should replace current safety-net programs or be an addition to them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Complicating the Stockton study was its relatively small sample size.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers were initially tracking more than 100 recipients, but many of those receiving the cash and those in the control group couldn’t be reached for surveys and interviews during the pandemic. As a result, the researchers saw “trends of a positive trajectory” on many measures for recipients — such as an increased ability to pay for a $400 emergency — but results were not strong enough to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By contrast, a recently concluded pilot program in Los Angeles included more than 3,200 recipients. The Center for Guaranteed Income Research is also studying that experiment, but there are no published results yet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An initial report on the first year of the Stockton experiment showed that the group receiving payments had increased its rate of full-time employment, as some recipients used the money to complete internships or consolidate part-time shifts and gig work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The final study did not find effects on recipients’ employment to be statistically significant.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Pandemic spending\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Michael Tubbs, Stockton’s former mayor, has founded an organization that launched several other guaranteed income programs; he also advises Gov. Gavin Newsom on poverty. He said the Stockton study shows the program did not drive down employment among recipients, even during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People did not stop working,” he said. “And people spent money on things we all spend money on. People know how to spend money.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Data the researchers collected from Stockton recipients’ debit cards shows that recipients on average spent more than a third of the funds on food. But during the first month of the pandemic, spending on food spiked to nearly half of the tracked funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Researchers noted that recipients also transferred about 40% of the funds off the debit cards, with some people explaining they worried about scams and feared the money would be taken away, or they chose to pay for things in cash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Castro noted many program recipients reported using the money to buy food in bulk during the stay-at-home orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those are activities that you can’t do when you’re experiencing poverty or when your income is going up and down each month,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11946514\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11946514 size-full\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg\" alt=\"A profile picture of a young Black man with a black moustache and goatee looking off-camera into light to his right.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/04/RS43525_GettyImages-1208196864-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Michael Tubbs, former mayor of Stockton, implemented an 18-month trial of universal basic income for 125 residents in the city. \u003ccite>(Nick Otto/AFP/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Less stress\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gregory Gauthier, a 34-year-old recipient in Stockton, said the money helped keep his family afloat through two unexpected losses in income during the pandemic — once while he was waiting for unemployment checks when his job furloughed him for three months and again when he was recovering from surgery for several weeks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would have been really hard” without guaranteed income payments, he said, which “make everything smoother and less stressful.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier grew up in Stockton, in a working-class family that he said didn’t have much money and moved a lot.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The pilot program randomly picked recipients from neighborhoods where the median household income was less than the city’s average — about $46,000 a year at the time. When Gauthier enrolled in the program in 2019, he was making $13 an hour at an auto-dismantling business. He had four kids at the time; two lived with him, his mother and her husband.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gauthier had been saving to buy a car, he said, and the payments helped get him there sooner. He also spent it on food, car parts and his children’s clothing, school supplies and skateboards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since the payments ended two years ago, he has felt the loss, he said, but his family has gotten by on the pay bumps he has earned at his auto-dismantling job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting on the guaranteed income program, Gauthier said it allowed him to have enough to save for emergencies, and it prompted him to think about how to earn more in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Could a Four-Day Workweek Happen in California? Some Lawmakers Think So",
"headTitle": "Could a Four-Day Workweek Happen in California? Some Lawmakers Think So | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>It’s Thursday evening. You pack up your things at work and hit the road. Maybe you’re thinking about a lunch plan you’ve got with a friend or a show you plan to binge. But you’re not thinking about clocking in tomorrow: You’ve got a three-day weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All your weekends, in fact, are three-day weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a utopian vision for some. The standard work week in the U.S. has been stuck at 40 hours for almost a century, even as workers have become dramatically more productive. Evidence from pilot programs suggests that shifting to 32-hour weeks without reducing pay is better for workers and doesn’t hurt revenues. Companies that try it largely stick with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents of the idea say most businesses would incur increased costs they couldn’t bear as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers have considered — however briefly — legislation that would allow workers to propose alternate 40-hour weeks, such as four, 10-hour days, more than a dozen times since 2005. While business groups oppose the idea of paying workers the same rate for eight fewer working hours per week, they do support giving individual workers the option to propose alternate 40-hour schedules. Labor groups, however, oppose that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about the debate and why most Californians are unlikely to get a four-day workweek in the near future.[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is a four-day workweek up for grabs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 40-hour week wasn’t preordained. Economist John Maynard Keynes famously predicted in 1930 that productivity and living standards over the next century would rise so much that, by 2030, we would only have to work for 15 hours per week. In 1956, then-Vice President Richard Nixon predicted a four-day workweek in the “not too distant future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither prediction came true. Keynes was right that productivity would increase, but wrong about the consequences for workers. That may finally be changing. In recent years, advocates and researchers have been building a case for the viability of a shorter workweek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Iceland, for example, trials in 2015 and 2017 shifted workers to 35- or 36-hour weeks without a reduction in pay. The tests spanned government agencies, schools, police stations, hospital departments and more, affecting more than 2,500 workers. Worker well-being and work-life balance improved while productivity was maintained or increased across the majority of workplaces, according to a report from Autonomy, a progressive think tank that consults with companies looking to shift to a four-day workweek.[aside label=\"More Business Stories\" tag=\"business\"]A more recent trial in the United Kingdom found similar results. In 2022, more than five dozen companies in industries from marketing to manufacturing reduced work hours in one of several ways — a coordinated extra day off, or staggered days off, or an annualized 32-hour week for companies with seasonal demands — while maintaining pay. The report, authored by Autonomy and including analysis from researchers at the University of Cambridge and Boston College, found that workers’ stress decreased on average, and most workers found it easier to balance work and caregiving commitments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were benefits for businesses, too: The rate of workers quitting decreased during the trial, and revenue remained essentially steady, increasing by 1.4% on average. By the end of the seven-month trial, 92% of the companies said they would continue the policy, and 18% decided it would be a permanent change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the San Francisco-based social media management company Buffer decided to try a four-day week in May 2020, amid COVID-19 lockdowns, Julia Cummings remembers feeling excited and relieved. Cummings, a senior customer advocate with the company, was living in New York at the time. The extra day gave her time to run errands when grocery stores were less crowded, she said. “We’re humans, and we have all of these actual duties outside of work,” she said. Having the “space to do that just felt really like, ‘Phew! OK, cool, this is great.'”[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Julia Cummings, senior customer advocate, Buffer\"]‘We’re humans, and we have all of these actual duties outside of work.’[/pullquote]When the trial started, Buffer’s CEO wrote that the aim was to improve employees’ well-being. “This isn’t about us trying to get the same productivity in fewer days,” he wrote in a company blog post. But after internal surveys and data showed sustained productivity, the company decided in 2021 to stick with the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Cummings, who now lives in Los Angeles, the shift to a four-day week meant experimenting with staggered days off so that the customer support team could maintain quick response times. Customers don’t seem concerned with the reduced schedule, she said, and during a time when companies have been struggling to attract and retain workers, “I think overall we view it as a competitive advantage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Buffer’s experience isn’t universal. The managing director of Allcap, an engineering and industrial supplies company that participated in the U.K. trial, told the BBC that the company quickly ran into problems, finding that more intense workdays were exhausting workers and that they couldn’t find sufficient coverage for the extra days off. The company ultimately withdrew some of its trade sites from the trial a couple months early. Los Angeles-based market research firm Alter Agents tried a four-day workweek in 2021, and ended the experiment after finding employee satisfaction was down, \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em> reported. The company has shifted to giving employees an extra day off per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not everyone is sold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the successful trials, some experts are skeptical that shrinking the workweek makes sense across the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential benefit for employers of reducing work hours is that productivity per hour could go up, said Matthew Bidwell, professor of management at the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. But are the increases large enough to offset eight hours of work?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt the increases in productivity are that large,” he said. “I suspect for most people in most jobs, working a four-day week does mean you’re getting a little less done, at least in the long run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People get paid, to some extent, based on how valuable they are to their employers, so if we are all getting a little less done, we are going to get paid less in the long run, he said. Some people might prefer that trade-off, but not everybody, Bidwell said.[pullquote size='medium' align='right' citation=\"Matthew Bidwell, professor of management, Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania\"]‘I suspect for most people in most jobs, working a four-day week does mean you’re getting a little less done, at least in the long run.’[/pullquote]Nicholas Bloom, a Stanford economist, pointed out shortcomings with the trials, saying the companies that participated aren’t representative of the overall economy: They opted in to the trial, and there was no control group. “Only firms that think the four-day week works for them will sign up for this study,” he wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a 32-hour workweek requirement for large businesses was introduced in the California Legislature last year, business groups pushed back hard. The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Evan Low, a Cupertino Democrat, would have required companies with more than 500 employees to shift to a 32-hour week without reducing pay, and pay overtime after 32 hours. Dozens of employer groups opposed the bill, saying it would impose “a tremendous cost on employers” and would discourage job growth in California. The bill died without a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our point of view is if that’s something that a business wants to do, great, they absolutely have the power to do that,” said Ashley Hoffman, policy advocate with the California Chamber of Commerce, which opposed Low’s bill. But a mandated “one-size-fits-all approach” forces it on employers for whom it doesn’t make sense, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More proposals in the works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other ideas to make four-day workweeks a reality for more Californians — with different approaches and boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would allow individual employees to propose alternate 40-hour workweeks, like working 10 hours a day, four days a week. That bill was introduced this year by state Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now if workers want alternate schedules, they need a two-thirds vote of their “work unit,” which could be all the workers in a department or on a shift. The bill would also change how overtime pay works. In most states, overtime kicks in after 40 hours per week, but in California workers are also paid overtime after eight hours in a day. If the bill were to pass, employees could request alternate schedules, and if the schedule is approved, they would receive overtime after 10 hours in a day or 40 in a week.[pullquote size='medium' align='left' citation=\"Assemblymember Evan Low\"]‘The goal is to reimagine the workforce and improve the lives of millions of Californians.’[/pullquote]Business groups, including the Chamber of Commerce, support the bill, saying that the existing process is complicated, but that employees want the option of flexibility. A poll from Marketplace and Edison Research found that nearly two-thirds of workers polled said they’d prefer working 10 hours a day, four days a week to the standard eight-hour days, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is unlikely to pass, however; the idea has been proposed at least 14 times since 2005 and has never made it out of committee. It is opposed by the California Labor Federation, an umbrella organization for unions, which wrote in a letter to lawmakers that it “would erode the fundamental right to an eight-hour day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another proposal comes from Low. This year, instead of a 32-hour-per-week requirement for all large companies, he’s proposed a pilot program that would provide grants to companies that want to try a 32-hour week schedule without reducing pay. Companies that participate would have to evaluate the impact of the trial and share their findings with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal,” Low wrote in an email, “is to reimagine the workforce and improve the lives of millions of Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s Thursday evening. You pack up your things at work and hit the road. Maybe you’re thinking about a lunch plan you’ve got with a friend or a show you plan to binge. But you’re not thinking about clocking in tomorrow: You’ve got a three-day weekend.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All your weekends, in fact, are three-day weekends.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a utopian vision for some. The standard work week in the U.S. has been stuck at 40 hours for almost a century, even as workers have become dramatically more productive. Evidence from pilot programs suggests that shifting to 32-hour weeks without reducing pay is better for workers and doesn’t hurt revenues. Companies that try it largely stick with it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opponents of the idea say most businesses would incur increased costs they couldn’t bear as a result.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California lawmakers have considered — however briefly — legislation that would allow workers to propose alternate 40-hour weeks, such as four, 10-hour days, more than a dozen times since 2005. While business groups oppose the idea of paying workers the same rate for eight fewer working hours per week, they do support giving individual workers the option to propose alternate 40-hour schedules. Labor groups, however, oppose that idea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s what you need to know about the debate and why most Californians are unlikely to get a four-day workweek in the near future.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Is a four-day workweek up for grabs?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The 40-hour week wasn’t preordained. Economist John Maynard Keynes famously predicted in 1930 that productivity and living standards over the next century would rise so much that, by 2030, we would only have to work for 15 hours per week. In 1956, then-Vice President Richard Nixon predicted a four-day workweek in the “not too distant future.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither prediction came true. Keynes was right that productivity would increase, but wrong about the consequences for workers. That may finally be changing. In recent years, advocates and researchers have been building a case for the viability of a shorter workweek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Iceland, for example, trials in 2015 and 2017 shifted workers to 35- or 36-hour weeks without a reduction in pay. The tests spanned government agencies, schools, police stations, hospital departments and more, affecting more than 2,500 workers. Worker well-being and work-life balance improved while productivity was maintained or increased across the majority of workplaces, according to a report from Autonomy, a progressive think tank that consults with companies looking to shift to a four-day workweek.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A more recent trial in the United Kingdom found similar results. In 2022, more than five dozen companies in industries from marketing to manufacturing reduced work hours in one of several ways — a coordinated extra day off, or staggered days off, or an annualized 32-hour week for companies with seasonal demands — while maintaining pay. The report, authored by Autonomy and including analysis from researchers at the University of Cambridge and Boston College, found that workers’ stress decreased on average, and most workers found it easier to balance work and caregiving commitments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were benefits for businesses, too: The rate of workers quitting decreased during the trial, and revenue remained essentially steady, increasing by 1.4% on average. By the end of the seven-month trial, 92% of the companies said they would continue the policy, and 18% decided it would be a permanent change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the San Francisco-based social media management company Buffer decided to try a four-day week in May 2020, amid COVID-19 lockdowns, Julia Cummings remembers feeling excited and relieved. Cummings, a senior customer advocate with the company, was living in New York at the time. The extra day gave her time to run errands when grocery stores were less crowded, she said. “We’re humans, and we have all of these actual duties outside of work,” she said. Having the “space to do that just felt really like, ‘Phew! OK, cool, this is great.'”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>When the trial started, Buffer’s CEO wrote that the aim was to improve employees’ well-being. “This isn’t about us trying to get the same productivity in fewer days,” he wrote in a company blog post. But after internal surveys and data showed sustained productivity, the company decided in 2021 to stick with the change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Cummings, who now lives in Los Angeles, the shift to a four-day week meant experimenting with staggered days off so that the customer support team could maintain quick response times. Customers don’t seem concerned with the reduced schedule, she said, and during a time when companies have been struggling to attract and retain workers, “I think overall we view it as a competitive advantage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Buffer’s experience isn’t universal. The managing director of Allcap, an engineering and industrial supplies company that participated in the U.K. trial, told the BBC that the company quickly ran into problems, finding that more intense workdays were exhausting workers and that they couldn’t find sufficient coverage for the extra days off. The company ultimately withdrew some of its trade sites from the trial a couple months early. Los Angeles-based market research firm Alter Agents tried a four-day workweek in 2021, and ended the experiment after finding employee satisfaction was down, \u003cem>Fast Company\u003c/em> reported. The company has shifted to giving employees an extra day off per month.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Not everyone is sold\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Despite the successful trials, some experts are skeptical that shrinking the workweek makes sense across the board.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One potential benefit for employers of reducing work hours is that productivity per hour could go up, said Matthew Bidwell, professor of management at the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania. But are the increases large enough to offset eight hours of work?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I doubt the increases in productivity are that large,” he said. “I suspect for most people in most jobs, working a four-day week does mean you’re getting a little less done, at least in the long run.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People get paid, to some extent, based on how valuable they are to their employers, so if we are all getting a little less done, we are going to get paid less in the long run, he said. Some people might prefer that trade-off, but not everybody, Bidwell said.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Nicholas Bloom, a Stanford economist, pointed out shortcomings with the trials, saying the companies that participated aren’t representative of the overall economy: They opted in to the trial, and there was no control group. “Only firms that think the four-day week works for them will sign up for this study,” he wrote in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When a 32-hour workweek requirement for large businesses was introduced in the California Legislature last year, business groups pushed back hard. The bill, introduced by Assemblymember Evan Low, a Cupertino Democrat, would have required companies with more than 500 employees to shift to a 32-hour week without reducing pay, and pay overtime after 32 hours. Dozens of employer groups opposed the bill, saying it would impose “a tremendous cost on employers” and would discourage job growth in California. The bill died without a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our point of view is if that’s something that a business wants to do, great, they absolutely have the power to do that,” said Ashley Hoffman, policy advocate with the California Chamber of Commerce, which opposed Low’s bill. But a mandated “one-size-fits-all approach” forces it on employers for whom it doesn’t make sense, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>More proposals in the works\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are other ideas to make four-day workweeks a reality for more Californians — with different approaches and boosters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One would allow individual employees to propose alternate 40-hour workweeks, like working 10 hours a day, four days a week. That bill was introduced this year by state Sen. Roger Niello, a Republican from Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Right now if workers want alternate schedules, they need a two-thirds vote of their “work unit,” which could be all the workers in a department or on a shift. The bill would also change how overtime pay works. In most states, overtime kicks in after 40 hours per week, but in California workers are also paid overtime after eight hours in a day. If the bill were to pass, employees could request alternate schedules, and if the schedule is approved, they would receive overtime after 10 hours in a day or 40 in a week.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Business groups, including the Chamber of Commerce, support the bill, saying that the existing process is complicated, but that employees want the option of flexibility. A poll from Marketplace and Edison Research found that nearly two-thirds of workers polled said they’d prefer working 10 hours a day, four days a week to the standard eight-hour days, five days a week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bill is unlikely to pass, however; the idea has been proposed at least 14 times since 2005 and has never made it out of committee. It is opposed by the California Labor Federation, an umbrella organization for unions, which wrote in a letter to lawmakers that it “would erode the fundamental right to an eight-hour day.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another proposal comes from Low. This year, instead of a 32-hour-per-week requirement for all large companies, he’s proposed a pilot program that would provide grants to companies that want to try a 32-hour week schedule without reducing pay. Companies that participate would have to evaluate the impact of the trial and share their findings with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The goal,” Low wrote in an email, “is to reimagine the workforce and improve the lives of millions of Californians.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Teresa Partain has a job few people know exists. She’s a content moderator for Google’s ads engine and many of her colleagues do the same work for Google Search. Their job is to make sure the results people see are accurate and not spam or scams. Google calls these workers “quality raters,” but Partain said they call themselves “ghost workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people — even at Google — have no idea that we exist,” Partain said. “They don’t know that there are human beings doing a lot of the work. They think that the software is magic and already perfect and doesn’t need maintenance. And that’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now they want to be seen. They’ve written letters to Google executives, held a rally outside the company’s Silicon Valley headquarters and created a petition to demand benefits and better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partain isn’t employed by Google directly, but by a subcontractor called Appen. And, she said, that employment setup is what has led to worker grievances — mainly low wages, no benefits and isolation from colleagues. Partain is one of at least 10,000 people worldwide doing this job, according to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They work from home and even though they’re employed by subcontractors, they’re given assignments directly by Google. Partain evaluates the quality and placement of Google ads, while her colleagues rate the quality of Google Search results. Their tasks can range from confirming a search for “carrot cake recipe” brings up relevant results to making sure an airfare ad doesn’t appear next to a news story about a plane crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without them, Google Search wouldn’t function smoothly. Google says it gets \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/rigorous-testing/\">billions of queries\u003c/a> every day and it’s constantly making improvements to ensure its algorithms keep up. Danny Sullivan, the company’s public liaison for Search, wrote in a\u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/search/raters-experiments-improve-google-search/\"> blog post\u003c/a> that getting feedback from raters is “a key part of our evaluation process.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Roberto Clack, executive director, Temp Worker Justice\"]‘A lot of people don’t really understand just how prevalent the subcontracting and staffing agency usage is. These models are really the driving force towards lower labor standards.’[/pullquote]Raters work on Google’s two most vital products — Search and ads. In 2022, Google made more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/20230203_alphabet_10K.pdf?cache=5ae4398\">$224 billion in revenue (PDF)\u003c/a> from Search and advertising, accounting for more than 79% of its total revenue. For comparison, that’s more than the entire gross domestic product of Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We support billions of dollars of revenue,” Google rater Ed Stackhouse told NPR. “And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google raters who work for Appen make between $14 and $14.50 an hour and under company policy can’t work more than 29 hours a week. Raters who spoke with NPR said they have health conditions or family needs that require them to work from home and they appreciate they can do that. But, since they can’t work more than 29 hours a week, they’re not eligible for benefits like health care and sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokesperson Courtenay Mencini told NPR in a statement that “Our suppliers manage all employment terms for the raters, including pay and benefits.” Appen, which is an Australian company that has other big tech clients such as Salesforce and LinkedIn, didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramping up the pressure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of about 50 Google workers gathered in an outdoor courtyard at the company’s sprawling California headquarters in February. Many of them wore red t-shirts that sported the Alphabet Workers Union logo, which is a labor group made up of people who work for Google and its parent company Alphabet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They unfurled a massive white cloth banner that read, “Google: End Rater Poverty” and chanted “Equal pay for equal work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters had come from around the country to hand deliver a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ratersunion.org/\">petition\u003c/a> to Prabhakar Raghavan, Google’s senior vice president in charge of Search, ads and other divisions. The petition, which has now been signed by more than 850 raters, asks Raghavan to meet with them to discuss better pay and benefits.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Ed Stackhouse, Google rater\"]‘We support billions of dollars of revenue. And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.’[/pullquote]Partain flew in from Kansas for the rally and said she’d been a rater for more than seven years and that she and her colleagues “want to be able to do our job well, earn a dignified wage and have access to basic benefits.” The raters were joined by worker advocates, local politicians and union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people don’t really understand just how prevalent the subcontracting and staffing agency usage is,” said Roberto Clack, executive director of Temp Worker Justice, a nonprofit that advocates for contract workers. “These models are really the driving force towards lower labor standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini declined to provide numbers on the company’s subcontractor workforce. But, according to estimates from the Alphabet Workers Union, Alphabet has around 200,000 contract workers worldwide who do \u003ca href=\"https://everygoogleworker.alphabetworkersunion.org/\">all sorts of jobs\u003c/a>. That’s more than 50% of the company’s total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cp>The raters’ pressure campaign on Google began last year. With the help of Alphabet Workers Union, they began meeting each other and organizing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Alphabet Workers Union published an open letter to Raghavan demanding the company raise pay for raters. Then, in January of this year, raters who work for Appen \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/richardnieva/2023/01/11/google-search-quality-rater-raise/\">got their first-ever raise\u003c/a> to $14 or $14.50 an hour, based on seniority. Previously, workers made roughly $10 to $13 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the February rally, Appen raters were told they’d get another raise by the end of this year that would increase their pay to $15 an hour. Then, a couple weeks later, Appen sent them an email saying the hours they work could be extended from the previous maximum of 26 hours per week to what raters have now — 29 hours per week. Raters can work their own hours, but it can be no more than 29 per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, the magic 30 hours a week is what we can’t go past,” Partain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini told NPR that the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.com/v3/__https:/support.google.com/corporate-suppliers/answer/10208902/*zippy=__;Iw!!Iwwt!Ub5DUC5iYYOJz9Y7sePkrMr9s_4Id4QlDovj04rf7c2RxXO5jdmw1TQ2oA5dU4_x1Qyq8MnV7RFg%24\">Wages and Benefits standards\u003c/a> — which would provide health care and sick leave to contractors — only apply to people who are assigned to Google at least 30 hours per week and have access to the company’s corporate systems or campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters say that as long as they haven’t met that threshold, they’re going to keep up the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re asking for now is just to be allowed to get the same benefits as people who work 30 hours a week are supposed to get,” Partain said. “And if we have to work 30 hours a week in order to get them, people would be happy to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as a response from Raghavan to meet with them, raters say they’re still waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Teresa Partain has a job few people know exists. She’s a content moderator for Google’s ads engine and many of her colleagues do the same work for Google Search. Their job is to make sure the results people see are accurate and not spam or scams. Google calls these workers “quality raters,” but Partain said they call themselves “ghost workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Most people — even at Google — have no idea that we exist,” Partain said. “They don’t know that there are human beings doing a lot of the work. They think that the software is magic and already perfect and doesn’t need maintenance. And that’s just not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But now they want to be seen. They’ve written letters to Google executives, held a rally outside the company’s Silicon Valley headquarters and created a petition to demand benefits and better pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Partain isn’t employed by Google directly, but by a subcontractor called Appen. And, she said, that employment setup is what has led to worker grievances — mainly low wages, no benefits and isolation from colleagues. Partain is one of at least 10,000 people worldwide doing this job, according to Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They work from home and even though they’re employed by subcontractors, they’re given assignments directly by Google. Partain evaluates the quality and placement of Google ads, while her colleagues rate the quality of Google Search results. Their tasks can range from confirming a search for “carrot cake recipe” brings up relevant results to making sure an airfare ad doesn’t appear next to a news story about a plane crash.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Without them, Google Search wouldn’t function smoothly. Google says it gets \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/search/howsearchworks/how-search-works/rigorous-testing/\">billions of queries\u003c/a> every day and it’s constantly making improvements to ensure its algorithms keep up. Danny Sullivan, the company’s public liaison for Search, wrote in a\u003ca href=\"https://blog.google/products/search/raters-experiments-improve-google-search/\"> blog post\u003c/a> that getting feedback from raters is “a key part of our evaluation process.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Raters work on Google’s two most vital products — Search and ads. In 2022, Google made more than \u003ca href=\"https://abc.xyz/investor/static/pdf/20230203_alphabet_10K.pdf?cache=5ae4398\">$224 billion in revenue (PDF)\u003c/a> from Search and advertising, accounting for more than 79% of its total revenue. For comparison, that’s more than the entire gross domestic product of Greece.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We support billions of dollars of revenue,” Google rater Ed Stackhouse told NPR. “And we get paid less than your average fast food worker.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google raters who work for Appen make between $14 and $14.50 an hour and under company policy can’t work more than 29 hours a week. Raters who spoke with NPR said they have health conditions or family needs that require them to work from home and they appreciate they can do that. But, since they can’t work more than 29 hours a week, they’re not eligible for benefits like health care and sick leave.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google spokesperson Courtenay Mencini told NPR in a statement that “Our suppliers manage all employment terms for the raters, including pay and benefits.” Appen, which is an Australian company that has other big tech clients such as Salesforce and LinkedIn, didn’t respond to multiple requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Ramping up the pressure\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>A group of about 50 Google workers gathered in an outdoor courtyard at the company’s sprawling California headquarters in February. Many of them wore red t-shirts that sported the Alphabet Workers Union logo, which is a labor group made up of people who work for Google and its parent company Alphabet.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They unfurled a massive white cloth banner that read, “Google: End Rater Poverty” and chanted “Equal pay for equal work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters had come from around the country to hand deliver a \u003ca href=\"https://www.ratersunion.org/\">petition\u003c/a> to Prabhakar Raghavan, Google’s senior vice president in charge of Search, ads and other divisions. The petition, which has now been signed by more than 850 raters, asks Raghavan to meet with them to discuss better pay and benefits.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Partain flew in from Kansas for the rally and said she’d been a rater for more than seven years and that she and her colleagues “want to be able to do our job well, earn a dignified wage and have access to basic benefits.” The raters were joined by worker advocates, local politicians and union representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of people don’t really understand just how prevalent the subcontracting and staffing agency usage is,” said Roberto Clack, executive director of Temp Worker Justice, a nonprofit that advocates for contract workers. “These models are really the driving force towards lower labor standards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini declined to provide numbers on the company’s subcontractor workforce. But, according to estimates from the Alphabet Workers Union, Alphabet has around 200,000 contract workers worldwide who do \u003ca href=\"https://everygoogleworker.alphabetworkersunion.org/\">all sorts of jobs\u003c/a>. That’s more than 50% of the company’s total workforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cdiv>\n\u003cp>The raters’ pressure campaign on Google began last year. With the help of Alphabet Workers Union, they began meeting each other and organizing online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In May, Alphabet Workers Union published an open letter to Raghavan demanding the company raise pay for raters. Then, in January of this year, raters who work for Appen \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/richardnieva/2023/01/11/google-search-quality-rater-raise/\">got their first-ever raise\u003c/a> to $14 or $14.50 an hour, based on seniority. Previously, workers made roughly $10 to $13 an hour.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the February rally, Appen raters were told they’d get another raise by the end of this year that would increase their pay to $15 an hour. Then, a couple weeks later, Appen sent them an email saying the hours they work could be extended from the previous maximum of 26 hours per week to what raters have now — 29 hours per week. Raters can work their own hours, but it can be no more than 29 per week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“So, the magic 30 hours a week is what we can’t go past,” Partain said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google’s Mencini told NPR that the company’s \u003ca href=\"https://urldefense.com/v3/__https:/support.google.com/corporate-suppliers/answer/10208902/*zippy=__;Iw!!Iwwt!Ub5DUC5iYYOJz9Y7sePkrMr9s_4Id4QlDovj04rf7c2RxXO5jdmw1TQ2oA5dU4_x1Qyq8MnV7RFg%24\">Wages and Benefits standards\u003c/a> — which would provide health care and sick leave to contractors — only apply to people who are assigned to Google at least 30 hours per week and have access to the company’s corporate systems or campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Raters say that as long as they haven’t met that threshold, they’re going to keep up the pressure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’re asking for now is just to be allowed to get the same benefits as people who work 30 hours a week are supposed to get,” Partain said. “And if we have to work 30 hours a week in order to get them, people would be happy to do that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As far as a response from Raghavan to meet with them, raters say they’re still waiting.\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California’s independent state auditor will investigate the understaffed California Labor Commissioner’s Office over its persistent backlogs in workers’ wage theft claims, issues\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\"> highlighted in a series of articles last year by CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit would start Sept. 1 — that is, if budget hearings before then don’t address the agency’s problems to the satisfaction of lawmakers who approved the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Joint Legislative Audit Committee on Wednesday called for the audit over the objections of some of the state’s biggest labor unions, who argued the probe was unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower on Wednesday also pushed back against an audit, testifying that her office already is undertaking multiple reforms to address her agency’s backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='More on California Labor' tag='labor']\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office has struggled for years to address wage claims in a timely manner. Wage theft — the failure of employers to pay the minimum wage, pay overtime premiums, or provide meal and rest breaks — primarily affects low-wage workers, who are often immigrants or people of color, studies show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each worker’s claims by law are supposed to be heard in 120 days and decided 15 days after that. But CalMatters, in its series, uncovered that between 2017 and 2021, the state averaged 505 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, back pay can take years to recover, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/09/california-wage-theft-cases/?series=unpaid-wages-california-workers\">many who win their claims are never paid\u003c/a>. The backlog was exacerbated last year, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/2023/01/california-budget-cuts-senate/\">new wage theft claims hit a record 38,000\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2324/FY2324_ORG7350_BCP6630.pdf\">wait times climbed past 800 days (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is it going to take to get to 120 days? Is it additional measures to compel employers to participate, and if that’s the case, in which ways?” asked Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/david-alvarez-1980/\">David Alvarez\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Chula Vista who chairs the legislative audit committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am willing to give an opportunity for those questions to be answered,” he said. “But I’d like to see detailed answers, not just, ‘We’re going to do better when we hire more people.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez held out the possibility that the committee could rescind their audit request before September if budget hearings satisfactorily address the issues the audit would target. The Labor Commissioner’s Office is seeking $12 million in the next fiscal year to hire 43 additional employees with the goal of reducing the time to hear a claim to 200 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit came at the request of state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/steven-glazer-1957/\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, a Walnut Creek Democrat, who agreed to the compromise to delay the audit until Sept. 1. The audit request put Glazer, a moderate Democrat, at odds with labor groups and workers’ advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation and several unions and worker centers wrote earlier in March that an audit would divert time and attention from an already understaffed agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Chamber of Commerce testified in favor of the audit. Ashley Hoffman, a lobbyist for the chamber, told the committee it is important to the state’s employers that bad actors be held to account and that disputes be resolved expediently, out of court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to wage claims, California workers can also file lawsuits against employers through California’s Private Attorneys General Act (PAGA), a 19-year-old law that gives workers the same powers as the state to sue employers and recover civil penalties on behalf of co-workers. If they win, the workers can get a quarter of the penalties while the rest goes to the state for labor enforcement.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Assemblymember David Alvarez\"]‘I am willing to give an opportunity for those questions to be answered. But I’d like to see detailed answers, not just, ‘We’re going to do better when we hire more people.”[/pullquote]In 2022 the Department of Industrial Relations, the agency that houses the Labor Commissioner’s Office, received 5,813 notices of new PAGA suits, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chamber is among several business groups that succeeded in getting a measure to repeal the private enforcement law on the 2024 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman told the committee that workers get more of their back wages when they go through the Labor Commissioner’s process instead of filing a lawsuit with a private attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her testimony Wednesday, García-Brower said she is working to overhaul her office’s wage claims staff by recruiting recent graduates from the University of California, filling key managerial positions and implementing new pilot initiatives in certain offices, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Brower, an appointee of Gov. Gavin Newsom, is the former director of a group that helped the state investigate wage theft in the janitorial industry before she became labor commissioner and is considered an ally of the unions and worker advocates who opposed the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944542\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of men and women holding signs in front of a Burger King franchise in Oakland, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters demand a Burger King franchisee pay wages owed to workers on Oct. 25, 2019. The company operating the restaurant, Golden Gate Restaurant Group, was cited by the state Labor Commissioner’s Office for failing to pay workers minimum wage and other violations. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Trabajadores Unidos Workers United)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The labor and worker groups advocated instead for increased funding for García-Brower’s office, higher penalties for employers who violate labor law and an expedited hiring process for the Department of Industrial Relations. They also argued for boosting the use of criminal charges against problem employers and expanding local officials’ abilities to sue businesses on behalf of workers to relieve pressure on the state.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, chief officer, California Labor Federation\"]‘Everyone knows there’s a problem, including the labor commissioner. I don’t think an audit is going to tell us anything we don’t know already.’[/pullquote]Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, the former Assembly member who heads the California Labor Federation, told CalMatters in an interview before the hearing that an audit would be a distraction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows there’s a problem, including the labor commissioner,” Gonzalez Fletcher said. “I don’t think an audit is going to tell us anything we don’t know already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the hearing, García-Brower conceded that the issues in her office went beyond a staffing shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jim-wood-1960/\">Jim Wood\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Ukiah and a member of the legislative audit committee, said his office had considered proposing an audit of the labor commissioner’s wage claim issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told García-Brower that his office struggled to get data on wage claims from her office, and that some of his constituents had faced people who worked for her who “are not always terribly friendly and very dismissive sometimes.” That prompted García-Brower to agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sat across six different labor commissioners, and most of them were dismissive,” García-Brower said, referring to her time as a labor activist. “So this is a deep, systemic problem within the culture of this agency, which is why we’re digging down deep to ensure that people understand we are a public-facing agency. We were created to serve the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senator \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/john-laird-1950/\">John Laird\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Salinas who sits on the committee, said García-Brower’s acknowledgement that the office’s problems went beyond staffing issues swayed him in favor of the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "It takes California nearly 800 days — four times longer than is legal — to handle wage claims. Lawmakers ordered an audit of the understaffed California Labor Commissioner's Office to start Sept. 1, if agency issues aren't addressed by then.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California’s independent state auditor will investigate the understaffed California Labor Commissioner’s Office over its persistent backlogs in workers’ wage theft claims, issues\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/series/unpaid-wages-california-workers/\"> highlighted in a series of articles last year by CalMatters\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit would start Sept. 1 — that is, if budget hearings before then don’t address the agency’s problems to the satisfaction of lawmakers who approved the investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Joint Legislative Audit Committee on Wednesday called for the audit over the objections of some of the state’s biggest labor unions, who argued the probe was unnecessary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Labor Commissioner Lilia García-Brower on Wednesday also pushed back against an audit, testifying that her office already is undertaking multiple reforms to address her agency’s backlogs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Labor Commissioner’s Office has struggled for years to address wage claims in a timely manner. Wage theft — the failure of employers to pay the minimum wage, pay overtime premiums, or provide meal and rest breaks — primarily affects low-wage workers, who are often immigrants or people of color, studies show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Each worker’s claims by law are supposed to be heard in 120 days and decided 15 days after that. But CalMatters, in its series, uncovered that between 2017 and 2021, the state averaged 505 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After that, back pay can take years to recover, and \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/california-divide/2022/09/california-wage-theft-cases/?series=unpaid-wages-california-workers\">many who win their claims are never paid\u003c/a>. The backlog was exacerbated last year, when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/newsletters/2023/01/california-budget-cuts-senate/\">new wage theft claims hit a record 38,000\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://esd.dof.ca.gov/Documents/bcp/2324/FY2324_ORG7350_BCP6630.pdf\">wait times climbed past 800 days (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What is it going to take to get to 120 days? Is it additional measures to compel employers to participate, and if that’s the case, in which ways?” asked Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/david-alvarez-1980/\">David Alvarez\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Chula Vista who chairs the legislative audit committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am willing to give an opportunity for those questions to be answered,” he said. “But I’d like to see detailed answers, not just, ‘We’re going to do better when we hire more people.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Alvarez held out the possibility that the committee could rescind their audit request before September if budget hearings satisfactorily address the issues the audit would target. The Labor Commissioner’s Office is seeking $12 million in the next fiscal year to hire 43 additional employees with the goal of reducing the time to hear a claim to 200 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The audit came at the request of state Sen. \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/steven-glazer-1957/\">Steve Glazer\u003c/a>, a Walnut Creek Democrat, who agreed to the compromise to delay the audit until Sept. 1. The audit request put Glazer, a moderate Democrat, at odds with labor groups and workers’ advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Labor Federation and several unions and worker centers wrote earlier in March that an audit would divert time and attention from an already understaffed agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California Chamber of Commerce testified in favor of the audit. Ashley Hoffman, a lobbyist for the chamber, told the committee it is important to the state’s employers that bad actors be held to account and that disputes be resolved expediently, out of court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition to wage claims, California workers can also file lawsuits against employers through California’s Private Attorneys General Act (PAGA), a 19-year-old law that gives workers the same powers as the state to sue employers and recover civil penalties on behalf of co-workers. If they win, the workers can get a quarter of the penalties while the rest goes to the state for labor enforcement.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In 2022 the Department of Industrial Relations, the agency that houses the Labor Commissioner’s Office, received 5,813 notices of new PAGA suits, according to state data.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The chamber is among several business groups that succeeded in getting a measure to repeal the private enforcement law on the 2024 ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoffman told the committee that workers get more of their back wages when they go through the Labor Commissioner’s process instead of filing a lawsuit with a private attorney.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In her testimony Wednesday, García-Brower said she is working to overhaul her office’s wage claims staff by recruiting recent graduates from the University of California, filling key managerial positions and implementing new pilot initiatives in certain offices, among other measures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>García-Brower, an appointee of Gov. Gavin Newsom, is the former director of a group that helped the state investigate wage theft in the janitorial industry before she became labor commissioner and is considered an ally of the unions and worker advocates who opposed the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944542\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11944542\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Dozens of men and women holding signs in front of a Burger King franchise in Oakland, California.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS53299_59372619533__C9A844C3-E366-4DC4-A1F5-5293FE97A06B-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Protesters demand a Burger King franchisee pay wages owed to workers on Oct. 25, 2019. The company operating the restaurant, Golden Gate Restaurant Group, was cited by the state Labor Commissioner’s Office for failing to pay workers minimum wage and other violations. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Trabajadores Unidos Workers United)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The labor and worker groups advocated instead for increased funding for García-Brower’s office, higher penalties for employers who violate labor law and an expedited hiring process for the Department of Industrial Relations. They also argued for boosting the use of criminal charges against problem employers and expanding local officials’ abilities to sue businesses on behalf of workers to relieve pressure on the state.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Lorena Gonzalez Fletcher, the former Assembly member who heads the California Labor Federation, told CalMatters in an interview before the hearing that an audit would be a distraction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone knows there’s a problem, including the labor commissioner,” Gonzalez Fletcher said. “I don’t think an audit is going to tell us anything we don’t know already.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the hearing, García-Brower conceded that the issues in her office went beyond a staffing shortage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblymember \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/jim-wood-1960/\">Jim Wood\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Ukiah and a member of the legislative audit committee, said his office had considered proposing an audit of the labor commissioner’s wage claim issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He told García-Brower that his office struggled to get data on wage claims from her office, and that some of his constituents had faced people who worked for her who “are not always terribly friendly and very dismissive sometimes.” That prompted García-Brower to agree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I sat across six different labor commissioners, and most of them were dismissive,” García-Brower said, referring to her time as a labor activist. “So this is a deep, systemic problem within the culture of this agency, which is why we’re digging down deep to ensure that people understand we are a public-facing agency. We were created to serve the public.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senator \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/legislator-tracker/john-laird-1950/\">John Laird\u003c/a>, a Democrat from Salinas who sits on the committee, said García-Brower’s acknowledgement that the office’s problems went beyond staffing issues swayed him in favor of the audit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "we-have-nothing-pajaro-farmworkers-face-the-prospect-of-no-income-at-start-of-harvesting-season",
"title": "'We Have Nothing': Pajaro Farmworkers Face the Prospect of No Income at Start of Harvesting Season",
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"headTitle": "‘We Have Nothing’: Pajaro Farmworkers Face the Prospect of No Income at Start of Harvesting Season | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/weather/article/next-storm-atmospheric-river-california-impacts-17843272.php\">another atmospheric river storm approaches California\u003c/a>, thousands of farmworkers could be left with no income for months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943316/pajaro-river-levee-breached-where-to-find-evacuation-shelters\">a disastrous flood\u003c/a> submerged an “alarming” acreage of agricultural land in California’s Central Coast, according to Monterey County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community of Pajaro, where many farmworkers live, became \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-of-emergency-services/incidents/2023-pineapple-express\">the emergency\u003c/a>’s ground zero after a nearby river levee broke last week and residents were forced to evacuate their homes. Emergency crews have since patched up the Pajaro River levee breach, allowing floodwaters to recede from streets, homes and businesses. But all \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/16000US0655044-pajaro-ca/\">3,000 residents\u003c/a> continue to be displaced and are under evacuation orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have nothing. No money. No home,” said Juana Juarez, a longtime farmworker and single mother of three, in Spanish, as tears streamed down her face. “I feel like I’ve reached rock bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez, 41, worried about how to pay for rent and food for her kids. She planned to start working this month, the usual start to harvesting season for strawberries — the county’s top crop. But now an overwhelming economic and housing uncertainty keeps her up at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944019\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women packing clothes in a park.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Juana Juarez (left) packs donated clothes for her family in Watsonville, on March 15, 2023. Juarez, a single mother of three, said she worries about the prospect of no work due to flooding damage. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The devastation in the mostly lower-income Latino community was clear earlier this week. Trucks sat partly inundated in parking lots, while tires, metal pots and other debris littered the deserted roads. A blue beauty salon on Main Street was missing part of its front wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez returned to her nonprofit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.casadelaculturacenter.org/\">Casa de la Cultura Center\u003c/a>, to find that water had left a mark on the brick walls more than 2 feet up from the ground. She carefully opened the building’s front door to find a thick, shiny layer of mud covering the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m OK. I’m OK,” she slowly assured herself. And then, “That’s going to require a lot of help to clean out the mud,” she said, as she began considering the impacts. The piano and some electronics would be damaged, she said. Mold might be growing in the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just outside the town, expansive farmlands looked like shimmering lakes. County officials have started the long process of assessing losses to the local agricultural industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/home/showpublisheddocument/113214/637970560105830000\">production gross value of $4.1 billion\u003c/a> in 2021.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11943316,news_11943845,news_11943590\"]Monterey County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo said the current flood damage will be more extensive than the havoc wreaked during a series of storms last January, when roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ksbw.com/article/monterey-county-agriculture-storm-losses/43068481\">15,000 acres of farmland were affected\u003c/a>, at an estimated cost of $336 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the damages that we are seeing are quite alarming,” particularly for strawberry and raspberry fields that had already been planted, Hidalgo told reporters earlier this week. “From experience in previous flooding, we’re looking at anywhere from 30% to 50% yield losses” for those crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of food safety requirements, submerged farmlands will likely stay fallow for at least 60 days, he said. Regrowing harvests could take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the region’s agricultural workforce, the economic impact could be devastating, particularly for Pajaro residents who are also facing additional losses due to flooded homes, said Luis Alejo, who chairs the Monterey County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have so little but have lost so much,” said Alejo. “We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Luis Alejo, chair, Monterey County Board of Supervisors\"]‘They have so little but have lost so much. We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.’[/pullquote]About \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half of the farmworkers in California are undocumented\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That means they are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansFinal.pdf\">households with U.S. citizens or legal residents may apply (PDF)\u003c/a> for Federal Emergency Management Agency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After touring the disaster area earlier this week, Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters that he recognized the vulnerability of Pajaro and other disaster-stricken communities in the region. During his tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=The%20next%20step%20in%20California's,%2C%20effective%20January%201%2C%202024.\">Newsom has expanded the public health insurance program Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to cover hundreds of thousands of undocumented Californians. But the governor also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Gov-Newsom-vetoed-a-program-to-offer-17478927.php\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill last year that would have set up temporary unemployment benefits for undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, that does more for farmworkers than the state of California. And we don’t do enough,” said Newsom, standing by flooded farmlands outside Pajaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor touted a $42 million grant by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to the nonprofit United Way to provide financial assistance for farmworkers hit with flood losses, regardless of immigration status. People could readily start applying for the aid, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, United Ways of California representatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943845/gov-newsom-touts-42-million-in-aid-for-flooded-farmworkers-turns-out-its-months-old-covid-funding\">clarified\u003c/a> that only $300,000 of those funds — which were actually awarded months ago to the organization for \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/press-releases/610-usda-farmerworker-grant\">COVID relief\u003c/a> — will be distributed in Monterey County, including to storm victims. Applications for the $600 one-time cash cards are not open yet, said Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944020\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman with white hair stands outside a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez surveys the damage at her nonprofit, Casa de la Cultura, in Pajaro on March 15, 2023. The floodwaters left a mark on the walls more than 2 feet from the ground. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For farmworker Juana Juarez, that cash amount won’t be nearly enough to cover the cost of replacing belongings she lost in the flooding, which she believes include her car, furniture, electronics and clothes. She didn’t know the total amount of her losses, as most Pajaro residents have not been allowed into town yet to survey their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too little … the governor should try to help us with more money,” said Juarez, who has been staying with her children at a relatives’ crowded home in the adjacent town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom’s office said the administration is pursuing “additional support” for storm-affected residents who are ineligible for FEMA assistance due to immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional $300,000 in flood relief has been raised by local foundations and nonprofits for affected residents in the Pajaro Valley, said MaríaElena De La Garza, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board\u003c/a> of Santa Cruz County, one of the organizations tasked with distributing those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical situation,” De La Garza said. “We are working in collaboration to get out economic relief to families not only at the shelters, but anybody who’s been displaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before residents can return to their homes, Monterey County Sheriff Tina Nieto said several agencies must first check the safety of buildings, running water and other infrastructure — a process that could take weeks. \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-o%5B%E2%80%A6%5Dnts/2023-pineapple-express/2023-pineapple-express-recovery\">Cal Fire damage assessment teams have already started working\u003c/a> in Pajaro and other affected areas, according to a county spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11944021 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A white semi facing the camera drives along a partially flooded road with completely submerged fields to both sides, alongside electric lines. In the background is a ranch-style house and thick tree cover.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck drives on a flooded road between agricultural fields near Pajaro on March 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers from Watsonville whose homes were not flooded also are responding to the crisis. A group of volunteers raised donations through social media and dropped off bags of clothes and food to displaced residents near one of the blocked street entrances to Pajaro this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Ortiz, a strawberry picker who fears she won’t have work either, said she paid out of her own pocket for chicken and rice, pizza boxes and cookies that she offered to families with young children on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to try to help people in whatever way we can,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>To give money:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfmco.org/impact/montereycountystormrelieffund/\">Community Foundation for Monterey County: Storm Relief Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfscc.org/funds/disaster-fund\">Community Foundation Santa Cruz County: Santa Cruz County Disaster Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/allinmonterey\">ALL IN in Monterey County: Donation distribution center at Monterey Fairgrounds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>To volunteer:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://allinmonterey.org/2023-pineapple-express-storm-relief\">Monterey County is seeking volunteers to sort donated items.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/local/california/northern-california-coastal/volunteer.html\">The Red Cross is accepting volunteer applications.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Additional organizations:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysc.org/\">United Way of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaymcca.org/\">United Way of Monterey County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Displaced residents of Pajaro face severe economic losses after their homes were flooded, along with nearby agricultural farmlands where they work. Many are undocumented farmworkers who don't qualify for unemployment and other benefits because of their immigration status.",
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"title": "'We Have Nothing': Pajaro Farmworkers Face the Prospect of No Income at Start of Harvesting Season | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/weather/article/next-storm-atmospheric-river-california-impacts-17843272.php\">another atmospheric river storm approaches California\u003c/a>, thousands of farmworkers could be left with no income for months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943316/pajaro-river-levee-breached-where-to-find-evacuation-shelters\">a disastrous flood\u003c/a> submerged an “alarming” acreage of agricultural land in California’s Central Coast, according to Monterey County officials.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The community of Pajaro, where many farmworkers live, became \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-of-emergency-services/incidents/2023-pineapple-express\">the emergency\u003c/a>’s ground zero after a nearby river levee broke last week and residents were forced to evacuate their homes. Emergency crews have since patched up the Pajaro River levee breach, allowing floodwaters to recede from streets, homes and businesses. But all \u003ca href=\"https://censusreporter.org/profiles/16000US0655044-pajaro-ca/\">3,000 residents\u003c/a> continue to be displaced and are under evacuation orders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have nothing. No money. No home,” said Juana Juarez, a longtime farmworker and single mother of three, in Spanish, as tears streamed down her face. “I feel like I’ve reached rock bottom.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Juarez, 41, worried about how to pay for rent and food for her kids. She planned to start working this month, the usual start to harvesting season for strawberries — the county’s top crop. But now an overwhelming economic and housing uncertainty keeps her up at night.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944019\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944019\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Two Latina women packing clothes in a park.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63697_IMG_7224-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Farmworker Juana Juarez (left) packs donated clothes for her family in Watsonville, on March 15, 2023. Juarez, a single mother of three, said she worries about the prospect of no work due to flooding damage. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The devastation in the mostly lower-income Latino community was clear earlier this week. Trucks sat partly inundated in parking lots, while tires, metal pots and other debris littered the deserted roads. A blue beauty salon on Main Street was missing part of its front wall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez returned to her nonprofit, \u003ca href=\"https://www.casadelaculturacenter.org/\">Casa de la Cultura Center\u003c/a>, to find that water had left a mark on the brick walls more than 2 feet up from the ground. She carefully opened the building’s front door to find a thick, shiny layer of mud covering the ground floor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m OK. I’m OK,” she slowly assured herself. And then, “That’s going to require a lot of help to clean out the mud,” she said, as she began considering the impacts. The piano and some electronics would be damaged, she said. Mold might be growing in the walls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just outside the town, expansive farmlands looked like shimmering lakes. County officials have started the long process of assessing losses to the local agricultural industry, with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/home/showpublisheddocument/113214/637970560105830000\">production gross value of $4.1 billion\u003c/a> in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Monterey County Agricultural Commissioner Juan Hidalgo said the current flood damage will be more extensive than the havoc wreaked during a series of storms last January, when roughly \u003ca href=\"https://www.ksbw.com/article/monterey-county-agriculture-storm-losses/43068481\">15,000 acres of farmland were affected\u003c/a>, at an estimated cost of $336 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the damages that we are seeing are quite alarming,” particularly for strawberry and raspberry fields that had already been planted, Hidalgo told reporters earlier this week. “From experience in previous flooding, we’re looking at anywhere from 30% to 50% yield losses” for those crops.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of food safety requirements, submerged farmlands will likely stay fallow for at least 60 days, he said. Regrowing harvests could take even longer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the region’s agricultural workforce, the economic impact could be devastating, particularly for Pajaro residents who are also facing additional losses due to flooded homes, said Luis Alejo, who chairs the Monterey County Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They have so little but have lost so much,” said Alejo. “We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘They have so little but have lost so much. We need to get resources for those who don’t have any other means to pay the rent, put food on the table, provide for their families.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>About \u003ca href=\"https://migration.ucdavis.edu/rmn/blog/post/?id=2770\">half of the farmworkers in California are undocumented\u003c/a>, according to the U.S. Department of Labor. That means they are ineligible for unemployment insurance benefits, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.cdss.ca.gov/Portals/13/DisasterAssistanceGuideforImmigrantCaliforniansFinal.pdf\">households with U.S. citizens or legal residents may apply (PDF)\u003c/a> for Federal Emergency Management Agency aid.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After touring the disaster area earlier this week, Gov. Gavin Newsom told reporters that he recognized the vulnerability of Pajaro and other disaster-stricken communities in the region. During his tenure, \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2022/10/19/medi-cal-expansion-provided-286000-undocumented-californians-with-comprehensive-health-care/#:~:text=The%20next%20step%20in%20California's,%2C%20effective%20January%201%2C%202024.\">Newsom has expanded the public health insurance program Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to cover hundreds of thousands of undocumented Californians. But the governor also \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/bayarea/article/Gov-Newsom-vetoed-a-program-to-offer-17478927.php\">vetoed\u003c/a> a bill last year that would have set up temporary unemployment benefits for undocumented workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s not a state in America, not one state, that does more for farmworkers than the state of California. And we don’t do enough,” said Newsom, standing by flooded farmlands outside Pajaro.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor touted a $42 million grant by the U.S. Department of Agriculture to the nonprofit United Way to provide financial assistance for farmworkers hit with flood losses, regardless of immigration status. People could readily start applying for the aid, he added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, United Ways of California representatives \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943845/gov-newsom-touts-42-million-in-aid-for-flooded-farmworkers-turns-out-its-months-old-covid-funding\">clarified\u003c/a> that only $300,000 of those funds — which were actually awarded months ago to the organization for \u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysca.org/press-releases/610-usda-farmerworker-grant\">COVID relief\u003c/a> — will be distributed in Monterey County, including to storm victims. Applications for the $600 one-time cash cards are not open yet, said Katy Castagna, president of United Way Monterey County.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944020\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11944020\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"An older Latina woman with white hair stands outside a building.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63695_IMG_7203-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sister Rosa Dolores Rodriguez surveys the damage at her nonprofit, Casa de la Cultura, in Pajaro on March 15, 2023. The floodwaters left a mark on the walls more than 2 feet from the ground. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>For farmworker Juana Juarez, that cash amount won’t be nearly enough to cover the cost of replacing belongings she lost in the flooding, which she believes include her car, furniture, electronics and clothes. She didn’t know the total amount of her losses, as most Pajaro residents have not been allowed into town yet to survey their homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just too little … the governor should try to help us with more money,” said Juarez, who has been staying with her children at a relatives’ crowded home in the adjacent town of Watsonville.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for Newsom’s office said the administration is pursuing “additional support” for storm-affected residents who are ineligible for FEMA assistance due to immigration status.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An additional $300,000 in flood relief has been raised by local foundations and nonprofits for affected residents in the Pajaro Valley, said MaríaElena De La Garza, who directs the \u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board\u003c/a> of Santa Cruz County, one of the organizations tasked with distributing those funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a critical situation,” De La Garza said. “We are working in collaboration to get out economic relief to families not only at the shelters, but anybody who’s been displaced.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before residents can return to their homes, Monterey County Sheriff Tina Nieto said several agencies must first check the safety of buildings, running water and other infrastructure — a process that could take weeks. \u003ca href=\"https://www.co.monterey.ca.us/government/departments-a-h/administrative-office/office-o%5B%E2%80%A6%5Dnts/2023-pineapple-express/2023-pineapple-express-recovery\">Cal Fire damage assessment teams have already started working\u003c/a> in Pajaro and other affected areas, according to a county spokesperson.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11944021\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11944021 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"A white semi facing the camera drives along a partially flooded road with completely submerged fields to both sides, alongside electric lines. In the background is a ranch-style house and thick tree cover.\" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/03/RS63692_IMG_1243-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A truck drives on a flooded road between agricultural fields near Pajaro on March 15, 2023. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Farmworkers from Watsonville whose homes were not flooded also are responding to the crisis. A group of volunteers raised donations through social media and dropped off bags of clothes and food to displaced residents near one of the blocked street entrances to Pajaro this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yessica Ortiz, a strawberry picker who fears she won’t have work either, said she paid out of her own pocket for chicken and rice, pizza boxes and cookies that she offered to families with young children on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have to try to help people in whatever way we can,” Ortiz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>To give money:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfmco.org/impact/montereycountystormrelieffund/\">Community Foundation for Monterey County: Storm Relief Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.cfscc.org/funds/disaster-fund\">Community Foundation Santa Cruz County: Santa Cruz County Disaster Fund\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/allinmonterey\">ALL IN in Monterey County: Donation distribution center at Monterey Fairgrounds\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>To volunteer:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://allinmonterey.org/2023-pineapple-express-storm-relief\">Monterey County is seeking volunteers to sort donated items.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.redcross.org/local/california/northern-california-coastal/volunteer.html\">The Red Cross is accepting volunteer applications.\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2>Additional organizations:\u003c/h2>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaysc.org/\">United Way of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://www.unitedwaymcca.org/\">United Way of Monterey County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://cabinc.org/\">Community Action Board of Santa Cruz County\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last spring, workers at Chevron’s Richmond refinery went on strike for 10 weeks, demanding higher pay, better health benefits, and safer working conditions. When the strike ended, union leaders say that Chevron initially encouraged managers and workers to put the strike behind them.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, USW Local 5, the union representing Richmond refinery workers, alleges Chevron has fired at least\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940114/union-says-chevron-fired-several-richmond-refinery-workers-who-went-on-strike\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 5 workers for their \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">role in the strikes, a claim that Chevron denies.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TedrickG\">Ted Goldberg\u003c/a>, KQED supervising senior editor for news\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Links:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>‘\u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940114/union-says-chevron-fired-several-richmond-refinery-workers-who-went-on-strike\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Union Says Chevron Fired Several Richmond Refinery Workers Who Went on Strike\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,’ by Ted Goldberg, Feb. 5, 2023.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/17653/help-make-the-bay-even-better\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Bay Survey\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC4497538450&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Last spring, workers at Chevron’s Richmond refinery went on strike for 10 weeks, demanding higher pay, better health benefits, and safer working conditions. When the strike ended, union leaders say that Chevron initially encouraged managers and workers to put the strike behind them.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">But now, USW Local 5, the union representing Richmond refinery workers, alleges Chevron has fired at least\u003c/span>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940114/union-says-chevron-fired-several-richmond-refinery-workers-who-went-on-strike\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\"> 5 workers for their \u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">role in the strikes, a claim that Chevron denies.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Guest: \u003c/b>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/TedrickG\">Ted Goldberg\u003c/a>, KQED supervising senior editor for news\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cb>Links:\u003c/b>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003cb>‘\u003c/b>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11940114/union-says-chevron-fired-several-richmond-refinery-workers-who-went-on-strike\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Union Says Chevron Fired Several Richmond Refinery Workers Who Went on Strike\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">,’ by Ted Goldberg, Feb. 5, 2023.\u003c/span>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli style=\"font-weight: 400\">\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/about/17653/help-make-the-bay-even-better\">\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">The Bay Survey\u003c/span>\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cdiv class=\"card card--enclosed grey\">\n\u003cp id=\"embed-code\" class=\"inconsolata\">\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC4497538450&light=true\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\n\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "labor-fight-intensifies-at-upscale-wine-country-resort-amid-allegations-of-worker-intimidation",
"title": "Labor Fight Intensifies at Upscale Wine Country Resort, Amid Allegations of Worker Intimidation",
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"content": "\u003cp>Dozens of workers at a luxury resort in the heart of Northern California’s wine country held a candlelight vigil Thursday evening to protest their employer’s alleged illegal intimidation tactics to block unionization efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vigil, held outside the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa, in the city of Sonoma, comes weeks after the resort was accused of violating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/interfering-with-employee-rights-section-7-8a1\">federal law that protects the rights of most private-sector workers to organize without facing threats or coercion from their employers\u003c/a>.[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tony Arguello, bar captain, Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa\"]‘There shouldn’t be coercion. There shouldn’t be harassment, intimidation. But right now, it feels like the company has a megaphone and we’re standing behind the bleachers.’[/pullquote]Unite Here Local 2, which represents more than 15,000 hotel and hospitality workers in the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/case/20-CA-310743\">filed the complaint with regulators on Jan. 20\u003c/a>, charging that the resort’s management threatened, surveilled and coercively questioned workers on their union activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we can shut down this illegal anti-union campaign that the Fairmont has been on,” said Sonya Karabel, an organizer with the union. “What the company has been trying to do is really unacceptable, it’s unethical. And, they’re trying to intimidate workers out of joining a union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the large, upscale resort said they are seeking to boost wages and fix workplace issues that management has largely ignored for years. Chronic understaffing has resulted in unduly stressful work shifts for housekeepers, putting them at greater risk of physical injury, while supervisors have done little to address the concerns of spa attendants experiencing sexual harassment by clients, Karabel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotel’s management did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sonoma resort, which on its website “boasts geothermal fed mineral pools, farm to table dining and access to championship golf,” is operated by the French multinational hospitality group Accor, which also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940745\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people outside at night hold candles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Over 100 workers and community members demonstrate in front of the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa on Thursday evening. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The property’s ownership has changed several times in recent years, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/article/sonoma-valley-hotel-is-part-of-brookfields-3-8-billion-play-for-watermark/\">investing firm Brookfield Asset Management most recently acquiring it last year\u003c/a>, as part of a larger deal involving 25 hotels, the North Bay Business Journal reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://olmsapps.dol.gov/query/orgReport.do?rptId=850230&rptForm=LM20Form\">Federal filings show\u003c/a> that the resort last November hired \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915111/how-socially-responsible-is-amys-kitchen-depends-on-who-you-ask\">Quest Consulting\u003c/a>, a company with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.laborlab.us/unionbustingtracker\">union-busting reputation\u003c/a> among labor organizers, to “persuade” employees on issues related to the organizing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Arguello, a bar captain in the resort’s banquet department, is one of about 30 workers who have been involved in union organizing efforts since last fall. He said managers and consultants have persistently approached workers on the job to tell them that unions are unhelpful and that they could lose wages or benefits if they join. At a recent meeting, Arguello said a manager suggested his own job could be on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The response was, ‘Well, if you’re not happy, you have a choice not to be here.’ And that to me is quite frightening because this is obviously my livelihood,” Arguello, 38, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karabel, the union organizer, said other workers are also feeling vulnerable, particularly immigrant employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are afraid to some degree seeing how many resources the company has put into this anti-union campaign,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which is investigating the unfair labor practices complaint, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/what-we-do/investigate-charges\">generally takes seven to 14 weeks to issue a decision in most cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers have a right to express their opinion about unions and can encourage workers not to join them. Yet they are not legally allowed to issue threats imperiling workers’ jobs or benefits or, conversely, to offer workers incentives for rejecting a union, according to Bill Gould, professor emeritus at Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, those violations are often difficult to prove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940733\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940733\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a candle outside in the dark.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sayana Mendez is illuminated by candles during a community gathering on Thursday in support of Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa workers who are trying to unionize. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s the difficulty of this particular law, the vagueness of it, the vagueness of the demarcation line between what’s permissible and what’s not,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even when NLRB regulators find that employers have broken labor laws, the agency does not have the power to issue fines. The NLRB may seek to reinstate any workers who have been unlawfully fired. But with most other violations, regulators often just send guilty employers a “cease and desist” letter, said Gould, who chaired the NLRB during the Clinton administration and wrote the book \u003cem>For Labor to Build Upon\u003c/em>.[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11940014,news_11940248,news_11928262\"]“It’s a slap on the wrist. A lot of people don’t take that too seriously,” he said. “It certainly works to the disadvantage of workers, particularly low-income workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill in the last session of Congress would have given the NLRB the ability to issue monetary penalties for employers who commit unfair labor practices — up to $50,000 for each violation, or up to $100,000 if an employee is unlawfully discharged. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/842\">Protecting the Right to Organize Act\u003c/a> in 2021, but the measure died in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA), who authored the bill, did not confirm whether he plans to reintroduce a similar measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Fairmont Sonoma are hardly unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/unlawful-employer-opposition-to-union-election-campaigns/\">employers were charged with violating labor law in more than 40% of union elections between 2016 and 2017\u003c/a> — with allegations ranging from retaliation to firing, according to a 2019 report by the left-leaning nonprofit Economic Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers want to avoid unions because they believe it’s costly,” said Margaret Poydock, policy analyst with the group, who co-authored the analysis. “Unions are essentially a vehicle to help increase wages, benefits and work conditions, but also a vehicle for workplace democracy, for employers and workers to talk to each other to improve all these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies are willing to invest significant resources to prevent workers from organizing and bargaining collectively. Poydock’s research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/unlawful-employer-opposition-to-union-election-campaigns/\">employers nationwide spend about $340 million per year to hire “union avoidance advisers,”\u003c/a> also known as “persuaders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940730\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940730\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg\" alt=\"A woman plays guitar while standing outside among a crowd of demonstrators.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Renee Saucedo, a member of the group Almas Libres, performs at Thursday’s vigil in support of a union organizing effort among workers at the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arguello, the bar captain at the resort, said it shouldn’t be that way. “If the employees want to organize a union, I feel that they should be able to do so,” said Arguello, who recently moved from Sonoma to Vallejo — about 40 minutes away — because on his salary he struggled to afford rent in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There shouldn’t be coercion. There shouldn’t be harassment, intimidation,” he said. “But right now, it feels like the company has a megaphone and we’re standing behind the bleachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of last year, Fairmont Sonoma increased wages for all nonmanagerial employees by $2 or $3 per hour, Arguello said, bumping up his hourly pay to $19.50. But, he added, that was the first significant pay hike the resort offered in the decade he’s been working there, and he believes it was intended to dissuade employees from joining the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the recent pay increases, workers at the resort earn lower wages than at Fairmont hotels in the Bay Area with a unionized workforce, organizers said, noting that housekeepers in the Sonoma location make $21 an hour, $7 less than their counterparts at Fairmont San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story has been updated to remove a reference to a 2022 fact sheet about retaliatory firings during union campaigns issued by the Economic Policy Institute. The EPI has since retracted the fact sheet due to inaccuracies it says it found in the underlying data.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Workers at the iconic Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa held a vigil on Thursday evening, weeks after the resort was accused of violating a federal law that bars employers from threatening or coercing employees involved in organizing efforts.",
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"title": "Labor Fight Intensifies at Upscale Wine Country Resort, Amid Allegations of Worker Intimidation | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Dozens of workers at a luxury resort in the heart of Northern California’s wine country held a candlelight vigil Thursday evening to protest their employer’s alleged illegal intimidation tactics to block unionization efforts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vigil, held outside the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa, in the city of Sonoma, comes weeks after the resort was accused of violating a \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/rights-we-protect/the-law/interfering-with-employee-rights-section-7-8a1\">federal law that protects the rights of most private-sector workers to organize without facing threats or coercion from their employers\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Unite Here Local 2, which represents more than 15,000 hotel and hospitality workers in the Bay Area, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/case/20-CA-310743\">filed the complaint with regulators on Jan. 20\u003c/a>, charging that the resort’s management threatened, surveilled and coercively questioned workers on their union activity.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our hope is that we can shut down this illegal anti-union campaign that the Fairmont has been on,” said Sonya Karabel, an organizer with the union. “What the company has been trying to do is really unacceptable, it’s unethical. And, they’re trying to intimidate workers out of joining a union.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employees at the large, upscale resort said they are seeking to boost wages and fix workplace issues that management has largely ignored for years. Chronic understaffing has resulted in unduly stressful work shifts for housekeepers, putting them at greater risk of physical injury, while supervisors have done little to address the concerns of spa attendants experiencing sexual harassment by clients, Karabel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The hotel’s management did not respond to KQED’s requests for comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Sonoma resort, which on its website “boasts geothermal fed mineral pools, farm to table dining and access to championship golf,” is operated by the French multinational hospitality group Accor, which also declined to comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940745\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11940745\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg\" alt=\"A group of people outside at night hold candles.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/RS62740__DSC2547-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Over 100 workers and community members demonstrate in front of the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa on Thursday evening. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The property’s ownership has changed several times in recent years, with \u003ca href=\"https://www.northbaybusinessjournal.com/article/article/sonoma-valley-hotel-is-part-of-brookfields-3-8-billion-play-for-watermark/\">investing firm Brookfield Asset Management most recently acquiring it last year\u003c/a>, as part of a larger deal involving 25 hotels, the North Bay Business Journal reported.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://olmsapps.dol.gov/query/orgReport.do?rptId=850230&rptForm=LM20Form\">Federal filings show\u003c/a> that the resort last November hired \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11915111/how-socially-responsible-is-amys-kitchen-depends-on-who-you-ask\">Quest Consulting\u003c/a>, a company with a \u003ca href=\"https://www.laborlab.us/unionbustingtracker\">union-busting reputation\u003c/a> among labor organizers, to “persuade” employees on issues related to the organizing effort.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tony Arguello, a bar captain in the resort’s banquet department, is one of about 30 workers who have been involved in union organizing efforts since last fall. He said managers and consultants have persistently approached workers on the job to tell them that unions are unhelpful and that they could lose wages or benefits if they join. At a recent meeting, Arguello said a manager suggested his own job could be on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The response was, ‘Well, if you’re not happy, you have a choice not to be here.’ And that to me is quite frightening because this is obviously my livelihood,” Arguello, 38, said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Karabel, the union organizer, said other workers are also feeling vulnerable, particularly immigrant employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People are afraid to some degree seeing how many resources the company has put into this anti-union campaign,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), which is investigating the unfair labor practices complaint, \u003ca href=\"https://www.nlrb.gov/about-nlrb/what-we-do/investigate-charges\">generally takes seven to 14 weeks to issue a decision in most cases\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Employers have a right to express their opinion about unions and can encourage workers not to join them. Yet they are not legally allowed to issue threats imperiling workers’ jobs or benefits or, conversely, to offer workers incentives for rejecting a union, according to Bill Gould, professor emeritus at Stanford Law School.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, he added, those violations are often difficult to prove.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940733\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940733\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg\" alt=\"A young girl holds a candle outside in the dark.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2476-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Sayana Mendez is illuminated by candles during a community gathering on Thursday in support of Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa workers who are trying to unionize. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That’s the difficulty of this particular law, the vagueness of it, the vagueness of the demarcation line between what’s permissible and what’s not,” Gould said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And even when NLRB regulators find that employers have broken labor laws, the agency does not have the power to issue fines. The NLRB may seek to reinstate any workers who have been unlawfully fired. But with most other violations, regulators often just send guilty employers a “cease and desist” letter, said Gould, who chaired the NLRB during the Clinton administration and wrote the book \u003cem>For Labor to Build Upon\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It’s a slap on the wrist. A lot of people don’t take that too seriously,” he said. “It certainly works to the disadvantage of workers, particularly low-income workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A bill in the last session of Congress would have given the NLRB the ability to issue monetary penalties for employers who commit unfair labor practices — up to $50,000 for each violation, or up to $100,000 if an employee is unlawfully discharged. The U.S. House of Representatives passed the \u003ca href=\"https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/842\">Protecting the Right to Organize Act\u003c/a> in 2021, but the measure died in the Senate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The office of Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA), who authored the bill, did not confirm whether he plans to reintroduce a similar measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The allegations against Fairmont Sonoma are hardly unique.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/unlawful-employer-opposition-to-union-election-campaigns/\">employers were charged with violating labor law in more than 40% of union elections between 2016 and 2017\u003c/a> — with allegations ranging from retaliation to firing, according to a 2019 report by the left-leaning nonprofit Economic Policy Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Employers want to avoid unions because they believe it’s costly,” said Margaret Poydock, policy analyst with the group, who co-authored the analysis. “Unions are essentially a vehicle to help increase wages, benefits and work conditions, but also a vehicle for workplace democracy, for employers and workers to talk to each other to improve all these things.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some companies are willing to invest significant resources to prevent workers from organizing and bargaining collectively. Poydock’s research shows that \u003ca href=\"https://www.epi.org/publication/unlawful-employer-opposition-to-union-election-campaigns/\">employers nationwide spend about $340 million per year to hire “union avoidance advisers,”\u003c/a> also known as “persuaders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11940730\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11940730\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg\" alt=\"A woman plays guitar while standing outside among a crowd of demonstrators.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/DSC2273-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Renee Saucedo, a member of the group Almas Libres, performs at Thursday’s vigil in support of a union organizing effort among workers at the Fairmont Sonoma Mission Inn and Spa. \u003ccite>(Aryk Copley/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Arguello, the bar captain at the resort, said it shouldn’t be that way. “If the employees want to organize a union, I feel that they should be able to do so,” said Arguello, who recently moved from Sonoma to Vallejo — about 40 minutes away — because on his salary he struggled to afford rent in the area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There shouldn’t be coercion. There shouldn’t be harassment, intimidation,” he said. “But right now, it feels like the company has a megaphone and we’re standing behind the bleachers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the end of last year, Fairmont Sonoma increased wages for all nonmanagerial employees by $2 or $3 per hour, Arguello said, bumping up his hourly pay to $19.50. But, he added, that was the first significant pay hike the resort offered in the decade he’s been working there, and he believes it was intended to dissuade employees from joining the union.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even with the recent pay increases, workers at the resort earn lower wages than at Fairmont hotels in the Bay Area with a unionized workforce, organizers said, noting that housekeepers in the Sonoma location make $21 an hour, $7 less than their counterparts at Fairmont San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story has been updated to remove a reference to a 2022 fact sheet about retaliatory firings during union campaigns issued by the Economic Policy Institute. The EPI has since retracted the fact sheet due to inaccuracies it says it found in the underlying data.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"#spanish\">Este artículo también está disponible en español.\u003c/a>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For the first time ever, NPR will be covering the State of the Union address in both English and Spanish, along with the Republican Party’s response. KQED will be broadcasting this coverage, as a separate transmission from the one in English, on its HD2 radio station. You can also \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/06/1152511564/estado-de-la-union-2023\">listen to NPR’s Spanish broadcast here\u003c/a>. The speech begins Tuesday night at 6 p.m. PT.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Christian Arana, vice president of policy, Latino Community Foundation\"]‘When you look at what the State of the Union is, it’s a celebration of democracy. But a democracy also means that people should be informed.’[/pullquote]After the speech, the broadcast will feature commentary hosted by NPR Morning Edition’s A Martínez, joined by NPR correspondents Franco Ordóñez, Claudia Grisales and Eyder Peralta and KUT’s Sergio Martínez-Beltrán. In an announcement to member stations, NPR said that offering bilingual coverage could expand the information stations provide to audiences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana, vice president of policy at the Latino Community Foundation, which funds Latino-led organizations and encourages greater political participation among Latinos in California, points out that over 67 million people in the U.S. speak a language other than English, a number that has tripled in the past 40 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you look at what the State of the Union is, it’s a celebration of democracy. But a democracy also means that people should be informed,” he told KQED. “That’s why it’s so critical that whatever is said that night, people can understand it and feel it in a language that they speak.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Census \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/language/\">estimates that over 41 million people speak Spanish\u003c/a>, and roughly 11 million of those live in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just underwent a global pandemic where access to information meant whether or not you actually got a COVID-19 test or whether or not you got a vaccine,” he said. “We saw firsthand how important language accessibility was in the last couple years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11940252\" hero=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/02/Arriaga-1020x678.jpg\"]One of those attending the State of the Union address will be Belinda Hernandez-Arriaga, director and founder of Ayudando Latinos a Soñar (ALAS), a community group in Half Moon Bay that has played a crucial role in the aftermath of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">the mass shooting that left seven dead and one wounded on Jan. 23 in the small coastside town\u003c/a>. ALAS has helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939214/half-moon-bay-mass-shooting-whos-helping-community-members-and-how-to-support-these-efforts\">provide food, shelter and grief counseling to the families of the victims and those displaced by the violence\u003c/a>. KQED’s Brian Watt will also be talking to Hernandez-Arriaga on Tuesday’s Morning Edition.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"spanish\">\u003c/a>Por la primera vez en su historia, NPR ofrecerá una cobertura completamente bilingüe del discurso del estado de la Unión, otorgado por el presidente Joe Biden al Congreso. Habrá una cobertura en inglés y otra en español y ambas serán transmitidas por KQED. Si tiene una radio digital, puede escuchar la cobertura en español a través del canal HD2 de KQED y también puede sintonizarse por su computadora o celular\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/06/1152511564/estado-de-la-union-2023\"> a través de este enlace de NPR\u003c/a>. El discurso comienza martes a las 6 p.m., tiempo pacífico[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Christian Arana, vice president of policy, Latino Community Foundation\"]‘Cuando vemos lo que es el estado de la Unión, es una celebración de la democracia. Pero una democracia también significa que el pueblo debe de estar informado’.[/pullquote]Después del discurso, habrá un análisis liderado por A Martínez, presentador del programa Morning Edition de NPR, y los corresponsales Franco Ordóñez, Claudia Grisales y Eyder Peralta de NPR junto con Sergio Martínez-Beltrán de la estación KUT. En un comunicado a sus estaciones locales, NPR explicó que a través de ofrecer una cobertura bilingüe, las estaciones podrán expandir la información que ofrecen a sus audiencias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana es vicepresidente de asuntos políticos para el grupo Latino Community Foundation, el cual otorga subvenciones a organizaciones latinas e impulsa el papel de los latinos en la política de California. Arana indica que hay más de 67 millones de personas en EE.UU. que hablan otro idioma en la casa que no es inglés, una cifra que se ha triplicado en los últimos 40 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando vemos lo que es el estado de la Unión, es una celebración de la democracia. Pero una democracia también significa que el pueblo debe de estar informado”, dijo él. “Por eso es tan importante que lo qe se diga esa noche, la gente lo pueda entender y sentirlo en el idioma que hablan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/language/\">datos del Censo de EE.UU.\u003c/a>, alrededor de 41 millones de personas en el país hablan español y 11 millones viven en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Acabamos de experimentar una pandemia mundial y el acceso a la información contribuyó a si alguien se hacía la prueba del COVID-19 o si se vacunaban o no”, agregó. “En estos años, hemos visto a primera mano qué tan importante es la accesibilidad lingüística”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las personas que estará en Washington, D.C. para presenciar el discurso es Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, directora y fundadora de Ayudando Latinos a Soñar (ALAS), un grupo comunitario de Half Moon Bay, el cual ha apoyado a las familias de las siete víctimas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">del tiroteo masivo que ocurrió en esa ciudad el pasado 23 de enero\u003c/a>. ALAS ha otorgado \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939214/half-moon-bay-mass-shooting-whos-helping-community-members-and-how-to-support-these-efforts\">comida, vivienda y apoyo emocional a las familias que perdieron un ser querido o su hogar\u003c/a>. Brian Watt, presentador de KQED, hablará con Hernández-Arriaga en Morning Edition este martes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One of those attending the State of the Union address will be Belinda Hernandez-Arriaga, director and founder of Ayudando Latinos a Soñar (ALAS), a community group in Half Moon Bay that has played a crucial role in the aftermath of \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">the mass shooting that left seven dead and one wounded on Jan. 23 in the small coastside town\u003c/a>. ALAS has helped \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939214/half-moon-bay-mass-shooting-whos-helping-community-members-and-how-to-support-these-efforts\">provide food, shelter and grief counseling to the families of the victims and those displaced by the violence\u003c/a>. KQED’s Brian Watt will also be talking to Hernandez-Arriaga on Tuesday’s Morning Edition.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003ca id=\"spanish\">\u003c/a>Por la primera vez en su historia, NPR ofrecerá una cobertura completamente bilingüe del discurso del estado de la Unión, otorgado por el presidente Joe Biden al Congreso. Habrá una cobertura en inglés y otra en español y ambas serán transmitidas por KQED. Si tiene una radio digital, puede escuchar la cobertura en español a través del canal HD2 de KQED y también puede sintonizarse por su computadora o celular\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2023/02/06/1152511564/estado-de-la-union-2023\"> a través de este enlace de NPR\u003c/a>. El discurso comienza martes a las 6 p.m., tiempo pacífico\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Después del discurso, habrá un análisis liderado por A Martínez, presentador del programa Morning Edition de NPR, y los corresponsales Franco Ordóñez, Claudia Grisales y Eyder Peralta de NPR junto con Sergio Martínez-Beltrán de la estación KUT. En un comunicado a sus estaciones locales, NPR explicó que a través de ofrecer una cobertura bilingüe, las estaciones podrán expandir la información que ofrecen a sus audiencias.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christian Arana es vicepresidente de asuntos políticos para el grupo Latino Community Foundation, el cual otorga subvenciones a organizaciones latinas e impulsa el papel de los latinos en la política de California. Arana indica que hay más de 67 millones de personas en EE.UU. que hablan otro idioma en la casa que no es inglés, una cifra que se ha triplicado en los últimos 40 años.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cuando vemos lo que es el estado de la Unión, es una celebración de la democracia. Pero una democracia también significa que el pueblo debe de estar informado”, dijo él. “Por eso es tan importante que lo qe se diga esa noche, la gente lo pueda entender y sentirlo en el idioma que hablan”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Según \u003ca href=\"https://www.census.gov/acs/www/about/why-we-ask-each-question/language/\">datos del Censo de EE.UU.\u003c/a>, alrededor de 41 millones de personas en el país hablan español y 11 millones viven en California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Acabamos de experimentar una pandemia mundial y el acceso a la información contribuyó a si alguien se hacía la prueba del COVID-19 o si se vacunaban o no”, agregó. “En estos años, hemos visto a primera mano qué tan importante es la accesibilidad lingüística”.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Una de las personas que estará en Washington, D.C. para presenciar el discurso es Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, directora y fundadora de Ayudando Latinos a Soñar (ALAS), un grupo comunitario de Half Moon Bay, el cual ha apoyado a las familias de las siete víctimas \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11938972/7-killed-in-monday-shooting-massacre-in-half-moon-bay\">del tiroteo masivo que ocurrió en esa ciudad el pasado 23 de enero\u003c/a>. ALAS ha otorgado \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11939214/half-moon-bay-mass-shooting-whos-helping-community-members-and-how-to-support-these-efforts\">comida, vivienda y apoyo emocional a las familias que perdieron un ser querido o su hogar\u003c/a>. Brian Watt, presentador de KQED, hablará con Hernández-Arriaga en Morning Edition este martes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "The flip side of gentrification, told through one town",
"info": "Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?",
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},
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"tagline": "Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time",
"info": "KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.",
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"order": 8
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},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
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"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
},
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"hidden-brain": {
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"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
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"source": "NPR"
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"hyphenacion": {
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"order": 18
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},
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"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
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"checkPleaseReducer": {
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"filters": [
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},
"cuisine": {
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},
"restaurantDataById": {},
"restaurantIdsSorted": [],
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},
"userAgentReducer": {
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"isBot": true
}
}