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"title": "California Stuck With $300 Million Tab as FEMA Denies COVID Housing Program Expenses",
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"content": "\u003cp>When California took the unprecedented step in the spring of 2020 to move thousands of homeless residents into hotels to protect them from the ravages of COVID-19, it did so believing the federal government would foot a large chunk of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, following what California officials say is an abrupt about-face from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, cities and counties suddenly are on the hook for hundreds of millions of dollars they expected FEMA to cover. At a time when budgets already are tight, it’s left local governments scrambling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be quite a problem in the next few years if something doesn’t change to fix it,” said Wendy Huff Ellard, a disaster recovery lawyer with Baker Donelson who represents several California counties seeking compensation from FEMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/FEMA-Oct.-16-2023-reimbursement-letter.pdf\">letter (PDF)\u003c/a> FEMA sent the state in October, saying it would not pay for hotel stays of longer than 20 days between June 11, 2021 and May 11, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will cost California state and local governments more than $300 million collectively, according to an estimate from the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means individual cities and counties throughout the state could be out tens of millions (Sonoma County has $32 million at risk, while San Diego County has up to $28 million) or even more (San Francisco estimates the change will cost it $114 million).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Limiting hotel stays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\">launched the hotel shelter program\u003c/a> — dubbed Project Roomkey — in April 2020, just a month after the COVID-19 pandemic prompted him to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/3.4.20-Coronavirus-SOE-Proclamation.pdf\">declare a state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health experts were terrified that California, with its massive homeless population, would see the virus wreak havoc in crowded shelters and unsanitary encampments. The state rolled out a plan to move unhoused people with COVID-19, as well as those particularly vulnerable to the virus — people who were over 65 or had pre-existing respiratory, immune or other chronic diseases — into empty hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11847782,news_11914346,news_11927968 label='Homelessness During COVID']Individual cities and counties leased and paid for those hotel rooms with the expectation that FEMA would reimburse them. At first, the federal agency agreed to cover 75% of the cost for eligible expenses, including the rooms and services such as meals, security and cleaning. By January 2021, FEMA agreed to reimburse 100% of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\">Roomkey served about 62,000 people throughout the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched, FEMA had no rules governing how long someone could stay in a hotel room, according to the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. Officials there claim FEMA didn’t set the 20-day limit until October 2023, long after the unhoused residents had moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter, FEMA said it capped stays between June 2021 and May 2023 because by that time, transmission rates were down, and 20 days were the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s maximum recommended period of quarantine. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/11/as-california-fully-reopens-governor-newsom-announces-plans-to-lift-pandemic-executive-orders/\">lifted the state’s stay-at-home order in June 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things had changed,” said Robert Fenton, regional administrator for FEMA Region 9, in a phone call with CalMatters. “The vaccine was readily available. Testing was readily available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fenton, who wrote the October letter, insisted FEMA’s policy has not changed — despite the assertions of state officials and multiple cities and counties. Fenton said that from the beginning, the federal agency said it would pay for shelter stays that were based on “health guidance” and limited to what was needed to address immediate threats to health and safety. State and local officials should have known that referred to the CDC guideline of quarantining for up to 20 days — because that’s the policy Newsom and local health departments followed themselves, Fenton said. But there is no evidence FEMA made that 20-day rule explicit prior to October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC’s 20-day quarantine recommendation was for people who had or were exposed to COVID-19. But the state, and California cities and counties, interpreted FEMA’s rules to mean the federal agency would pay for hotel rooms for unhoused people who were unusually susceptible to the virus — but had not been infected or exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Randy Scott\"]‘[Project Roomkey] changed my life, really.’[/pullquote]Fenton said he sent the October letter spelling out the 20-day cap after seeing the reimbursement requests submitted by California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not new,” he said. “What I’m doing is clarifying the original guidance of the original policy and providing that back to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sent FEMA a letter last month asking the federal agency to reconsider the 20-day cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to maximizing federal aid to local communities and intends to aggressively advocate for FEMA to rescind the decision to deny public assistance to local governments,” Brian Ferguson, a spokesman for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office looks forward to the federal government “honoring its commitments,” spokesman Daniel Lopez added in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the state, which serves as an intermediary between local officials and FEMA, can put pressure on FEMA, it has no authority to force the federal agency to change its mind, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When everything was really bad, and it was top of mind for everyone, FEMA was advising a lot of the applicants that it would provide the necessary support, that the federal government would be there to support the need,” Ellard said. “And now that things have calmed down a bit, the story has changed. I think FEMA and the federal government generally has seen the size and scale of the recovery and the expenses and now is walking back some of the earlier approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October letter also clarified that FEMA would not reimburse cities and counties for unoccupied rooms leased through Roomkey. That’s a tough pill to swallow for local officials, who sometimes had empty quarantine rooms as virus transmission rates fluctuated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Blindsided’ by FEMA’s letter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County didn’t limit how long people could stay in its Roomkey hotel rooms, said Kyle Hammon with the Sacramento County Department of Human Assistance. Until the program ended, people generally were allowed to stay until they got permanent housing or wanted to leave for other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county, for sure, and other counties, I’m sure we all were pretty blindsided by this,” he said of FEMA’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-day cap could force Sacramento County to forfeit nearly $9 million in FEMA reimbursements officials there had been counting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about 1% of the county’s annual discretionary revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to say where exactly the impacts would be felt, but there would be either cuts or, at the very least, missed opportunities,” Patrick Kennedy, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the county spent more than $50 million on Project Roomkey — $8.8 million of which FEMA already reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMA’s choice to introduce a new rule years after counties spent the Roomkey money is “indefensible,” said Susan Ellenberg, president of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Her county could lose nearly $16 million thanks to the 20-day rule and FEMA’s refusal to reimburse for vacant rooms. To make matters worse, the county anticipates a $250 million budget deficit in the next fiscal year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/02/06/labor-health-costs-lead-santa-clara-county-to-project-250-million-deficit-in-upcoming-fiscal-year\">according to The Mercury News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the message is that we can’t count on our federal government to be accountable for promises that have been made and money that was spent in reliance on those promises,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using hotel rooms as shelter is not cheap: \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/img/reports/Final%20PRK%20Report%20Summary.pdf\">Alameda County estimated Project Roomkey costs about $260 per participant per night (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other options to help pay. The state kicked in over $260 million, and counties also used federal CARES Act and American Rescue Plan funding. Some counties, including San Benito, Sutter and Calaveras, ran hotel programs without applying for FEMA funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Murray, California Department of Social Services\"]‘The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented.’[/pullquote]But for most local governments, especially those with the largest homeless populations, FEMA was intended to be a big part of their Roomkey strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the federal agency is poised to deny California governments hundreds of millions of dollars, local officials have limited options. If FEMA denies their claims, they can appeal and even go to arbitration at an administrative court in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process could take a year or more, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries FEMA might even use the 20-day cap to claw back money already paid to counties. If a county can’t pay, it could mean they get less funding during the next disaster, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What would local governments have done differently?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched in 2020, it was meant as an emergency health measure to prevent homeless Californians from dying on the street or in crowded shelters — not as an ongoing housing program. Throughout all of 2020, state officials had to ask FEMA every month to extend the program another 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the pandemic dragged on, cities and counties saw the federally funded hotel rooms as a unique opportunity to stabilize their vulnerable homeless populations. They brought in social workers to help residents get their identification and other paperwork in order and tried to find them permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were more successful at engaging individuals because we had a set location and because they had access to food and shelter,” said Wendy Osikafo, director of the Kings County Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s “primary objective” was providing temporary shelter for 386 people at high risk of COVID-19 complications, Osikafo said the continuity provided by motel rooms helped 95 people move on to long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County is still waiting for more than $8 million from FEMA — the vast majority of the $9.9 million that the Central Valley county spent to shelter people. Changes to the federal agency’s funding rules could “drastically reduce” how much is reimbursed, Osikafo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to move people from Roomkey hotels into long-term housing were far from perfect. In Sacramento County, just 25% of people who left the hotels ended up in permanent homes, compared to 32% who went into other temporary shelters and 41% who landed back on the streets or weren’t tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the program made a major difference for some people. Randy Scott, 59, lived off and on inside a drainage culvert along a San Pablo creek for 10 years. When he wasn’t sleeping there, he was usually in jail — picked up for parole violations stemming from past offenses, including a 2017 assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, he landed a motel room in the East Bay suburb of Pittsburg through Project Roomkey. Scott lived there for about a year. Having a stable place to live allowed him to hold down a job and buy a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life, really,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he works nights as a security guard at a storage facility in Richmond, where he lives in a trailer on the property. During the day, he works for a nonprofit doing outreach at homeless encampments. He has health insurance and paid vacation time, he’s filing taxes, and for the first time in about three decades, he’s no longer under any kind of court supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no way any of that would have happened if he’d been kicked out of his motel room after 20 days, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11953216 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061623-UNHOUSED-LOS-ANGELES-AP-DD-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I needed that time to get a job and help me with my mental health and to get me in contact with services,” he said. “Nothing happens in 20 days in government. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Would state and local officials in California have acted differently if they knew FEMA wouldn’t reimburse lengthy Project Roomkey stays? That’s a tough question, say those involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented,” Scott Murray, deputy director of public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California did not see widespread COVID-19 deaths among its unhoused communities, as experts initially feared. Roomkey also helped set a new standard of care in the state. After seeing how homeless occupants benefited from having a private space with a door that locked — instead of sleeping on a cot in a traditional, crowded shelter — many California homeless service providers are opting to use similar models. Newsom’s latest plan is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> throughout the state as another way to give homeless occupants a private place to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg said she’s sure Roomkey saved lives in Santa Clara County. If they had known from the beginning FEMA wouldn’t pay for longer stays, they might have imposed limits. But it’s hard to imagine a blanket 20-day cap, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we think about what the impact would have been on people with health vulnerabilities, older adults, people with underlying conditions, if we had told them we can help and support you but only for three weeks,” Ellenberg said, “that would have been disastrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hepler contributed to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When California took the unprecedented step in the spring of 2020 to move thousands of homeless residents into hotels to protect them from the ravages of COVID-19, it did so believing the federal government would foot a large chunk of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, following what California officials say is an abrupt about-face from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, cities and counties suddenly are on the hook for hundreds of millions of dollars they expected FEMA to cover. At a time when budgets already are tight, it’s left local governments scrambling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be quite a problem in the next few years if something doesn’t change to fix it,” said Wendy Huff Ellard, a disaster recovery lawyer with Baker Donelson who represents several California counties seeking compensation from FEMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/FEMA-Oct.-16-2023-reimbursement-letter.pdf\">letter (PDF)\u003c/a> FEMA sent the state in October, saying it would not pay for hotel stays of longer than 20 days between June 11, 2021 and May 11, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will cost California state and local governments more than $300 million collectively, according to an estimate from the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means individual cities and counties throughout the state could be out tens of millions (Sonoma County has $32 million at risk, while San Diego County has up to $28 million) or even more (San Francisco estimates the change will cost it $114 million).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Limiting hotel stays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\">launched the hotel shelter program\u003c/a> — dubbed Project Roomkey — in April 2020, just a month after the COVID-19 pandemic prompted him to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/3.4.20-Coronavirus-SOE-Proclamation.pdf\">declare a state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health experts were terrified that California, with its massive homeless population, would see the virus wreak havoc in crowded shelters and unsanitary encampments. The state rolled out a plan to move unhoused people with COVID-19, as well as those particularly vulnerable to the virus — people who were over 65 or had pre-existing respiratory, immune or other chronic diseases — into empty hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Individual cities and counties leased and paid for those hotel rooms with the expectation that FEMA would reimburse them. At first, the federal agency agreed to cover 75% of the cost for eligible expenses, including the rooms and services such as meals, security and cleaning. By January 2021, FEMA agreed to reimburse 100% of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\">Roomkey served about 62,000 people throughout the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched, FEMA had no rules governing how long someone could stay in a hotel room, according to the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. Officials there claim FEMA didn’t set the 20-day limit until October 2023, long after the unhoused residents had moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter, FEMA said it capped stays between June 2021 and May 2023 because by that time, transmission rates were down, and 20 days were the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s maximum recommended period of quarantine. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/11/as-california-fully-reopens-governor-newsom-announces-plans-to-lift-pandemic-executive-orders/\">lifted the state’s stay-at-home order in June 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things had changed,” said Robert Fenton, regional administrator for FEMA Region 9, in a phone call with CalMatters. “The vaccine was readily available. Testing was readily available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fenton, who wrote the October letter, insisted FEMA’s policy has not changed — despite the assertions of state officials and multiple cities and counties. Fenton said that from the beginning, the federal agency said it would pay for shelter stays that were based on “health guidance” and limited to what was needed to address immediate threats to health and safety. State and local officials should have known that referred to the CDC guideline of quarantining for up to 20 days — because that’s the policy Newsom and local health departments followed themselves, Fenton said. But there is no evidence FEMA made that 20-day rule explicit prior to October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC’s 20-day quarantine recommendation was for people who had or were exposed to COVID-19. But the state, and California cities and counties, interpreted FEMA’s rules to mean the federal agency would pay for hotel rooms for unhoused people who were unusually susceptible to the virus — but had not been infected or exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[Project Roomkey] changed my life, really.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fenton said he sent the October letter spelling out the 20-day cap after seeing the reimbursement requests submitted by California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not new,” he said. “What I’m doing is clarifying the original guidance of the original policy and providing that back to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sent FEMA a letter last month asking the federal agency to reconsider the 20-day cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to maximizing federal aid to local communities and intends to aggressively advocate for FEMA to rescind the decision to deny public assistance to local governments,” Brian Ferguson, a spokesman for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office looks forward to the federal government “honoring its commitments,” spokesman Daniel Lopez added in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the state, which serves as an intermediary between local officials and FEMA, can put pressure on FEMA, it has no authority to force the federal agency to change its mind, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When everything was really bad, and it was top of mind for everyone, FEMA was advising a lot of the applicants that it would provide the necessary support, that the federal government would be there to support the need,” Ellard said. “And now that things have calmed down a bit, the story has changed. I think FEMA and the federal government generally has seen the size and scale of the recovery and the expenses and now is walking back some of the earlier approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October letter also clarified that FEMA would not reimburse cities and counties for unoccupied rooms leased through Roomkey. That’s a tough pill to swallow for local officials, who sometimes had empty quarantine rooms as virus transmission rates fluctuated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Blindsided’ by FEMA’s letter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County didn’t limit how long people could stay in its Roomkey hotel rooms, said Kyle Hammon with the Sacramento County Department of Human Assistance. Until the program ended, people generally were allowed to stay until they got permanent housing or wanted to leave for other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county, for sure, and other counties, I’m sure we all were pretty blindsided by this,” he said of FEMA’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-day cap could force Sacramento County to forfeit nearly $9 million in FEMA reimbursements officials there had been counting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about 1% of the county’s annual discretionary revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to say where exactly the impacts would be felt, but there would be either cuts or, at the very least, missed opportunities,” Patrick Kennedy, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the county spent more than $50 million on Project Roomkey — $8.8 million of which FEMA already reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMA’s choice to introduce a new rule years after counties spent the Roomkey money is “indefensible,” said Susan Ellenberg, president of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Her county could lose nearly $16 million thanks to the 20-day rule and FEMA’s refusal to reimburse for vacant rooms. To make matters worse, the county anticipates a $250 million budget deficit in the next fiscal year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/02/06/labor-health-costs-lead-santa-clara-county-to-project-250-million-deficit-in-upcoming-fiscal-year\">according to The Mercury News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the message is that we can’t count on our federal government to be accountable for promises that have been made and money that was spent in reliance on those promises,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using hotel rooms as shelter is not cheap: \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/img/reports/Final%20PRK%20Report%20Summary.pdf\">Alameda County estimated Project Roomkey costs about $260 per participant per night (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other options to help pay. The state kicked in over $260 million, and counties also used federal CARES Act and American Rescue Plan funding. Some counties, including San Benito, Sutter and Calaveras, ran hotel programs without applying for FEMA funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But for most local governments, especially those with the largest homeless populations, FEMA was intended to be a big part of their Roomkey strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the federal agency is poised to deny California governments hundreds of millions of dollars, local officials have limited options. If FEMA denies their claims, they can appeal and even go to arbitration at an administrative court in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process could take a year or more, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries FEMA might even use the 20-day cap to claw back money already paid to counties. If a county can’t pay, it could mean they get less funding during the next disaster, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What would local governments have done differently?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched in 2020, it was meant as an emergency health measure to prevent homeless Californians from dying on the street or in crowded shelters — not as an ongoing housing program. Throughout all of 2020, state officials had to ask FEMA every month to extend the program another 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the pandemic dragged on, cities and counties saw the federally funded hotel rooms as a unique opportunity to stabilize their vulnerable homeless populations. They brought in social workers to help residents get their identification and other paperwork in order and tried to find them permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were more successful at engaging individuals because we had a set location and because they had access to food and shelter,” said Wendy Osikafo, director of the Kings County Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s “primary objective” was providing temporary shelter for 386 people at high risk of COVID-19 complications, Osikafo said the continuity provided by motel rooms helped 95 people move on to long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County is still waiting for more than $8 million from FEMA — the vast majority of the $9.9 million that the Central Valley county spent to shelter people. Changes to the federal agency’s funding rules could “drastically reduce” how much is reimbursed, Osikafo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to move people from Roomkey hotels into long-term housing were far from perfect. In Sacramento County, just 25% of people who left the hotels ended up in permanent homes, compared to 32% who went into other temporary shelters and 41% who landed back on the streets or weren’t tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the program made a major difference for some people. Randy Scott, 59, lived off and on inside a drainage culvert along a San Pablo creek for 10 years. When he wasn’t sleeping there, he was usually in jail — picked up for parole violations stemming from past offenses, including a 2017 assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, he landed a motel room in the East Bay suburb of Pittsburg through Project Roomkey. Scott lived there for about a year. Having a stable place to live allowed him to hold down a job and buy a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life, really,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he works nights as a security guard at a storage facility in Richmond, where he lives in a trailer on the property. During the day, he works for a nonprofit doing outreach at homeless encampments. He has health insurance and paid vacation time, he’s filing taxes, and for the first time in about three decades, he’s no longer under any kind of court supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no way any of that would have happened if he’d been kicked out of his motel room after 20 days, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I needed that time to get a job and help me with my mental health and to get me in contact with services,” he said. “Nothing happens in 20 days in government. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Would state and local officials in California have acted differently if they knew FEMA wouldn’t reimburse lengthy Project Roomkey stays? That’s a tough question, say those involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented,” Scott Murray, deputy director of public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California did not see widespread COVID-19 deaths among its unhoused communities, as experts initially feared. Roomkey also helped set a new standard of care in the state. After seeing how homeless occupants benefited from having a private space with a door that locked — instead of sleeping on a cot in a traditional, crowded shelter — many California homeless service providers are opting to use similar models. Newsom’s latest plan is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> throughout the state as another way to give homeless occupants a private place to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg said she’s sure Roomkey saved lives in Santa Clara County. If they had known from the beginning FEMA wouldn’t pay for longer stays, they might have imposed limits. But it’s hard to imagine a blanket 20-day cap, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we think about what the impact would have been on people with health vulnerabilities, older adults, people with underlying conditions, if we had told them we can help and support you but only for three weeks,” Ellenberg said, “that would have been disastrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hepler contributed to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco plans to open its first permanent supportive housing for residents who are sober and in recovery from drug or alcohol addiction, Mayor London Breed announced Thursday alongside recovery advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 149 units at 935 Kearny St. come as overdose deaths have continued to rise in San Francisco and across the West Coast. San Francisco recorded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">806 drug overdose deaths\u003c/a> in 2023 — more than in any other year on record. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shireen McSpadden, executive director, Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing\"]‘… It’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded. We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.’[/pullquote]“We all know it’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a press conference Thursday at Hotel North Beach, where the city’s new units will be located. “We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober living units will be prioritized for people experiencing homelessness who have completed drug treatment programs, as well as people who already live in any of the city’s existing 10,000-plus units of permanent supportive housing and are seeking a sober environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents will be required to meet with social workers on-site to develop “recovery prevention plans,” according to Richard Beal, a recovery advocate and director at the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, which the city contracts with to provide low-income housing. At Hotel North Beach, there will also be recovery-focused group meetings on-site and case workers to support residents in their recovery journey and other health and social needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenderloin Housing Clinic and the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing will oversee the new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so much work to do. We know,” Mayor London Breed said on Thursday. “But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recovery advocates in the city have pushed for Breed to open more housing units for people seeking sober environments. Many people who are sober live in the city’s existing permanent supportive housing, but some say having a community dedicated to supporting their recovery journey could be beneficial. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We have so much work to do … But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.’[/pullquote]A recent survey of 450 Tenderloin Housing Clinic residents found that 71% said they would prefer to live in a sober hotel, according to Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, who shared the findings at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a lot of people tell us this is what they want,” McSpadden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening up an all-sober housing option within the city’s permanent supportive housing inventory hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fair housing laws prevent local governments from mandating residents to be sober to access public housing — because that could discriminate against people who are in recovery and make it even harder to access shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around state law barriers, the sober living program at Hotel North Beach will be paid through city dollars from the general fund, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank God that London Breed listened to the community, listened to the people, for having more transitional housing and helping people get to permanent housing,” said Cedric Akbar, a recovery advocate and executive director of Positive Directions Equals Changes. “One size does not fit all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco recently reopened 70 units of permanent supportive housing on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970663/san-franciscos-hope-for-expanding-supportive-housing-treasure-island\">Treasure Island\u003c/a> for people in recovery who had just completed a residential drug treatment program. Residents, however, can’t stay there long term and must leave between six months to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One resident at the Treasure Island site named Craig H. told KQED that having a like-minded community has supported his sobriety. But, he said it can be difficult to maintain sobriety after exiting transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco can help those of us that are getting ready to go back into the world. We need some housing,” Craig H. said. “We don’t need to be thrown back on 16th and Mission. We don’t need just SROs in the Tenderloin. We need a shot at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At North Beach Hotel, the hope is to create more spaces for people who are at a stage of their recovery where a sober community could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case managers and social workers at the hotel will also support residents if they relapse. [aside postID=news_11959733 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS68436_230829-ODAwareness-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']If someone does relapse, Breed said, “Our goal is not to throw them out and put them on the streets, but to take them out of the environment and place them in another location that could provide more wraparound support services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s press conference was interrupted by six residents and business owners who complained that they were not notified ahead of time of plans to open the sober living site in the neighborhood. The group chanted “no” as Breed walked up to speak and asked why they weren’t informed of the plans before the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McSpadden of HSH said that the city is following its normal process by identifying the site first and then inviting the community to provide feedback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The purchase of the building has yet to be finalized, and the city has until March 7 to conduct outreach and community engagement about concerns and hopes for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be a public meeting on Feb. 20 at the City College Chinatown campus to discuss the plans and gather local input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there have been some people who have not been directly outreached to, but we want to make that commitment today, that our goal is to sit down and have that conversation as we go through the process,” Breed said directly to critics at the press conference Thursday. “This is not about providing anything other than a safe living environment to be clean and sober and to contribute to the businesses and surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco plans to open its first permanent supportive housing for residents who are sober and in recovery from drug or alcohol addiction, Mayor London Breed announced Thursday alongside recovery advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 149 units at 935 Kearny St. come as overdose deaths have continued to rise in San Francisco and across the West Coast. San Francisco recorded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">806 drug overdose deaths\u003c/a> in 2023 — more than in any other year on record. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘… It’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded. We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We all know it’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a press conference Thursday at Hotel North Beach, where the city’s new units will be located. “We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober living units will be prioritized for people experiencing homelessness who have completed drug treatment programs, as well as people who already live in any of the city’s existing 10,000-plus units of permanent supportive housing and are seeking a sober environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents will be required to meet with social workers on-site to develop “recovery prevention plans,” according to Richard Beal, a recovery advocate and director at the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, which the city contracts with to provide low-income housing. At Hotel North Beach, there will also be recovery-focused group meetings on-site and case workers to support residents in their recovery journey and other health and social needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenderloin Housing Clinic and the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing will oversee the new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so much work to do. We know,” Mayor London Breed said on Thursday. “But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recovery advocates in the city have pushed for Breed to open more housing units for people seeking sober environments. Many people who are sober live in the city’s existing permanent supportive housing, but some say having a community dedicated to supporting their recovery journey could be beneficial. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A recent survey of 450 Tenderloin Housing Clinic residents found that 71% said they would prefer to live in a sober hotel, according to Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, who shared the findings at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a lot of people tell us this is what they want,” McSpadden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening up an all-sober housing option within the city’s permanent supportive housing inventory hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fair housing laws prevent local governments from mandating residents to be sober to access public housing — because that could discriminate against people who are in recovery and make it even harder to access shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around state law barriers, the sober living program at Hotel North Beach will be paid through city dollars from the general fund, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank God that London Breed listened to the community, listened to the people, for having more transitional housing and helping people get to permanent housing,” said Cedric Akbar, a recovery advocate and executive director of Positive Directions Equals Changes. “One size does not fit all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco recently reopened 70 units of permanent supportive housing on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970663/san-franciscos-hope-for-expanding-supportive-housing-treasure-island\">Treasure Island\u003c/a> for people in recovery who had just completed a residential drug treatment program. Residents, however, can’t stay there long term and must leave between six months to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One resident at the Treasure Island site named Craig H. told KQED that having a like-minded community has supported his sobriety. But, he said it can be difficult to maintain sobriety after exiting transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco can help those of us that are getting ready to go back into the world. We need some housing,” Craig H. said. “We don’t need to be thrown back on 16th and Mission. We don’t need just SROs in the Tenderloin. We need a shot at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At North Beach Hotel, the hope is to create more spaces for people who are at a stage of their recovery where a sober community could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case managers and social workers at the hotel will also support residents if they relapse. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If someone does relapse, Breed said, “Our goal is not to throw them out and put them on the streets, but to take them out of the environment and place them in another location that could provide more wraparound support services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s press conference was interrupted by six residents and business owners who complained that they were not notified ahead of time of plans to open the sober living site in the neighborhood. The group chanted “no” as Breed walked up to speak and asked why they weren’t informed of the plans before the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McSpadden of HSH said that the city is following its normal process by identifying the site first and then inviting the community to provide feedback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The purchase of the building has yet to be finalized, and the city has until March 7 to conduct outreach and community engagement about concerns and hopes for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be a public meeting on Feb. 20 at the City College Chinatown campus to discuss the plans and gather local input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there have been some people who have not been directly outreached to, but we want to make that commitment today, that our goal is to sit down and have that conversation as we go through the process,” Breed said directly to critics at the press conference Thursday. “This is not about providing anything other than a safe living environment to be clean and sober and to contribute to the businesses and surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California's Middle Class Declines as Low and High Incomes Surge, Study Shows",
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"content": "\u003cp>California is losing its middle-income earners, often referred to as “middle class,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccbuilders.org/moderate-middle-income-california-racial-wealth-gap\">new research\u003c/a> released Thursday by California Community Builders, a nonprofit housing research and advocacy organization.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Adam Briones, CEO, California Community Builders\"]‘Just the fact that our state is becoming both a state for the very poor and for the very rich is something that we believe should be shocking to policymakers and really needs a lot more attention.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found that the state lost 7% of residents in this demographic between 2000 and 2019. They defined middle income as those making between 80% and 200% of the area median income, which varies depending on location. For a family of four, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/income-limits-2023.pdf\">that can range\u003c/a> from $137,100 to $362,600 in high-priced Santa Clara County to between $65,950 to $167,600 in more rural and agricultural areas of the state, such as Humboldt and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a huge amount of people when you consider the size of California,” said Adam Briones, CEO of California Community Builders. “Just the fact that our state is becoming both a state for the very poor and for the very rich is something that we believe should be shocking to policymakers and really needs a lot more attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11975044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1316\" height=\"420\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png 1316w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-800x255.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-1020x326.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-160x51.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1316px) 100vw, 1316px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also an incredibly diverse group of residents, Briones said. Sixty percent of middle-income earners are people of color, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really, really want to get away from the narrative that all people of color are low income,” Briones said. “That’s really just not the case.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11969623,news_11973653,news_11970993\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The trend is even more pronounced among families that are considered lower middle income, with that population seeing a 35% drop in population. That includes families earning between 80% and 120% of area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report didn’t look at why people were leaving, but other studies have \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/californias-population-drain\">pointed to high housing costs\u003c/a> as one \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/whats-behind-californias-recent-population-decline-and-why-it-matters/\">main driver\u003c/a> for middle-income residents, and especially lower-middle-income residents, to leave the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric McGhee, at the Public Policy Institute of California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/whos-leaving-california-and-whos-moving-in/\">his organization’s research\u003c/a> into the trend also found it was especially pronounced among lower- and middle-income residents. The researchers used a different definition of middle income, capping it at $137,500 for a family of four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do see over time that as the cost of housing increases in California relative to the rest of the country, we do see people moving out at higher rates,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s been true since at least 2010, McGhee said, but he said the trend has become more pronounced in the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, higher-income residents were leaving the state at a higher rate than in the past, according to McGhee and other researchers at the Public Policy Institute of California. The rise in remote work precipitated that trend, he said, but it has recently slowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also seeing that particular part of it dial back,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to policy recommendations for retaining lower- and middle-income residents, Briones said more research is needed. His organization helped shape a down-payment assistance program, California Dream For All, that rolled out last year. It provided loans for up to 20% of the down payment on homes for residents who made up to 150% of the area median income that is repaid when the homeowner sells the house, along with 20% of the home’s appreciation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program had so much demand its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-first-time-homebuyer-assistance-demographics/\">funding was exhausted within 11 days\u003c/a> of its launch. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">second round\u003c/a> of funding is scheduled to roll out in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Community Builders is also sponsoring a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2140\">Assembly Bill 2140\u003c/a>, that would direct the state to study the creation of a large-scale homeownership financing program for middle-income residents. Briones emphasized the intent of the legislation is not to propose any programs that would be funded at the expense of supporting low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We truly don’t think that those two groups are at odds,” Briones said, adding the policy question the legislation hopes to consider is, “How do we create more resources for affordable homeownership that does not reduce resources for affordable rental housing?”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California is losing its middle-income earners, often referred to as “middle class,” according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.ccbuilders.org/moderate-middle-income-california-racial-wealth-gap\">new research\u003c/a> released Thursday by California Community Builders, a nonprofit housing research and advocacy organization.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The researchers found that the state lost 7% of residents in this demographic between 2000 and 2019. They defined middle income as those making between 80% and 200% of the area median income, which varies depending on location. For a family of four, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/grants-and-funding/income-limits-2023.pdf\">that can range\u003c/a> from $137,100 to $362,600 in high-priced Santa Clara County to between $65,950 to $167,600 in more rural and agricultural areas of the state, such as Humboldt and Fresno counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a huge amount of people when you consider the size of California,” said Adam Briones, CEO of California Community Builders. “Just the fact that our state is becoming both a state for the very poor and for the very rich is something that we believe should be shocking to policymakers and really needs a lot more attention.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-11975044\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"1316\" height=\"420\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM.png 1316w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-800x255.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-1020x326.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/02/Screenshot-2024-02-07-at-2.37.40-PM-160x51.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1316px) 100vw, 1316px\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also an incredibly diverse group of residents, Briones said. Sixty percent of middle-income earners are people of color, according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The trend is even more pronounced among families that are considered lower middle income, with that population seeing a 35% drop in population. That includes families earning between 80% and 120% of area median income.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report didn’t look at why people were leaving, but other studies have \u003ca href=\"https://siepr.stanford.edu/publications/policy-brief/californias-population-drain\">pointed to high housing costs\u003c/a> as one \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/publication/whats-behind-californias-recent-population-decline-and-why-it-matters/\">main driver\u003c/a> for middle-income residents, and especially lower-middle-income residents, to leave the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eric McGhee, at the Public Policy Institute of California, said \u003ca href=\"https://www.ppic.org/blog/whos-leaving-california-and-whos-moving-in/\">his organization’s research\u003c/a> into the trend also found it was especially pronounced among lower- and middle-income residents. The researchers used a different definition of middle income, capping it at $137,500 for a family of four.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We do see over time that as the cost of housing increases in California relative to the rest of the country, we do see people moving out at higher rates,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s been true since at least 2010, McGhee said, but he said the trend has become more pronounced in the past 10 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the pandemic, higher-income residents were leaving the state at a higher rate than in the past, according to McGhee and other researchers at the Public Policy Institute of California. The rise in remote work precipitated that trend, he said, but it has recently slowed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re also seeing that particular part of it dial back,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When it comes to policy recommendations for retaining lower- and middle-income residents, Briones said more research is needed. His organization helped shape a down-payment assistance program, California Dream For All, that rolled out last year. It provided loans for up to 20% of the down payment on homes for residents who made up to 150% of the area median income that is repaid when the homeowner sells the house, along with 20% of the home’s appreciation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program had so much demand its \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-first-time-homebuyer-assistance-demographics/\">funding was exhausted within 11 days\u003c/a> of its launch. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.calhfa.ca.gov/dream/\">second round\u003c/a> of funding is scheduled to roll out in April.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Community Builders is also sponsoring a bill, \u003ca href=\"https://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billTextClient.xhtml?bill_id=202320240AB2140\">Assembly Bill 2140\u003c/a>, that would direct the state to study the creation of a large-scale homeownership financing program for middle-income residents. Briones emphasized the intent of the legislation is not to propose any programs that would be funded at the expense of supporting low-income residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We truly don’t think that those two groups are at odds,” Briones said, adding the policy question the legislation hopes to consider is, “How do we create more resources for affordable homeownership that does not reduce resources for affordable rental housing?”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s primary is just around the corner, on March 5, 2024. This year, there’s a statewide Proposition on your primary ballot, but don’t worry we’ve got you covered. Prop. 1 asks voters two big questions: Should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There’s tons of interesting stuff to dig into on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> California. Primary day is just around the corner on March 5th, and this year Californians have a lot to consider. We’ve got the presidential primary. Of course, there’s a contentious Senate race and lots happening on the local level. And then we’ve got proposition one all about funding for mental health care and housing for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Here’s how prop one will read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Authorizes $6.38 billion in bonds to build mental health treatment facilities for those with mental health and substance use challenges. It provides housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, there are two big questions being asked in this prop should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There is lots of interesting stuff to discuss here. We’ll dig in just ahead on be curious. I’m Olivia Allen Price. It is always a pleasure when prop voting time rolls around, because it means I get to talk to KQED politics correspondent guy Maserati. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> It’s been a minute, but here we are in a big election year. One of the first decisions that California voters are going to make is which way to go on prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That’s right. Proposition one is actually two pretty big ideas that are rolled up into one proposition. So it’s a bond measure. It’s also a reallocation of existing funds. So this was placed on the ballot by the state legislature because they need to go to the voters to get approval if they want to issue a bond. They also need to go to the voters to make a change to a ballot measure that voters previously approved back in 2004. So here we are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’ll go step by step through all the moving parts of this one. But first, guy, can you walk us through the problems that proposition one is aiming to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah. The big idea behind the proposition is focusing state dollars on people who are experiencing homelessness and who have severe behavioral health issues. So we know Californians who are experiencing homelessness. It’s not a monolith. You have people who maybe, you know, fell behind on rent, maybe people who are just looking for an affordable place to live. Prop one is not focused on those folks. But, there are a lot of people who are experiencing homelessness in California who have added challenges on top of that. UCSF did their massive study of the state’s homeless population. They found 27% of people living without shelter have been hospitalized for a mental health issue. They also found 65% of those people who are living without shelter have reported heavy substance abuse. These are the kinds of people who are prop one is aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the idea is that of all the people in the state who are facing mental health challenges, these Californians, the ones who are living on the streets or at risk of living on the streets, are the ones who need to be prioritized. And so that’s where you get to kind of the political piece of all of this, which is that homelessness is a top priority for voters, especially kind of the visible suffering of people that you see on the streets. That’s become such a huge political issue, and it’s become a big issue for the man who is backing prop one. Governor Gavin Newsom, this is part of his kind of big swing to try to fix this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. And broadly, what are we considering in proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So voters are being asked if the state should borrow money to build treatment facilities, build supportive housing, and if it should also change how existing mental health money gets spent, mainly by using more of that mental health money to build housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s dig into the details a bit more now. Like we said a minute ago, this prop has sort of two arms. And I want to start with that first arm the bond. Now a quick bond refresher. A bond is essentially a loan the government takes out to fund certain projects. In this case, it’s a loan the state will pay back with interest over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So prop one would allow the state to borrow money by issuing $6.38 billion in bonds. Most of that money, about $4.4 billion, is going to go towards building treatment facilities. Now, this is for, like we mentioned, the thousands of Californians who have mental health needs, who have substance abuse issues, who are at risk or are actually living on the street. So that could be kind of a short term crisis care facility or longer term, you know, residential facilities, rehab communities and even, you know, some outpatient services. So that’s about 4.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the rest of the measure, roughly 2 billion, that’s going to go towards building affordable apartments that come with kind of onsite behavioral health services. Of that 2 billion. Now we’re breaking this down further. Of that 2 billion. About 1 billion would be specifically for veterans who have behavioral health challenges. So again, we’re talking about helping people who are most visibly suffering, people who are having, you know, psychotic episodes on the street, people who are living in tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So what is all this investment actually going to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Supporters of prop one say by spending this bond money, they’re going to be able to create 4350 housing units, another 6800 treatment slots. Obviously, this is all a drop in the bucket for the overall homeless population in California, which is estimated to be more than 180,000 people. But again, the idea of prop one is a focus less focus on a subgroup of people who are experiencing homelessness. Newsom says prop one is the solution to the decades of unintended consequences that kicked off when California closed its state mental hospitals, but didn’t create alternative places for people to live and get care. Here’s Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> The reforms that took place in the late 50s, in the 60s and the 70s, that bipartisan endeavor around deinstitutionalization. We had a peak 37,000, beds in the state of California in the 60s, 37,000 beds. Today, it’s about 5500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We actually do have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11209729/did-the-emptying-of-mental-hospitals-contribute-to-homelessness-here\">Bay Curious episode about the closing of state mental hospitals and its impact on homelessness\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link in the show notes and transcript for this episode if you want to check that out. Guy, is there more detail on how this money will be allocated, like specific projects or even how much would go to, say, Alameda County versus Los Angeles County or anything like that? Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That all hasn’t been laid out yet. I will say Newsom’s chief of staff, toxic KQED last summer about this prop. She said the administration, even though this had just started to move towards the ballot, they’re already looking at locations to build or refurbish, potential places with this bond money. I think really acknowledging that the process of building anything in California just takes a really long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> [00:06:50] Another discussion for another time. I think it’s always worth remembering that bond money isn’t free if voters approve it. How will this bond impact Californians over time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So California would have to repay the bonds back over 30 years out of the state’s general fund. That’s where all our tax money ends up. And that works out to about $310 million a year, which because we’re talking about a really massive state budget, it’s actually only about one half of 1% of the general fund. Now, the state would have to pay interest on top of all of that. So over the course of three decades, we’d pay about $9 billion, not adjusted for inflation, to pay back what is a $6.38 billion bond on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay, now on to the second arm of proposition one. So this measure would change how money collected for mental health services under Prop 63, which passed in 2004, is distributed. Okay. Start by taking us back 20 years to when voters approved the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, this was really wild for me. Going back and looking at the coverage of that campaign back in 2004, because the issues that the supporters of Prop 63 were trying to address are so similar to what supporters of prop one are talking about right now. It’s basically a feeling that since those state hospitals closed, California really stopped providing the necessary care for people who have these severe mental health challenges. And the result has been those same people end up on the streets, in tents in our county jails. So what the Mental Health Services Act did back in 2004 was create this 1% tax on income over $1 million. It’s since been kind of colloquially known as the millionaires tax. And that created this new bucket of money that the state could use for mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So voters passed the Mental Health Services Act, which generates between two and a half and $3 billion per year. And that money now funds about a third of mental health services budgets for counties around the state. What counties especially like about this money is they have a lot of say in how it gets used. There aren’t a lot of strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Darrell Steinberg, who is currently the mayor of Sacramento back then in 2004, he was in the legislature and actually helped write the original Mental Health Services Act. He says the measure has been successful. It’s paid for a lot of services all across the state, from counseling to drop in centers to early intervention, having people come in to schools and classrooms and help teachers identify kids who might have mental health challenges. But he says the reason that all these years later, he’s now one of the leading supporters of changing it is because there hasn’t been enough focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Darrell Steinberg:\u003c/strong> I think the counties have actually spent the money well, but what they haven’t done is spent it in a way that was focused on the most critical issues affecting our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So the trade off that supporters of prop one are pitching to voters is basically, let’s give up the flexibility in how this money is spent in exchange for adding greater focus, specifically focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Tell me more about how they would limit flexibility that the counties have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So under prop one, if it passes, counties would be required to spend 30% of that millionaire tax money they get from the state, specifically on housing. So that could mean providing rental subsidies, building new housing, converting things like motels into housing with supportive services. So this would leave counties then with less money to spend on some of the other programs and services they’ve been providing in the mental health space. So they need to find the money elsewhere. Or in the case a lot of opponents are concerned about, they would need to scale back or cut some of these programs. Paul Simmons is one of the leaders of the No on prop one campaign. He recently led Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance California, which provides peer support for people with depression bipolar disorder. He says service providers in similar positions are really worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> Adult respite centers and wellness centers are very, very much at risk. All peer support programs are just scared to death right now that they’re going to lose any funding they got from from the MSA funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And you also have county governments who are really concerned about prop one, because right now they’re the ones that are getting this millionaires tax money. They are concerned that more of this money would go to the state. The state wants more say on how the millionaires tax money is spent. So you have many county supervisors who have come out against prop one. They’re concerned that if it passes, they’re going to have to cancel contracts with community based organizations or even perhaps reduce county staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Right now, 95% of that million in our tax money goes to counties. What would that look like under prop one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Under prop one, it would be more like 90% with the state using its cut for things like increasing just the number of mental health care workers. And one other change I should note here is that counties under prop one would be able to spend some of this money on housing for folks who just have drug and alcohol addiction challenges, you know, substance abuse issues. They may not have a dual diagnosis, mental health issue. And right now, all the Mental Health Services Act funding under Prop 63, the millionaires tax, all of that has to be used for people with mental health conditions. This would actually change the name of the entire thing to the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I see, so by calling it the behavioral rather than the Mental Health Services Act, it really broadens out the group of people who could be served by the money guy. Would this increase taxes for anybody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> No. And this is actually what makes this kind of controversial. It doesn’t increase the millionaires tax that funds the current Mental Health Services Act. So opponents of prop one say you have the same pot of money. You’re just stretching it in all these new directions by trying to focus on housing. Now, supporters like Newsom will say, that’s not the whole picture. There are all these other initiatives happening, you know, like Cal Aim, which try to get, for example, health plans to pay for some of these mental health services that prop 63, the Mental Health Services Act, has been doing for the last two. Years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What else do opponents have to say about this one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So I think just like we broke down the measure into a couple parts, it might be helpful to break down where opponents are coming from on this pretty, pretty complex measure. So let’s start with the bonds. You have the state borrowing a lot of money to build these treatment facilities, supportive apartments. So you have conservatives, anti-tax groups like the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They oppose taking on that debt. And then there’s other conservatives who kind of jump on and say, we also don’t agree with the Housing First policy here, which is when someone with, say, a substance abuse problem is given housing before going through treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s another piece of this, which is about what kind of housing can be built with this bond money, because prop one actually allows the money to be spent on locked facilities. These are, you know, places where people might get placed as a result of a conservatorship, where treatment is not voluntary. And this is pretty controversial. You get opposition not from conservatives on this, but you get opposition from groups like Disability Rights California, for example, who say these kind of lock facilities violate civil liberties and don’t have proven outcomes. Now, supporters of prop one say this is not going to be a huge piece of all the new facilities that get built, but that’s really an open question going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And what about the changes to how the existing prop 63 millionaires tax money is spent? Who is opposed to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, that piece of prop one is opposed by some service providers, folks like Paul Simmons, who say if you’re focusing on helping people who are the most visible have the most acute needs, that’s a poor investment. If you’re taking that money from programs that try to provide help with mental health, substance abuse, when people are in school or when they’re in counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> But really, what they’re doing, from my perspective, is to take the money from the early intervention, take it from the upstream part and throw it all into downstream. You know, where people are having more trouble and in fact, forcing more people downstream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And so folks like Simmons are worried that if California puts less funding toward preventative upstream programs that support people you know, before their problems are most severe, we’re actually going to worsen some of the state’s problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who is in support of proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, the biggest name in support is Governor Gavin Newsom. You know, for all the attention he’s gotten on political stunts, campaigning across the country, debating Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, the biggest policy focus he’s had in Sacramento has been at this intersection of behavioral health and homelessness. So just in the last few years, the governor signed bills to create care courts. So this kind of compels treatment, housing for people with severe mental illness. He also signed bills making it easier to place people in a conservative ship. Prop one is the latest step in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> This is, I think, the last big piece. We’ve got we’ve just we’ve radically changed the way we’re doing business. We created more flexibility, more tools, more accountability, more resources. Now we just we need more beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And I think what’s notable about prop one is just the size of the coalition supporting it. So both these ideas, the bond measure and then these changes to mental health spending. They both passed with huge majorities in the legislature last year. Support from Democrats, support from Republicans. Now, you might say like, oh, when the governor comes out and says, this is my top priority, everyone’s going to get in line. But I also think it’s a fact that the broken status quo, we see people just visibly suffering on the street. That touches a lot of different parts of society. So you have, you know, leaders of California hospitals supporting this. They see many of these residents end up in their emergency rooms. You have groups representing firefighters, law enforcement behind this. They often get called to respond when someone is having a mental health episode. And then you have what might be the biggest group of backers, which are mayors. You know, they feel directly, you know, accountable to voters for what residents see on the street. And it’s why you have mayors like London Breed in San Francisco so vocally in support of prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed:\u003c/strong> I was just out in the Tenderloin and San Francisco, and it is clear that we need people to get the support that they need, especially those suffering from mental health and substance use disorder. Let’s get into campaign spending. What does it look like on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Prop spending is very lopsided for this prop. You have supporters having raised more than $11 million to help push this measure through. Opponents, on the other hand, just about $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Wow. So really kind of David and Goliath on the on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> On the spending front for sure. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, KQED political correspondent Guy Maserati, always a pleasure. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In a nutshell, a vote yes on proposition one means you’d like to see funds from an existing tax on millionaires used not just for mental health care, but also people facing drug or alcohol challenges. You’d also like those funds to be used for housing people needing mental health or substance abuse care. Finally, you’d like California to borrow $6.4 billion to pay for more mental health and substance abuse treatment facilities and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A vote no on proposition one means you’d like to keep the Mental Health Services Act in its current form, and or you do not want California to issue that $6.4 billion bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All right. We really hope that helped you make sense of what you’ll be voting on. Again, Election Day is March 5th, but ballots should be in your mailbox soon if they haven’t arrived yet. If you found this episode helpful, do us a favor and tell your friends all about it or share it out on your social media accounts. Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re already gearing up for our full sized Prop Fest series during the upcoming general election. If you’ve got questions about a prop, another race, or any other voting issue in California, head over to Bay curious.org and use the form at the top of the page to send that question our way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Bill and me Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from Jen Chen, Katie Springer, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanford, Hollie Kernan and the whole KQED family. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. Best of luck in your decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s primary is just around the corner, on March 5, 2024. This year, there’s a statewide Proposition on your primary ballot, but don’t worry we’ve got you covered. Prop. 1 asks voters two big questions: Should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There’s tons of interesting stuff to dig into on this one.\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> California. Primary day is just around the corner on March 5th, and this year Californians have a lot to consider. We’ve got the presidential primary. Of course, there’s a contentious Senate race and lots happening on the local level. And then we’ve got proposition one all about funding for mental health care and housing for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Here’s how prop one will read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Authorizes $6.38 billion in bonds to build mental health treatment facilities for those with mental health and substance use challenges. It provides housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, there are two big questions being asked in this prop should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There is lots of interesting stuff to discuss here. We’ll dig in just ahead on be curious. I’m Olivia Allen Price. It is always a pleasure when prop voting time rolls around, because it means I get to talk to KQED politics correspondent guy Maserati. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> It’s been a minute, but here we are in a big election year. One of the first decisions that California voters are going to make is which way to go on prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That’s right. Proposition one is actually two pretty big ideas that are rolled up into one proposition. So it’s a bond measure. It’s also a reallocation of existing funds. So this was placed on the ballot by the state legislature because they need to go to the voters to get approval if they want to issue a bond. They also need to go to the voters to make a change to a ballot measure that voters previously approved back in 2004. So here we are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’ll go step by step through all the moving parts of this one. But first, guy, can you walk us through the problems that proposition one is aiming to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah. The big idea behind the proposition is focusing state dollars on people who are experiencing homelessness and who have severe behavioral health issues. So we know Californians who are experiencing homelessness. It’s not a monolith. You have people who maybe, you know, fell behind on rent, maybe people who are just looking for an affordable place to live. Prop one is not focused on those folks. But, there are a lot of people who are experiencing homelessness in California who have added challenges on top of that. UCSF did their massive study of the state’s homeless population. They found 27% of people living without shelter have been hospitalized for a mental health issue. They also found 65% of those people who are living without shelter have reported heavy substance abuse. These are the kinds of people who are prop one is aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the idea is that of all the people in the state who are facing mental health challenges, these Californians, the ones who are living on the streets or at risk of living on the streets, are the ones who need to be prioritized. And so that’s where you get to kind of the political piece of all of this, which is that homelessness is a top priority for voters, especially kind of the visible suffering of people that you see on the streets. That’s become such a huge political issue, and it’s become a big issue for the man who is backing prop one. Governor Gavin Newsom, this is part of his kind of big swing to try to fix this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. And broadly, what are we considering in proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So voters are being asked if the state should borrow money to build treatment facilities, build supportive housing, and if it should also change how existing mental health money gets spent, mainly by using more of that mental health money to build housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s dig into the details a bit more now. Like we said a minute ago, this prop has sort of two arms. And I want to start with that first arm the bond. Now a quick bond refresher. A bond is essentially a loan the government takes out to fund certain projects. In this case, it’s a loan the state will pay back with interest over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So prop one would allow the state to borrow money by issuing $6.38 billion in bonds. Most of that money, about $4.4 billion, is going to go towards building treatment facilities. Now, this is for, like we mentioned, the thousands of Californians who have mental health needs, who have substance abuse issues, who are at risk or are actually living on the street. So that could be kind of a short term crisis care facility or longer term, you know, residential facilities, rehab communities and even, you know, some outpatient services. So that’s about 4.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the rest of the measure, roughly 2 billion, that’s going to go towards building affordable apartments that come with kind of onsite behavioral health services. Of that 2 billion. Now we’re breaking this down further. Of that 2 billion. About 1 billion would be specifically for veterans who have behavioral health challenges. So again, we’re talking about helping people who are most visibly suffering, people who are having, you know, psychotic episodes on the street, people who are living in tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So what is all this investment actually going to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Supporters of prop one say by spending this bond money, they’re going to be able to create 4350 housing units, another 6800 treatment slots. Obviously, this is all a drop in the bucket for the overall homeless population in California, which is estimated to be more than 180,000 people. But again, the idea of prop one is a focus less focus on a subgroup of people who are experiencing homelessness. Newsom says prop one is the solution to the decades of unintended consequences that kicked off when California closed its state mental hospitals, but didn’t create alternative places for people to live and get care. Here’s Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> The reforms that took place in the late 50s, in the 60s and the 70s, that bipartisan endeavor around deinstitutionalization. We had a peak 37,000, beds in the state of California in the 60s, 37,000 beds. Today, it’s about 5500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We actually do have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11209729/did-the-emptying-of-mental-hospitals-contribute-to-homelessness-here\">Bay Curious episode about the closing of state mental hospitals and its impact on homelessness\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link in the show notes and transcript for this episode if you want to check that out. Guy, is there more detail on how this money will be allocated, like specific projects or even how much would go to, say, Alameda County versus Los Angeles County or anything like that? Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That all hasn’t been laid out yet. I will say Newsom’s chief of staff, toxic KQED last summer about this prop. She said the administration, even though this had just started to move towards the ballot, they’re already looking at locations to build or refurbish, potential places with this bond money. I think really acknowledging that the process of building anything in California just takes a really long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> [00:06:50] Another discussion for another time. I think it’s always worth remembering that bond money isn’t free if voters approve it. How will this bond impact Californians over time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So California would have to repay the bonds back over 30 years out of the state’s general fund. That’s where all our tax money ends up. And that works out to about $310 million a year, which because we’re talking about a really massive state budget, it’s actually only about one half of 1% of the general fund. Now, the state would have to pay interest on top of all of that. So over the course of three decades, we’d pay about $9 billion, not adjusted for inflation, to pay back what is a $6.38 billion bond on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay, now on to the second arm of proposition one. So this measure would change how money collected for mental health services under Prop 63, which passed in 2004, is distributed. Okay. Start by taking us back 20 years to when voters approved the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, this was really wild for me. Going back and looking at the coverage of that campaign back in 2004, because the issues that the supporters of Prop 63 were trying to address are so similar to what supporters of prop one are talking about right now. It’s basically a feeling that since those state hospitals closed, California really stopped providing the necessary care for people who have these severe mental health challenges. And the result has been those same people end up on the streets, in tents in our county jails. So what the Mental Health Services Act did back in 2004 was create this 1% tax on income over $1 million. It’s since been kind of colloquially known as the millionaires tax. And that created this new bucket of money that the state could use for mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So voters passed the Mental Health Services Act, which generates between two and a half and $3 billion per year. And that money now funds about a third of mental health services budgets for counties around the state. What counties especially like about this money is they have a lot of say in how it gets used. There aren’t a lot of strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Darrell Steinberg, who is currently the mayor of Sacramento back then in 2004, he was in the legislature and actually helped write the original Mental Health Services Act. He says the measure has been successful. It’s paid for a lot of services all across the state, from counseling to drop in centers to early intervention, having people come in to schools and classrooms and help teachers identify kids who might have mental health challenges. But he says the reason that all these years later, he’s now one of the leading supporters of changing it is because there hasn’t been enough focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Darrell Steinberg:\u003c/strong> I think the counties have actually spent the money well, but what they haven’t done is spent it in a way that was focused on the most critical issues affecting our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So the trade off that supporters of prop one are pitching to voters is basically, let’s give up the flexibility in how this money is spent in exchange for adding greater focus, specifically focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Tell me more about how they would limit flexibility that the counties have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So under prop one, if it passes, counties would be required to spend 30% of that millionaire tax money they get from the state, specifically on housing. So that could mean providing rental subsidies, building new housing, converting things like motels into housing with supportive services. So this would leave counties then with less money to spend on some of the other programs and services they’ve been providing in the mental health space. So they need to find the money elsewhere. Or in the case a lot of opponents are concerned about, they would need to scale back or cut some of these programs. Paul Simmons is one of the leaders of the No on prop one campaign. He recently led Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance California, which provides peer support for people with depression bipolar disorder. He says service providers in similar positions are really worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> Adult respite centers and wellness centers are very, very much at risk. All peer support programs are just scared to death right now that they’re going to lose any funding they got from from the MSA funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And you also have county governments who are really concerned about prop one, because right now they’re the ones that are getting this millionaires tax money. They are concerned that more of this money would go to the state. The state wants more say on how the millionaires tax money is spent. So you have many county supervisors who have come out against prop one. They’re concerned that if it passes, they’re going to have to cancel contracts with community based organizations or even perhaps reduce county staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Right now, 95% of that million in our tax money goes to counties. What would that look like under prop one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Under prop one, it would be more like 90% with the state using its cut for things like increasing just the number of mental health care workers. And one other change I should note here is that counties under prop one would be able to spend some of this money on housing for folks who just have drug and alcohol addiction challenges, you know, substance abuse issues. They may not have a dual diagnosis, mental health issue. And right now, all the Mental Health Services Act funding under Prop 63, the millionaires tax, all of that has to be used for people with mental health conditions. This would actually change the name of the entire thing to the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I see, so by calling it the behavioral rather than the Mental Health Services Act, it really broadens out the group of people who could be served by the money guy. Would this increase taxes for anybody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> No. And this is actually what makes this kind of controversial. It doesn’t increase the millionaires tax that funds the current Mental Health Services Act. So opponents of prop one say you have the same pot of money. You’re just stretching it in all these new directions by trying to focus on housing. Now, supporters like Newsom will say, that’s not the whole picture. There are all these other initiatives happening, you know, like Cal Aim, which try to get, for example, health plans to pay for some of these mental health services that prop 63, the Mental Health Services Act, has been doing for the last two. Years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What else do opponents have to say about this one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So I think just like we broke down the measure into a couple parts, it might be helpful to break down where opponents are coming from on this pretty, pretty complex measure. So let’s start with the bonds. You have the state borrowing a lot of money to build these treatment facilities, supportive apartments. So you have conservatives, anti-tax groups like the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They oppose taking on that debt. And then there’s other conservatives who kind of jump on and say, we also don’t agree with the Housing First policy here, which is when someone with, say, a substance abuse problem is given housing before going through treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s another piece of this, which is about what kind of housing can be built with this bond money, because prop one actually allows the money to be spent on locked facilities. These are, you know, places where people might get placed as a result of a conservatorship, where treatment is not voluntary. And this is pretty controversial. You get opposition not from conservatives on this, but you get opposition from groups like Disability Rights California, for example, who say these kind of lock facilities violate civil liberties and don’t have proven outcomes. Now, supporters of prop one say this is not going to be a huge piece of all the new facilities that get built, but that’s really an open question going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And what about the changes to how the existing prop 63 millionaires tax money is spent? Who is opposed to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, that piece of prop one is opposed by some service providers, folks like Paul Simmons, who say if you’re focusing on helping people who are the most visible have the most acute needs, that’s a poor investment. If you’re taking that money from programs that try to provide help with mental health, substance abuse, when people are in school or when they’re in counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> But really, what they’re doing, from my perspective, is to take the money from the early intervention, take it from the upstream part and throw it all into downstream. You know, where people are having more trouble and in fact, forcing more people downstream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And so folks like Simmons are worried that if California puts less funding toward preventative upstream programs that support people you know, before their problems are most severe, we’re actually going to worsen some of the state’s problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who is in support of proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, the biggest name in support is Governor Gavin Newsom. You know, for all the attention he’s gotten on political stunts, campaigning across the country, debating Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, the biggest policy focus he’s had in Sacramento has been at this intersection of behavioral health and homelessness. So just in the last few years, the governor signed bills to create care courts. So this kind of compels treatment, housing for people with severe mental illness. He also signed bills making it easier to place people in a conservative ship. Prop one is the latest step in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> This is, I think, the last big piece. We’ve got we’ve just we’ve radically changed the way we’re doing business. We created more flexibility, more tools, more accountability, more resources. Now we just we need more beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And I think what’s notable about prop one is just the size of the coalition supporting it. So both these ideas, the bond measure and then these changes to mental health spending. They both passed with huge majorities in the legislature last year. Support from Democrats, support from Republicans. Now, you might say like, oh, when the governor comes out and says, this is my top priority, everyone’s going to get in line. But I also think it’s a fact that the broken status quo, we see people just visibly suffering on the street. That touches a lot of different parts of society. So you have, you know, leaders of California hospitals supporting this. They see many of these residents end up in their emergency rooms. You have groups representing firefighters, law enforcement behind this. They often get called to respond when someone is having a mental health episode. And then you have what might be the biggest group of backers, which are mayors. You know, they feel directly, you know, accountable to voters for what residents see on the street. And it’s why you have mayors like London Breed in San Francisco so vocally in support of prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed:\u003c/strong> I was just out in the Tenderloin and San Francisco, and it is clear that we need people to get the support that they need, especially those suffering from mental health and substance use disorder. Let’s get into campaign spending. What does it look like on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Prop spending is very lopsided for this prop. You have supporters having raised more than $11 million to help push this measure through. Opponents, on the other hand, just about $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Wow. So really kind of David and Goliath on the on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> On the spending front for sure. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, KQED political correspondent Guy Maserati, always a pleasure. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In a nutshell, a vote yes on proposition one means you’d like to see funds from an existing tax on millionaires used not just for mental health care, but also people facing drug or alcohol challenges. You’d also like those funds to be used for housing people needing mental health or substance abuse care. Finally, you’d like California to borrow $6.4 billion to pay for more mental health and substance abuse treatment facilities and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A vote no on proposition one means you’d like to keep the Mental Health Services Act in its current form, and or you do not want California to issue that $6.4 billion bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All right. We really hope that helped you make sense of what you’ll be voting on. Again, Election Day is March 5th, but ballots should be in your mailbox soon if they haven’t arrived yet. If you found this episode helpful, do us a favor and tell your friends all about it or share it out on your social media accounts. Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re already gearing up for our full sized Prop Fest series during the upcoming general election. If you’ve got questions about a prop, another race, or any other voting issue in California, head over to Bay curious.org and use the form at the top of the page to send that question our way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Bill and me Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from Jen Chen, Katie Springer, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanford, Hollie Kernan and the whole KQED family. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. Best of luck in your decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/div>"
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"content": "\u003cp>Elester Hubbard sees San Francisco’s housing crisis up close on a daily basis. As a supervisor for San Francisco’s homelessness outreach team, he works every day to connect unhoused people with social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But late in the night on Tuesday, while winding through residential and industrial areas of the Bayview neighborhood, Hubbard had a realization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see homelessness all the time. But actually counting it, and just seeing those numbers go up and keep growing, you really see how there’s always work to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubbard, who grew up in San Francisco, was among dozens of workers who fanned out across the city to pursue an almost impossible task: estimate the number of unhoused people in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people stand beside an official-looking car, holding a map in the dark.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Hewson (left), manager at the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, and Elester Hubbard, Outreach Supervisor with SFHOT, look at a map after their team completed their assigned area during a point-in-time homeless population count in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Known as \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#:~:text=The%20PIT%20Count%20is%20a,course%20of%20a%20full%20year.\">the point-in-time count\u003c/a>, the survey measures the number of people staying in shelters, as well as those who are living in cars, tents, sleeping bags or other places not meant for human habitation. The U.S. government requires all local regions and counties to participate in the count every two years in order to receive federal dollars for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11973859,news_11812665,news_11799833 label='The Point-in-Time Count']Preliminary data from San Francisco’s survey will be released in Spring 2024, and the full report will be available this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last time around, in 2021, San Francisco and the many Bay Area counties canceled the count due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, another winter surge of COVID-19 delayed the count from its usual January date to February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city workers tallied 7,754 people experiencing homelessness two years ago — a 3.5% decrease from 2019. Also, during that period, the number of people staying in San Francisco’s shelters, rather than sleeping outside, increased as the city simultaneously grew its inventory of shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In any year, the survey is widely considered an undercount because counters have to make judgment calls and can also easily overlook people who are couch surfing or simply hidden from plain sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"San Francisco Point-in-Time Homeless Count Since 2005\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Qx8jm\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Qx8jm/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are several well-known limitations of the point-in-time count,” said Margot Kushel, director of the Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative at UCSF. “It doesn’t do a good job counting young adults and homeless youth, or people who are cycling in and out of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the information from the count is still valuable, Kushel said, especially when compared to other data sets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Kushel and a team of researchers at UCSF released the largest of its kind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953216/lack-of-affordable-housing-is-driving-older-californians-into-homelessness\">study\u003c/a> on homelessness in California, which asked thousands of unhoused people in-depth questions about how they became homeless, their health, drug use, family history, work history and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy to understand that there are way too many people experiencing homelessness, but it would help us to understand what is happening in people’s lives right before they’re homeless,” Kushel said. “What are the signals just before someone becomes homeless, and how can we get them legal services or funding to pay back rent? How do we end their homelessness quickly?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How San Francisco conducts its point-in-time count\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, teams of workers and volunteers — most of whom work within the city’s homeless services agencies — gathered downtown around 7:30 p.m. on Tuesday to hear instructions. Each crew was handed a detailed map of streets and alleyways to scan for signs of life, along with instructions to record findings in a mobile app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counters did not conduct interviews with people they identified but were given tips before the assignment on visual cues to look out for and others to be wary of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL.jpg\" alt=\"A man inputs data into a phone, while sitting in the passenger seat of a car\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outreach specialist Sean Bullock inputs data into an app as teams spread out through San Francisco to count sheltered and unsheltered people experiencing homelessness on a single night. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You might see people laying down, count them. People walking around, count them,” Jose Torres, program manager for the SF Homeless Outreach Team, said to surveyors before they took off for the night. “If they are carrying a lot of stuff and bags, that might tell you the person is unhoused. Shoes can tell you a lot about a person too, seeing if they have really old shoes or no shoes at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups took off by foot in densely populated areas like the Tenderloin and Mission. But out in the sprawling Bayview neighborhood, where RVs are much more common, Hubbard and his team drove in a city vehicle to cover more ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately upon getting to the group’s map area, the team spotted a line of RVs with tents and other makeshift shelters scattered between a FedEx distribution center and Amazon warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to say that RV is confirmed because there’s music playing inside,” said Sean Bullock, an outreach specialist with SFHOT who was riding in the passenger seat while recording the data. At another row of RVs, the team stopped beside a smaller trailer packed with items but dark inside. “That looks like storage; let’s move on,” Hubbard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Block by block, the team scanned the streets, making these types of judgments over whether a person or multiple people may be living in a vehicle or tent. But some calls were easier than others. As the team drove slowly under a freeway overpass, four people stood beside their tents and huddled around a small fire to keep warm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly four hours, Hubbard’s crew called it a night. They recorded 257 encounters, including individuals confirmed and vehicles and RVs that appeared to be lived in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"a line of RVs in a car mirror\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Homeless Outreach Team members look for vehicles and RVs serving as shelters, but many have to make judgment calls as they count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike counties that conduct their point-in-time count in the early morning hours, San Francisco does its count at night. It also relies on trained workers, as opposed to a volunteer crew, to perform the tallies. Other cities across the country, and even across California, do it differently — another challenge researchers have with the accuracy of the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, 95% of people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, according to Kushel, whereas the majority of unhoused people in San Francisco are unsheltered. And in more rural parts of the country, “it’s way easier to not be counted or found,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at highlighted maps and the final tally on his phone, Hubbard said the count itself made him appreciate the work that’s done beyond just number-gathering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll come back 10 times to build rapport with a client to make progress,” Hubbard said. “Some people may think that’s wasted time, but we don’t think of it as that. That’s how we get results with clients we work with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Elester Hubbard sees San Francisco’s housing crisis up close on a daily basis. As a supervisor for San Francisco’s homelessness outreach team, he works every day to connect unhoused people with social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But late in the night on Tuesday, while winding through residential and industrial areas of the Bayview neighborhood, Hubbard had a realization.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see homelessness all the time. But actually counting it, and just seeing those numbers go up and keep growing, you really see how there’s always work to do,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hubbard, who grew up in San Francisco, was among dozens of workers who fanned out across the city to pursue an almost impossible task: estimate the number of unhoused people in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974370\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974370\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people stand beside an official-looking car, holding a map in the dark.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-51-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Elizabeth Hewson (left), manager at the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, and Elester Hubbard, Outreach Supervisor with SFHOT, look at a map after their team completed their assigned area during a point-in-time homeless population count in San Francisco on Jan. 30, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Known as \u003ca href=\"https://hsh.sfgov.org/about/research-and-reports/pit/#:~:text=The%20PIT%20Count%20is%20a,course%20of%20a%20full%20year.\">the point-in-time count\u003c/a>, the survey measures the number of people staying in shelters, as well as those who are living in cars, tents, sleeping bags or other places not meant for human habitation. The U.S. government requires all local regions and counties to participate in the count every two years in order to receive federal dollars for homelessness services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Preliminary data from San Francisco’s survey will be released in Spring 2024, and the full report will be available this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last time around, in 2021, San Francisco and the many Bay Area counties canceled the count due to the COVID-19 pandemic. In 2022, another winter surge of COVID-19 delayed the count from its usual January date to February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, city workers tallied 7,754 people experiencing homelessness two years ago — a 3.5% decrease from 2019. Also, during that period, the number of people staying in San Francisco’s shelters, rather than sleeping outside, increased as the city simultaneously grew its inventory of shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In any year, the survey is widely considered an undercount because counters have to make judgment calls and can also easily overlook people who are couch surfing or simply hidden from plain sight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"San Francisco Point-in-Time Homeless Count Since 2005\" aria-label=\"Stacked Columns\" id=\"datawrapper-chart-Qx8jm\" src=\"https://datawrapper.dwcdn.net/Qx8jm/3/\" scrolling=\"no\" frameborder=\"0\" style=\"width: 0; min-width: 100% !important; border: none;\" height=\"600\" data-external=\"1\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are several well-known limitations of the point-in-time count,” said Margot Kushel, director of the Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative at UCSF. “It doesn’t do a good job counting young adults and homeless youth, or people who are cycling in and out of homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the information from the count is still valuable, Kushel said, especially when compared to other data sets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last year, Kushel and a team of researchers at UCSF released the largest of its kind \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953216/lack-of-affordable-housing-is-driving-older-californians-into-homelessness\">study\u003c/a> on homelessness in California, which asked thousands of unhoused people in-depth questions about how they became homeless, their health, drug use, family history, work history and more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s easy to understand that there are way too many people experiencing homelessness, but it would help us to understand what is happening in people’s lives right before they’re homeless,” Kushel said. “What are the signals just before someone becomes homeless, and how can we get them legal services or funding to pay back rent? How do we end their homelessness quickly?”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How San Francisco conducts its point-in-time count\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, teams of workers and volunteers — most of whom work within the city’s homeless services agencies — gathered downtown around 7:30 p.m. on Tuesday to hear instructions. Each crew was handed a detailed map of streets and alleyways to scan for signs of life, along with instructions to record findings in a mobile app.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counters did not conduct interviews with people they identified but were given tips before the assignment on visual cues to look out for and others to be wary of.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974436\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974436\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL.jpg\" alt=\"A man inputs data into a phone, while sitting in the passenger seat of a car\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HomelessCount-47-BL-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Outreach specialist Sean Bullock inputs data into an app as teams spread out through San Francisco to count sheltered and unsheltered people experiencing homelessness on a single night. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“You might see people laying down, count them. People walking around, count them,” Jose Torres, program manager for the SF Homeless Outreach Team, said to surveyors before they took off for the night. “If they are carrying a lot of stuff and bags, that might tell you the person is unhoused. Shoes can tell you a lot about a person too, seeing if they have really old shoes or no shoes at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Groups took off by foot in densely populated areas like the Tenderloin and Mission. But out in the sprawling Bayview neighborhood, where RVs are much more common, Hubbard and his team drove in a city vehicle to cover more ground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Immediately upon getting to the group’s map area, the team spotted a line of RVs with tents and other makeshift shelters scattered between a FedEx distribution center and Amazon warehouses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’m going to say that RV is confirmed because there’s music playing inside,” said Sean Bullock, an outreach specialist with SFHOT who was riding in the passenger seat while recording the data. At another row of RVs, the team stopped beside a smaller trailer packed with items but dark inside. “That looks like storage; let’s move on,” Hubbard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Block by block, the team scanned the streets, making these types of judgments over whether a person or multiple people may be living in a vehicle or tent. But some calls were easier than others. As the team drove slowly under a freeway overpass, four people stood beside their tents and huddled around a small fire to keep warm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After nearly four hours, Hubbard’s crew called it a night. They recorded 257 encounters, including individuals confirmed and vehicles and RVs that appeared to be lived in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11974365\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11974365\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"a line of RVs in a car mirror\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240130-HOMELESSCOUNT-12-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Homeless Outreach Team members look for vehicles and RVs serving as shelters, but many have to make judgment calls as they count. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Unlike counties that conduct their point-in-time count in the early morning hours, San Francisco does its count at night. It also relies on trained workers, as opposed to a volunteer crew, to perform the tallies. Other cities across the country, and even across California, do it differently — another challenge researchers have with the accuracy of the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In New York City, 95% of people experiencing homelessness are in shelters, according to Kushel, whereas the majority of unhoused people in San Francisco are unsheltered. And in more rural parts of the country, “it’s way easier to not be counted or found,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at highlighted maps and the final tally on his phone, Hubbard said the count itself made him appreciate the work that’s done beyond just number-gathering.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ll come back 10 times to build rapport with a client to make progress,” Hubbard said. “Some people may think that’s wasted time, but we don’t think of it as that. That’s how we get results with clients we work with.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Thousands of volunteers fanned out across California this week, peering down alleyways, into parked cars and along creek beds in a mass effort to count the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federally mandated census, done every two years and dubbed the point-in-time count, serves as the main framework Californians use to understand their state’s homelessness crisis. The data it produces influences everything from allocations of state funding, to local policy decisions, to the way politicians talk about homelessness in campaign speeches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which requires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">the counts every other year\u003c/a>, compiles the data from across the country into \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">an annual report submitted to Congress (PDF)\u003c/a>. Last year, the department tallied 181,399 unhoused Californians — 28% of the nation’s total homeless population. That’s up nearly 40% from five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11927968,news_11914346 label='Previous Homelessness Counts']But the counts, despite being mandated by federal law and serving as the basis for any number of decisions on California housing and homelessness policy, rely on unpaid volunteers and are far from an exact science. Different counties in California tally their numbers differently. Some attempt to talk to each person they count, while others use algorithms to estimate how many people live inside each tent and RV. Experts agree the real number is higher than the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not a finite count,” said Tamera Kohler, CEO of the Regional Task Force on Homelessness in San Diego County. “It is at a minimum, you know you have this many people. …You’re going to miss some folks. You’re just not going to be able to get in every little area in that period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several counties tested out new methods this year in an attempt to improve accuracy. In the last count, Alameda County volunteers were instructed to tally tents and RVs without bothering the people inside. This year, volunteers instead tried to talk to everyone inside those tents and RVs and get them to answer a 15-minute survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Surveying the unhoused\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The sun hadn’t yet risen Thursday morning when Andrea Zeppa, homeless services regional coordinator at Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, led her team down a row of RVs parked along the side of a street in Berkeley. Each volunteer was equipped with a map speckled with red dots that signified known encampments. Bundled up against the early morning chill, they picked around piles of trash as a fluffy cat with a bell on its collar darted back and forth between the vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_04/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973863\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04.jpg\" alt=\"Two women in sweatshirts and jackets stand outside an RV on the street, talking to someone inside\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrea Zeppa, homeless services regional coordinator for Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, and Deidra Perry (far right) program financial manager for Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, team up during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25, 2024. The PIT count, which included a voluntary survey, gathers data on the county’s homeless population.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Hello, hello,” Zeppa called softly. “I’m here for the homeless count. Anybody awake?” A generator powering one of the RVs droned in the background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street, 61-year-old volunteer Deidra Perry met a young woman in a long peasant skirt. who was living in a SUV. As Perry asked her a series of increasingly personal questions about everything from her mental health to her HIV status, the woman revealed a glimpse into her life, and how she ended up on the street. She survived domestic violence, she said, and her post-traumatic stress disorder makes it impossible for her to sleep in a crowded homeless shelter. She sleeps on the streets when she isn’t working. At one point she’d had a tent, but it was stolen before she even had a chance to set it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sky began to lighten and birds started chirping, Perry typed the woman’s answers into an app on her phone. At the end of the interview, Perry handed her a $10 Safeway gift card. The woman thanked her, and Perry moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re tough questions to ask,” Perry said afterward. It was her first time participating in a point-in-time count. “It feels very intrusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973864\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_10/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973864\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973864\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10.jpg\" alt=\"a younger woman with a clipboard talks to a man whose back is turned, standing in the middle of the street\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aneeka Chaudhry, assistant director of Alameda County Health Care Services Agency, speaks with a homeless person during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25, 2024. The PIT count, which included a voluntary survey, gathers data on the county’s homeless population.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most of the vehicles they approached remained dark and silent. Starting the count before dawn helps ensure people aren’t moving around town and at risk of being counted twice, but it means many people are still sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, by mid-morning, Zeppa said the surveys were going “really well.” The people who were awake were receptive to sharing their stories — which Zeppa hopes leads to more accurate information about the region’s homeless population and helps agencies like hers plan better programming and spend their money more effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Busting myths\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the last census, there were concerns that Black and Indigenous unhoused people were undercounted in Alameda County, said Sharon Cornu, executive director of St. Mary’s Center, which provides housing and support services for homeless seniors in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hopeful this year that the count will provide us better data that helps us design and run a stronger system to bring people home,” Cornu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Mary’s Center uses the point-in-time count data in its funding applications, Cornu said. The data also helps them learn about the people falling through the cracks in the area’s net of social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really busts a lot of the myths,” Cornu said. For example, the 2022 count showed that 65% of people surveyed had lived in Alameda County for 10 or more years, compared to just 8% who had lived there a year or less — contrary to speculation that unhoused people are traveling there from out of the area to take advantage of social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lingering impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic have complicated efforts to paint a statewide picture of the homelessness crisis. Counts that were supposed to happen in 2021 were delayed until the following year over fears that they could put unhoused people and volunteers at risk of catching the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_06/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973865\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973865\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"two women talk to a man sitting behind a shopping cart with belongings in it\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zeppa speaks with an unhoused person during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25. \u003ccite>(Loren Elliott for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The counts went ahead in 2022. But then things got messy. Some counties, such as Santa Clara, opted to count again in 2023 — reasoning counts in the past had happened in odd-numbered years. Others, including the rest of the Bay Area and Sacramento, chose to count this year instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, parts of the state are out of sync. Even the federal government doesn’t know which counties are counting when.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11721460 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/RS19958_160623_Florida-St-Encampment_bhs01-qut.jpg']“It is not easy to predict which (continuums of care) will conduct a count every year,” Andra Higgs and Andrew Ten said in an emailed statement on behalf of the housing department. “COVID-19 complicated the regularity of counts. Most of Southern California has historically counted every single year. However, the Inland Empire upwards to Northern California follow less-clear patterns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, about 6,000 volunteers spent three nights counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “coolest feature” of this year’s count was new geo-fencing technology on volunteers’ smartphones that alerted them if they strayed outside their assigned area, said Ahmad Chapman, communications director for the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. It also alerted count organizers if streets were skipped so they could go back and count them later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers in Los Angeles County don’t try to survey every unhoused person they meet. Instead, they tally the number of people, tents and vehicles they see. That data then goes to researchers at USC, who use it to estimate how many people live in each tent and vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result isn’t a precise count, said Ben Henwood, project lead for the homeless count at USC. However, the estimate can pinpoint trends, such as places where the population is going up or down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the count has other benefits, Henwood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a mass civic engagement project that gets people out of their house and involved in thinking about homelessness,” he said, “which serves its own purposes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Thousands of volunteers fanned out across California this week, peering down alleyways, into parked cars and along creek beds in a mass effort to count the state’s homeless population.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federally mandated census, done every two years and dubbed the point-in-time count, serves as the main framework Californians use to understand their state’s homelessness crisis. The data it produces influences everything from allocations of state funding, to local policy decisions, to the way politicians talk about homelessness in campaign speeches.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, which requires \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11927968/california-unhoused-population-grew-by-more-than-22000-since-start-of-pandemic\">the counts every other year\u003c/a>, compiles the data from across the country into \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">an annual report submitted to Congress (PDF)\u003c/a>. Last year, the department tallied 181,399 unhoused Californians — 28% of the nation’s total homeless population. That’s up nearly 40% from five years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the counts, despite being mandated by federal law and serving as the basis for any number of decisions on California housing and homelessness policy, rely on unpaid volunteers and are far from an exact science. Different counties in California tally their numbers differently. Some attempt to talk to each person they count, while others use algorithms to estimate how many people live inside each tent and RV. Experts agree the real number is higher than the count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not a finite count,” said Tamera Kohler, CEO of the Regional Task Force on Homelessness in San Diego County. “It is at a minimum, you know you have this many people. …You’re going to miss some folks. You’re just not going to be able to get in every little area in that period of time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several counties tested out new methods this year in an attempt to improve accuracy. In the last count, Alameda County volunteers were instructed to tally tents and RVs without bothering the people inside. This year, volunteers instead tried to talk to everyone inside those tents and RVs and get them to answer a 15-minute survey.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Surveying the unhoused\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The sun hadn’t yet risen Thursday morning when Andrea Zeppa, homeless services regional coordinator at Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, led her team down a row of RVs parked along the side of a street in Berkeley. Each volunteer was equipped with a map speckled with red dots that signified known encampments. Bundled up against the early morning chill, they picked around piles of trash as a fluffy cat with a bell on its collar darted back and forth between the vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_04/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973863\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04.jpg\" alt=\"Two women in sweatshirts and jackets stand outside an RV on the street, talking to someone inside\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Andrea Zeppa, homeless services regional coordinator for Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, and Deidra Perry (far right) program financial manager for Alameda County Healthcare for the Homeless, team up during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25, 2024. The PIT count, which included a voluntary survey, gathers data on the county’s homeless population.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Hello, hello,” Zeppa called softly. “I’m here for the homeless count. Anybody awake?” A generator powering one of the RVs droned in the background.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Across the street, 61-year-old volunteer Deidra Perry met a young woman in a long peasant skirt. who was living in a SUV. As Perry asked her a series of increasingly personal questions about everything from her mental health to her HIV status, the woman revealed a glimpse into her life, and how she ended up on the street. She survived domestic violence, she said, and her post-traumatic stress disorder makes it impossible for her to sleep in a crowded homeless shelter. She sleeps on the streets when she isn’t working. At one point she’d had a tent, but it was stolen before she even had a chance to set it up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the sky began to lighten and birds started chirping, Perry typed the woman’s answers into an app on her phone. At the end of the interview, Perry handed her a $10 Safeway gift card. The woman thanked her, and Perry moved on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re tough questions to ask,” Perry said afterward. It was her first time participating in a point-in-time count. “It feels very intrusive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973864\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_10/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973864\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973864\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10.jpg\" alt=\"a younger woman with a clipboard talks to a man whose back is turned, standing in the middle of the street\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_10-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Aneeka Chaudhry, assistant director of Alameda County Health Care Services Agency, speaks with a homeless person during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25, 2024. The PIT count, which included a voluntary survey, gathers data on the county’s homeless population.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Most of the vehicles they approached remained dark and silent. Starting the count before dawn helps ensure people aren’t moving around town and at risk of being counted twice, but it means many people are still sleeping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, by mid-morning, Zeppa said the surveys were going “really well.” The people who were awake were receptive to sharing their stories — which Zeppa hopes leads to more accurate information about the region’s homeless population and helps agencies like hers plan better programming and spend their money more effectively.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Busting myths\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>After the last census, there were concerns that Black and Indigenous unhoused people were undercounted in Alameda County, said Sharon Cornu, executive director of St. Mary’s Center, which provides housing and support services for homeless seniors in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are hopeful this year that the count will provide us better data that helps us design and run a stronger system to bring people home,” Cornu said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>St. Mary’s Center uses the point-in-time count data in its funding applications, Cornu said. The data also helps them learn about the people falling through the cracks in the area’s net of social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really busts a lot of the myths,” Cornu said. For example, the 2022 count showed that 65% of people surveyed had lived in Alameda County for 10 or more years, compared to just 8% who had lived there a year or less — contrary to speculation that unhoused people are traveling there from out of the area to take advantage of social services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But lingering impacts from the COVID-19 pandemic have complicated efforts to paint a statewide picture of the homelessness crisis. Counts that were supposed to happen in 2021 were delayed until the following year over fears that they could put unhoused people and volunteers at risk of catching the virus.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973865\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1568px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/01/27/inside-californias-massive-statewide-effort-to-count-the-unhoused-population/012524_alameda-pit-count_le_cm_06/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11973865\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973865\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06.jpg\" alt=\"two women talk to a man sitting behind a shopping cart with belongings in it\" width=\"1568\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06.jpg 1568w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/012524_Alameda-PIT-Count_LE_CM_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1568px) 100vw, 1568px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Zeppa speaks with an unhoused person during Alameda County’s 2024 point-in-time count in Berkeley on Jan. 25. \u003ccite>(Loren Elliott for CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The counts went ahead in 2022. But then things got messy. Some counties, such as Santa Clara, opted to count again in 2023 — reasoning counts in the past had happened in odd-numbered years. Others, including the rest of the Bay Area and Sacramento, chose to count this year instead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As a result, parts of the state are out of sync. Even the federal government doesn’t know which counties are counting when.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“It is not easy to predict which (continuums of care) will conduct a count every year,” Andra Higgs and Andrew Ten said in an emailed statement on behalf of the housing department. “COVID-19 complicated the regularity of counts. Most of Southern California has historically counted every single year. However, the Inland Empire upwards to Northern California follow less-clear patterns.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Los Angeles County, about 6,000 volunteers spent three nights counting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “coolest feature” of this year’s count was new geo-fencing technology on volunteers’ smartphones that alerted them if they strayed outside their assigned area, said Ahmad Chapman, communications director for the Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority. It also alerted count organizers if streets were skipped so they could go back and count them later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Volunteers in Los Angeles County don’t try to survey every unhoused person they meet. Instead, they tally the number of people, tents and vehicles they see. That data then goes to researchers at USC, who use it to estimate how many people live in each tent and vehicle.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The result isn’t a precise count, said Ben Henwood, project lead for the homeless count at USC. However, the estimate can pinpoint trends, such as places where the population is going up or down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And the count has other benefits, Henwood said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a mass civic engagement project that gets people out of their house and involved in thinking about homelessness,” he said, “which serves its own purposes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "bay-area-creatives-find-unexpected-welcome-in-small-town-delta",
"title": "Bay Area Creatives Find Unexpected Welcome in Small-Town Delta",
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"headTitle": "Bay Area Creatives Find Unexpected Welcome in Small-Town Delta | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>The small communities tucked into the San Joaquin River Delta are full of contradictions. Located northeast of the San Francisco Bay Area, much of the area is populated by farmers growing crops like wheat, alfalfa and rice. But, visitors might also stumble upon a circus performed on board a huge boat made to look like an island, a community of free spirits living out of tiny homes plopped down in an RV park, even a woman walking a goose on a leash down the street in town. Needless to say, it can be a quirky place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once primarily known for farming, Delta communities are changing as people priced out of the Bay Area discover this relatively close region that still offers land and freedom. It has become particularly attractive to artists and other creatives looking to live in a place where they’re free to create without the pressures of city regulators and rising rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963681\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A lighthouse and a number of boats are seen across a stretch of water.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Forbes Island is seen during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival in Brentwood, Contra Costa County, on Saturday, Sept. 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The big question was, ‘Do I stay in the Bay Area, which is getting unsustainably expensive?’” said Michelle Burke, who used to be involved in running American Steel, a sprawling West Oakland artist collective. “My friends are being displaced. They’re losing their workspaces, their art spaces, their homes. It was just unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Michelle Burke, Isleton artist and resident\"]‘The big question was, ‘Do I stay in the Bay Area, which is getting unsustainably expensive? My friends are being displaced. They’re losing their workspaces, their art spaces, their homes. It was just unsustainable.’[/pullquote]In Isleton, where Burke relocated, she’s got enough room on her property for six shipping containers to store materials and DIY projects. She’s one of many who have found the Delta to be a refreshing change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took a motorcycle ride out here, and I was just kind of blown away with the vibe,” said Iva Walton, another transplant from Oakland who now owns the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ediblesacramento.com/editorial/drinks-2019/mei-wah-beer-room/\">Mei Wah Beer Room in Isleton\u003c/a>. “When people ask where Isleton is, I say, ‘It’s 50 miles and 50 years away from Oakland.’ I like that it’s sort of a little bit stuck in time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walton used to work as a stage designer and tile setter in Oakland and San Francisco before moving to Isleton and opening her bar. Now, she’s serving her second term on the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were very welcoming and appreciative of me doing a cool business here in town,” Walton said. “They were hungry for it, supportive of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973668\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Sillouette's of a handful of people in the dusk with glowing orange clouds behind them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees gather to watch the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival on Forbes Island. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She likes that in Isleton, she’s friends with people who have different life experiences and opinions from her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moving out here popped my Bay Area bubble,” she explained. “I used to think that Christians and conservatives wanted to kill me for being a big old, queer whatever. Completely not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s found that people in the Delta are like her; they want to live and let live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the people I’m closest to, some of my customers, are Christians and conservatives. There’s been nothing but good treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963683\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people hang on ropes from a light tower as people look on.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Audience members watch Roel Seeber (left) and Megan Lowe (right) dance off of the side of a lighthouse during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>More space and opportunity\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Heidi Petty, a watershed manager for the Contra Costa Resource Conservation District, moved from Benicia to Oakley in 2015. Petty was able to use the proceeds from the sale of her home to buy a property with two tiny houses on it, an ownership stake in a marina and a 21-acre cattle ranch on Bradford Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the Delta changed who I [am],” Petty said. It made me realize the things I could do. If you’re willing to try things, the Delta will let you try them. That’s why I like the Delta.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963682\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in an ornate hat smiles and looks at the camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heidi Petty poses for a portrait at the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival on Forbes Island in Brentwood, Contra Costa County, on Saturday, Sept. 30, 2023. Petty’s cattle ranch is off the shore of where the festival takes place, giving attendees a place to camp. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to her work for the county, Petty is now part of several creative endeavors, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/secrets-of-the-sea-circus-festival-aboard-forbes-island-tickets-530909202717?utm_experiment=test_share_listing&aff=ebdsshios\">\u003cem>Secrets of the Sea\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an “immersive water circus” performed on a 5,000-square-foot barge docked near Petty’s ranch. The show was \u003ca href=\"http://www.NikkiBorodi.com\">cofounded by Nikki Borodi\u003c/a>, an artist who plans to produce future shows. Petty and the other owners of the marina have been transforming the barge, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/forbes-island\">Forbes Island\u003c/a>, into a performance venue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/travel/article/forbes-island-sf-floating-island-returns-18180173.php\">Once a novelty restaurant docked in the San Francisco Bay\u003c/a>, the owners towed the barge up to the Delta. It has palm trees, a 40-foot lighthouse and a full restaurant below deck. \u003cem>Secrets of the Sea \u003c/em>was its inaugural event\u003cem>, \u003c/em>where dancers suspended from the lighthouse by cables twisted and turned, a fire-eater performed on a raft in the river and a burlesque performer strutted her stuff below deck. Petty and her partners expect to stage more shows on the river when they move the barge to their marina on Bethel Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973676\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Three people seated applying makeup surrounded by two small buildings.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Performers Shannon Gray (left), Sam Malloy (center) and Myles Hochman (right) apply makeup before taking the stage at Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An artist herself, Petty is glad that more creatives are moving to the area. She’s noticed that when her artist friends go to a local bar, they do get noticed by longtime Delta residents because “they dress funny; they’re artists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Heidi Petty, watershed manager for Contra Costa Resource Conservation District.\"]‘But more than anything, the locals are happy to see people clean things up. They just appreciate people who make things better. Anybody who’s willing to work is pretty welcome in the Delta.’[/pullquote]“But more than anything, the locals are happy to see people clean things up,” Petty said. “They just appreciate people who make things better. Anybody who’s willing to work is pretty welcome in the Delta.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to irritate folks here, though, is to refer to the Delta as the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t live in the Bay Area; we live in the Delta!” said John Bento, a local architect who grew up in Rio Vista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bento and other locals gathered at a farmers market in Rio Vista for a meeting organized by the California Delta Chambers & Visitors Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Delta is still funky,” said Bill Wells, the group’s executive director. “I think everybody has kind of the attitude of ‘mind your own business’ up here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973674\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973674\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A bar with people at night.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees gather and listen to music after performances conclude at the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the newcomers are visible because of their aesthetic and creative projects, it’s not like people are flooding into these rural communities, he said. In fact, according to Wells, the population numbers have largely stayed the same for a hundred years. Still, some locals distrust the new people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmers that I talk to are more concerned about that than anybody else,” Wells said. “I think everybody else enjoys some controlled growth. The farmers are concerned because they have farm equipment, and they claim people are coming and stealing crap out of their farmyards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person kneels and breathes fire at the end of a short jetty.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellie (who declined to give last name) breathes fire alongside his partner Ro (who declined to give last name) on a rotating dock during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear who’s to blame if that’s true, Wells said, but it’s easy to be suspicious of the new people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who’s ‘a good fit for the Delta’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The people who are in the Delta are just amazing, wonderful people,” said Tim Anderson, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2009/08/16/111851629/do-it-yourself-guru-makes-treasures-from-trash\">a well-known figure in the maker community\u003c/a>, who splits his time between Berkeley and a pig farm on Brannan Island along the San Joaquin River. Anderson’s crafty DIY sensibility is on display all over this farm, where he uses a battered sedan as a tractor and old apple crates to fence in his 100 pigs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973679\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973679\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An acrobatic artist hanging by the arm during a performance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trapeze artist Shannon Gray is lifted out of the water during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledges that the Delta was thriving “without us newcomers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s something about the obvious flood risk that repels uptight, control freak kind of people,” he said. “The people in the Delta are there to have a good time and not stop people from having hobbies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Tim Anderson, resident and pig farmer\"]‘My goal is to have all the high-functioning misfits move out to the Delta because that’s who’s a good fit for the Delta culture.’[/pullquote]Anderson said many of his friends prefer to live in mobile tiny homes. In Oakland, they often ran up against permitting and regulation issues for tiny houses, but out in the Delta, there’s more space and fewer rules. There are 15 tiny houses at a marina down the road from Anderson’s pig farm and more are planned at another marina in Isleton for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My goal is to have all the high-functioning misfits move out to the Delta because that’s who’s a good fit for the Delta culture,” he said while unloading bales of hay from the roof and hood of his car. “We’re plugging into an existing society that is just miraculously compatible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973665\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973665\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a hat sitting on the trunk of a car surrounded by pigs.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Anderson, a well-known figure in the maker community, with his pigs on his pig farm on Brannan Island in November 2023. \u003ccite>(John Kalish for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early November, a bunch of Anderson’s friends got together in Isleton to carve giant pumpkins grown at a community farm on his property. The largest of the pumpkins was 350 pounds. The carvers fed the pumpkin flesh to his pigs and saved the seeds for eating later. Then, the friends hopped into their hollowed-out pumpkin crafts and paddled around in the San Joaquin River. It might seem wacky, but this type of exuberant, interactive art is an increasingly common sight around here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story was updated to include Nikki Borodi’s role in the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival and the correct employer of Heidi Petty. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The small communities tucked into the San Joaquin River Delta are full of contradictions. Located northeast of the San Francisco Bay Area, much of the area is populated by farmers growing crops like wheat, alfalfa and rice. But, visitors might also stumble upon a circus performed on board a huge boat made to look like an island, a community of free spirits living out of tiny homes plopped down in an RV park, even a woman walking a goose on a leash down the street in town. Needless to say, it can be a quirky place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once primarily known for farming, Delta communities are changing as people priced out of the Bay Area discover this relatively close region that still offers land and freedom. It has become particularly attractive to artists and other creatives looking to live in a place where they’re free to create without the pressures of city regulators and rising rents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963681\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963681\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A lighthouse and a number of boats are seen across a stretch of water.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-001-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Forbes Island is seen during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival in Brentwood, Contra Costa County, on Saturday, Sept. 30, 2023. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“The big question was, ‘Do I stay in the Bay Area, which is getting unsustainably expensive?’” said Michelle Burke, who used to be involved in running American Steel, a sprawling West Oakland artist collective. “My friends are being displaced. They’re losing their workspaces, their art spaces, their homes. It was just unsustainable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The big question was, ‘Do I stay in the Bay Area, which is getting unsustainably expensive? My friends are being displaced. They’re losing their workspaces, their art spaces, their homes. It was just unsustainable.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In Isleton, where Burke relocated, she’s got enough room on her property for six shipping containers to store materials and DIY projects. She’s one of many who have found the Delta to be a refreshing change.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I took a motorcycle ride out here, and I was just kind of blown away with the vibe,” said Iva Walton, another transplant from Oakland who now owns the \u003ca href=\"https://www.ediblesacramento.com/editorial/drinks-2019/mei-wah-beer-room/\">Mei Wah Beer Room in Isleton\u003c/a>. “When people ask where Isleton is, I say, ‘It’s 50 miles and 50 years away from Oakland.’ I like that it’s sort of a little bit stuck in time.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Walton used to work as a stage designer and tile setter in Oakland and San Francisco before moving to Isleton and opening her bar. Now, she’s serving her second term on the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“People were very welcoming and appreciative of me doing a cool business here in town,” Walton said. “They were hungry for it, supportive of it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973668\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973668\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Sillouette's of a handful of people in the dusk with glowing orange clouds behind them.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-039-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees gather to watch the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival on Forbes Island. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>She likes that in Isleton, she’s friends with people who have different life experiences and opinions from her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Moving out here popped my Bay Area bubble,” she explained. “I used to think that Christians and conservatives wanted to kill me for being a big old, queer whatever. Completely not true.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, she’s found that people in the Delta are like her; they want to live and let live.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the people I’m closest to, some of my customers, are Christians and conservatives. There’s been nothing but good treatment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963683\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963683\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Two people hang on ropes from a light tower as people look on.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-017-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Audience members watch Roel Seeber (left) and Megan Lowe (right) dance off of the side of a lighthouse during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>More space and opportunity\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Heidi Petty, a watershed manager for the Contra Costa Resource Conservation District, moved from Benicia to Oakley in 2015. Petty was able to use the proceeds from the sale of her home to buy a property with two tiny houses on it, an ownership stake in a marina and a 21-acre cattle ranch on Bradford Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the Delta changed who I [am],” Petty said. It made me realize the things I could do. If you’re willing to try things, the Delta will let you try them. That’s why I like the Delta.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963682\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963682\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person in an ornate hat smiles and looks at the camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-006-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Heidi Petty poses for a portrait at the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival on Forbes Island in Brentwood, Contra Costa County, on Saturday, Sept. 30, 2023. Petty’s cattle ranch is off the shore of where the festival takes place, giving attendees a place to camp. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to her work for the county, Petty is now part of several creative endeavors, like \u003ca href=\"https://www.eventbrite.com/e/secrets-of-the-sea-circus-festival-aboard-forbes-island-tickets-530909202717?utm_experiment=test_share_listing&aff=ebdsshios\">\u003cem>Secrets of the Sea\u003c/em>\u003c/a>, an “immersive water circus” performed on a 5,000-square-foot barge docked near Petty’s ranch. The show was \u003ca href=\"http://www.NikkiBorodi.com\">cofounded by Nikki Borodi\u003c/a>, an artist who plans to produce future shows. Petty and the other owners of the marina have been transforming the barge, known as \u003ca href=\"https://www.atlasobscura.com/places/forbes-island\">Forbes Island\u003c/a>, into a performance venue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.sfgate.com/travel/article/forbes-island-sf-floating-island-returns-18180173.php\">Once a novelty restaurant docked in the San Francisco Bay\u003c/a>, the owners towed the barge up to the Delta. It has palm trees, a 40-foot lighthouse and a full restaurant below deck. \u003cem>Secrets of the Sea \u003c/em>was its inaugural event\u003cem>, \u003c/em>where dancers suspended from the lighthouse by cables twisted and turned, a fire-eater performed on a raft in the river and a burlesque performer strutted her stuff below deck. Petty and her partners expect to stage more shows on the river when they move the barge to their marina on Bethel Island.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973676\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973676\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"Three people seated applying makeup surrounded by two small buildings.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-005-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Performers Shannon Gray (left), Sam Malloy (center) and Myles Hochman (right) apply makeup before taking the stage at Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>An artist herself, Petty is glad that more creatives are moving to the area. She’s noticed that when her artist friends go to a local bar, they do get noticed by longtime Delta residents because “they dress funny; they’re artists.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘But more than anything, the locals are happy to see people clean things up. They just appreciate people who make things better. Anybody who’s willing to work is pretty welcome in the Delta.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“But more than anything, the locals are happy to see people clean things up,” Petty said. “They just appreciate people who make things better. Anybody who’s willing to work is pretty welcome in the Delta.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One way to irritate folks here, though, is to refer to the Delta as the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We don’t live in the Bay Area; we live in the Delta!” said John Bento, a local architect who grew up in Rio Vista.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bento and other locals gathered at a farmers market in Rio Vista for a meeting organized by the California Delta Chambers & Visitors Bureau.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Delta is still funky,” said Bill Wells, the group’s executive director. “I think everybody has kind of the attitude of ‘mind your own business’ up here.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973674\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973674\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A bar with people at night.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-046-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Attendees gather and listen to music after performances conclude at the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>While the newcomers are visible because of their aesthetic and creative projects, it’s not like people are flooding into these rural communities, he said. In fact, according to Wells, the population numbers have largely stayed the same for a hundred years. Still, some locals distrust the new people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The farmers that I talk to are more concerned about that than anybody else,” Wells said. “I think everybody else enjoys some controlled growth. The farmers are concerned because they have farm equipment, and they claim people are coming and stealing crap out of their farmyards.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11963686\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11963686\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A person kneels and breathes fire at the end of a short jetty.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/20230930-Sea-Circus-029-JY-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Ellie (who declined to give last name) breathes fire alongside his partner Ro (who declined to give last name) on a rotating dock during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s not clear who’s to blame if that’s true, Wells said, but it’s easy to be suspicious of the new people.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who’s ‘a good fit for the Delta’?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>“The people who are in the Delta are just amazing, wonderful people,” said Tim Anderson, \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2009/08/16/111851629/do-it-yourself-guru-makes-treasures-from-trash\">a well-known figure in the maker community\u003c/a>, who splits his time between Berkeley and a pig farm on Brannan Island along the San Joaquin River. Anderson’s crafty DIY sensibility is on display all over this farm, where he uses a battered sedan as a tractor and old apple crates to fence in his 100 pigs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973679\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973679\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut.jpg\" alt=\"An acrobatic artist hanging by the arm during a performance.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/20230930-Sea-Circus-033-JY_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Trapeze artist Shannon Gray is lifted out of the water during the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival. \u003ccite>(Juliana Yamada/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>He acknowledges that the Delta was thriving “without us newcomers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s something about the obvious flood risk that repels uptight, control freak kind of people,” he said. “The people in the Delta are there to have a good time and not stop people from having hobbies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘My goal is to have all the high-functioning misfits move out to the Delta because that’s who’s a good fit for the Delta culture.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Anderson said many of his friends prefer to live in mobile tiny homes. In Oakland, they often ran up against permitting and regulation issues for tiny houses, but out in the Delta, there’s more space and fewer rules. There are 15 tiny houses at a marina down the road from Anderson’s pig farm and more are planned at another marina in Isleton for next year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My goal is to have all the high-functioning misfits move out to the Delta because that’s who’s a good fit for the Delta culture,” he said while unloading bales of hay from the roof and hood of his car. “We’re plugging into an existing society that is just miraculously compatible.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11973665\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2560px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11973665\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-scaled.jpg\" alt=\"A man with a hat sitting on the trunk of a car surrounded by pigs.\" width=\"2560\" height=\"1920\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-scaled.jpg 2560w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1536x1152.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-2048x1536.jpg 2048w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/tim-pigs-1-1920x1440.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2560px) 100vw, 2560px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tim Anderson, a well-known figure in the maker community, with his pigs on his pig farm on Brannan Island in November 2023. \u003ccite>(John Kalish for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In early November, a bunch of Anderson’s friends got together in Isleton to carve giant pumpkins grown at a community farm on his property. The largest of the pumpkins was 350 pounds. The carvers fed the pumpkin flesh to his pigs and saved the seeds for eating later. Then, the friends hopped into their hollowed-out pumpkin crafts and paddled around in the San Joaquin River. It might seem wacky, but this type of exuberant, interactive art is an increasingly common sight around here.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Editor’s note: This story was updated to include Nikki Borodi’s role in the Secrets of the Sea Circus Festival and the correct employer of Heidi Petty. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Supreme Court to Hear Case on When Cities Can Clear Homeless Encampments",
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"content": "\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> agreed Friday to review lower-court rulings that make it harder for cities in California and other Western states to prevent people from sleeping on the streets when there aren’t enough shelter beds available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices will hear an appeal from the city of Grants Pass, in southwest Oregon, which is seeking to enforce local street-clearing ordinances. The city has the backing of California Gov. Gavin Newsom, as well as other Democratic and Republican elected officials who have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-increase-rent-hud-covid-60bd88687e1aef1b02d25425798bd3b1\">struggled to deal with homelessness\u003c/a> brought on by rising housing costs and income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the case will be argued in the spring or the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The High Court’s announcement comes a day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/ninth-circuit-homeless-sweeps-18602996.php\">a panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals\u003c/a> affirmed a lower-court ruling blocking anti-camping ordinances in San Francisco, where Newsom was once the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has invested billions to address homelessness, but rulings from the bench have tied the hands of state and local governments to address this issue,” Newsom said in a statement Friday. “The Supreme Court can now correct course and end the costly delays from lawsuits that have plagued our efforts to clear encampments and deliver services to those in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2022/09/28/20-35752.pdf\">9th Circuit panel ruled\u003c/a> in the Oregon case that Grants Pass could not enforce a local ordinance that prohibits unhoused people “from using a blanket, pillow, or cardboard box for protection from the elements.” The decision applies across nine Western states, including Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon and Washington.[aside postID=news_11960279,news_11959120,news_11958939 label='More on SF Encampment Sweeps']The two rulings — along with \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">another 9th Circuit decision\u003c/a> from 2018 — found that punishing people for sleeping on the streets when no alternative shelter is available amounts to “cruel and unusual punishment,” in violation of the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit rulings “have contributed to the growing problem of encampments in cities across the West,” Theane Evangelis, a lawyer for Grants Pass, said in a statement. “These decisions are legally wrong and have tied the hands of local governments as they work to address the urgent homelessness crisis. The tragedy is that these decisions are actually harming the very people they purport to protect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center, which is supporting plaintiffs’ attorneys in the Grants Pass case, said that most people living on the street simply don’t have other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is, where else are people supposed to go? We do not have enough affordable housing in our community and in any community across the country,” he said. “This doesn’t say that we have to house everybody. Unfortunately — I wish it did. But at a minimum … you shouldn’t be punished for not having housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elected officials urged the justices to take up the case because they say the 9th Circuit rulings complicate their efforts to clear \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-encampment-sweeps-cities-08ff74489ba00cfa927fe1cf54c0d401\">tent encampments\u003c/a>, which have long existed in some West Coast cities but have become more common across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities from Los Angeles to New York have stepped up efforts to clear encampments, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-encampment-sweeps-cities-08ff74489ba00cfa927fe1cf54c0d401#:~:text=Photo%2FJeff%20Chiu)-,Records%20obtained%20by%20The%20Associated%20Press%20show%20attempts%20to%20clear,dangerous%20and%20unsanitary%20living%20conditions.\">records\u003c/a> reviewed by The Associated Press show, as public pressure has grown to address what some residents say are dangerous and unsanitary living conditions. But despite tens of millions of dollars spent in recent years, in many cities there appears to be no significant reduction in the number of tents propped up on sidewalks, in parks, and along freeway off-ramps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal count of unhoused people across the country topped \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">653,000 in 2023\u003c/a>, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s a 12% jump from the previous year, amid rising rents and the phasing out of pandemic-related assistance. More than 181,000 of them — nearly 30% of the total unhoused population — are based in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said the Supreme Court review will directly impact his city’s ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has struggled with the significant, unresolved legal questions created by [these] decisions,” he said in a statement. “Given the impossible situation our city finds itself in, it is appropriate for the Supreme Court to step in and resolve these questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unhoused people and their advocates say homeless encampment sweeps are cruel and ineffective, and argue that taking aim at the lower court’s ruling is a misguided approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 9th Circuit’s ruling did not create our street homelessness crisis, and so it is disingenuous for cities to try and blame a court ruling for a crisis that is decades in the making,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, which represents unhoused San Francisco residents in the city’s ongoing suit over encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tars, of the National Homelessness Law Center, said allowing more encampment sweeps without offering suitable housing options would only acerbate an already dire problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness won’t improve at all,” he said, “because we aren’t addressing the root causes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño and Matthew Green.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "The High Court agreed Friday to review lower-court rulings that block San Francisco and many other cities in the West from enforcing local street-clearing laws if there are not enough shelter beds available.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/hub/us-supreme-court\">Supreme Court\u003c/a> agreed Friday to review lower-court rulings that make it harder for cities in California and other Western states to prevent people from sleeping on the streets when there aren’t enough shelter beds available.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The justices will hear an appeal from the city of Grants Pass, in southwest Oregon, which is seeking to enforce local street-clearing ordinances. The city has the backing of California Gov. Gavin Newsom, as well as other Democratic and Republican elected officials who have \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-increase-rent-hud-covid-60bd88687e1aef1b02d25425798bd3b1\">struggled to deal with homelessness\u003c/a> brought on by rising housing costs and income inequality.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether the case will be argued in the spring or the fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The High Court’s announcement comes a day after \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/politics/article/ninth-circuit-homeless-sweeps-18602996.php\">a panel of the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals\u003c/a> affirmed a lower-court ruling blocking anti-camping ordinances in San Francisco, where Newsom was once the mayor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California has invested billions to address homelessness, but rulings from the bench have tied the hands of state and local governments to address this issue,” Newsom said in a statement Friday. “The Supreme Court can now correct course and end the costly delays from lawsuits that have plagued our efforts to clear encampments and deliver services to those in need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A separate \u003ca href=\"https://cdn.ca9.uscourts.gov/datastore/opinions/2022/09/28/20-35752.pdf\">9th Circuit panel ruled\u003c/a> in the Oregon case that Grants Pass could not enforce a local ordinance that prohibits unhoused people “from using a blanket, pillow, or cardboard box for protection from the elements.” The decision applies across nine Western states, including Alaska, Arizona, California, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon and Washington.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The two rulings — along with \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">another 9th Circuit decision\u003c/a> from 2018 — found that punishing people for sleeping on the streets when no alternative shelter is available amounts to “cruel and unusual punishment,” in violation of the Constitution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 9th Circuit rulings “have contributed to the growing problem of encampments in cities across the West,” Theane Evangelis, a lawyer for Grants Pass, said in a statement. “These decisions are legally wrong and have tied the hands of local governments as they work to address the urgent homelessness crisis. The tragedy is that these decisions are actually harming the very people they purport to protect.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Eric Tars, legal director of the National Homelessness Law Center, which is supporting plaintiffs’ attorneys in the Grants Pass case, said that most people living on the street simply don’t have other options.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The bottom line is, where else are people supposed to go? We do not have enough affordable housing in our community and in any community across the country,” he said. “This doesn’t say that we have to house everybody. Unfortunately — I wish it did. But at a minimum … you shouldn’t be punished for not having housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elected officials urged the justices to take up the case because they say the 9th Circuit rulings complicate their efforts to clear \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-encampment-sweeps-cities-08ff74489ba00cfa927fe1cf54c0d401\">tent encampments\u003c/a>, which have long existed in some West Coast cities but have become more common across the U.S.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cities from Los Angeles to New York have stepped up efforts to clear encampments, \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homelessness-encampment-sweeps-cities-08ff74489ba00cfa927fe1cf54c0d401#:~:text=Photo%2FJeff%20Chiu)-,Records%20obtained%20by%20The%20Associated%20Press%20show%20attempts%20to%20clear,dangerous%20and%20unsanitary%20living%20conditions.\">records\u003c/a> reviewed by The Associated Press show, as public pressure has grown to address what some residents say are dangerous and unsanitary living conditions. But despite tens of millions of dollars spent in recent years, in many cities there appears to be no significant reduction in the number of tents propped up on sidewalks, in parks, and along freeway off-ramps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The federal count of unhoused people across the country topped \u003ca href=\"https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2023-AHAR-Part-1.pdf\">653,000 in 2023\u003c/a>, according to the most recent figures from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development. That’s a 12% jump from the previous year, amid rising rents and the phasing out of pandemic-related assistance. More than 181,000 of them — nearly 30% of the total unhoused population — are based in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu said the Supreme Court review will directly impact his city’s ongoing litigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has struggled with the significant, unresolved legal questions created by [these] decisions,” he said in a statement. “Given the impossible situation our city finds itself in, it is appropriate for the Supreme Court to step in and resolve these questions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unhoused people and their advocates say homeless encampment sweeps are cruel and ineffective, and argue that taking aim at the lower court’s ruling is a misguided approach.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The 9th Circuit’s ruling did not create our street homelessness crisis, and so it is disingenuous for cities to try and blame a court ruling for a crisis that is decades in the making,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights, which represents unhoused San Francisco residents in the city’s ongoing suit over encampment sweeps.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tars, of the National Homelessness Law Center, said allowing more encampment sweeps without offering suitable housing options would only acerbate an already dire problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness won’t improve at all,” he said, “because we aren’t addressing the root causes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story includes reporting from The Associated Press and KQED’s Vanessa Rancaño and Matthew Green.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom's Tiny Home Plan Moves Forward, Construction Timeline Uncertain",
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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly a year ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/16/governor-newsom-announces-1-billion-in-homelessness-funding-launches-states-largest-mobilization-of-small-homes/\">promised to deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> to help shelter the state’s growing population of unhoused residents. Now, the state has chosen who will build those tiny homes and what they will look like — but there’s still no word on when people will be able to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Amy King, CEO, Pallet\"]‘I’m hopeful that now that we’re in 2024 and the contracts have been awarded that things will move a little faster.’[/pullquote]Newsom unveiled his plans in March to deliver the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/10/california-tiny-homes/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> to Los Angeles, San Diego County, San José and Sacramento. The state has selected six companies to manufacture the dwellings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pallet: a Washington-based company that makes small, fiberglass cabins specifically designed as temporary shelters for unhoused residents. Their dwellings have been used in several California cities, including Oakland, San José and Fresno.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Factory OS: A Vallejo-based company that makes modular units that can be stacked and turned into apartment buildings or used alone as tiny homes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Boss: A Montebello-based tiny home company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Irontown Modular: A Utah-based modular construction company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>AMEG: An El Dorado Hills-based modular home builder.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Plugin House Company: An Austin, Texas-based modular home company.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11964985,news_11960819,news_11958939\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The contracts, awarded at the end of October, do not specify how many tiny homes or which tiny home models the state will buy from each vendor, nor how much the state will spend. Even the vendors themselves don’t know many specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not clear to us today which product is going to which city or when,” Pallet CEO Amy King said. “We are on standby and at the ready to serve if we get called upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are more than 181,000 unhoused residents living in California, according to the state’s most recent estimates. Of those, more than 123,000 people live in encampments, vehicles, abandoned buildings or other places not meant for habitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, leaders in cities throughout California have leaned heavily on tiny homes as a way to move people out of the state’s many homeless encampments. The small dwellings, which are less expensive and easier to build than traditional housing, are intended to be a temporary respite where unhoused people can live while waiting for a permanent home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pallet’s standard 70-square-foot tiny home — a basic cabin with no plumbing — costs $18,900. A 120-square-foot unit with an en suite bathroom is significantly more expensive — $48,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11972476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11972476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg\" alt=\"A bed, boxes and plant inside a small living structure.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of an “emergency sleeping cabin” by the company Pallet Shelter on Jan. 9, 2024. The company recently won a contract by the state to address homelessness by providing temporary housing with the cabins. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state requires each tiny home to be at least 70 square feet for a single person and 120 square feet for two people. They are not required to have en suite bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the contracts have been awarded, other cities not included in this state program can use their own funds to purchase the tiny homes without going through a lengthy process of seeking bids from multiple vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the governor’s office nor the state Department of General Services responded to questions about when the state-funded tiny homes will be installed or why the process has taken so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly, it would be great if it could go faster, but we understand the complexity,” King said. “I’m hopeful that now that we’re in 2024 and the contracts have been awarded, that things will move a little faster.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Nearly a year ago, Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/16/governor-newsom-announces-1-billion-in-homelessness-funding-launches-states-largest-mobilization-of-small-homes/\">promised to deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> to help shelter the state’s growing population of unhoused residents. Now, the state has chosen who will build those tiny homes and what they will look like — but there’s still no word on when people will be able to move in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Newsom unveiled his plans in March to deliver the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/10/california-tiny-homes/\">tiny homes\u003c/a> to Los Angeles, San Diego County, San José and Sacramento. The state has selected six companies to manufacture the dwellings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>Pallet: a Washington-based company that makes small, fiberglass cabins specifically designed as temporary shelters for unhoused residents. Their dwellings have been used in several California cities, including Oakland, San José and Fresno.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Factory OS: A Vallejo-based company that makes modular units that can be stacked and turned into apartment buildings or used alone as tiny homes.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Boss: A Montebello-based tiny home company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Irontown Modular: A Utah-based modular construction company.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>AMEG: An El Dorado Hills-based modular home builder.\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>Plugin House Company: An Austin, Texas-based modular home company.\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The contracts, awarded at the end of October, do not specify how many tiny homes or which tiny home models the state will buy from each vendor, nor how much the state will spend. Even the vendors themselves don’t know many specifics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is not clear to us today which product is going to which city or when,” Pallet CEO Amy King said. “We are on standby and at the ready to serve if we get called upon.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are more than 181,000 unhoused residents living in California, according to the state’s most recent estimates. Of those, more than 123,000 people live in encampments, vehicles, abandoned buildings or other places not meant for habitation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent years, leaders in cities throughout California have leaned heavily on tiny homes as a way to move people out of the state’s many homeless encampments. The small dwellings, which are less expensive and easier to build than traditional housing, are intended to be a temporary respite where unhoused people can live while waiting for a permanent home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Pallet’s standard 70-square-foot tiny home — a basic cabin with no plumbing — costs $18,900. A 120-square-foot unit with an en suite bathroom is significantly more expensive — $48,500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11972476\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11972476\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg\" alt=\"A bed, boxes and plant inside a small living structure.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/010924-Pallet-Shelter-MG-04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The inside of an “emergency sleeping cabin” by the company Pallet Shelter on Jan. 9, 2024. The company recently won a contract by the state to address homelessness by providing temporary housing with the cabins. \u003ccite>(Miguel Gutierrez Jr./CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The state requires each tiny home to be at least 70 square feet for a single person and 120 square feet for two people. They are not required to have en suite bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the contracts have been awarded, other cities not included in this state program can use their own funds to purchase the tiny homes without going through a lengthy process of seeking bids from multiple vendors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neither the governor’s office nor the state Department of General Services responded to questions about when the state-funded tiny homes will be installed or why the process has taken so long.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly, it would be great if it could go faster, but we understand the complexity,” King said. “I’m hopeful that now that we’re in 2024 and the contracts have been awarded, that things will move a little faster.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>California Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://ebudget.ca.gov/FullBudgetSummary.pdf\">unveiled his plan\u003c/a> on Wednesday to close an estimated $37.9 billion budget shortfall by drawing down on state reserves and cutting some previous investments in climate and housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s proposal — a $291.5 billion spending plan that kicks off the year’s budget process at the capitol — estimates a smaller deficit than earlier projections from state analysts. Nevertheless, the governor offered a sober assessment of the toll the inflation-battered economy has taken on state finances. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"California Gov. Gavin Newsom\"]‘All of this uncertainty happened because we experienced something we’ve never experienced in the modern history in this state. We had a blindfold on.’[/pullquote]“For decades and decades, we’ve come to expect the unexpected as it relates to the volatility of our tax system,” Newsom said at a press conference in Sacramento, calling the fiscal problems “a story of correction, a story of normalization” after record surpluses during his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further complicating matters, much of the revenue shortfall is in the budget year that ended last June. Delayed tax collection made it difficult for lawmakers to grasp how much revenue would arrive in state coffers when they negotiated the budget last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this uncertainty happened because we experienced something we’ve never experienced in the modern history in this state,” Newsom said. “We had a blindfold on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Newsom’s budget taps $13.1 billion from the state’s reserves, cuts $8.5 billion in spending and pulls in $5.7 billion through internal borrowing and a tax on health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4819\">Legislative Analyst’s Office pegged the budget shortfall at $68 billion\u003c/a>, as income tax collections fell 25% in the 2022–23 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said his administration’s smaller deficit projection was largely due to differing estimates of tax revenue in the coming year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are just a little less pessimistic than they are about the next year,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, Newsom said he wants to increase the amount of money the state can stash in reserves during surplus years, which is currently capped at 10% of the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten percent is not adequate,” Newsom said. “We’ve got to reconcile the volatility of the capital gains [tax revenue] … and it’s really important to capture more going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate leader Toni Atkins said the rainy-day savings over the last decade have put the state in a stronger position to weather this deficit than in the years following the Great Recession. [aside label='More on California’s Budget' tag='california-budget']“Now, because of more than a decade of responsible budgeting, we’re better prepared to protect the path of progress we’ve made,” Atkins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans called for Newsom to enact further cuts before tapping state reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Years of out-of-control spending by the governor and the legislative Democrats have added billions of dollars of new ongoing costs,” said Assemblymember Vince Fong (R-Bakersfield) the vice chair of the Assembly Budget Committee. “Until the governor takes control of the unsustainable spending, it is premature to tap the rainy day fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his press conference, Newsom bristled at calls for new taxes, suggesting that even discussing ideas such as a “wealth tax” plan damage the state’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proposal, which would tax the net worth of high-income residents, is expected to receive an initial hearing in the Legislature on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no wealth tax, there’s no income tax,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts in Newsom’s budget are centered on reductions on climate programs, with investments dropping from $54 billion to $48.3 billion, by trimming investments in biking and walking projects, along with fire prevention programs such as home hardening and prescribed fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water and energy are the largest climate reductions of more than a billion dollars. At the same time, there are nearly $160 million in new investments for flood protection, levee repair and the restoration of the Salton Sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some environmental groups said they are glad the cuts aren’t deep into the climate sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But, the climate crisis and the corporations who are causing it will not pause while we wait for another budget surplus — and neither can we,” said David Weiskopf, senior policy advisor with NextGen California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the Biden administration’s investments in transportation and climate projects through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act and the Inflation Reduction Act “helped supplement some of the modest cuts we’re making in this space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Deehan, state director at Environment California, said she was disappointed in the cuts to clean car and rooftop solar incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clean energy and climate programs are investments we make for our kids and grandkids,” Deehan said in a statement. “If we cut now, they pay more later in health and in their environment as well as money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposal also pauses funding to implement all newly signed laws — including the Climate Accountability Package made up of two laws that would require large corporations to publicly disclose their greenhouse gas emissions, carbon embedded in supply chains and climate risks — until the state’s finances are clear in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s critical that the May budget include funding to implement these laws so that businesses have the certainty they need to prepare to make these new disclosures,” Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the budget, Newsom proposed $1.2 billion in cuts to housing programs supporting rental housing development, infill development and homeownership, along with a modest drop in per-pupil spending and deferred some funding for higher education and capital transit projects. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Matt Schwartz, CEO, California Housing Partnership\"]‘They will result in some short-term savings, and they will have long-term costs that will exceed the savings.’[/pullquote]Matt Schwartz, CEO of the California Housing Partnership, expressed dismay with the cuts to housing programs. “They will result in some short-term savings,” he said, “and they will have long-term costs that will exceed the savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his analysis, the proposed cuts could lead to 6,400 fewer affordable homes built, including many reserved for people exiting homelessness. “The state has been only producing about 20,000 new affordable homes a year. So we’re talking about a reduction of about a third,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget aims to protect spending on homelessness, including $1 billion for local homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more and more people fall into homelessness, and a reversal of those funding streams would be dangerous at a time when folks are really struggling,” said Christopher Martin, policy director for Housing California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan also seeks to maintain investments in high-profile health services commitments, including $3.4 billion to expand access to Medi-Cal coverage to all low-income immigrant adults, regardless of their legal status. The budget also includes $234 million to build the infrastructure for Newsom’s CARE Courts, which aim to help people with serious psychotic illnesses into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget “prioritizes what we learned during the pandemic, that our health is dependent on the health and wellness of our community members, from our neighbors to the essential workers we rely on,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of the consumer group, Health Access California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said he would honor the bill he signed into law last year to raise the minimum wage for health care workers to $25 an hour, but his budget plan did not include funding for it, raising some concerns that negotiations between labor and industry might need to resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature will hold hearings on Newsom’s proposal in the coming months, and the governor will propose a revised budget in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/eromero\">Ezra David Romero\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">Vanessa Rancaño, \u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adembosky\">April Dembosky\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“For decades and decades, we’ve come to expect the unexpected as it relates to the volatility of our tax system,” Newsom said at a press conference in Sacramento, calling the fiscal problems “a story of correction, a story of normalization” after record surpluses during his first term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Further complicating matters, much of the revenue shortfall is in the budget year that ended last June. Delayed tax collection made it difficult for lawmakers to grasp how much revenue would arrive in state coffers when they negotiated the budget last summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“All of this uncertainty happened because we experienced something we’ve never experienced in the modern history in this state,” Newsom said. “We had a blindfold on.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response, Newsom’s budget taps $13.1 billion from the state’s reserves, cuts $8.5 billion in spending and pulls in $5.7 billion through internal borrowing and a tax on health care providers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, the nonpartisan \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/Publications/Report/4819\">Legislative Analyst’s Office pegged the budget shortfall at $68 billion\u003c/a>, as income tax collections fell 25% in the 2022–23 fiscal year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said his administration’s smaller deficit projection was largely due to differing estimates of tax revenue in the coming year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are just a little less pessimistic than they are about the next year,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Going forward, Newsom said he wants to increase the amount of money the state can stash in reserves during surplus years, which is currently capped at 10% of the general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ten percent is not adequate,” Newsom said. “We’ve got to reconcile the volatility of the capital gains [tax revenue] … and it’s really important to capture more going forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senate leader Toni Atkins said the rainy-day savings over the last decade have put the state in a stronger position to weather this deficit than in the years following the Great Recession. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Now, because of more than a decade of responsible budgeting, we’re better prepared to protect the path of progress we’ve made,” Atkins said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some Republicans called for Newsom to enact further cuts before tapping state reserves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Years of out-of-control spending by the governor and the legislative Democrats have added billions of dollars of new ongoing costs,” said Assemblymember Vince Fong (R-Bakersfield) the vice chair of the Assembly Budget Committee. “Until the governor takes control of the unsustainable spending, it is premature to tap the rainy day fund.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout his press conference, Newsom bristled at calls for new taxes, suggesting that even discussing ideas such as a “wealth tax” plan damage the state’s reputation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That proposal, which would tax the net worth of high-income residents, is expected to receive an initial hearing in the Legislature on Wednesday afternoon.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s no wealth tax, there’s no income tax,” Newsom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The cuts in Newsom’s budget are centered on reductions on climate programs, with investments dropping from $54 billion to $48.3 billion, by trimming investments in biking and walking projects, along with fire prevention programs such as home hardening and prescribed fires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Water and energy are the largest climate reductions of more than a billion dollars. At the same time, there are nearly $160 million in new investments for flood protection, levee repair and the restoration of the Salton Sea.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some environmental groups said they are glad the cuts aren’t deep into the climate sector.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But, the climate crisis and the corporations who are causing it will not pause while we wait for another budget surplus — and neither can we,” said David Weiskopf, senior policy advisor with NextGen California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom said the Biden administration’s investments in transportation and climate projects through the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act and the Inflation Reduction Act “helped supplement some of the modest cuts we’re making in this space.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Laura Deehan, state director at Environment California, said she was disappointed in the cuts to clean car and rooftop solar incentives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clean energy and climate programs are investments we make for our kids and grandkids,” Deehan said in a statement. “If we cut now, they pay more later in health and in their environment as well as money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s budget proposal also pauses funding to implement all newly signed laws — including the Climate Accountability Package made up of two laws that would require large corporations to publicly disclose their greenhouse gas emissions, carbon embedded in supply chains and climate risks — until the state’s finances are clear in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s critical that the May budget include funding to implement these laws so that businesses have the certainty they need to prepare to make these new disclosures,” Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco) said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Elsewhere in the budget, Newsom proposed $1.2 billion in cuts to housing programs supporting rental housing development, infill development and homeownership, along with a modest drop in per-pupil spending and deferred some funding for higher education and capital transit projects. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Matt Schwartz, CEO of the California Housing Partnership, expressed dismay with the cuts to housing programs. “They will result in some short-term savings,” he said, “and they will have long-term costs that will exceed the savings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to his analysis, the proposed cuts could lead to 6,400 fewer affordable homes built, including many reserved for people exiting homelessness. “The state has been only producing about 20,000 new affordable homes a year. So we’re talking about a reduction of about a third,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s budget aims to protect spending on homelessness, including $1 billion for local homelessness funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re seeing more and more people fall into homelessness, and a reversal of those funding streams would be dangerous at a time when folks are really struggling,” said Christopher Martin, policy director for Housing California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s plan also seeks to maintain investments in high-profile health services commitments, including $3.4 billion to expand access to Medi-Cal coverage to all low-income immigrant adults, regardless of their legal status. The budget also includes $234 million to build the infrastructure for Newsom’s CARE Courts, which aim to help people with serious psychotic illnesses into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget “prioritizes what we learned during the pandemic, that our health is dependent on the health and wellness of our community members, from our neighbors to the essential workers we rely on,” said Anthony Wright, executive director of the consumer group, Health Access California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor said he would honor the bill he signed into law last year to raise the minimum wage for health care workers to $25 an hour, but his budget plan did not include funding for it, raising some concerns that negotiations between labor and industry might need to resume.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Legislature will hold hearings on Newsom’s proposal in the coming months, and the governor will propose a revised budget in May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/eromero\">Ezra David Romero\u003c/a>, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/vrancano\">Vanessa Rancaño, \u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/adembosky\">April Dembosky\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/mlagos\">Marisa Lagos\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As part of its plans to redevelop People’s Park, UC Berkeley has long vowed to build about 100 units of housing for low-income and unhoused people alongside a thousand units for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developer for the low-income housing, however, exited the project last spring, and the university has not selected a new one to take its place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for Community Development (RCD) left the project just months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941907/appeals-court-sends-uc-berkeley-back-to-the-drawing-board-on-peoples-park-development\">an appellate court\u003c/a> ruled UC Berkeley couldn’t move forward with construction until it evaluated other possible development sites and assessed potential noise impacts to students and other neighbors as part of its environmental review. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dan Mogulof, assistant vice chancellor, UC Berkeley\"]‘As soon as the legal issues are settled, we’ll work to find a developer.’[/pullquote]In a statement, RCD spokesperson Lauren Lyon said the company reallocated its “limited resources to other developments,” citing delays caused by the appellate court decision. She added that the ruling “sets a dangerous precedent for housing development, especially for the creation of new affordable housing which is so desperately needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that the legal issues have to be addressed, then the developers don’t have to worry about delays,” said Dan Mogulof, the assistant vice chancellor of the university. “As soon as the legal issues are settled, we’ll work to find a developer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appellate court decision stems from a 2021 lawsuit filed by neighbors and activists who were concerned the students and residents in the new housing developments would negatively impact the neighborhood. The university has appealed the case to the state supreme court and is still awaiting a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision could be affected by legislation signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September. AB 1307, written specifically to help UC Berkeley in its quest to build at People’s Park, states that noise generated by a building’s future residents doesn’t qualify as a significant environmental impact and eliminates the need for public universities to consider alternative sites for certain projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is steadfast in its plan to build the 1,100-unit student housing and 125-unit supportive housing project. The university plans to develop the student housing itself. As for the supportive housing, it plans to offer the land, worth millions of dollars, to a third-party developer at no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The project is not just about student housing,” Mogulof said. “Supportive housing is an inseparable part of the project. We can find a developer to handle that part of the project.” [aside label='More on People’s Park' tag='peoples-park']UC Berkeley currently provides housing to only 22% of its more than 40,000 undergraduate and graduate students, the smallest percentage out of all schools in the UC system. In 2017, the university launched a Student Housing Initiative aiming to add 9,000 student beds. The project on People’s Park is part of that plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to build housing at People’s Park has support from local city leaders. In December 2021, the City of Berkeley allocated $14 million for the project as part of a package of $67 million that included six other affordable housing developments across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed student housing is urgently needed to alleviate our housing crisis and the permanent supportive housing at People’s Park will be the most significant homeless services and affordable housing project in the history of the neighborhood,” said former councilmember and mayoral candidate Rigel Robinson, who represents the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Robinson resigned from his seat on the city council and quit the mayoral race after facing harassment, stalking and threats — often from those opposing his position on the park’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11971863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11971863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Several people hold signs outdoors.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate outside of People’s Park as law enforcement prevent them from entering the premises in Berkeley on Jan. 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Generally, I have accepted this as simply being part of the job,” he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/01/09/opinion-why-i-am-stepping-down-from-the-berkeley-city-council\">op-ed published in Berkeleyside\u003c/a>. “But when these behaviors affect my loved ones, I have to draw the line. It’s time for me to prioritize my well-being and my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley offered housing, transportation and social services to unhoused residents of the park, according to Mogulof. Still, the decision to clear People’s Park before the court decided on the case seemed sinister to activists seeking to protect the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Teague, an organizer with the People’s Park Committee said they felt the university was trying to “fake it until they make it” by removing encampments and makeshift tree houses and hoping the state’s supreme court rules in their favor. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Lisa Teague, organizer, People’s Park Committee\"]‘[The university’s] desire to build on People’s Park is stronger than their desire to actually put up student housing. Any other site would have [been built] with relatively little controversy.’[/pullquote]“[The university’s] desire to build on People’s Park is stronger than their desire to actually put up student housing,” Teague said. “Any other site would have [been built] with relatively little controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now part of the National Register of Historic Places, People’s Park was the site of anti-war and environmental justice demonstrations in the 1960s and 1970s and has long been a place for homeless residents to camp and find services. Some Berkeley residents worry that history will be erased, despite the university’s promise to create permanent commemorations onsite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, the president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said the site is an international destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Our group is] not privileged NIMBY neighbors, we’re people all over Berkeley and California that support People’s Park,” he said. “The issues that the park represents, whether it’s environmental, antiwar or free speech — so much of that is relevant right now to what we’re dealing with today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university and those hoping to protect the park wait for the court’s decision, the large shipping containers surrounding the site will remain in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will stay there until construction is finished,” said Mogulof, which could continue for the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Despite throngs of protesters and activists who want to protect People’s Park, UC Berkeley is steadfast in its plan to build thousands of housing units for students and those exiting homelessness. One of those projects still needs a developer. ",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As part of its plans to redevelop People’s Park, UC Berkeley has long vowed to build about 100 units of housing for low-income and unhoused people alongside a thousand units for students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The developer for the low-income housing, however, exited the project last spring, and the university has not selected a new one to take its place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Resources for Community Development (RCD) left the project just months after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11941907/appeals-court-sends-uc-berkeley-back-to-the-drawing-board-on-peoples-park-development\">an appellate court\u003c/a> ruled UC Berkeley couldn’t move forward with construction until it evaluated other possible development sites and assessed potential noise impacts to students and other neighbors as part of its environmental review. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>In a statement, RCD spokesperson Lauren Lyon said the company reallocated its “limited resources to other developments,” citing delays caused by the appellate court decision. She added that the ruling “sets a dangerous precedent for housing development, especially for the creation of new affordable housing which is so desperately needed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s clear that the legal issues have to be addressed, then the developers don’t have to worry about delays,” said Dan Mogulof, the assistant vice chancellor of the university. “As soon as the legal issues are settled, we’ll work to find a developer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The appellate court decision stems from a 2021 lawsuit filed by neighbors and activists who were concerned the students and residents in the new housing developments would negatively impact the neighborhood. The university has appealed the case to the state supreme court and is still awaiting a hearing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision could be affected by legislation signed by Gov. Gavin Newsom in September. AB 1307, written specifically to help UC Berkeley in its quest to build at People’s Park, states that noise generated by a building’s future residents doesn’t qualify as a significant environmental impact and eliminates the need for public universities to consider alternative sites for certain projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley is steadfast in its plan to build the 1,100-unit student housing and 125-unit supportive housing project. The university plans to develop the student housing itself. As for the supportive housing, it plans to offer the land, worth millions of dollars, to a third-party developer at no cost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The project is not just about student housing,” Mogulof said. “Supportive housing is an inseparable part of the project. We can find a developer to handle that part of the project.” \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>UC Berkeley currently provides housing to only 22% of its more than 40,000 undergraduate and graduate students, the smallest percentage out of all schools in the UC system. In 2017, the university launched a Student Housing Initiative aiming to add 9,000 student beds. The project on People’s Park is part of that plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan to build housing at People’s Park has support from local city leaders. In December 2021, the City of Berkeley allocated $14 million for the project as part of a package of $67 million that included six other affordable housing developments across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The proposed student housing is urgently needed to alleviate our housing crisis and the permanent supportive housing at People’s Park will be the most significant homeless services and affordable housing project in the history of the neighborhood,” said former councilmember and mayoral candidate Rigel Robinson, who represents the district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, Robinson resigned from his seat on the city council and quit the mayoral race after facing harassment, stalking and threats — often from those opposing his position on the park’s development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11971863\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11971863\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Several people hold signs outdoors.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/01/240104-PEOPLES-PARK-MD-17-qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">People demonstrate outside of People’s Park as law enforcement prevent them from entering the premises in Berkeley on Jan. 4, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Generally, I have accepted this as simply being part of the job,” he said in an \u003ca href=\"https://www.berkeleyside.org/2024/01/09/opinion-why-i-am-stepping-down-from-the-berkeley-city-council\">op-ed published in Berkeleyside\u003c/a>. “But when these behaviors affect my loved ones, I have to draw the line. It’s time for me to prioritize my well-being and my family.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Berkeley offered housing, transportation and social services to unhoused residents of the park, according to Mogulof. Still, the decision to clear People’s Park before the court decided on the case seemed sinister to activists seeking to protect the park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lisa Teague, an organizer with the People’s Park Committee said they felt the university was trying to “fake it until they make it” by removing encampments and makeshift tree houses and hoping the state’s supreme court rules in their favor. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“[The university’s] desire to build on People’s Park is stronger than their desire to actually put up student housing,” Teague said. “Any other site would have [been built] with relatively little controversy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now part of the National Register of Historic Places, People’s Park was the site of anti-war and environmental justice demonstrations in the 1960s and 1970s and has long been a place for homeless residents to camp and find services. Some Berkeley residents worry that history will be erased, despite the university’s promise to create permanent commemorations onsite.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Smith, the president of the People’s Park Historic District Advocacy Group, said the site is an international destination.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“[Our group is] not privileged NIMBY neighbors, we’re people all over Berkeley and California that support People’s Park,” he said. “The issues that the park represents, whether it’s environmental, antiwar or free speech — so much of that is relevant right now to what we’re dealing with today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the university and those hoping to protect the park wait for the court’s decision, the large shipping containers surrounding the site will remain in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They will stay there until construction is finished,” said Mogulof, which could continue for the next several years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "a-quick-guide-on-2-types-of-housing-vouchers-for-foster-youth",
"title": "Housing Vouchers for Foster Youth: Family Unification Program (FUP) and Foster Youth to Independence (FYI) Explained",
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"headTitle": "Housing Vouchers for Foster Youth: Family Unification Program (FUP) and Foster Youth to Independence (FYI) Explained | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>In California, where affordable housing is increasingly difficult to find, youth exiting the foster care system disproportionately face higher rates of homelessness, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.chapinhall.org/research/calyouth/\">CalYOUTH\u003c/a>, a study on foster youth conducted from 2012 to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two federal programs, the Family Unification Program (FUP) and the Foster Youth to Independence Initiative (FYI), work to reduce these rates of homelessness by providing targeted housing vouchers commonly referred to as Section 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But FUP and FYI vouchers go largely underutilized in California, according to \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">a recent report\u003c/a> from \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/quick-guide-federal-financial-aid-for-foster-youth/693575\">John Burton Advocates for Youth\u003c/a>, or JBAY, a nonprofit focused on supporting California foster and homeless youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the authors of the report, child welfare agency representatives from 37 of the state’s 58 counties responded to the survey, and the counties that responded are in charge of 93% of the state’s FUP and FYI vouchers for eligible young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results from the survey provide critical insight into these two housing vouchers for former foster youth, such as how often they are being distributed and various challenges with more widespread issuance. Some of those challenges include a lack of awareness regarding recent policy changes that simplify the voucher distribution process and insufficient funding for the supportive services offered in coordination with the voucher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This quick guide provides insight into what the FUP and FYI programs are, how the housing vouchers can be accessed, the challenge of California’s current housing climate, and where additional information can be found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the FUP and FYI housing vouchers provide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Both the Family Unification Program and the Foster Youth to Independence Initiative vouchers provide eligible youth with up to three years of housing assistance, plus additional support such as locating available housing and covering some move-in costs. The housing vouchers, known commonly as Section 8, pay for all or part of the youth’s rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-year voucher can be extended for an additional two years if the youth meets certain criteria. Those criteria include opting into a Family Self-Sufficiency program if one is offered by the local public housing authority issuing their voucher. In an FSS program, these youth can receive additional support services, including child care, job training and transportation. If a family self-sufficiency program is not offered, or if it’s impacted, youth can also meet the criteria by fulfilling education or employment conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More detailed information regarding those education or employment conditions can be found on Page 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">this report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is eligible for the FUP and FYI?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Family Unification Program, or FUP, was established in 1992 and provides housing vouchers for families involved in the child welfare system and for transition-age former foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11969623,news_11970332,news_11971908\"]The Foster Youth to Independence Initiative, or FYI, launched nearly three decades later in 2019, is specific to transition-age youth leaving the foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to qualify for both programs, transition-age foster youth must be between the ages of 18 and 24 and cannot have reached their 25th birthday. Additional eligibility requirements include having exited the foster care system or being about to do so within 90 days and being homeless or at risk of homelessness at age 16 or above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It should be noted that transition-age foster youth age ranges might differ for other services, depending on the specific resource and the person’s location. In \u003ca href=\"https://socialservices.sccgov.org/other-services/transitioned-age-youth-services\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, for example, some foster care transition services are available for 15-year-olds, while the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/transitional-aged-youth-housing-tay#:~:text=TAY%20are%20young%20adults%2C%20ages,a%20successful%20transition%20to%20adulthood.\">city of San Francisco\u003c/a> offers support for some former foster youth up to age 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many youths have been administered housing vouchers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There has been a 54% increase in vouchers administered in the past two years, from 870 in 2021 to 1,341 as of Oct. 1, \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">according to the JBAY report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why don’t more eligible California youth have a housing voucher?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are multiple reasons for these housing vouchers being largely underutilized in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key challenge is that not every county participates in the FUP and FYI voucher programs. While those youth may likely still be eligible for other state or county-funded housing support, such programs are hard to get because they are utilized at higher rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the FUP and FYI vouchers are linked with offering supportive services, and despite new designated allocations to cover those supportive services, the costs remain prohibitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some county representatives are also unaware of key details that would facilitate the issuing of more vouchers. For example, about 65% of county child welfare agencies remained unaware that vouchers can be extended from three to five years for all youth with a voucher. Plus, recent federal policy changes have simplified the process that county agencies must follow when requesting certain vouchers, but many of the county representatives interviewed in the JBAY survey were unaware of those changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long does it take for youth to find adequate housing if they are administered a FUP or FYI voucher?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The length of time for identifying housing ranges from less than one month to over six months, with 45% of California counties that responded to the survey indicating that the average search was one to two months. The range includes the beginning of the housing search to the moment the housing is secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding adequate and affordable housing in California is increasingly one of the most significant barriers to using or even issuing the vouchers. Transition-age foster youth are particularly susceptible to this challenge, as they often have little to no income to rely on, no rental history and are less likely to have a co-signer to rely on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can transition-age foster youth apply for FUP and FYI housing vouchers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If a transition-aged former foster youth thinks they might be eligible for a FUP or FYI voucher, they should connect with their child welfare or independent living worker. A direct point-of-contact for their county, if they offer vouchers, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1YOcsbSUwokL-t2PZRfheGPvp1F8hcMT5a_fmFDPn2NA/edit#gid=0\">can be found at this link (DOC)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their local public child welfare agency makes the referral to the public housing authority and certifies whether the youth is eligible based on their history in the foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the youth is eligible and the housing authority has FUP vouchers, that’s the type of voucher offered to the young person. Otherwise, an FYI voucher is requested from the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development. Once housing is secured, the FYI voucher is administered to the landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can additional resources and information regarding housing vouchers for transition-age foster youth be found?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those potentially eligible for a FUP or FYI housing voucher can find contact information for their county \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1YOcsbSUwokL-t2PZRfheGPvp1F8hcMT5a_fmFDPn2NA/edit#gid=0\">on this spreadsheet compiled by JBAY (DOC)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ylc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/March-2023-Update_-YLC-Housing-Resources-2020-present.pdf\">This fact sheet by the Youth Law Center (PDF)\u003c/a> provides an overview of the housing resources available in California for current and former foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/two-types-of-housing-vouchers-for-foster-youth-quick-guide/703347\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "A recent study found that both types of vouchers go largely underutilized in California, where affordable housing is increasingly difficult to find for youth exiting the foster care system.",
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"title": "A Quick Guide to Housing Help for Foster Youth | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In California, where affordable housing is increasingly difficult to find, youth exiting the foster care system disproportionately face higher rates of homelessness, according to \u003ca href=\"https://www.chapinhall.org/research/calyouth/\">CalYOUTH\u003c/a>, a study on foster youth conducted from 2012 to 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two federal programs, the Family Unification Program (FUP) and the Foster Youth to Independence Initiative (FYI), work to reduce these rates of homelessness by providing targeted housing vouchers commonly referred to as Section 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But FUP and FYI vouchers go largely underutilized in California, according to \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">a recent report\u003c/a> from \u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2023/quick-guide-federal-financial-aid-for-foster-youth/693575\">John Burton Advocates for Youth\u003c/a>, or JBAY, a nonprofit focused on supporting California foster and homeless youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the authors of the report, child welfare agency representatives from 37 of the state’s 58 counties responded to the survey, and the counties that responded are in charge of 93% of the state’s FUP and FYI vouchers for eligible young people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results from the survey provide critical insight into these two housing vouchers for former foster youth, such as how often they are being distributed and various challenges with more widespread issuance. Some of those challenges include a lack of awareness regarding recent policy changes that simplify the voucher distribution process and insufficient funding for the supportive services offered in coordination with the voucher.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This quick guide provides insight into what the FUP and FYI programs are, how the housing vouchers can be accessed, the challenge of California’s current housing climate, and where additional information can be found.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do the FUP and FYI housing vouchers provide?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Both the Family Unification Program and the Foster Youth to Independence Initiative vouchers provide eligible youth with up to three years of housing assistance, plus additional support such as locating available housing and covering some move-in costs. The housing vouchers, known commonly as Section 8, pay for all or part of the youth’s rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A three-year voucher can be extended for an additional two years if the youth meets certain criteria. Those criteria include opting into a Family Self-Sufficiency program if one is offered by the local public housing authority issuing their voucher. In an FSS program, these youth can receive additional support services, including child care, job training and transportation. If a family self-sufficiency program is not offered, or if it’s impacted, youth can also meet the criteria by fulfilling education or employment conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More detailed information regarding those education or employment conditions can be found on Page 9 of \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">this report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Who is eligible for the FUP and FYI?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Family Unification Program, or FUP, was established in 1992 and provides housing vouchers for families involved in the child welfare system and for transition-age former foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Foster Youth to Independence Initiative, or FYI, launched nearly three decades later in 2019, is specific to transition-age youth leaving the foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In order to qualify for both programs, transition-age foster youth must be between the ages of 18 and 24 and cannot have reached their 25th birthday. Additional eligibility requirements include having exited the foster care system or being about to do so within 90 days and being homeless or at risk of homelessness at age 16 or above.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It should be noted that transition-age foster youth age ranges might differ for other services, depending on the specific resource and the person’s location. In \u003ca href=\"https://socialservices.sccgov.org/other-services/transitioned-age-youth-services\">Santa Clara County\u003c/a>, for example, some foster care transition services are available for 15-year-olds, while the \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/information/transitional-aged-youth-housing-tay#:~:text=TAY%20are%20young%20adults%2C%20ages,a%20successful%20transition%20to%20adulthood.\">city of San Francisco\u003c/a> offers support for some former foster youth up to age 27.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How many youths have been administered housing vouchers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There has been a 54% increase in vouchers administered in the past two years, from 870 in 2021 to 1,341 as of Oct. 1, \u003ca href=\"https://jbay.org/resources/2023-fyi-report/\">according to the JBAY report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Why don’t more eligible California youth have a housing voucher?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>There are multiple reasons for these housing vouchers being largely underutilized in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One key challenge is that not every county participates in the FUP and FYI voucher programs. While those youth may likely still be eligible for other state or county-funded housing support, such programs are hard to get because they are utilized at higher rates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additionally, the FUP and FYI vouchers are linked with offering supportive services, and despite new designated allocations to cover those supportive services, the costs remain prohibitive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some county representatives are also unaware of key details that would facilitate the issuing of more vouchers. For example, about 65% of county child welfare agencies remained unaware that vouchers can be extended from three to five years for all youth with a voucher. Plus, recent federal policy changes have simplified the process that county agencies must follow when requesting certain vouchers, but many of the county representatives interviewed in the JBAY survey were unaware of those changes.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How long does it take for youth to find adequate housing if they are administered a FUP or FYI voucher?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The length of time for identifying housing ranges from less than one month to over six months, with 45% of California counties that responded to the survey indicating that the average search was one to two months. The range includes the beginning of the housing search to the moment the housing is secured.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding adequate and affordable housing in California is increasingly one of the most significant barriers to using or even issuing the vouchers. Transition-age foster youth are particularly susceptible to this challenge, as they often have little to no income to rely on, no rental history and are less likely to have a co-signer to rely on.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How can transition-age foster youth apply for FUP and FYI housing vouchers?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If a transition-aged former foster youth thinks they might be eligible for a FUP or FYI voucher, they should connect with their child welfare or independent living worker. A direct point-of-contact for their county, if they offer vouchers, \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1YOcsbSUwokL-t2PZRfheGPvp1F8hcMT5a_fmFDPn2NA/edit#gid=0\">can be found at this link (DOC)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Their local public child welfare agency makes the referral to the public housing authority and certifies whether the youth is eligible based on their history in the foster care system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the youth is eligible and the housing authority has FUP vouchers, that’s the type of voucher offered to the young person. Otherwise, an FYI voucher is requested from the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development. Once housing is secured, the FYI voucher is administered to the landlord.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Where can additional resources and information regarding housing vouchers for transition-age foster youth be found?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Those potentially eligible for a FUP or FYI housing voucher can find contact information for their county \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1YOcsbSUwokL-t2PZRfheGPvp1F8hcMT5a_fmFDPn2NA/edit#gid=0\">on this spreadsheet compiled by JBAY (DOC)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.ylc.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/March-2023-Update_-YLC-Housing-Resources-2020-present.pdf\">This fact sheet by the Youth Law Center (PDF)\u003c/a> provides an overview of the housing resources available in California for current and former foster youth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/two-types-of-housing-vouchers-for-foster-youth-quick-guide/703347\">\u003cem>This story originally appeared in EdSource.\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
"airtime": "SUN 9pm-10pm",
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
"airtime": "THU 10pm, FRI 1am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Commonwealth-Club-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.commonwealthclub.org/podcasts",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
},
"link": "/radio/program/commonwealth-club",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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}
},
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"id": "forum",
"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 9am-11am, 10pm-11pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Forum with Mina Kim and Alexis Madrigal",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 9
},
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM5NTU3MzgxNjMz",
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"id": "freakonomics-radio",
"title": "Freakonomics Radio",
"info": "Freakonomics Radio is a one-hour award-winning podcast and public-radio project hosted by Stephen Dubner, with co-author Steve Levitt as a regular guest. It is produced in partnership with WNYC.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/freakonomicsRadio.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://freakonomics.com/",
"airtime": "SUN 1am-2am, SAT 3pm-4pm",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
"subscribe": {
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/freakonomics-radio/id354668519",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/WNYC-Podcasts/Freakonomics-Radio-p272293/",
"rss": "https://feeds.feedburner.com/freakonomicsradio"
}
},
"fresh-air": {
"id": "fresh-air",
"title": "Fresh Air",
"info": "Hosted by Terry Gross, \u003cem>Fresh Air from WHYY\u003c/em> is the Peabody Award-winning weekday magazine of contemporary arts and issues. One of public radio's most popular programs, Fresh Air features intimate conversations with today's biggest luminaries.",
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"link": "/radio/program/fresh-air",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=214089682&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/381444908/podcast.xml"
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"id": "here-and-now",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510051/podcast.xml"
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},
"hidden-brain": {
"id": "hidden-brain",
"title": "Hidden Brain",
"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/05/hiddenbrain.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/series/423302056/hidden-brain",
"airtime": "SUN 7pm-8pm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "NPR"
},
"link": "/radio/program/hidden-brain",
"subscribe": {
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"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Science-Podcasts/Hidden-Brain-p787503/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510308/podcast.xml"
}
},
"how-i-built-this": {
"id": "how-i-built-this",
"title": "How I Built This with Guy Raz",
"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/05/howIBuiltThis.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510313/how-i-built-this",
"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/3zxy",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/how-i-built-this-with-guy-raz/id1150510297?mt=2",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510313/podcast.xml"
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},
"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
"title": "Hyphenación",
"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/Hyphenacion_FinalAssets_PodcastTile.png",
"imageAlt": "KQED Hyphenación",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
"meta": {
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"order": 15
},
"link": "/podcasts/hyphenacion",
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"spotify": "https://open.spotify.com/show/2p3Fifq96nw9BPcmFdIq0o?si=39209f7b25774f38",
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/6c3dd23c-93fb-4aab-97ba-1725fa6315f1/hyphenaci%C3%B3n",
"rss": "https://feeds.megaphone.fm/KQINC2275451163"
}
},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game – and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
"meta": {
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"order": 18
},
"link": "/podcasts/jerrybrown",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/id1492194549",
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}
},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "http://latinousa.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/xtTd",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510016/podcast.xml"
}
},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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"rss": "https://feeds.publicradio.org/public_feeds/marketplace-pm/rss/rss"
}
},
"masters-of-scale": {
"id": "masters-of-scale",
"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Masters-of-Scale-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://mastersofscale.com/",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WaitWhat"
},
"link": "/radio/program/masters-of-scale",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "http://mastersofscale.app.link/",
"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/mindshift-podcast/id1078765985",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/464615685/mind-shift-podcast",
"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/stories-teachers-share",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
},
"link": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/id1567098962",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5ucHIub3JnLzUxMDM2MC9wb2RjYXN0LnhtbD9zYz1nb29nbGVwb2RjYXN0cw",
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"stitcher": "https://www.stitcher.com/show/on-our-watch",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510360/podcast.xml"
}
},
"on-the-media": {
"id": "on-the-media",
"title": "On The Media",
"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
"airtime": "SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "wnyc"
},
"link": "/radio/program/on-the-media",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/",
"rss": "http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"
}
},
"pbs-newshour": {
"id": "pbs-newshour",
"title": "PBS NewsHour",
"info": "Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "pbs"
},
"link": "/radio/program/pbs-newshour",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/",
"rss": "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"
}
},
"perspectives": {
"id": "perspectives",
"title": "Perspectives",
"tagline": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991",
"info": "KQED's series of daily listener commentaries since 1991.",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/Perspectives_Tile_Final.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Perspectives",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/perspectives/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 14
},
"link": "/perspectives",
"subscribe": {
"apple": "https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives",
"rss": "https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/",
"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"
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},
"planet-money": {
"id": "planet-money",
"title": "Planet Money",
"info": "The economy explained. Imagine you could call up a friend and say, Meet me at the bar and tell me what's going on with the economy. Now imagine that's actually a fun evening.",
"airtime": "SUN 3pm-4pm",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/planetmoney.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/sections/money/",
"meta": {
"site": "news",
"source": "npr"
},
"link": "/radio/program/planet-money",
"subscribe": {
"npr": "https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/M4f5",
"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/planet-money/id290783428?mt=2",
"tuneIn": "https://tunein.com/podcasts/Business--Economics-Podcasts/Planet-Money-p164680/",
"rss": "https://feeds.npr.org/510289/podcast.xml"
}
},
"politicalbreakdown": {
"id": "politicalbreakdown",
"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
"airtime": "THU 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Political-Breakdown-2024-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED Political Breakdown",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "kqed",
"order": 5
},
"link": "/podcasts/politicalbreakdown",
"subscribe": {
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"amazon": "https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0c2d153-ad36-4c8d-901d-f1da6a724824/political-breakdown",
"npr": "https://www.npr.org/podcasts/572155894/political-breakdown",
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