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"title": "California Voters Narrowly Pass Proposition 1, Requiring Counties to Fund Programs Tackling Homelessness",
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"content": "\u003cp>California voters have approved a measure that will impose strict requirements on counties to spend on housing and drug treatment programs to tackle the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homeless-california-study-poverty-high-rent-a2a4bfc9b386cb70fdd14d593f31b68c\">state’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a>, in a tissue-thin win for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who personally campaigned for the measure’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats outnumber Republicans by a staggering 2–to–1 in California, and the borderline vote — coming more than two weeks after Election Day — signaled unease with the state’s homeless policies after Newsom’s administration invested billions of dollars in getting people off the street. However, no dramatic change has been seen in Los Angeles and other large cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state accounts for nearly a third of the homeless population in the United States; roughly 181,000 Californians are in need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who made the measure a signature proposal, spent significant time and money campaigning on its behalf. He raised more than $13 million to promote it with the support of law enforcement, first responders, hospitals and mayors of major cities. Opponents raised just $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 marks the first update to the state’s mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest change in decades in how California tackles homelessness and a victory for doing things radically different,” Newsom said in a statement after the measure’s razor-thin victory was announced. “Now, counties and local officials must match the ambition of California voters. This historic reform will only succeed if we all kick into action immediately — state government and local leaders, together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties will now be required to spend about two-thirds of the money from a voter-approved tax on millionaires, enacted in 2004, for mental health services on housing and programs for homeless people with serious mental illnesses or substance-abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revenue from that tax, now between $2 billion and $3 billion a year, provides about one-third of the state’s total mental health budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"more on homelessness\" tag=\"homelessness\"]The state, with a current inventory of 5,500 beds, needs some 8,000 more units to treat mental health and addiction issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also allows the state to borrow $6.38 billion to build 4,350 housing units, half of which will be reserved for veterans, and add 6,800 mental health and addiction-treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including many social service providers and county officials, said the change would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-initiative-mental-health-3e6765a30343f7cc0147efd40f5a2f2f\">threaten programs\u003c/a> that are not solely focused on housing or drug treatment but keep people from losing their homes in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the single formula could mean rural counties such as Butte, with a homeless population of fewer than 1,300 people, would be required to divert the same percentage of funds to housing as urban counties such as San Francisco, which has a homeless population of six times bigger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With makeshift tents lining streets and disrupting businesses in communities across the state, homelessness has become one of the most frustrating issues in California and one sure to dog Newsom should he ever mount a presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the proposition as the final piece in his plan to reform California’s mental health system. He has already pushed for laws that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-newsom-mental-health-conservatorship-baef68d08e1f8fd57869f40db2f2adce\">make it easier to force people\u003c/a> with behavioral health issues into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Elias, a television producer in Sacramento, said he “was on the fence” about Proposition 1 but decided to vote in favor of it because of the pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that’s all around us right now,” he said. “We got all these tents out here in front of City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrellita Vivirito, a Palm Springs resident, also voted for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only logical, you know, we have to do something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Wolf, a doctoral student at the University of California, Berkeley, said she voted against the measure out of concern that it would result in more people being locked up against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was appalled of the system of laws that he has been building to kind of erode the rights of people with mental disabilities,” Wolf said of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffin Bovee, a Republican state worker in Sacramento, also voted against the proposition and said the state has been wasting taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento really shouldn’t get another dime until they actually figure out why what they’re doing is not working,” he said of the state’s handling of the homelessness crisis. “They spent $20 billion over the past few years trying to fix that problem, and it got worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many opponents also said the ballot measure would cut funding from cultural centers, peer-support programs and vocational services and would pit those programs against services for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration has already spent at least $22 billion on various programs to address the crisis, including $3.5 billion to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-business-health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-835c2091c63c199d397346a497e7ae49\">convert rundown motels into homeless housing\u003c/a>. California is also giving out $2 billion in grants to build more treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>California voters have approved a measure that will impose strict requirements on counties to spend on housing and drug treatment programs to tackle the \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/homeless-california-study-poverty-high-rent-a2a4bfc9b386cb70fdd14d593f31b68c\">state’s homelessness crisis\u003c/a>, in a tissue-thin win for Gov. Gavin Newsom, who personally campaigned for the measure’s passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democrats outnumber Republicans by a staggering 2–to–1 in California, and the borderline vote — coming more than two weeks after Election Day — signaled unease with the state’s homeless policies after Newsom’s administration invested billions of dollars in getting people off the street. However, no dramatic change has been seen in Los Angeles and other large cities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state accounts for nearly a third of the homeless population in the United States; roughly 181,000 Californians are in need of housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom, who made the measure a signature proposal, spent significant time and money campaigning on its behalf. He raised more than $13 million to promote it with the support of law enforcement, first responders, hospitals and mayors of major cities. Opponents raised just $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 1 marks the first update to the state’s mental health system in 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is the biggest change in decades in how California tackles homelessness and a victory for doing things radically different,” Newsom said in a statement after the measure’s razor-thin victory was announced. “Now, counties and local officials must match the ambition of California voters. This historic reform will only succeed if we all kick into action immediately — state government and local leaders, together.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Counties will now be required to spend about two-thirds of the money from a voter-approved tax on millionaires, enacted in 2004, for mental health services on housing and programs for homeless people with serious mental illnesses or substance-abuse problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Revenue from that tax, now between $2 billion and $3 billion a year, provides about one-third of the state’s total mental health budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The state, with a current inventory of 5,500 beds, needs some 8,000 more units to treat mental health and addiction issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative also allows the state to borrow $6.38 billion to build 4,350 housing units, half of which will be reserved for veterans, and add 6,800 mental health and addiction-treatment beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents, including many social service providers and county officials, said the change would \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-homelessness-initiative-mental-health-3e6765a30343f7cc0147efd40f5a2f2f\">threaten programs\u003c/a> that are not solely focused on housing or drug treatment but keep people from losing their homes in the first place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics said the single formula could mean rural counties such as Butte, with a homeless population of fewer than 1,300 people, would be required to divert the same percentage of funds to housing as urban counties such as San Francisco, which has a homeless population of six times bigger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With makeshift tents lining streets and disrupting businesses in communities across the state, homelessness has become one of the most frustrating issues in California and one sure to dog Newsom should he ever mount a presidential campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom touted the proposition as the final piece in his plan to reform California’s mental health system. He has already pushed for laws that \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-newsom-mental-health-conservatorship-baef68d08e1f8fd57869f40db2f2adce\">make it easier to force people\u003c/a> with behavioral health issues into treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>William Elias, a television producer in Sacramento, said he “was on the fence” about Proposition 1 but decided to vote in favor of it because of the pervasive homelessness problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s something that’s all around us right now,” he said. “We got all these tents out here in front of City Hall.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Estrellita Vivirito, a Palm Springs resident, also voted for the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s only logical, you know, we have to do something,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Katherine Wolf, a doctoral student at the University of California, Berkeley, said she voted against the measure out of concern that it would result in more people being locked up against their will.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was appalled of the system of laws that he has been building to kind of erode the rights of people with mental disabilities,” Wolf said of Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Griffin Bovee, a Republican state worker in Sacramento, also voted against the proposition and said the state has been wasting taxpayer money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sacramento really shouldn’t get another dime until they actually figure out why what they’re doing is not working,” he said of the state’s handling of the homelessness crisis. “They spent $20 billion over the past few years trying to fix that problem, and it got worse.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many opponents also said the ballot measure would cut funding from cultural centers, peer-support programs and vocational services and would pit those programs against services for unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newsom’s administration has already spent at least $22 billion on various programs to address the crisis, including $3.5 billion to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lifestyle-business-health-california-coronavirus-pandemic-835c2091c63c199d397346a497e7ae49\">convert rundown motels into homeless housing\u003c/a>. California is also giving out $2 billion in grants to build more treatment facilities.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco May Offload Its Pandemic Emergency Housing Trailers to Oakland",
"headTitle": "San Francisco May Offload Its Pandemic Emergency Housing Trailers to Oakland | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>After winding down a trailer site at Pier 94 used for emergency housing during the pandemic, San Francisco is now looking to offload a portion of its RVs to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Oakland City Council will consider accepting up to \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6565671&GUID=4B00A68B-8528-428A-AC7C-94BFD14FFD92\">60 of the 120 trailers\u003c/a>, which could be donated to nonprofits that provide shelter to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential handoff comes nearly four years after Gov. Gavin Newsom sent nearly 1,300 trailers across the state to help California counties house people experiencing homelessness during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947567/what-happened-to-the-1300-rvs-gov-newsom-sent-to-address-homelessness-back-in-2020\">saw mixed outcomes across the state\u003c/a> — with some cities embracing the solution and others letting the trailers gather dust. But in San Francisco, the trailer site at Pier 94 ultimately became the city’s longest-running COVID-response emergency housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A line of trailers sits inside a park with wire fencing in the foreground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at an industrial site in the city’s Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, the trailers were always intended to be a temporary measure. Advocates for people experiencing homelessness pushed to keep it open so residents could find housing placements before exiting. Altogether, the program ran from April 2020 until January 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Bouck, a spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH), said city leaders had hoped to keep the program running at another location but, after months of searching, couldn’t find a suitable replacement site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Thomas Taylor, supervisor, Felton Institute\"]‘This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets. It showed them that there are people actually there for them.’[/pullquote]The Port of San Francisco owns Pier 94 and has plans to eventually use the site for offshore wind production. In the near future, it will be available for lease, according to Eric Young, director of communications for the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that all RV residents have moved out, the city must figure out what to do with the trailers Oakland doesn’t claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets,” said Thomas Taylor, who left his job as a banker early in the pandemic to become a supervisor at the Felton Institute, which oversaw the trailer program. “It showed them that there are people actually there for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life at Pier 94\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-born Christina Zeigler said the space gave her a chance to figuratively — and quite literally — get back on her feet. In 2018, her landlord sold the duplex in the city of Richmond, where she had lived for eight years. After losing the home she loved, Zeigler struggled to find a new spot she could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She crashed with friends and family, but then another setback further entrenched her struggle to find housing. In October 2021, she tore her meniscus while working as a janitor in San Francisco’s Federal Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American woman is seen from the neck down holding a photo with four African Americans.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christina Zeigler holds a photo of herself (top right) and her Felton Institute caseworker (top center) in her apartment in San Francisco on March 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was just devastating to me, that was really tough,” Zeigler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She moved into a trailer at Pier 94 in December 2022 and said she used her time there to rest, collect herself and move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to be somewhere to focus on my healing and nursing my injury,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, Zeigler had access to three meals a day, got help with financial planning and put in applications for permanent housing. Residents could also participate in communal activities, like talent shows and holiday parties. Zeigler regularly spent time in the program’s women’s group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I met some really great people there,” Zeigler said. “I interacted with the program so much that sometimes even other clients thought I was staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Christina Zeigler\"]‘I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there. This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.’[/pullquote]Zeigler was one of 301 people who lived in the trailers throughout the life of the program. After stopping new intakes in April 2023, the last remaining resident moved out and into permanent housing in January 2024. Zeigler moved out in June 2023 and now lives in an apartment in the Tenderloin. She keeps the place meticulously organized — with shoes lined up at the entrance and pieces of art and 49ers memorabilia intentionally placed throughout the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there,” Zeigler said. “This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the Pier 94 residents identify as Black or African American, including Zeigler, and the program prioritized spaces for people living within the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. Most were between 45 and 64 years of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters — or 72% — of the 114 residents who were living at the site by the time it started winding down moved on to permanent housing, according to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. Of those, about half moved into San Francisco’s permanent supportive housing, and the other half received subsidies for private-market rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979689\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A row of trailers seen from the ground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the remaining 28% moved on for various reasons. Some moved back in with family, others moved into homeless shelters, and the rest are completely unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An imperfect solution or missed opportunity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city spent $6.4 million annually to run the shelter site at Pier 94. Of that, the bulk — $6.1 million — went to the Felton Institute and on-site services. About $300,000 was dedicated to trailer maintenance, according to HSH.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11970299,news_11965352,news_11947567\"]But concerns over the 3-acre site’s location — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-cement-plant-pier-94-18411201.php\">adjacent to a toxic debris-crushing site\u003c/a> — led even supporters to agree the site was not ideal for the long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The site was always intended to be a temporary emergency COVID intervention measure,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with issues at the site itself, Bouck said that the trailers were expensive to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are more cost-effective and space-efficient ways to build low-barrier non-congregate shelter programs — such as tiny cabins,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities had less success with the trailers. San José, for example, returned them after only a few months, citing costly repairs and a lack of necessary water and electricity hookups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” Jeff Scott, a spokesperson for San José’s housing department, previously told KQED. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American man with a gray blazer and white shirt and a blue beanie stands in front of a house looking away from camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thomas Taylor at a Felton Institute office in San Francisco on March 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the RVs provided a significant opportunity for San Francisco, which faces a dramatic shortage of housing and shelter beds for people who need them. The city estimated in 2022 that more than 7,000 people are experiencing homelessness, but it has just over 3,000 shelter beds. On March 14, there were 107 people on the city’s online shelter reservation waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the 120 trailers at Pier 94 will further that crunch. Taylor hopes that the program can eventually come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see a difference in clients when you are actively there for them, having conversations and supporting their well-being,” he said. “We’ll hopefully rebuild this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Without a site to reuse its state-provided trailers, which were set up at Pier 94 during the pandemic, San Francisco may donate a portion to Oakland and other cities around the Bay Area.",
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"description": "Without a site to reuse its state-provided trailers, which were set up at Pier 94 during the pandemic, San Francisco may donate a portion to Oakland and other cities around the Bay Area.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After winding down a trailer site at Pier 94 used for emergency housing during the pandemic, San Francisco is now looking to offload a portion of its RVs to Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Tuesday, the Oakland City Council will consider accepting up to \u003ca href=\"https://oakland.legistar.com/LegislationDetail.aspx?ID=6565671&GUID=4B00A68B-8528-428A-AC7C-94BFD14FFD92\">60 of the 120 trailers\u003c/a>, which could be donated to nonprofits that provide shelter to people experiencing homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The potential handoff comes nearly four years after Gov. Gavin Newsom sent nearly 1,300 trailers across the state to help California counties house people experiencing homelessness during the COVID-19 pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That program \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11947567/what-happened-to-the-1300-rvs-gov-newsom-sent-to-address-homelessness-back-in-2020\">saw mixed outcomes across the state\u003c/a> — with some cities embracing the solution and others letting the trailers gather dust. But in San Francisco, the trailer site at Pier 94 ultimately became the city’s longest-running COVID-response emergency housing program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979690\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979690\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A line of trailers sits inside a park with wire fencing in the foreground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-03-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Located at an industrial site in the city’s Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood, the trailers were always intended to be a temporary measure. Advocates for people experiencing homelessness pushed to keep it open so residents could find housing placements before exiting. Altogether, the program ran from April 2020 until January 2024.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deborah Bouck, a spokesperson for the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing (HSH), said city leaders had hoped to keep the program running at another location but, after months of searching, couldn’t find a suitable replacement site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets. It showed them that there are people actually there for them.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The Port of San Francisco owns Pier 94 and has plans to eventually use the site for offshore wind production. In the near future, it will be available for lease, according to Eric Young, director of communications for the Port of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that all RV residents have moved out, the city must figure out what to do with the trailers Oakland doesn’t claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This program was great for the community and helped a lot of people get off the streets,” said Thomas Taylor, who left his job as a banker early in the pandemic to become a supervisor at the Felton Institute, which oversaw the trailer program. “It showed them that there are people actually there for them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Life at Pier 94\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>San Francisco-born Christina Zeigler said the space gave her a chance to figuratively — and quite literally — get back on her feet. In 2018, her landlord sold the duplex in the city of Richmond, where she had lived for eight years. After losing the home she loved, Zeigler struggled to find a new spot she could afford.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She crashed with friends and family, but then another setback further entrenched her struggle to find housing. In October 2021, she tore her meniscus while working as a janitor in San Francisco’s Federal Building.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978510\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978510\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American woman is seen from the neck down holding a photo with four African Americans.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240306-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-07-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Christina Zeigler holds a photo of herself (top right) and her Felton Institute caseworker (top center) in her apartment in San Francisco on March 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“That was just devastating to me, that was really tough,” Zeigler said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She moved into a trailer at Pier 94 in December 2022 and said she used her time there to rest, collect herself and move forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I needed to be somewhere to focus on my healing and nursing my injury,” she told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There, Zeigler had access to three meals a day, got help with financial planning and put in applications for permanent housing. Residents could also participate in communal activities, like talent shows and holiday parties. Zeigler regularly spent time in the program’s women’s group.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I met some really great people there,” Zeigler said. “I interacted with the program so much that sometimes even other clients thought I was staff.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there. This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Zeigler was one of 301 people who lived in the trailers throughout the life of the program. After stopping new intakes in April 2023, the last remaining resident moved out and into permanent housing in January 2024. Zeigler moved out in June 2023 and now lives in an apartment in the Tenderloin. She keeps the place meticulously organized — with shoes lined up at the entrance and pieces of art and 49ers memorabilia intentionally placed throughout the space.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was putting in (applications) for housing left and right once I was there,” Zeigler said. “This place came available, and I loved it. As soon as I signed my lease, I was packing up that little bitty trailer, and I took off running.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The majority of the Pier 94 residents identify as Black or African American, including Zeigler, and the program prioritized spaces for people living within the Bayview-Hunters Point neighborhood. Most were between 45 and 64 years of age.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly three-quarters — or 72% — of the 114 residents who were living at the site by the time it started winding down moved on to permanent housing, according to the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing. Of those, about half moved into San Francisco’s permanent supportive housing, and the other half received subsidies for private-market rentals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979689\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979689\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg\" alt=\"A row of trailers seen from the ground.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240315-PIER-94-RV-SITE-MD-01-KQED-2-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Pier 94 RV site in San Francisco on March 15, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the remaining 28% moved on for various reasons. Some moved back in with family, others moved into homeless shelters, and the rest are completely unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>An imperfect solution or missed opportunity?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The city spent $6.4 million annually to run the shelter site at Pier 94. Of that, the bulk — $6.1 million — went to the Felton Institute and on-site services. About $300,000 was dedicated to trailer maintenance, according to HSH.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But concerns over the 3-acre site’s location — \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/s-f-cement-plant-pier-94-18411201.php\">adjacent to a toxic debris-crushing site\u003c/a> — led even supporters to agree the site was not ideal for the long term.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The site was always intended to be a temporary emergency COVID intervention measure,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Along with issues at the site itself, Bouck said that the trailers were expensive to maintain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are more cost-effective and space-efficient ways to build low-barrier non-congregate shelter programs — such as tiny cabins,” Bouck said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities had less success with the trailers. San José, for example, returned them after only a few months, citing costly repairs and a lack of necessary water and electricity hookups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We used the trailers for a couple months, but we found the expense and operational challenges of maintaining such a large fleet of trailers were not a good fit for our city,” Jeff Scott, a spokesperson for San José’s housing department, previously told KQED. “We transitioned our residents into other accommodations and returned the trailers to the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978507\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978507\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An African American man with a gray blazer and white shirt and a blue beanie stands in front of a house looking away from camera.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/240301-HOMELESS-TRAILERS-MD-03-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Thomas Taylor at a Felton Institute office in San Francisco on March 1, 2024. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>However, the RVs provided a significant opportunity for San Francisco, which faces a dramatic shortage of housing and shelter beds for people who need them. The city estimated in 2022 that more than 7,000 people are experiencing homelessness, but it has just over 3,000 shelter beds. On March 14, there were 107 people on the city’s online shelter reservation waitlist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Losing the 120 trailers at Pier 94 will further that crunch. Taylor hopes that the program can eventually come back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see a difference in clients when you are actively there for them, having conversations and supporting their well-being,” he said. “We’ll hopefully rebuild this program.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two hotels and several residents of San Francisco’s troubled Tenderloin district sued the city on Thursday, alleging it is using the neighborhood as a containment zone for rampant illegal drug use and other vices, making residents terrified to leave their homes and businesses unable to recruit staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Mayor London Breed's office, San Francisco\"]‘We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner.’[/pullquote]Plaintiffs do not seek monetary damages, according to the complaint filed in federal court. Instead, they want officials to clear sidewalks of illegal drug dealers and fentanyl users, violent behavior and tent encampments and to treat the Tenderloin as it would any other neighborhood where crime is not tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say city officials have allowed such behavior to flourish in the area — and not spill into other neighborhoods — by refusing to keep sidewalks clear for people using walkers or wheelchairs and failing to ban sidewalk vending, among other acts of omission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They demand an end to the rampant illegal street vending and from the squalor and misery that exists throughout their neighborhood because the city has decided that people in the throes of addiction can live and die on the Tenderloin’s streets,” says Matt Davis, one of the attorneys, in a prepared statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long troubled city leaders, including Mayor London Breed, who \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-san-francisco-violent-crime-opioids-homelessness-9eddffa63f3e85759b520f76a6656333\">declared an emergency\u003c/a> in the district and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-california-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-54b7b35cdca54d4640c1d5dbf28f7b9a\">twice vowed crackdowns\u003c/a> on drugs. She is in a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-mayor-election-cb54e5d3bb03bd02df94ce38bbd92c56\">tough reelection contest\u003c/a> in November when she faces three serious challengers who say her administration has failed to address homelessness, encampments or the open-air drug market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s office says the recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-crime-drugs-police-election-485b6f3a143f4441266251783d778489\">approved Proposition E\u003c/a>, which she put on the ballot, will bring more officers and resources to the neighborhood, including surveillance cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office cited a court injunction from a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-san-francisco-homelessness-government-and-politics-e68aead31fa74c5224885c0bb9d7afeb#:~:text=Defendants%20include%20the%20city%2C%20several,tents%20and%20vehicles%20as%20shelter.\">2022 lawsuit filed by unhoused people\u003c/a> and their advocates against the city that Breed and other officials say limits their ability to dismantle encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11975156,news_11972898,news_11976518\" label=\"Related Stories\"]The judge, in that case, ordered city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-homeless-tent-encampments-9th-circuit-d618db8fdbd8cefcfe4a1ff50c122987\">stop forcing unhoused people\u003c/a> from public camping sites unless they have been offered appropriate shelter indoors. The issue is pending before the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are five anonymous plaintiffs in Thursday’s lawsuit, along with entities that operate the Phoenix Hotel and the Best Western Road Coach Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jane Roe, a married housekeeper with two young children who doesn’t make enough money to move. Drug dealers block the entrance to her building, and she often sees “users openly injecting or smoking narcotics” and people on the ground “who appear unconscious or dead,” the complaint states. Her children can never be outside without a parent, she alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Roe is elderly and uses a walker, but shopping carts and broken-down bicycles block the sidewalk, forcing her to step out into the busy street, according to the complaint. She also has to navigate around “excrement, used syringes, vomit and garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operators of the Phoenix Hotel say a hotel employee was struck in the head when they asked a trespasser to leave the parking lot, and its restaurant has been unable to recruit a qualified chef because of street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same lawyers on Thursday also filed a new motion on behalf of the College of the Law, San Francisco, demanding that city officials reduce the number of tents in the Tenderloin, as they had pledged to do to settle a lawsuit over street conditions filed by the school in May 2020. The city initially showed “significant success,” the motion states, but has since lost ground.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Plaintiffs do not seek monetary damages, according to the complaint filed in federal court. Instead, they want officials to clear sidewalks of illegal drug dealers and fentanyl users, violent behavior and tent encampments and to treat the Tenderloin as it would any other neighborhood where crime is not tolerated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They say city officials have allowed such behavior to flourish in the area — and not spill into other neighborhoods — by refusing to keep sidewalks clear for people using walkers or wheelchairs and failing to ban sidewalk vending, among other acts of omission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They demand an end to the rampant illegal street vending and from the squalor and misery that exists throughout their neighborhood because the city has decided that people in the throes of addiction can live and die on the Tenderloin’s streets,” says Matt Davis, one of the attorneys, in a prepared statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Tenderloin has long troubled city leaders, including Mayor London Breed, who \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-san-francisco-violent-crime-opioids-homelessness-9eddffa63f3e85759b520f76a6656333\">declared an emergency\u003c/a> in the district and \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/crime-california-san-francisco-opioids-government-and-politics-54b7b35cdca54d4640c1d5dbf28f7b9a\">twice vowed crackdowns\u003c/a> on drugs. She is in a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-mayor-election-cb54e5d3bb03bd02df94ce38bbd92c56\">tough reelection contest\u003c/a> in November when she faces three serious challengers who say her administration has failed to address homelessness, encampments or the open-air drug market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed’s office says the recently \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-crime-drugs-police-election-485b6f3a143f4441266251783d778489\">approved Proposition E\u003c/a>, which she put on the ballot, will bring more officers and resources to the neighborhood, including surveillance cameras.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have made improvements in the neighborhood, but the mayor understands the frustrations of residents and businesses in the Tenderloin and will continue her efforts to make the neighborhood safer and cleaner,” the statement read.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her office cited a court injunction from a \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/lawsuits-san-francisco-homelessness-government-and-politics-e68aead31fa74c5224885c0bb9d7afeb#:~:text=Defendants%20include%20the%20city%2C%20several,tents%20and%20vehicles%20as%20shelter.\">2022 lawsuit filed by unhoused people\u003c/a> and their advocates against the city that Breed and other officials say limits their ability to dismantle encampments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The judge, in that case, ordered city officials to \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/san-francisco-homeless-tent-encampments-9th-circuit-d618db8fdbd8cefcfe4a1ff50c122987\">stop forcing unhoused people\u003c/a> from public camping sites unless they have been offered appropriate shelter indoors. The issue is pending before the U.S. Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There are five anonymous plaintiffs in Thursday’s lawsuit, along with entities that operate the Phoenix Hotel and the Best Western Road Coach Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They include Jane Roe, a married housekeeper with two young children who doesn’t make enough money to move. Drug dealers block the entrance to her building, and she often sees “users openly injecting or smoking narcotics” and people on the ground “who appear unconscious or dead,” the complaint states. Her children can never be outside without a parent, she alleges.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Susan Roe is elderly and uses a walker, but shopping carts and broken-down bicycles block the sidewalk, forcing her to step out into the busy street, according to the complaint. She also has to navigate around “excrement, used syringes, vomit and garbage.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Operators of the Phoenix Hotel say a hotel employee was struck in the head when they asked a trespasser to leave the parking lot, and its restaurant has been unable to recruit a qualified chef because of street conditions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The same lawyers on Thursday also filed a new motion on behalf of the College of the Law, San Francisco, demanding that city officials reduce the number of tents in the Tenderloin, as they had pledged to do to settle a lawsuit over street conditions filed by the school in May 2020. The city initially showed “significant success,” the motion states, but has since lost ground.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Calls For 'Urgent Action' on Homelessness in City Budget Plan",
"headTitle": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Calls For ‘Urgent Action’ on Homelessness in City Budget Plan | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>Days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">winning reelection to a four-year term beginning next year\u003c/a>, San José Mayor Matt Mahan doubled down on his push to spend more city dollars to move residents experiencing homelessness into temporary housing and shelter — potentially at the cost of funding permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget plan unveiled by Mahan on Wednesday is likely to breathe new life into the debate over the best approach to reducing homelessness in San José. That fight was central to budget discussions last year when the council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">agreed to shift some funds from building apartments to standing up\u003c/a> interim housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under San José’s governance structure, the mayor has one vote on ordinances before the council but has broader powers in the budget process to shape city spending. Mahan’s budget proposal, which lays out his spending vision, will go before the council for a vote next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other large cities around the Bay Area, San José is in good fiscal shape. City analysts projected a small $3.4 million deficit in the budget year beginning on July 1. But Mahan and the council could face some complications: the city manager said an urgent $25 million cleanup of homeless encampments is needed to avoid fines from water regulators, and many city programs that were funded on a one-time basis last year, to the tune of $23.5 million, are not included in this year’s base budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan sat down with KQED’s Politics & Government Correspondent Guy Marzorati to discuss his spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: It seemed like the budget was more or less balanced, and then the city manager said there has to be immediate action taken at a cost of potentially up to $25 million to reduce pollutants coming from encampments into waterways. What has to be done now, and what’s at stake for the city in this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Mahan: \u003c/strong>Well, there’s a lot at stake, Guy. The regional board [San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board] has told us that we are not on track to being compliant with the requirements of our stormwater permit. This is serious business. This is about whether or not we’re complying with the nation’s Clean Water Act. If we are found over time to be out of compliance, the board can actually fine us up to $60,000 per day per pollutant found in the waterway. And what they pointed to in this latest rejection of our plan was the encampments along the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our own independent analysis shows that about 90% of the trash and biowaste going into the waterways is due to unmanaged encampments. And so essentially, the water board is going to force us to do what I think is the right thing. It will not be easy. It will not be cheap. But, I frankly welcome the accountability because we have got to do a better job of providing safe, managed alternatives to encampments for the homeless residents in our community. And this, I hope, is the push that we needed, that our county, water district and other partners needed to scale up basic, dignified shelter and require that people come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In this budget proposal, you are putting forward a potential shift within a pot of money dedicated to reducing homelessness — the Measure E transfer tax — from paying for permanent housing to interim housing and shelter. This \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\">\u003cstrong>was a huge debate in the budget process last year\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>. From a policy perspective, but then also maybe from a tactical or political perspective, how are you approaching this differently this year?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I’m trying to do is give the council a genuine choice. There are different ways to fund the urgent action we need on homelessness. If the council prefers to reduce service levels in other departments and cut other city programs, depending on what those are, that may be something I can support and maybe the direction that we collectively go in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"San José Mayor Matt Mahan\"]‘There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action.’[/pullquote]The alternative, as I pointed out last year, is to take the dollars we already have for addressing homelessness and use them in more efficient and scalable ways. And don’t get me wrong, these trade-offs aren’t easy. We need more affordable housing. We need more money for prevention. There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action. We have to scale up basic, dignified shelter and get people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I suppose the third option would be raising revenue, but frankly, for most forms of new revenue, you have to go to the voters, and the community already feels that they’re overtaxed and maybe not getting as much impact and the outcomes they want for the dollars that they’re already sending government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You’re also proposing a safe sleeping site in this budget, known in some forms as a managed encampment. I wonder if that’s an implicit acknowledgment that interim housing, which you and other supporters have referred to as “quick-build,” is maybe not getting built quickly enough? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s a lot quicker than what we were doing. So what we’ve been spending most of our money on is brand new apartment buildings, which unfortunately take $1 million a door of public subsidy and over five years to build. So that’s about as slow as it gets. Then we pivoted to these modular units, but they still take a year easily, sometimes longer. And when you’re all in with the site development, utility hookups, parking, common space, it can easily be $100,000 a door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And when you look at the scale of the crisis, if we’re going to truly treat this as an emergency and say, ‘We need to triage the situation, get people stabilized, give people access to services, including basic sanitation, a safe place to sleep at night,’ [then] we need solutions that are on the scale of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truth is, we need more scalable forms of shelter. And we have to look at things like safe sleeping and safe parking. We cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When it comes to safe sleeping sites or sanctioned encampments, won’t you face the same challenges in finding sites that you do for interim housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we will. I think the reality is that we don’t have a choice if we’re going to come into compliance with the Clean Water Act and retain our stormwater permit and not face what would be crippling fines and liability; we are going to have to find places for people to go as we move folks away from the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have two choices. As a community, we can either simply say, you can’t live along the waterways and good luck, and you’ll end up in neighborhoods and parks, commercial districts, industrial districts, wherever else. Or we can take responsibility for providing basic, dignified shelter, safe places to sleep with some very basic services like sanitation and security. And hopefully, over time, we can scale the case management and behavioral health services in partnership with the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There’s an interesting proposal in this budget around city parks. You want to potentially go to the ballot in November and ask voters to let the city lease park land for retail or commercial establishments in order to bring in new revenue. What’s an example of what this could potentially look like in San José? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, well, I want to study it. I think it’s something for us to look at. Our parks, as I point out in the budget message, have a deferred maintenance backlog that runs into the hundreds of millions of dollars. We hear from people that they want parks to be cleaner, to have more amenities and that they feel they’ve been underinvested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"forum_2010101904386,news_11977258,forum_2010101904706\"]As we just pointed out, we’re in a budget crunch this year, particularly because of what we need to do around our stormwater permit. And so, we need to look at other ways of providing amenities, activating our parks and funding their long-term maintenance. When you go to New York, you visit Bryant Park, that has long-term commercial leases and commercial uses, but it also adds to the vibrancy of the park. It’s beloved; it’s heavily utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think, particularly for downtown urban parks near large venues in our entertainment district in the downtown — having private operators run a restaurant a cafe, adding amenities and being able to charge a reasonable rate to the public to be able to operate added amenities is a way to activate the space, make our parks more interesting for folks and then fund their operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Mahan discusses the budget proposal he unveiled on Wednesday, doubling down on shifting funding toward temporary housing and shelter.",
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"title": "San José Mayor Matt Mahan Calls For 'Urgent Action' on Homelessness in City Budget Plan | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Days after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/liveblog/election-2024#matt-mahan-sails-to-second-term-as-mayor-of-san-jose\">winning reelection to a four-year term beginning next year\u003c/a>, San José Mayor Matt Mahan doubled down on his push to spend more city dollars to move residents experiencing homelessness into temporary housing and shelter — potentially at the cost of funding permanent affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The budget plan unveiled by Mahan on Wednesday is likely to breathe new life into the debate over the best approach to reducing homelessness in San José. That fight was central to budget discussions last year when the council \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11952913/san-jose-council-approves-modest-shift-toward-temporary-homeless-housing\">agreed to shift some funds from building apartments to standing up\u003c/a> interim housing facilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under San José’s governance structure, the mayor has one vote on ordinances before the council but has broader powers in the budget process to shape city spending. Mahan’s budget proposal, which lays out his spending vision, will go before the council for a vote next week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compared to other large cities around the Bay Area, San José is in good fiscal shape. City analysts projected a small $3.4 million deficit in the budget year beginning on July 1. But Mahan and the council could face some complications: the city manager said an urgent $25 million cleanup of homeless encampments is needed to avoid fines from water regulators, and many city programs that were funded on a one-time basis last year, to the tune of $23.5 million, are not included in this year’s base budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mahan sat down with KQED’s Politics & Government Correspondent Guy Marzorati to discuss his spending plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This interview has been edited for length and clarity. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati: It seemed like the budget was more or less balanced, and then the city manager said there has to be immediate action taken at a cost of potentially up to $25 million to reduce pollutants coming from encampments into waterways. What has to be done now, and what’s at stake for the city in this? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matt Mahan: \u003c/strong>Well, there’s a lot at stake, Guy. The regional board [San Francisco Bay Regional Water Quality Control Board] has told us that we are not on track to being compliant with the requirements of our stormwater permit. This is serious business. This is about whether or not we’re complying with the nation’s Clean Water Act. If we are found over time to be out of compliance, the board can actually fine us up to $60,000 per day per pollutant found in the waterway. And what they pointed to in this latest rejection of our plan was the encampments along the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Our own independent analysis shows that about 90% of the trash and biowaste going into the waterways is due to unmanaged encampments. And so essentially, the water board is going to force us to do what I think is the right thing. It will not be easy. It will not be cheap. But, I frankly welcome the accountability because we have got to do a better job of providing safe, managed alternatives to encampments for the homeless residents in our community. And this, I hope, is the push that we needed, that our county, water district and other partners needed to scale up basic, dignified shelter and require that people come indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>In this budget proposal, you are putting forward a potential shift within a pot of money dedicated to reducing homelessness — the Measure E transfer tax — from paying for permanent housing to interim housing and shelter. This \u003c/strong>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953006/sf-san-jose-mayors-push-to-fund-shelters-as-pressure-builds-on-encampments\">\u003cstrong>was a huge debate in the budget process last year\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003cstrong>. From a policy perspective, but then also maybe from a tactical or political perspective, how are you approaching this differently this year?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What I’m trying to do is give the council a genuine choice. There are different ways to fund the urgent action we need on homelessness. If the council prefers to reduce service levels in other departments and cut other city programs, depending on what those are, that may be something I can support and maybe the direction that we collectively go in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The alternative, as I pointed out last year, is to take the dollars we already have for addressing homelessness and use them in more efficient and scalable ways. And don’t get me wrong, these trade-offs aren’t easy. We need more affordable housing. We need more money for prevention. There are a lot of other things we need to put money into, but I think that we have to treat the homelessness crisis truly as a crisis and take emergency action. We have to scale up basic, dignified shelter and get people indoors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I suppose the third option would be raising revenue, but frankly, for most forms of new revenue, you have to go to the voters, and the community already feels that they’re overtaxed and maybe not getting as much impact and the outcomes they want for the dollars that they’re already sending government.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>You’re also proposing a safe sleeping site in this budget, known in some forms as a managed encampment. I wonder if that’s an implicit acknowledgment that interim housing, which you and other supporters have referred to as “quick-build,” is maybe not getting built quickly enough? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, it’s a lot quicker than what we were doing. So what we’ve been spending most of our money on is brand new apartment buildings, which unfortunately take $1 million a door of public subsidy and over five years to build. So that’s about as slow as it gets. Then we pivoted to these modular units, but they still take a year easily, sometimes longer. And when you’re all in with the site development, utility hookups, parking, common space, it can easily be $100,000 a door.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11979494\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11979494\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg\" alt=\"A white middle-aged man stands in a moment of silence with mural behind him outdoors under a tent.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/231219-Homeless-Deaths-Data-MD-11_qut-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San José Mayor Matt Mahan attends a memorial at the Home First offices in San José commemorating the 201 unhoused people who died in Santa Clara County in 2023 on Dec. 19, 2023. \u003ccite>(Martin do Nascimento/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>And when you look at the scale of the crisis, if we’re going to truly treat this as an emergency and say, ‘We need to triage the situation, get people stabilized, give people access to services, including basic sanitation, a safe place to sleep at night,’ [then] we need solutions that are on the scale of thousands of people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The truth is, we need more scalable forms of shelter. And we have to look at things like safe sleeping and safe parking. We cannot let the perfect be the enemy of the good.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>When it comes to safe sleeping sites or sanctioned encampments, won’t you face the same challenges in finding sites that you do for interim housing?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Well, we will. I think the reality is that we don’t have a choice if we’re going to come into compliance with the Clean Water Act and retain our stormwater permit and not face what would be crippling fines and liability; we are going to have to find places for people to go as we move folks away from the waterways.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We have two choices. As a community, we can either simply say, you can’t live along the waterways and good luck, and you’ll end up in neighborhoods and parks, commercial districts, industrial districts, wherever else. Or we can take responsibility for providing basic, dignified shelter, safe places to sleep with some very basic services like sanitation and security. And hopefully, over time, we can scale the case management and behavioral health services in partnership with the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>There’s an interesting proposal in this budget around city parks. You want to potentially go to the ballot in November and ask voters to let the city lease park land for retail or commercial establishments in order to bring in new revenue. What’s an example of what this could potentially look like in San José? \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Yes, well, I want to study it. I think it’s something for us to look at. Our parks, as I point out in the budget message, have a deferred maintenance backlog that runs into the hundreds of millions of dollars. We hear from people that they want parks to be cleaner, to have more amenities and that they feel they’ve been underinvested in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>As we just pointed out, we’re in a budget crunch this year, particularly because of what we need to do around our stormwater permit. And so, we need to look at other ways of providing amenities, activating our parks and funding their long-term maintenance. When you go to New York, you visit Bryant Park, that has long-term commercial leases and commercial uses, but it also adds to the vibrancy of the park. It’s beloved; it’s heavily utilized.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I think, particularly for downtown urban parks near large venues in our entertainment district in the downtown — having private operators run a restaurant a cafe, adding amenities and being able to charge a reasonable rate to the public to be able to operate added amenities is a way to activate the space, make our parks more interesting for folks and then fund their operations and maintenance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "sacramento-gave-a-homeless-camp-a-lease-as-an-experiment-heres-what-happened",
"title": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong",
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"headTitle": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When Sacramento changed its plan to demolish a homeless encampment on a vacant lot on Colfax Street, instead offering the unhoused occupants a lease, activists and camp residents celebrated it as a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-of-its-kind deal, which allows the camp to remain in place and govern itself without city interference, was held up as a model Sacramento could replicate at future sites. Other cities, including San Jose, have said they’re considering similar models, putting the success or failure of this encampment under the microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sacramento has not managed to reproduce the concept and has no plans to. Residents of the camp, who lack electricity or running water, complain they feel forgotten. And the county district attorney, claiming the site threatens public safety, has demanded the city clear the camp or risk prosecution.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Eric Tars, senior policy director, National Homelessness Law Center\"]‘When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible.’[/pullquote]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those troubles highlight the logistical and ethical dilemmas that come with setting aside outdoor spaces for unhoused residents to go when there \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/09/california-homeless-camps/\">aren’t enough beds indoors\u003c/a>. And it comes at a time when officials across the state increasingly are turning to this last-ditch solution as they face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">mounting pressure to clear encampments\u003c/a> away from sidewalks, parks, schools and other high-traffic public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that people have a place where they can legally exist and not be threatened with arrest, not be run off and have to lose their belongings, where they can go to the bathroom with dignity, where there’s trash pickup so they don’t have to live in a place where there’s trash all over, where service providers can find them regularly and they aren’t going to lose contact with people as they work their way to housing — those are all good things,” said Eric Tars, senior policy director of the National Homelessness Law Center. “But it would be even better if they were doing them indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>They got a lease, and they make their own rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution, as the Sacramento camp is known, was started in 2022 by Sharon and Joyce Jones — a married couple in their 50s who found themselves unhoused for the first time late in life. More than four-dozen people now live there, some in new-looking Bullet trailers provided by the city, and others in cars, tents and more dilapidated trailers and RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing hats and jeans uses a water bottle to water plants in a garden outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joyce (l) and Sharon Jones poke holes in a water bottle to water their garden next to their trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, February 28, 2024. The camp has no running water so residents have to rely on bottled water for all of their needs. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some residents have taken pains to make it more homey: Two potted plants hang from the hitch of one trailer, chickens roam the lot, and Sharon and Joyce are putting in a garden, using pallets to make raised planter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make it as comfortable as possible, but sometimes it’s impossible,” Joyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11972519,news_11977464,news_11947567\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Shortly after Joyce and her community occupied the city-owned, formerly vacant lot in 2022, city workers determined the camp was unsafe and needed to be demolished — as often happens in Sacramento and throughout California. But that’s where the story takes an unusual turn. Residents of the camp and their supporters showed up in force to a city council meeting and persuaded council members to delay the sweep. About six months later, the city signed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/camp_resolution_lease.pdf\">lease allowing the camp to remain\u003c/a> in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lease, which advocacy group Safe Ground Sacramento signed on behalf of the Camp Resolution residents, was an experiment. Generally, similar programs are run by nonprofits contracted by a city. They often impose curfews, no-guest policies, sobriety requirements and other rules on residents. In exchange, they offer social services such as counseling or help finding permanent housing, and amenities such as showers and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think people experiencing homelessness are capable of governing themselves,” Tars said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution is different. Safe Ground Sacramento, which leases the property from the city for free, takes a hands-off approach that lets residents run the camp and write their own rules. The city gave the residents a handful of residential trailers, set up portable toilets and a hand-washing station, and provided dumpsters and ongoing trash pickup. But that’s it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many activist groups laud that model as a best practice, saying it’s important to let the residents run or at least help run their own camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible,” Tars said. “It gives a sense of responsibility to others in that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means minimal overhead for the city: The trailers provided to Camp Resolution residents came from the Federal Emergency Management Agency at no cost to the city of Sacramento, and adding the camp to the city’s existing contract for trash pickup didn’t add any additional expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the case of Camp Resolution, it also means residents are left to fend for themselves. The city doesn’t provide electricity or running water. Community members donate food, some residents have generators, and a nonprofit used to bring a trailer with showers every other Sunday — but they recently stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going very well,” Joyce said. “I think that (the city) should do a little bit more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts crouches down to wash dishes outside by a row of RVs and debris.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis uses tubs to wash dishes next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Camp Resolution lease says the city would provide up to 33 trailers. Residents ended up receiving just 16. But 51 people live at the camp, meaning some people sleep in tents, in their cars, or in dilapidated trailers and RVs that leak in the rain and have sprouted mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city wouldn’t comment on the trailers — or anything else — citing a pending threat of prosecution from the county District Attorney’s Office. City officials recently sent 40 trailers to a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">new safe sleeping site they opened on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, which also has plumbed toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the Camp Resolution residents are elderly, and some have serious medical issues that make living without reliable power and water difficult. One woman, who recently turned 60, is on dialysis and gets around on an electric mobility scooter that she leaves parked outside her trailer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the residents are women, some of whom wouldn’t feel safe on the streets by themselves. Jeanne Gillis, 53, was cooking ground turkey over an open flame outside her trailer on a recent Wednesday. Gillis, who used to work as a medical patients’ advocate, lost her housing two years ago when she got sick with lupus and could no longer work. She’d never been unhoused before and didn’t know what to do — so Sharon and Joyce took her under their wing. Now she’s part of their tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts holds a utensil to cook food on a grill outside with an RV and water bottles around.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis cooks ground turkey over a wood fire next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. Residents have to rely on bottled water, generators and wood fires because no utilities are provided at the camp. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thank God for everybody. Because it’s hard,” she said, tearing up. “I don’t think I’d be here if it wasn’t for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Camp Resolution faces legal threat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution also faces an outside threat — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/sacramento-county-da-letter-threatens-criminal-charges-over-camp-resolution-site/45853185\">Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho has demanded\u003c/a> that the city close the camp. His office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/sacramento_county_district_attorney_s_office_letter.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the city and Safe Ground Sacramento in November, labeling the site a public health hazard. The site is contaminated by toxic chemicals left over from when it was used as a vehicle maintenance yard and held underground storage tanks for diesel and gasoline, he said. It’s not safe to camp on the contaminated soil, according to his letter. But only half of the site is paved, while the other half is bare dirt — and people live on both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho’s office did not set a specific deadline for the city to clear the encampment, leaving it unclear exactly what, if anything, would come of his threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Ho’s next steps, Sonia Martinez Satchell, a spokesperson for the District Attorney’s Office, indicated prosecution is still on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To date, the City has failed to move the unhoused off this toxic waste site,” she said in an emailed statement. “We will not waiver from our commitment to protect public safety for all. As outlined in our letter, all available actions and recourse remain available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But camp residents and the advocates working with them say they’ve heard nothing but silence from the District Attorney’s Office since the November letter. That means the fate of those living at Camp Resolution is still up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Swanson, spokesman for the City Manager’s Office, said the city can’t comment on any aspect of Camp Resolution because of the pending threat of prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon and Joyce aren’t concerned — they claim the camp isn’t on the portion of the site that’s contaminated. Ho’s letter is just an excuse to try to kick them off the property, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sanctioned homeless encampments in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faced with a massive shortage of affordable homes, desperate city officials across California are considering opening places where unhoused people can legally set up tents. The move could give them more power to clear encampments from around parks, schools, downtown zones and other high-profile areas. That’s because unless cities have somewhere for displaced unhoused residents to go, the 2018 appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> limits the extent to which they can clear encampments. That could change soon, as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/homeless-camp-scotus/\">Supreme Court has agreed\u003c/a> to take up the case and will hear arguments next month. But for now, cities’ hands remain largely tied if they lack enough shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">San Diego recently passed an ordinance\u003c/a> banning encampments in much of the city. As the city ramped up enforcement, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/safe-sleeping-program\">opened two sanctioned campsites\u003c/a> that together can hold more than 500 tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/05/19/why-san-jose-leaders-say-sanctioned-tent-sites-for-unhoused-residents-wont-work-here/\">rejected the idea\u003c/a> three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/12/12/san-jose-considering-sanctioned-encampments-as-interim-options-face-long-wait-lines-timelines/\">San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan recently said \u003c/a>he’s considering opening similar sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe sleeping sites take many different forms — and have a range of price tags. In August, after the city stalled in its attempts to open safe sleeping sites, Sacramento City Manager Howard Chan single-handedly tried to identify locations for the projects. He initially said Camp Resolution could be a model for future sites — because it cost the city so little to run, it would allow the city to open more sites than if they used more expensive models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the city in January launched \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">its next safe sleeping site, on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, with more services, more oversight and a greater cost — $3.2 million per year. The site has 60 rudimentary tiny homes and 40 trailers and is governed by a nonprofit contracted through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, due to an anticipated budget shortfall for the coming fiscal year, the city has no plans to launch additional safe sleeping sites, Swanson said. At a committee meeting last month, city staff predicted that by next year, \u003ca href=\"https://sacramento.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=38&clip_id=5832&meta_id=767774\">the city’s budget for homeless services would be short $11 million\u003c/a>. By the 2025-26 fiscal year, they expected to be short nearly $39 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-life-at-camp-resolution\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Life at Camp Resolution\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are about 800 people on the waitlist to get into Camp Resolution, according to Sharon and Joyce. Only six people from the camp have moved out and into permanent housing, they said. Just on the other side of the gate that separates Camp Resolution from the rest of the world, a group of people live in a cluster of cars parked haphazardly on the side of the road. Across the street, someone has erected a makeshift shack. RVs that serve as stand-in homes line the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the gate, Sharon and Joyce tend to have the ultimate say in what goes, though there’s also a council that meets on Thursday evenings to discuss camp issues. Things don’t always go smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several RVs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view looking west of Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. To the left of the camp is Arden Way and at the bottom of the frame is Colfax St. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year a neighbor’s dogs attacked Sharon and sent her to the hospital with multiple bite injuries. That led to new rules at the camp about pets. But Sharon and Joyce say it’s hard to actually enforce the rules they impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more structure,” Sharon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they showed off the different parts of their community, Sharon and Joyce expressed disapproval of a trash pile in the middle of the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can go in the trash can,” Joyce said. It didn’t take long. A few minutes later, residents could be seen picking up the garbage and carrying it to a nearby dumpster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters Capitol reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Camp Resolution, a completely self-governed, city-sanctioned homeless encampment, was supposed to be a model Sacramento could copy for future sites. That didn’t happen, and now it’s under threat of prosecution.",
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"title": "City-Sanctioned Homeless Camp in Sacramento Now Under Threat of Prosecution. What Went Wrong | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Sacramento changed its plan to demolish a homeless encampment on a vacant lot on Colfax Street, instead offering the unhoused occupants a lease, activists and camp residents celebrated it as a win.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first-of-its-kind deal, which allows the camp to remain in place and govern itself without city interference, was held up as a model Sacramento could replicate at future sites. Other cities, including San Jose, have said they’re considering similar models, putting the success or failure of this encampment under the microscope.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A year later, Sacramento has not managed to reproduce the concept and has no plans to. Residents of the camp, who lack electricity or running water, complain they feel forgotten. And the county district attorney, claiming the site threatens public safety, has demanded the city clear the camp or risk prosecution.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those troubles highlight the logistical and ethical dilemmas that come with setting aside outdoor spaces for unhoused residents to go when there \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/09/california-homeless-camps/\">aren’t enough beds indoors\u003c/a>. And it comes at a time when officials across the state increasingly are turning to this last-ditch solution as they face \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">mounting pressure to clear encampments\u003c/a> away from sidewalks, parks, schools and other high-traffic public areas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The fact that people have a place where they can legally exist and not be threatened with arrest, not be run off and have to lose their belongings, where they can go to the bathroom with dignity, where there’s trash pickup so they don’t have to live in a place where there’s trash all over, where service providers can find them regularly and they aren’t going to lose contact with people as they work their way to housing — those are all good things,” said Eric Tars, senior policy director of the National Homelessness Law Center. “But it would be even better if they were doing them indoors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>They got a lease, and they make their own rules\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution, as the Sacramento camp is known, was started in 2022 by Sharon and Joyce Jones — a married couple in their 50s who found themselves unhoused for the first time late in life. More than four-dozen people now live there, some in new-looking Bullet trailers provided by the city, and others in cars, tents and more dilapidated trailers and RVs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978871\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978871\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg\" alt=\"Two women wearing hats and jeans uses a water bottle to water plants in a garden outside.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_01-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Joyce (l) and Sharon Jones poke holes in a water bottle to water their garden next to their trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, February 28, 2024. The camp has no running water so residents have to rely on bottled water for all of their needs. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Some residents have taken pains to make it more homey: Two potted plants hang from the hitch of one trailer, chickens roam the lot, and Sharon and Joyce are putting in a garden, using pallets to make raised planter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We try to make it as comfortable as possible, but sometimes it’s impossible,” Joyce said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Shortly after Joyce and her community occupied the city-owned, formerly vacant lot in 2022, city workers determined the camp was unsafe and needed to be demolished — as often happens in Sacramento and throughout California. But that’s where the story takes an unusual turn. Residents of the camp and their supporters showed up in force to a city council meeting and persuaded council members to delay the sweep. About six months later, the city signed a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/camp_resolution_lease.pdf\">lease allowing the camp to remain\u003c/a> in place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lease, which advocacy group Safe Ground Sacramento signed on behalf of the Camp Resolution residents, was an experiment. Generally, similar programs are run by nonprofits contracted by a city. They often impose curfews, no-guest policies, sobriety requirements and other rules on residents. In exchange, they offer social services such as counseling or help finding permanent housing, and amenities such as showers and bathrooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They don’t think people experiencing homelessness are capable of governing themselves,” Tars said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution is different. Safe Ground Sacramento, which leases the property from the city for free, takes a hands-off approach that lets residents run the camp and write their own rules. The city gave the residents a handful of residential trailers, set up portable toilets and a hand-washing station, and provided dumpsters and ongoing trash pickup. But that’s it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many activist groups laud that model as a best practice, saying it’s important to let the residents run or at least help run their own camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When individuals in these encampments have a sense of ownership, then it can really lead to the camp being a place that they take pride in and that they are trying to keep in as good condition as possible,” Tars said. “It gives a sense of responsibility to others in that community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It also means minimal overhead for the city: The trailers provided to Camp Resolution residents came from the Federal Emergency Management Agency at no cost to the city of Sacramento, and adding the camp to the city’s existing contract for trash pickup didn’t add any additional expense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in the case of Camp Resolution, it also means residents are left to fend for themselves. The city doesn’t provide electricity or running water. Community members donate food, some residents have generators, and a nonprofit used to bring a trailer with showers every other Sunday — but they recently stopped.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not going very well,” Joyce said. “I think that (the city) should do a little bit more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978874\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978874\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts crouches down to wash dishes outside by a row of RVs and debris.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_14-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis uses tubs to wash dishes next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The Camp Resolution lease says the city would provide up to 33 trailers. Residents ended up receiving just 16. But 51 people live at the camp, meaning some people sleep in tents, in their cars, or in dilapidated trailers and RVs that leak in the rain and have sprouted mold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city wouldn’t comment on the trailers — or anything else — citing a pending threat of prosecution from the county District Attorney’s Office. City officials recently sent 40 trailers to a \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">new safe sleeping site they opened on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, which also has plumbed toilets and showers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several of the Camp Resolution residents are elderly, and some have serious medical issues that make living without reliable power and water difficult. One woman, who recently turned 60, is on dialysis and gets around on an electric mobility scooter that she leaves parked outside her trailer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the residents are women, some of whom wouldn’t feel safe on the streets by themselves. Jeanne Gillis, 53, was cooking ground turkey over an open flame outside her trailer on a recent Wednesday. Gillis, who used to work as a medical patients’ advocate, lost her housing two years ago when she got sick with lupus and could no longer work. She’d never been unhoused before and didn’t know what to do — so Sharon and Joyce took her under their wing. Now she’s part of their tight-knit community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978873\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978873\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a visor, a light sleeveless top, and jean shorts holds a utensil to cook food on a grill outside with an RV and water bottles around.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_11-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jeanne Gillis cooks ground turkey over a wood fire next to her trailer at Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. Residents have to rely on bottled water, generators and wood fires because no utilities are provided at the camp. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Thank God for everybody. Because it’s hard,” she said, tearing up. “I don’t think I’d be here if it wasn’t for everybody.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Camp Resolution faces legal threat\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Camp Resolution also faces an outside threat — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kcra.com/article/sacramento-county-da-letter-threatens-criminal-charges-over-camp-resolution-site/45853185\">Sacramento County District Attorney Thien Ho has demanded\u003c/a> that the city close the camp. His office \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/sacramento_county_district_attorney_s_office_letter.pdf\">sent a letter\u003c/a> to the city and Safe Ground Sacramento in November, labeling the site a public health hazard. The site is contaminated by toxic chemicals left over from when it was used as a vehicle maintenance yard and held underground storage tanks for diesel and gasoline, he said. It’s not safe to camp on the contaminated soil, according to his letter. But only half of the site is paved, while the other half is bare dirt — and people live on both sides.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ho’s office did not set a specific deadline for the city to clear the encampment, leaving it unclear exactly what, if anything, would come of his threat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When asked about Ho’s next steps, Sonia Martinez Satchell, a spokesperson for the District Attorney’s Office, indicated prosecution is still on the table.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To date, the City has failed to move the unhoused off this toxic waste site,” she said in an emailed statement. “We will not waiver from our commitment to protect public safety for all. As outlined in our letter, all available actions and recourse remain available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But camp residents and the advocates working with them say they’ve heard nothing but silence from the District Attorney’s Office since the November letter. That means the fate of those living at Camp Resolution is still up in the air.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tim Swanson, spokesman for the City Manager’s Office, said the city can’t comment on any aspect of Camp Resolution because of the pending threat of prosecution.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sharon and Joyce aren’t concerned — they claim the camp isn’t on the portion of the site that’s contaminated. Ho’s letter is just an excuse to try to kick them off the property, they said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Sanctioned homeless encampments in California\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Faced with a massive shortage of affordable homes, desperate city officials across California are considering opening places where unhoused people can legally set up tents. The move could give them more power to clear encampments from around parks, schools, downtown zones and other high-profile areas. That’s because unless cities have somewhere for displaced unhoused residents to go, the 2018 appellate case \u003ca href=\"https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/ca9/15-35845/15-35845-2018-09-04.html\">Martin v. Boise\u003c/a> limits the extent to which they can clear encampments. That could change soon, as the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/homeless-camp-scotus/\">Supreme Court has agreed\u003c/a> to take up the case and will hear arguments next month. But for now, cities’ hands remain largely tied if they lack enough shelter beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kpbs.org/news/local/2023/07/31/san-diegos-unsafe-camping-ordinance-enforcement-begins\">San Diego recently passed an ordinance\u003c/a> banning encampments in much of the city. As the city ramped up enforcement, it \u003ca href=\"https://www.sandiego.gov/homelessness-strategies-and-solutions/services/safe-sleeping-program\">opened two sanctioned campsites\u003c/a> that together can hold more than 500 tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the city \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2021/05/19/why-san-jose-leaders-say-sanctioned-tent-sites-for-unhoused-residents-wont-work-here/\">rejected the idea\u003c/a> three years ago, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2023/12/12/san-jose-considering-sanctioned-encampments-as-interim-options-face-long-wait-lines-timelines/\">San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan recently said \u003c/a>he’s considering opening similar sites.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Safe sleeping sites take many different forms — and have a range of price tags. In August, after the city stalled in its attempts to open safe sleeping sites, Sacramento City Manager Howard Chan single-handedly tried to identify locations for the projects. He initially said Camp Resolution could be a model for future sites — because it cost the city so little to run, it would allow the city to open more sites than if they used more expensive models.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the city in January launched \u003ca href=\"https://sacramentocityexpress.com/2024/01/05/city-to-open-new-shelter-and-service-campus-for-people-experiencing-homelessness/\">its next safe sleeping site, on Roseville Road\u003c/a>, with more services, more oversight and a greater cost — $3.2 million per year. The site has 60 rudimentary tiny homes and 40 trailers and is governed by a nonprofit contracted through the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, due to an anticipated budget shortfall for the coming fiscal year, the city has no plans to launch additional safe sleeping sites, Swanson said. At a committee meeting last month, city staff predicted that by next year, \u003ca href=\"https://sacramento.granicus.com/MetaViewer.php?view_id=38&clip_id=5832&meta_id=767774\">the city’s budget for homeless services would be short $11 million\u003c/a>. By the 2025-26 fiscal year, they expected to be short nearly $39 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch3 id=\"h-life-at-camp-resolution\" class=\"wp-block-heading\">Life at Camp Resolution\u003c/h3>\n\u003cp>There are about 800 people on the waitlist to get into Camp Resolution, according to Sharon and Joyce. Only six people from the camp have moved out and into permanent housing, they said. Just on the other side of the gate that separates Camp Resolution from the rest of the world, a group of people live in a cluster of cars parked haphazardly on the side of the road. Across the street, someone has erected a makeshift shack. RVs that serve as stand-in homes line the road.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Inside the gate, Sharon and Joyce tend to have the ultimate say in what goes, though there’s also a council that meets on Thursday evenings to discuss camp issues. Things don’t always go smoothly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978875\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978875\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg\" alt=\"An aerial view of several RVs.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/022824_Self-Governed-City_FG_27-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An aerial view looking west of Camp Resolution, a “self-governed” homeless camp on city-owned land in Sacramento, on Feb. 28, 2024. To the left of the camp is Arden Way and at the bottom of the frame is Colfax St. \u003ccite>(Fred Greaves/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Last year a neighbor’s dogs attacked Sharon and sent her to the hospital with multiple bite injuries. That led to new rules at the camp about pets. But Sharon and Joyce say it’s hard to actually enforce the rules they impose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We need more structure,” Sharon said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they showed off the different parts of their community, Sharon and Joyce expressed disapproval of a trash pile in the middle of the camp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That can go in the trash can,” Joyce said. It didn’t take long. A few minutes later, residents could be seen picking up the garbage and carrying it to a nearby dumpster.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>CalMatters Capitol reporter \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/jeanne-kuang/\">Jeanne Kuang\u003c/a> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "los-angeles-county-uses-ai-to-prevent-homelessness-and-offers-assistance",
"title": "Los Angeles County Uses AI to Prevent Homelessness and Offers Assistance",
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"headTitle": "Los Angeles County Uses AI to Prevent Homelessness and Offers Assistance | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>You’ve likely heard about AI powering driverless cars, writing term papers and creating unsettling deep fakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can that same technology also prevent people from becoming homeless?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Los Angeles County is trying to find out. Officials there are using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">AI technology\u003c/a> to predict who in the county is most likely to lose their housing — and then stepping in to help those people with their rent, utility bills, car payments and more.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention, LA County’s Department of Health Services\"]‘If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience … it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening.’[/pullquote]It’s still an experimental strategy. But the program has served more than 700 clients since 2021, and 86% have retained their housing. It comes at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">more than 180,000 Californians have no place to call home\u003c/a>, and people are ending up on the streets faster than government agencies and nonprofits can get them into housing. Officials all over the state are turning to methods aimed at preventing homelessness before it happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s algorithm analyzes data from residents’ emergency room visits, jail stays, use of food assistance and more, and has sparked interest from Silicon Valley to San Diego. Final data on the program — which has roughly $26 million in federal COVID funds and is expected to end in 2026 — aren’t yet out. If it’s successful, it could have major implications for helping cities and counties spend their limited resources more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience, and they’re already county clients, it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening,” said Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention for LA County’s Department of Health Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978466\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978466\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dana Vanderford, Associate Director of Homelessness Prevention at Housing for Health at Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, in Los Angeles, on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does artificial intelligence predict homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea started in 2019, when UCLA’s California Policy Lab began experimenting to see if it could use machine learning, combined with LA County data, to predict homelessness. Then, the county paired that with money to intervene before people ended up on the street — the program is predominantly funded with $26 million in COVID-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/american-rescue-plan/\">funds from the federal American Rescue Plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers start with a list of 90,000 people who recently used services from the county’s Health Services or Mental Health departments. Using 580 factors, the computer ranks those people from 1 to 90,000 based on their risk of becoming homeless. The people deemed to be highest-risk tend to show up in emergency rooms and jails at high rates and have high usage of services such as CalFresh food benefits. However, the model considers many more data points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if people receive services in many different geographic areas, it could mean they’re couch surfing — bouncing from one precarious living situation to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time,” said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To train the algorithm, the researchers showed it a list of people who became homeless along with the services they used before losing their housing. Then, they had the algorithm practice “predicting” homelessness using old data and checked to see if it was accurate. When they were satisfied, they started using it for real predictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How well does it work? Among the 90,000 people the researchers started with, 7% became homeless in 18 months. Among the 10,000 people the algorithm deemed to be the highest risk, 24% became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they were targeting fewer people (say 1,000 instead of 10,000), it would be even more accurate, Rountree said. But social workers aren’t able to get in touch with many of the people on the list, and others don’t agree to participate in the aid program, so they have to cast a broader net.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Janey Rountree, executive director, UCLA’s California Policy Lab\"]‘You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time.’[/pullquote]Is a computer really better at guessing who will become homeless than human social workers trained in this work? Rountree says yes — 3.5 times better, to be exact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with humans, she said, is that they’re biased toward the people they know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just human nature to want to help the people that you’re in contact with,” she said. “They all seem housing-unstable and at high risk. You want to help those individuals or those families in front of you. But not all of them are going to become homeless and be on the street or use shelter if they don’t get assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers also often prioritize people with lower needs, Rountree said. Someone who recently lost their job but otherwise is stable gets preference over someone facing ongoing struggles with their mental health or addiction because the stable person is easier to help. However, the stable person may not be the one who needs the help the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rountree said there’s also a belief that people with higher needs will not spend the money they’re given wisely. But AI doesn’t have that bias, so it ensures the money goes to those who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are apparent. People the algorithm targets are much more likely to have been incarcerated, sought substance use treatment, had mental health issues or been hospitalized than the people who seek aid through LA County’s other homelessness prevention programs, Rountree said. In that way, this program fills a hole in LA County’s net of services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s other, more traditional programs geared to prevent homelessness rely on people reaching out to request help or on caseworkers referring clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, they aren’t duplicating efforts. There’s almost no overlap between the people targeted by the AI algorithm and those served by traditional prevention programs, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s a significant population of folks, who if somebody doesn’t reach out to them to offer assistance, they might lose their housing right out from under them without reaching out for assistance themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Then, a human steps in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four times a year, the Policy Lab researchers send LA County a list of residents the AI program has deemed most likely to become homeless. The county then mails those people letters, telling them they’ve been selected to participate in the program. After that, a social worker cold-calls them to tell them the good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person at the other end of the line is often convinced it’s a scam. After all, how often does someone legitimate call out of the blue to offer free money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happens, case worker Genice Brown usually asks if she can email them—a move she hopes lends a bit more credence to her pitch. Once she convinces them the program is real, nine out of 10 people agree to sign up, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Genice Brown, a medical case worker with the Housing Stabilization and Homelessness Prevention Unit, in Los Angeles on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Individuals enrolled in the program receive a base sum of either $4,000 or $6,000 (the amount is randomly assigned so researchers can assess the impacts of different amounts of money). Families start at $6,000 or $8,000, with larger families receiving more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown can use that money for whatever her clients need most. Usually, rent comes first, but it also can cover other bills. In addition, she helps connect her clients to doctors, dentists and mental health services. If they’re looking for work, Brown gets them gift cards for interview outfits, helps them with their resumes and role-plays interview questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works with each client for three or four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I just really needed the help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For 38-year-old Sandricka Henderson, help came just in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diagnosed with lupus at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Henderson could no longer work her physically demanding warehouse job. Disability benefits gave her barely more than $1,000 a month — just a quarter of what she made while she was working. With an 8-year-old son to support, Henderson found she was at least $400 behind on her bills every month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before Christmas last year, Henderson received a call from a woman offering free money. Henderson was sure it was a scam and braced for the woman to ask for her Social Security number.[aside label='More Stories on Artificial Intelligence' tag='artificial-intelligence']But the social worker (who turned out to be Genice Brown) didn’t, and Henderson eventually realized the program was real. The first thing Brown gave her was a $100 gift card to a local grocery store — a blessing, Henderson said because she had nothing in her refrigerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Henderson’s landlord sent her a letter warning she had 10 days to pay her rent or be evicted. About a week later, Brown sent the rent money and helped Henderson avoid catastrophe. She also helped Henderson catch up on her car payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Henderson no longer feels like she’s teetering on the edge of homelessness. She has some money in her savings account, and her rent is prepaid for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really needed the help,” Henderson said. Because she’s used to working hard and taking care of herself, she added, she never would have reached out and asked for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really did change my whole circumstances,” she said. “My son had a Christmas that I didn’t think I was going to be able to give him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The future of AI in homelessness services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout California, new people are becoming homeless faster than aid workers can find existing homeless residents housing. \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/community-plan/\">In Santa Clara County, for example, for every one homeless household that moved into housing last year, another 1.7 became newly homeless\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/who-we-are/\">Destination: Home, a Santa Clara County-based organization focused on ending homelessness\u003c/a>.[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Consuelo Hernandez, director, LA County’s Office of Supportive Housing\"]‘Without having additional resources, what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?’[/pullquote]The LA County team has met with government agencies from all over the country who are interested in its AI model, including Santa Clara and San Diego counties, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County is working on a plan for homelessness prevention, Tim McClain, spokesman for the county’s Health and Human Services Agency, said in an email to CalMatters. He wouldn’t provide any additional updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County met with the California Policy Lab earlier this year and hopes to schedule another informational meeting soon, said Consuelo Hernandez, director of the county’s Office of Supportive Housing. The county’s homelessness prevention program relies on humans triaging clients. If artificial intelligence can do that work more efficiently, it’s worth exploring, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, what they want is more money to help the people who already fill their queues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without having additional resources,” Hernandez said, “what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>You’ve likely heard about AI powering driverless cars, writing term papers and creating unsettling deep fakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Can that same technology also prevent people from becoming homeless?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s what Los Angeles County is trying to find out. Officials there are using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/elections/2024/02/ai-elections-bill-package/\">AI technology\u003c/a> to predict who in the county is most likely to lose their housing — and then stepping in to help those people with their rent, utility bills, car payments and more.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience … it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>It’s still an experimental strategy. But the program has served more than 700 clients since 2021, and 86% have retained their housing. It comes at a time when \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">more than 180,000 Californians have no place to call home\u003c/a>, and people are ending up on the streets faster than government agencies and nonprofits can get them into housing. Officials all over the state are turning to methods aimed at preventing homelessness before it happens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s algorithm analyzes data from residents’ emergency room visits, jail stays, use of food assistance and more, and has sparked interest from Silicon Valley to San Diego. Final data on the program — which has roughly $26 million in federal COVID funds and is expected to end in 2026 — aren’t yet out. If it’s successful, it could have major implications for helping cities and counties spend their limited resources more efficiently.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we know who people are who unfortunately are going to have that experience, and they’re already county clients, it’s a real opportunity to do something early on in their lives to prevent that from happening,” said Dana Vanderford, associate director of homelessness prevention for LA County’s Department of Health Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978466\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978466\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI02-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dana Vanderford, Associate Director of Homelessness Prevention at Housing for Health at Los Angeles County Department of Health Services, in Los Angeles, on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>How does artificial intelligence predict homelessness?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The idea started in 2019, when UCLA’s California Policy Lab began experimenting to see if it could use machine learning, combined with LA County data, to predict homelessness. Then, the county paired that with money to intervene before people ended up on the street — the program is predominantly funded with $26 million in COVID-era \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/american-rescue-plan/\">funds from the federal American Rescue Plan\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UCLA researchers start with a list of 90,000 people who recently used services from the county’s Health Services or Mental Health departments. Using 580 factors, the computer ranks those people from 1 to 90,000 based on their risk of becoming homeless. The people deemed to be highest-risk tend to show up in emergency rooms and jails at high rates and have high usage of services such as CalFresh food benefits. However, the model considers many more data points.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For example, if people receive services in many different geographic areas, it could mean they’re couch surfing — bouncing from one precarious living situation to the next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You sort of let the computer learn what it finds to be predictive over time,” said Janey Rountree, executive director of the California Policy Lab at UCLA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To train the algorithm, the researchers showed it a list of people who became homeless along with the services they used before losing their housing. Then, they had the algorithm practice “predicting” homelessness using old data and checked to see if it was accurate. When they were satisfied, they started using it for real predictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>How well does it work? Among the 90,000 people the researchers started with, 7% became homeless in 18 months. Among the 10,000 people the algorithm deemed to be the highest risk, 24% became homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If they were targeting fewer people (say 1,000 instead of 10,000), it would be even more accurate, Rountree said. But social workers aren’t able to get in touch with many of the people on the list, and others don’t agree to participate in the aid program, so they have to cast a broader net.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Is a computer really better at guessing who will become homeless than human social workers trained in this work? Rountree says yes — 3.5 times better, to be exact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The problem with humans, she said, is that they’re biased toward the people they know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just human nature to want to help the people that you’re in contact with,” she said. “They all seem housing-unstable and at high risk. You want to help those individuals or those families in front of you. But not all of them are going to become homeless and be on the street or use shelter if they don’t get assistance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Caseworkers also often prioritize people with lower needs, Rountree said. Someone who recently lost their job but otherwise is stable gets preference over someone facing ongoing struggles with their mental health or addiction because the stable person is easier to help. However, the stable person may not be the one who needs the help the most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rountree said there’s also a belief that people with higher needs will not spend the money they’re given wisely. But AI doesn’t have that bias, so it ensures the money goes to those who need it most.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The results are apparent. People the algorithm targets are much more likely to have been incarcerated, sought substance use treatment, had mental health issues or been hospitalized than the people who seek aid through LA County’s other homelessness prevention programs, Rountree said. In that way, this program fills a hole in LA County’s net of services, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LA County’s other, more traditional programs geared to prevent homelessness rely on people reaching out to request help or on caseworkers referring clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Interestingly, they aren’t duplicating efforts. There’s almost no overlap between the people targeted by the AI algorithm and those served by traditional prevention programs, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there’s a significant population of folks, who if somebody doesn’t reach out to them to offer assistance, they might lose their housing right out from under them without reaching out for assistance themselves,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Then, a human steps in\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Four times a year, the Policy Lab researchers send LA County a list of residents the AI program has deemed most likely to become homeless. The county then mails those people letters, telling them they’ve been selected to participate in the program. After that, a social worker cold-calls them to tell them the good news.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The person at the other end of the line is often convinced it’s a scam. After all, how often does someone legitimate call out of the blue to offer free money?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When that happens, case worker Genice Brown usually asks if she can email them—a move she hopes lends a bit more credence to her pitch. Once she convinces them the program is real, nine out of 10 people agree to sign up, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11978489\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11978489\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/03/CMHousingAI03-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Genice Brown, a medical case worker with the Housing Stabilization and Homelessness Prevention Unit, in Los Angeles on Feb. 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Jules Hotz/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Individuals enrolled in the program receive a base sum of either $4,000 or $6,000 (the amount is randomly assigned so researchers can assess the impacts of different amounts of money). Families start at $6,000 or $8,000, with larger families receiving more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown can use that money for whatever her clients need most. Usually, rent comes first, but it also can cover other bills. In addition, she helps connect her clients to doctors, dentists and mental health services. If they’re looking for work, Brown gets them gift cards for interview outfits, helps them with their resumes and role-plays interview questions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She works with each client for three or four months.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘I just really needed the help’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For 38-year-old Sandricka Henderson, help came just in time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Diagnosed with lupus at the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, Henderson could no longer work her physically demanding warehouse job. Disability benefits gave her barely more than $1,000 a month — just a quarter of what she made while she was working. With an 8-year-old son to support, Henderson found she was at least $400 behind on her bills every month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Just before Christmas last year, Henderson received a call from a woman offering free money. Henderson was sure it was a scam and braced for the woman to ask for her Social Security number.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But the social worker (who turned out to be Genice Brown) didn’t, and Henderson eventually realized the program was real. The first thing Brown gave her was a $100 gift card to a local grocery store — a blessing, Henderson said because she had nothing in her refrigerator.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, Henderson’s landlord sent her a letter warning she had 10 days to pay her rent or be evicted. About a week later, Brown sent the rent money and helped Henderson avoid catastrophe. She also helped Henderson catch up on her car payment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, Henderson no longer feels like she’s teetering on the edge of homelessness. She has some money in her savings account, and her rent is prepaid for several months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I just really needed the help,” Henderson said. Because she’s used to working hard and taking care of herself, she added, she never would have reached out and asked for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It really did change my whole circumstances,” she said. “My son had a Christmas that I didn’t think I was going to be able to give him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The future of AI in homelessness services\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Throughout California, new people are becoming homeless faster than aid workers can find existing homeless residents housing. \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/community-plan/\">In Santa Clara County, for example, for every one homeless household that moved into housing last year, another 1.7 became newly homeless\u003c/a>, according to \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/who-we-are/\">Destination: Home, a Santa Clara County-based organization focused on ending homelessness\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The LA County team has met with government agencies from all over the country who are interested in its AI model, including Santa Clara and San Diego counties, Vanderford said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Diego County is working on a plan for homelessness prevention, Tim McClain, spokesman for the county’s Health and Human Services Agency, said in an email to CalMatters. He wouldn’t provide any additional updates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Santa Clara County met with the California Policy Lab earlier this year and hopes to schedule another informational meeting soon, said Consuelo Hernandez, director of the county’s Office of Supportive Housing. The county’s homelessness prevention program relies on humans triaging clients. If artificial intelligence can do that work more efficiently, it’s worth exploring, Hernandez said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But at the end of the day, what they want is more money to help the people who already fill their queues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Without having additional resources,” Hernandez said, “what is the true benefit of knowing there are more people out there who are in need?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Death Rate Among America's Unhoused Population Akin to 'Natural Disaster or War,' New Study Finds",
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"content": "\u003cp>For many people, living on the streets of California is a death sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01039\">recent study\u003c/a> that took the first deep look into mortality rates in unhoused communities throughout the country. It found the death rate more than tripled between 2011 and 2020. The findings make clear that as the number of unhoused Californians is soaring, it’s also becoming more dangerous to be unhoused. And it means the stakes are sky-high when it comes to state and local efforts to combat the crisis: People’s lives are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s co-author, Matthew Fowle of the University of Pennsylvania, said the 238% increase was “astonishing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlike any other mortality trend that we really see in demography,” he said. “It’s comparable to something like a natural disaster or war.”[pullquote align=\"right\" size=\"medium\" citation=\"Dr. Margot Kushel, director of UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative\"]‘There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed.’[/pullquote]Overdoses played a major role in the deaths studied. But people also are dying at increased rates of things that might be avoided if they had a home or regular access to preventative medical care, such as exposure to heat and cold, traffic injuries, cardiovascular disease and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just so hard to do that when you’re living on the streets or living in a shelter,” said Fowle, a postdoctoral fellow at the university’s Housing Initiative at Penn program. “Your main concern is, ‘Can I stay warm and dry for the night? Can I get enough food to eat?’ You can’t think about these other longer-term things that might be affecting your health until, in many cases, it’s too late.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the increase in the mortality rate may be attributable to county death records keeping better track of who is unhoused, Fowle said. Other than that, he and his team aren’t sure what else is behind the rising death rates — more research is needed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, something is occurring across the country,” Fowle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published this month in the health policy research journal Health Affairs, appears to be the first to look at death rates and causes of death in homeless communities nationwide. Data on this subject is spotty, as the feds and most states (including California) don’t require medical examiners to list someone’s housing status in their death records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fowle’s study looked at 22,143 deaths of unhoused residents in 22 localities across 10 states and Washington, D.C. — including eight California counties. The death rate among unhoused residents across all 22 localities increased from 814 per 100,000 in 2011 to 2,752 per 100,000 in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the general population, the nationwide mortality rate was much lower: 1,027 deaths per 100,000 people in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://wonder.cdc.gov/controller/datarequest/D158;jsessionid=1D9C4FFB8CB6C9272489654C4B6A\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the study looked at Alameda, Los Angeles, Orange, Sacramento, San Diego, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano counties. In those counties, the mortality rate more than doubled between 2015 and 2020. Some of those counties didn’t start collecting data until 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most information on unhoused populations, the data has limitations. For example, it uses mortality rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">federally mandated point-in-time population counts\u003c/a>, which are inexact estimates of the country’s homeless communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, drug and alcohol overdoses were the leading cause of fatalities among unhoused people, accounting for nearly a third of all deaths. Overdoses caused 986 deaths per 100,000 unhoused people in 2020, a 488% increase from 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid crisis and the increased prevalence of fentanyl\u003c/a> played a huge role in those numbers, Fowle said. But deaths also may be driven by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">new efforts throughout California and beyond to crack down on people sleeping in public places\u003c/a>, he said. When people use drugs in a homeless encampment surrounded by people they know and trust, or even alone on a busy downtown street, there’s a greater chance someone will see them and intervene if they overdose. If law enforcement breaks up their camps and pushes them out of downtown, they often go to isolated areas such as creek beds, where they’re harder to help in an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When someone is displaced from their camp, they also become less able to access a safe supply of drugs — putting them at greater risk for consuming something laced with fentanyl, said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason being homeless has become more deadly? The homeless population is getting older, Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">The number of Californians 55 and older who sought homelessness services soared 84% between 2017 and 2021\u003c/a>, according to the state’s Homeless Data Integration System. That’s compared to a 43% increase across all age groups. In other words, more people older than 50 are becoming unhoused for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the homeless population continues to age, you’re just going to see death rates keep going up and up and up,” Kushel said. “You expect that, and it’s horrendous.”[aside label=\"more homelessness coverage\" tag=\"homelessness\"]The average age of death in the University of Pennsylvania study was 51 — more than 27 years younger than the average U.S. life expectancy during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributed to cardiovascular disease, the second-leading cause of death, increased 172% between 2011 and 2020. Other causes that saw major increases include diabetes, infection, cancer, homicide and exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being homeless is incredibly bad for your health, Kushel said. As soon as someone loses their housing, everything else starts to fall apart. Drug use tends to get worse, people lose the medication that treats their chronic illnesses, and they don’t go to the doctor for preventative care because they’re too busy worrying about where they’ll sleep or what they’ll eat. That means something like a small infection can turn life-threatening quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once someone is diagnosed with a serious illness, treatment is much harder on the street. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01003\">recent study of veterans with cancer, co-authored by Kushel\u003c/a>, found that those without housing were 10% to 20% more likely to die than those with housing. And among formerly unhoused veterans who had since found housing, the risk of dying plummeted, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinicians who treat people on the street watch in real time as conditions for their patients become more deadly. Whenever outreach workers call Dr. Susan Partovi, medical director of Homeless Health Care Los Angeles and author of the memoir \u003cem>Renegade MD\u003c/em>, the first thing she asks is, “Who died?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All too often, it’s someone she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really heartbreaking when you know someone, and you know their humor, and you know their dreams, and you know their past history, and you know their ups and downs in life,” she said. “And you’re kind of in the trenches with them and their struggles. And then they die. It’s just so disheartening. It’s just so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>For many people, living on the streets of California is a death sentence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s according to a \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01039\">recent study\u003c/a> that took the first deep look into mortality rates in unhoused communities throughout the country. It found the death rate more than tripled between 2011 and 2020. The findings make clear that as the number of unhoused Californians is soaring, it’s also becoming more dangerous to be unhoused. And it means the stakes are sky-high when it comes to state and local efforts to combat the crisis: People’s lives are on the line.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study’s co-author, Matthew Fowle of the University of Pennsylvania, said the 238% increase was “astonishing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s unlike any other mortality trend that we really see in demography,” he said. “It’s comparable to something like a natural disaster or war.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Overdoses played a major role in the deaths studied. But people also are dying at increased rates of things that might be avoided if they had a home or regular access to preventative medical care, such as exposure to heat and cold, traffic injuries, cardiovascular disease and diabetes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s just so hard to do that when you’re living on the streets or living in a shelter,” said Fowle, a postdoctoral fellow at the university’s Housing Initiative at Penn program. “Your main concern is, ‘Can I stay warm and dry for the night? Can I get enough food to eat?’ You can’t think about these other longer-term things that might be affecting your health until, in many cases, it’s too late.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the increase in the mortality rate may be attributable to county death records keeping better track of who is unhoused, Fowle said. Other than that, he and his team aren’t sure what else is behind the rising death rates — more research is needed, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Clearly, something is occurring across the country,” Fowle said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The study, published this month in the health policy research journal Health Affairs, appears to be the first to look at death rates and causes of death in homeless communities nationwide. Data on this subject is spotty, as the feds and most states (including California) don’t require medical examiners to list someone’s housing status in their death records.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fowle’s study looked at 22,143 deaths of unhoused residents in 22 localities across 10 states and Washington, D.C. — including eight California counties. The death rate among unhoused residents across all 22 localities increased from 814 per 100,000 in 2011 to 2,752 per 100,000 in 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Among the general population, the nationwide mortality rate was much lower: 1,027 deaths per 100,000 people in 2020, \u003ca href=\"https://wonder.cdc.gov/controller/datarequest/D158;jsessionid=1D9C4FFB8CB6C9272489654C4B6A\">according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In California, the study looked at Alameda, Los Angeles, Orange, Sacramento, San Diego, San Mateo, Santa Clara and Solano counties. In those counties, the mortality rate more than doubled between 2015 and 2020. Some of those counties didn’t start collecting data until 2015.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Like most information on unhoused populations, the data has limitations. For example, it uses mortality rates based on the \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2024/01/california-homeless-point-in-time-count-2024/\">federally mandated point-in-time population counts\u003c/a>, which are inexact estimates of the country’s homeless communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, drug and alcohol overdoses were the leading cause of fatalities among unhoused people, accounting for nearly a third of all deaths. Overdoses caused 986 deaths per 100,000 unhoused people in 2020, a 488% increase from 2011.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/california-opioid-crisis/\">opioid crisis and the increased prevalence of fentanyl\u003c/a> played a huge role in those numbers, Fowle said. But deaths also may be driven by \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/2023/04/california-homeless-city-laws/\">new efforts throughout California and beyond to crack down on people sleeping in public places\u003c/a>, he said. When people use drugs in a homeless encampment surrounded by people they know and trust, or even alone on a busy downtown street, there’s a greater chance someone will see them and intervene if they overdose. If law enforcement breaks up their camps and pushes them out of downtown, they often go to isolated areas such as creek beds, where they’re harder to help in an emergency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When someone is displaced from their camp, they also become less able to access a safe supply of drugs — putting them at greater risk for consuming something laced with fentanyl, said Dr. Margot Kushel, director of the UCSF Benioff Homelessness and Housing Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason being homeless has become more deadly? The homeless population is getting older, Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2023/02/california-homeless-seniors/\">The number of Californians 55 and older who sought homelessness services soared 84% between 2017 and 2021\u003c/a>, according to the state’s Homeless Data Integration System. That’s compared to a 43% increase across all age groups. In other words, more people older than 50 are becoming unhoused for the first time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“As the homeless population continues to age, you’re just going to see death rates keep going up and up and up,” Kushel said. “You expect that, and it’s horrendous.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The average age of death in the University of Pennsylvania study was 51 — more than 27 years younger than the average U.S. life expectancy during that period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Deaths attributed to cardiovascular disease, the second-leading cause of death, increased 172% between 2011 and 2020. Other causes that saw major increases include diabetes, infection, cancer, homicide and exposure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being homeless is incredibly bad for your health, Kushel said. As soon as someone loses their housing, everything else starts to fall apart. Drug use tends to get worse, people lose the medication that treats their chronic illnesses, and they don’t go to the doctor for preventative care because they’re too busy worrying about where they’ll sleep or what they’ll eat. That means something like a small infection can turn life-threatening quickly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And once someone is diagnosed with a serious illness, treatment is much harder on the street. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.healthaffairs.org/doi/full/10.1377/hlthaff.2023.01003\">recent study of veterans with cancer, co-authored by Kushel\u003c/a>, found that those without housing were 10% to 20% more likely to die than those with housing. And among formerly unhoused veterans who had since found housing, the risk of dying plummeted, the study found.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is increasing evidence that you can prevent a lot of these deaths just by getting people housed,” Kushel said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Clinicians who treat people on the street watch in real time as conditions for their patients become more deadly. Whenever outreach workers call Dr. Susan Partovi, medical director of Homeless Health Care Los Angeles and author of the memoir \u003cem>Renegade MD\u003c/em>, the first thing she asks is, “Who died?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All too often, it’s someone she knew.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s really heartbreaking when you know someone, and you know their humor, and you know their dreams, and you know their past history, and you know their ups and downs in life,” she said. “And you’re kind of in the trenches with them and their struggles. And then they die. It’s just so disheartening. It’s just so sad.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>The rate of new people falling into homelessness in Santa Clara County spiked 24% last year, even as the county housed more people than ever before in a single year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/documents/2024/02/2023-year-end-progress-report.pdf/\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report from The Santa Clara County Continuum of Care and Destination Home details the county’s progress toward meeting the goals of its 2020–25 Community Plan to End Homelessness. It found that the county was able to place nearly 4,500 people into permanent homes in 2023, a 29% increase from 2022. But more people were falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What this data tells us is families are under a great deal of stress,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination Home, a research and advocacy organization that helps implement the county plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Consuelo Hernandez, director, Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing\"]‘Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness.’[/pullquote]The number of households becoming unhoused for the first time in Santa Clara County rose by 824. Loving said the jump is the result of ongoing rent increases, stagnant wages, and the expiration of pandemic-era protections that aren’t just impacting Santa Clara County but the entire nation. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2024\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies found half of Americans cannot pay their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a surprise because we as a nation have not ever in our nation’s history prioritized the building of deeply affordable housing at scale,” she said. “This is not about individual failings. This is not about crime. This is not about any of the myths that people like to throw in the way of simply addressing our affordable housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11974385,news_11975319,news_11973859\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Despite the recent spike in people becoming unhoused, Tuesday’s report shows the rate is still an improvement since 2019. For every household placed into housing in 2019, 2.5 became unhoused. In 2023, the ratio was 1 to 1.7. Officials credit those gains to a significant investment in housing production and subsidies over the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will never be able to catch up to the need if we don’t get more pragmatic with our approach,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. “We need to treat homelessness like the crisis it is — and that means challenging the status quo approach that says the only solution to the situation on our streets is standing up brand new apartments that cost $1 million per door and take five-plus years to build. We need to pivot fast and prioritize prevention and basic, safe shelter that takes a fraction of the time and cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the county has moved 13,817 people into permanent housing, 19,575 people into temporary housing and shelter, and provided homelessness prevention assistance to 28,235 people. Shelter options have increased 44% since 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness,” Consuelo Hernandez, director of the Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loving is an advocate for cash aid and guaranteed income programs that prevent homelessness. A \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/news/2023/08/02/new-6-year-randomized-control-trial-prevention-is-a-proven-solution-to-keeping-families-from-becoming-homeless/\">six-year study\u003c/a> of the Santa Clara County Homelessness Prevention System, which Destination Home helps administer, found that giving $2,000 each month to people who were at imminent risk of getting evicted or becoming homeless reduced their chances of ending up unhoused by 81% within six months and 73% within a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s far cheaper than what it costs to address the needs of a family once they become unhoused, and it is far more humane to keep a family home rather than having them enter homelessness,” Loving said, noting that Santa Clara County is investing in a number of guaranteed income pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Plan to End Homelessness calls for reducing the annual inflow into homelessness by 30%, doubling temporary housing and shelter capacity, and housing 20,000 people by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The rate of new people falling into homelessness in Santa Clara County spiked 24% last year, even as the county housed more people than ever before in a single year, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/documents/2024/02/2023-year-end-progress-report.pdf/\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The report from The Santa Clara County Continuum of Care and Destination Home details the county’s progress toward meeting the goals of its 2020–25 Community Plan to End Homelessness. It found that the county was able to place nearly 4,500 people into permanent homes in 2023, a 29% increase from 2022. But more people were falling into homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What this data tells us is families are under a great deal of stress,” said Jennifer Loving, CEO of Destination Home, a research and advocacy organization that helps implement the county plan.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The number of households becoming unhoused for the first time in Santa Clara County rose by 824. Loving said the jump is the result of ongoing rent increases, stagnant wages, and the expiration of pandemic-era protections that aren’t just impacting Santa Clara County but the entire nation. A \u003ca href=\"https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/americas-rental-housing-2024\">recent report\u003c/a> from Harvard’s Joint Center for Housing Studies found half of Americans cannot pay their rent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not a surprise because we as a nation have not ever in our nation’s history prioritized the building of deeply affordable housing at scale,” she said. “This is not about individual failings. This is not about crime. This is not about any of the myths that people like to throw in the way of simply addressing our affordable housing crisis.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Despite the recent spike in people becoming unhoused, Tuesday’s report shows the rate is still an improvement since 2019. For every household placed into housing in 2019, 2.5 became unhoused. In 2023, the ratio was 1 to 1.7. Officials credit those gains to a significant investment in housing production and subsidies over the past decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will never be able to catch up to the need if we don’t get more pragmatic with our approach,” San Jose Mayor Matt Mahan said in a statement. “We need to treat homelessness like the crisis it is — and that means challenging the status quo approach that says the only solution to the situation on our streets is standing up brand new apartments that cost $1 million per door and take five-plus years to build. We need to pivot fast and prioritize prevention and basic, safe shelter that takes a fraction of the time and cost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since 2020, the county has moved 13,817 people into permanent housing, 19,575 people into temporary housing and shelter, and provided homelessness prevention assistance to 28,235 people. Shelter options have increased 44% since 2020.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our countywide efforts to create new housing and end experiences of homelessness are clearly working, but we need more investments in these scalable solutions to keep pace with the increase in people being pushed into homelessness,” Consuelo Hernandez, director of the Santa Clara County Office of Supportive Housing, said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Loving is an advocate for cash aid and guaranteed income programs that prevent homelessness. A \u003ca href=\"https://destinationhomesv.org/news/2023/08/02/new-6-year-randomized-control-trial-prevention-is-a-proven-solution-to-keeping-families-from-becoming-homeless/\">six-year study\u003c/a> of the Santa Clara County Homelessness Prevention System, which Destination Home helps administer, found that giving $2,000 each month to people who were at imminent risk of getting evicted or becoming homeless reduced their chances of ending up unhoused by 81% within six months and 73% within a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s far cheaper than what it costs to address the needs of a family once they become unhoused, and it is far more humane to keep a family home rather than having them enter homelessness,” Loving said, noting that Santa Clara County is investing in a number of guaranteed income pilot programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Community Plan to End Homelessness calls for reducing the annual inflow into homelessness by 30%, doubling temporary housing and shelter capacity, and housing 20,000 people by 2025.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "Newsom Reneges on Sending San José Free Tiny Homes for the Unhoused",
"headTitle": "Newsom Reneges on Sending San José Free Tiny Homes for the Unhoused | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>In March 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom gathered with the mayors of San José and Sacramento at Cal Expo, home of the state fair, to announce a generous gift \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943746/newsom-will-mobilize-national-guard-to-deliver-1200-tiny-homes-to-address-homelessness-crisis\">to alleviate homelessness\u003c/a> in the state’s largest cities. The Newsom administration would send four jurisdictions a total of 1,200 tiny homes — pre-modular sheds that could serve as a stepping stone for unhoused individuals on the path from tents to permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the best part of the deal for cities like San José: the homes would arrive already built, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California National Guard will assist in the preparation and delivery of 1,200 small homes to Los Angeles, San Diego County, San José and Sacramento, free of charge and ready for occupancy,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/16/governor-newsom-announces-1-billion-in-homelessness-funding-launches-states-largest-mobilization-of-small-homes/\">read a press release from Newsom’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly a year later, the governor’s promise is coming with new costs for San José taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A memo reviewed by the city council last week revealed that the governor’s office no longer plans to construct or deliver the 200 prefabricated homes to San José. Instead, the administration will send the city a fixed payment of $12.7 million that city officials estimate won’t cover the full cost of constructing the interim housing. The change in plans leaves the city on the hook for new costs and could further stretch the timeline of opening a long-delayed homeless housing site in north San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11964985 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/10/100323-DignityMoves-Tiny-Homes-LE-CM-08-1020x680.jpg']“We’re going to roll with the punches,” San José Mayor Matt Mahan said in an interview. “We need the interim units, and I’m grateful to the state for kicking in most of the cost, and we’re going to fill that gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city planned to put the units at the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority’s Cerone Yard, near Highway 237 and Zanker Road. Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953155/california-mayors-increasingly-turn-to-temporary-housing-solutions\">championed the interim housing program as a way to provide shelter\u003c/a> for people experiencing unsheltered homelessness in the city — a population last tallied at 4,411, according to the city’s 2023 point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not respond directly to questions of why the state was sending San José a payment instead of the 200 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the governor’s office said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">the Department of General Services reached agreements with several small home vendors\u003c/a>, which will allow cities like San José to purchase the homes at the state-negotiated rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has supplied the framework, leverage, and financial support for our local partners to deliver their share of small homes for people experiencing homelessness,” the spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José officials said they first learned in December that the state was changing its plan. Now, the city will need to source the units for the Cerone site as it works to build a handful of other short-term housing sites approved by the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The $12.7 million from the state will not be sufficient to construct units for 200 people at Cerone,” said the memo from city staff. “While staff continues to evaluate building and design options, additional financial contributions likely ranging from $5 to $10 million from the city or other funding sources will be necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for new funds to build short-term housing at the Cerone site comes as the city is confronting the rising costs of providing temporary housing and shelter to people experiencing homelessness. Recent city estimates put the cost of San Jose’s Emergency Interim Housing program at $38 million in the upcoming budget year, rising to $70 million by 2028–29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In north San José, efforts to build interim housing have hit repeated speed bumps. After an earlier proposal was squashed due to neighborhood opposition, the city council signed off on the Cerone site in November 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months of negotiations with the VTA ensued as transit employee unions voiced concerns about hosting formerly unhoused individuals at their work site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in October, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/kqed-newscast-f0f0921e-c32d-4b74-a5a8-254f0339113e?t=47s\">the VTA board of directors signed off on the housing plan\u003c/a>, and on Tuesday, the San José council voted to move ahead with a lease agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Cerone site is really important in our long-term plans to address street homelessness,” District 4 City Councilmember David Cohen said. “We need a site in north San José in order to offer places to people that are living in our part of the city to move away from creeks and neighborhoods and off of our roads and into something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen said it’s unclear whether the Newsom administration’s pivot away from direct delivery of the housing could lengthen the timeline to opening the Cerone site — or whether the city will save time by handling the design and construction of the site without state involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just slightly concerned that given that the city public works department is engineering three different [interim housing] sites all at the same time, that if the state wasn’t there to help with the engineering at the site, then there may be a slippage in timeline,” Cohen added. “But that remains to be seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the Newsom administration \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-gavin-newsom-tiny-homes-4ff201e339631cfb6190c78a5014774e\">announced late last year that 175 tiny homes will be placed in an abandoned office park\u003c/a> — the first batch of units to be delivered through the Small Homes Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In March 2023, Gov. Gavin Newsom gathered with the mayors of San José and Sacramento at Cal Expo, home of the state fair, to announce a generous gift \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11943746/newsom-will-mobilize-national-guard-to-deliver-1200-tiny-homes-to-address-homelessness-crisis\">to alleviate homelessness\u003c/a> in the state’s largest cities. The Newsom administration would send four jurisdictions a total of 1,200 tiny homes — pre-modular sheds that could serve as a stepping stone for unhoused individuals on the path from tents to permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the best part of the deal for cities like San José: the homes would arrive already built, free of charge.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The California National Guard will assist in the preparation and delivery of 1,200 small homes to Los Angeles, San Diego County, San José and Sacramento, free of charge and ready for occupancy,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2023/03/16/governor-newsom-announces-1-billion-in-homelessness-funding-launches-states-largest-mobilization-of-small-homes/\">read a press release from Newsom’s office\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But nearly a year later, the governor’s promise is coming with new costs for San José taxpayers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A memo reviewed by the city council last week revealed that the governor’s office no longer plans to construct or deliver the 200 prefabricated homes to San José. Instead, the administration will send the city a fixed payment of $12.7 million that city officials estimate won’t cover the full cost of constructing the interim housing. The change in plans leaves the city on the hook for new costs and could further stretch the timeline of opening a long-delayed homeless housing site in north San José.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re going to roll with the punches,” San José Mayor Matt Mahan said in an interview. “We need the interim units, and I’m grateful to the state for kicking in most of the cost, and we’re going to fill that gap.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city planned to put the units at the Santa Clara Valley Transportation Authority’s Cerone Yard, near Highway 237 and Zanker Road. Mahan has \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11953155/california-mayors-increasingly-turn-to-temporary-housing-solutions\">championed the interim housing program as a way to provide shelter\u003c/a> for people experiencing unsheltered homelessness in the city — a population last tallied at 4,411, according to the city’s 2023 point-in-time count.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office did not respond directly to questions of why the state was sending San José a payment instead of the 200 homes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson for the governor’s office said \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">the Department of General Services reached agreements with several small home vendors\u003c/a>, which will allow cities like San José to purchase the homes at the state-negotiated rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The state has supplied the framework, leverage, and financial support for our local partners to deliver their share of small homes for people experiencing homelessness,” the spokesperson said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San José officials said they first learned in December that the state was changing its plan. Now, the city will need to source the units for the Cerone site as it works to build a handful of other short-term housing sites approved by the city council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The $12.7 million from the state will not be sufficient to construct units for 200 people at Cerone,” said the memo from city staff. “While staff continues to evaluate building and design options, additional financial contributions likely ranging from $5 to $10 million from the city or other funding sources will be necessary.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The need for new funds to build short-term housing at the Cerone site comes as the city is confronting the rising costs of providing temporary housing and shelter to people experiencing homelessness. Recent city estimates put the cost of San Jose’s Emergency Interim Housing program at $38 million in the upcoming budget year, rising to $70 million by 2028–29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In north San José, efforts to build interim housing have hit repeated speed bumps. After an earlier proposal was squashed due to neighborhood opposition, the city council signed off on the Cerone site in November 2022.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Months of negotiations with the VTA ensued as transit employee unions voiced concerns about hosting formerly unhoused individuals at their work site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finally, in October, \u003ca href=\"https://omny.fm/shows/kqed-segmented-audio/kqed-newscast-f0f0921e-c32d-4b74-a5a8-254f0339113e?t=47s\">the VTA board of directors signed off on the housing plan\u003c/a>, and on Tuesday, the San José council voted to move ahead with a lease agreement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Cerone site is really important in our long-term plans to address street homelessness,” District 4 City Councilmember David Cohen said. “We need a site in north San José in order to offer places to people that are living in our part of the city to move away from creeks and neighborhoods and off of our roads and into something better.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cohen said it’s unclear whether the Newsom administration’s pivot away from direct delivery of the housing could lengthen the timeline to opening the Cerone site — or whether the city will save time by handling the design and construction of the site without state involvement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was just slightly concerned that given that the city public works department is engineering three different [interim housing] sites all at the same time, that if the state wasn’t there to help with the engineering at the site, then there may be a slippage in timeline,” Cohen added. “But that remains to be seen.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, the Newsom administration \u003ca href=\"https://apnews.com/article/california-governor-gavin-newsom-tiny-homes-4ff201e339631cfb6190c78a5014774e\">announced late last year that 175 tiny homes will be placed in an abandoned office park\u003c/a> — the first batch of units to be delivered through the Small Homes Initiative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "California Stuck With $300 Million Tab as FEMA Denies COVID Housing Program Expenses",
"headTitle": "California Stuck With $300 Million Tab as FEMA Denies COVID Housing Program Expenses | KQED",
"content": "\u003cp>When California took the unprecedented step in the spring of 2020 to move thousands of homeless residents into hotels to protect them from the ravages of COVID-19, it did so believing the federal government would foot a large chunk of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, following what California officials say is an abrupt about-face from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, cities and counties suddenly are on the hook for hundreds of millions of dollars they expected FEMA to cover. At a time when budgets already are tight, it’s left local governments scrambling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be quite a problem in the next few years if something doesn’t change to fix it,” said Wendy Huff Ellard, a disaster recovery lawyer with Baker Donelson who represents several California counties seeking compensation from FEMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/FEMA-Oct.-16-2023-reimbursement-letter.pdf\">letter (PDF)\u003c/a> FEMA sent the state in October, saying it would not pay for hotel stays of longer than 20 days between June 11, 2021 and May 11, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will cost California state and local governments more than $300 million collectively, according to an estimate from the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means individual cities and counties throughout the state could be out tens of millions (Sonoma County has $32 million at risk, while San Diego County has up to $28 million) or even more (San Francisco estimates the change will cost it $114 million).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Limiting hotel stays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\">launched the hotel shelter program\u003c/a> — dubbed Project Roomkey — in April 2020, just a month after the COVID-19 pandemic prompted him to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/3.4.20-Coronavirus-SOE-Proclamation.pdf\">declare a state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health experts were terrified that California, with its massive homeless population, would see the virus wreak havoc in crowded shelters and unsanitary encampments. The state rolled out a plan to move unhoused people with COVID-19, as well as those particularly vulnerable to the virus — people who were over 65 or had pre-existing respiratory, immune or other chronic diseases — into empty hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11847782,news_11914346,news_11927968 label='Homelessness During COVID']Individual cities and counties leased and paid for those hotel rooms with the expectation that FEMA would reimburse them. At first, the federal agency agreed to cover 75% of the cost for eligible expenses, including the rooms and services such as meals, security and cleaning. By January 2021, FEMA agreed to reimburse 100% of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\">Roomkey served about 62,000 people throughout the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched, FEMA had no rules governing how long someone could stay in a hotel room, according to the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. Officials there claim FEMA didn’t set the 20-day limit until October 2023, long after the unhoused residents had moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter, FEMA said it capped stays between June 2021 and May 2023 because by that time, transmission rates were down, and 20 days were the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s maximum recommended period of quarantine. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/11/as-california-fully-reopens-governor-newsom-announces-plans-to-lift-pandemic-executive-orders/\">lifted the state’s stay-at-home order in June 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things had changed,” said Robert Fenton, regional administrator for FEMA Region 9, in a phone call with CalMatters. “The vaccine was readily available. Testing was readily available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fenton, who wrote the October letter, insisted FEMA’s policy has not changed — despite the assertions of state officials and multiple cities and counties. Fenton said that from the beginning, the federal agency said it would pay for shelter stays that were based on “health guidance” and limited to what was needed to address immediate threats to health and safety. State and local officials should have known that referred to the CDC guideline of quarantining for up to 20 days — because that’s the policy Newsom and local health departments followed themselves, Fenton said. But there is no evidence FEMA made that 20-day rule explicit prior to October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC’s 20-day quarantine recommendation was for people who had or were exposed to COVID-19. But the state, and California cities and counties, interpreted FEMA’s rules to mean the federal agency would pay for hotel rooms for unhoused people who were unusually susceptible to the virus — but had not been infected or exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Randy Scott\"]‘[Project Roomkey] changed my life, really.’[/pullquote]Fenton said he sent the October letter spelling out the 20-day cap after seeing the reimbursement requests submitted by California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not new,” he said. “What I’m doing is clarifying the original guidance of the original policy and providing that back to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sent FEMA a letter last month asking the federal agency to reconsider the 20-day cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to maximizing federal aid to local communities and intends to aggressively advocate for FEMA to rescind the decision to deny public assistance to local governments,” Brian Ferguson, a spokesman for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office looks forward to the federal government “honoring its commitments,” spokesman Daniel Lopez added in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the state, which serves as an intermediary between local officials and FEMA, can put pressure on FEMA, it has no authority to force the federal agency to change its mind, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When everything was really bad, and it was top of mind for everyone, FEMA was advising a lot of the applicants that it would provide the necessary support, that the federal government would be there to support the need,” Ellard said. “And now that things have calmed down a bit, the story has changed. I think FEMA and the federal government generally has seen the size and scale of the recovery and the expenses and now is walking back some of the earlier approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October letter also clarified that FEMA would not reimburse cities and counties for unoccupied rooms leased through Roomkey. That’s a tough pill to swallow for local officials, who sometimes had empty quarantine rooms as virus transmission rates fluctuated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Blindsided’ by FEMA’s letter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County didn’t limit how long people could stay in its Roomkey hotel rooms, said Kyle Hammon with the Sacramento County Department of Human Assistance. Until the program ended, people generally were allowed to stay until they got permanent housing or wanted to leave for other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county, for sure, and other counties, I’m sure we all were pretty blindsided by this,” he said of FEMA’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-day cap could force Sacramento County to forfeit nearly $9 million in FEMA reimbursements officials there had been counting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about 1% of the county’s annual discretionary revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to say where exactly the impacts would be felt, but there would be either cuts or, at the very least, missed opportunities,” Patrick Kennedy, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the county spent more than $50 million on Project Roomkey — $8.8 million of which FEMA already reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMA’s choice to introduce a new rule years after counties spent the Roomkey money is “indefensible,” said Susan Ellenberg, president of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Her county could lose nearly $16 million thanks to the 20-day rule and FEMA’s refusal to reimburse for vacant rooms. To make matters worse, the county anticipates a $250 million budget deficit in the next fiscal year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/02/06/labor-health-costs-lead-santa-clara-county-to-project-250-million-deficit-in-upcoming-fiscal-year\">according to The Mercury News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the message is that we can’t count on our federal government to be accountable for promises that have been made and money that was spent in reliance on those promises,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using hotel rooms as shelter is not cheap: \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/img/reports/Final%20PRK%20Report%20Summary.pdf\">Alameda County estimated Project Roomkey costs about $260 per participant per night (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other options to help pay. The state kicked in over $260 million, and counties also used federal CARES Act and American Rescue Plan funding. Some counties, including San Benito, Sutter and Calaveras, ran hotel programs without applying for FEMA funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Scott Murray, California Department of Social Services\"]‘The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented.’[/pullquote]But for most local governments, especially those with the largest homeless populations, FEMA was intended to be a big part of their Roomkey strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the federal agency is poised to deny California governments hundreds of millions of dollars, local officials have limited options. If FEMA denies their claims, they can appeal and even go to arbitration at an administrative court in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process could take a year or more, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries FEMA might even use the 20-day cap to claw back money already paid to counties. If a county can’t pay, it could mean they get less funding during the next disaster, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What would local governments have done differently?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched in 2020, it was meant as an emergency health measure to prevent homeless Californians from dying on the street or in crowded shelters — not as an ongoing housing program. Throughout all of 2020, state officials had to ask FEMA every month to extend the program another 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the pandemic dragged on, cities and counties saw the federally funded hotel rooms as a unique opportunity to stabilize their vulnerable homeless populations. They brought in social workers to help residents get their identification and other paperwork in order and tried to find them permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were more successful at engaging individuals because we had a set location and because they had access to food and shelter,” said Wendy Osikafo, director of the Kings County Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s “primary objective” was providing temporary shelter for 386 people at high risk of COVID-19 complications, Osikafo said the continuity provided by motel rooms helped 95 people move on to long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County is still waiting for more than $8 million from FEMA — the vast majority of the $9.9 million that the Central Valley county spent to shelter people. Changes to the federal agency’s funding rules could “drastically reduce” how much is reimbursed, Osikafo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to move people from Roomkey hotels into long-term housing were far from perfect. In Sacramento County, just 25% of people who left the hotels ended up in permanent homes, compared to 32% who went into other temporary shelters and 41% who landed back on the streets or weren’t tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the program made a major difference for some people. Randy Scott, 59, lived off and on inside a drainage culvert along a San Pablo creek for 10 years. When he wasn’t sleeping there, he was usually in jail — picked up for parole violations stemming from past offenses, including a 2017 assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, he landed a motel room in the East Bay suburb of Pittsburg through Project Roomkey. Scott lived there for about a year. Having a stable place to live allowed him to hold down a job and buy a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life, really,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he works nights as a security guard at a storage facility in Richmond, where he lives in a trailer on the property. During the day, he works for a nonprofit doing outreach at homeless encampments. He has health insurance and paid vacation time, he’s filing taxes, and for the first time in about three decades, he’s no longer under any kind of court supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no way any of that would have happened if he’d been kicked out of his motel room after 20 days, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=news_11953216 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2023/06/061623-UNHOUSED-LOS-ANGELES-AP-DD-KQED-1020x680.jpg']“I needed that time to get a job and help me with my mental health and to get me in contact with services,” he said. “Nothing happens in 20 days in government. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Would state and local officials in California have acted differently if they knew FEMA wouldn’t reimburse lengthy Project Roomkey stays? That’s a tough question, say those involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented,” Scott Murray, deputy director of public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California did not see widespread COVID-19 deaths among its unhoused communities, as experts initially feared. Roomkey also helped set a new standard of care in the state. After seeing how homeless occupants benefited from having a private space with a door that locked — instead of sleeping on a cot in a traditional, crowded shelter — many California homeless service providers are opting to use similar models. Newsom’s latest plan is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> throughout the state as another way to give homeless occupants a private place to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg said she’s sure Roomkey saved lives in Santa Clara County. If they had known from the beginning FEMA wouldn’t pay for longer stays, they might have imposed limits. But it’s hard to imagine a blanket 20-day cap, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we think about what the impact would have been on people with health vulnerabilities, older adults, people with underlying conditions, if we had told them we can help and support you but only for three weeks,” Ellenberg said, “that would have been disastrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hepler contributed to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "When Gov. Newsom launched a plan in 2020 to move unhoused residents into empty hotel rooms to prevent the spread of COVID-19, cities and counties were counting on federal government reimbursements. Now, FEMA says it won't be paying for long-term stays from mid-2021 to 2023.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When California took the unprecedented step in the spring of 2020 to move thousands of homeless residents into hotels to protect them from the ravages of COVID-19, it did so believing the federal government would foot a large chunk of the bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, following what California officials say is an abrupt about-face from the Federal Emergency Management Agency, cities and counties suddenly are on the hook for hundreds of millions of dollars they expected FEMA to cover. At a time when budgets already are tight, it’s left local governments scrambling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be quite a problem in the next few years if something doesn’t change to fix it,” said Wendy Huff Ellard, a disaster recovery lawyer with Baker Donelson who represents several California counties seeking compensation from FEMA.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At issue is a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/FEMA-Oct.-16-2023-reimbursement-letter.pdf\">letter (PDF)\u003c/a> FEMA sent the state in October, saying it would not pay for hotel stays of longer than 20 days between June 11, 2021 and May 11, 2023.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That will cost California state and local governments more than $300 million collectively, according to an estimate from the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means individual cities and counties throughout the state could be out tens of millions (Sonoma County has $32 million at risk, while San Diego County has up to $28 million) or even more (San Francisco estimates the change will cost it $114 million).\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Limiting hotel stays\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2020/04/03/at-newly-converted-motel-governor-newsom-launches-project-roomkey-a-first-in-the-nation-initiative-to-secure-hotel-motel-rooms-to-protect-homeless-individuals-from-covid-19/\">launched the hotel shelter program\u003c/a> — dubbed Project Roomkey — in April 2020, just a month after the COVID-19 pandemic prompted him to \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/3.4.20-Coronavirus-SOE-Proclamation.pdf\">declare a state of emergency (PDF)\u003c/a>. Health experts were terrified that California, with its massive homeless population, would see the virus wreak havoc in crowded shelters and unsanitary encampments. The state rolled out a plan to move unhoused people with COVID-19, as well as those particularly vulnerable to the virus — people who were over 65 or had pre-existing respiratory, immune or other chronic diseases — into empty hotel rooms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Individual cities and counties leased and paid for those hotel rooms with the expectation that FEMA would reimburse them. At first, the federal agency agreed to cover 75% of the cost for eligible expenses, including the rooms and services such as meals, security and cleaning. By January 2021, FEMA agreed to reimburse 100% of those costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11825653/california-found-hotels-for-10000-homeless-residents-what-next\">Roomkey served about 62,000 people throughout the pandemic\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched, FEMA had no rules governing how long someone could stay in a hotel room, according to the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services. Officials there claim FEMA didn’t set the 20-day limit until October 2023, long after the unhoused residents had moved out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In its letter, FEMA said it capped stays between June 2021 and May 2023 because by that time, transmission rates were down, and 20 days were the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s maximum recommended period of quarantine. Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2021/06/11/as-california-fully-reopens-governor-newsom-announces-plans-to-lift-pandemic-executive-orders/\">lifted the state’s stay-at-home order in June 2021\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Things had changed,” said Robert Fenton, regional administrator for FEMA Region 9, in a phone call with CalMatters. “The vaccine was readily available. Testing was readily available.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fenton, who wrote the October letter, insisted FEMA’s policy has not changed — despite the assertions of state officials and multiple cities and counties. Fenton said that from the beginning, the federal agency said it would pay for shelter stays that were based on “health guidance” and limited to what was needed to address immediate threats to health and safety. State and local officials should have known that referred to the CDC guideline of quarantining for up to 20 days — because that’s the policy Newsom and local health departments followed themselves, Fenton said. But there is no evidence FEMA made that 20-day rule explicit prior to October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The CDC’s 20-day quarantine recommendation was for people who had or were exposed to COVID-19. But the state, and California cities and counties, interpreted FEMA’s rules to mean the federal agency would pay for hotel rooms for unhoused people who were unusually susceptible to the virus — but had not been infected or exposed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘[Project Roomkey] changed my life, really.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Fenton said he sent the October letter spelling out the 20-day cap after seeing the reimbursement requests submitted by California cities and counties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not new,” he said. “What I’m doing is clarifying the original guidance of the original policy and providing that back to them.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California officials disagree.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state sent FEMA a letter last month asking the federal agency to reconsider the 20-day cap.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“California is committed to maximizing federal aid to local communities and intends to aggressively advocate for FEMA to rescind the decision to deny public assistance to local governments,” Brian Ferguson, a spokesman for the Governor’s Office of Emergency Services, said in an email to CalMatters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The governor’s office looks forward to the federal government “honoring its commitments,” spokesman Daniel Lopez added in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But while the state, which serves as an intermediary between local officials and FEMA, can put pressure on FEMA, it has no authority to force the federal agency to change its mind, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When everything was really bad, and it was top of mind for everyone, FEMA was advising a lot of the applicants that it would provide the necessary support, that the federal government would be there to support the need,” Ellard said. “And now that things have calmed down a bit, the story has changed. I think FEMA and the federal government generally has seen the size and scale of the recovery and the expenses and now is walking back some of the earlier approvals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The October letter also clarified that FEMA would not reimburse cities and counties for unoccupied rooms leased through Roomkey. That’s a tough pill to swallow for local officials, who sometimes had empty quarantine rooms as virus transmission rates fluctuated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘Blindsided’ by FEMA’s letter\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Sacramento County didn’t limit how long people could stay in its Roomkey hotel rooms, said Kyle Hammon with the Sacramento County Department of Human Assistance. Until the program ended, people generally were allowed to stay until they got permanent housing or wanted to leave for other reasons.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our county, for sure, and other counties, I’m sure we all were pretty blindsided by this,” he said of FEMA’s letter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 20-day cap could force Sacramento County to forfeit nearly $9 million in FEMA reimbursements officials there had been counting on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s about 1% of the county’s annual discretionary revenue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It is difficult to say where exactly the impacts would be felt, but there would be either cuts or, at the very least, missed opportunities,” Patrick Kennedy, chair of the county Board of Supervisors, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In all, the county spent more than $50 million on Project Roomkey — $8.8 million of which FEMA already reimbursed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>FEMA’s choice to introduce a new rule years after counties spent the Roomkey money is “indefensible,” said Susan Ellenberg, president of the Santa Clara County Board of Supervisors. Her county could lose nearly $16 million thanks to the 20-day rule and FEMA’s refusal to reimburse for vacant rooms. To make matters worse, the county anticipates a $250 million budget deficit in the next fiscal year, \u003ca href=\"https://www.mercurynews.com/2024/02/06/labor-health-costs-lead-santa-clara-county-to-project-250-million-deficit-in-upcoming-fiscal-year\">according to The Mercury News\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Unfortunately, the message is that we can’t count on our federal government to be accountable for promises that have been made and money that was spent in reliance on those promises,” Ellenberg said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Using hotel rooms as shelter is not cheap: \u003ca href=\"https://homelessness.acgov.org/homelessness-assets/img/reports/Final%20PRK%20Report%20Summary.pdf\">Alameda County estimated Project Roomkey costs about $260 per participant per night (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were other options to help pay. The state kicked in over $260 million, and counties also used federal CARES Act and American Rescue Plan funding. Some counties, including San Benito, Sutter and Calaveras, ran hotel programs without applying for FEMA funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "‘The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>But for most local governments, especially those with the largest homeless populations, FEMA was intended to be a big part of their Roomkey strategy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now that the federal agency is poised to deny California governments hundreds of millions of dollars, local officials have limited options. If FEMA denies their claims, they can appeal and even go to arbitration at an administrative court in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The process could take a year or more, Ellard said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She worries FEMA might even use the 20-day cap to claw back money already paid to counties. If a county can’t pay, it could mean they get less funding during the next disaster, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What would local governments have done differently?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>When Roomkey launched in 2020, it was meant as an emergency health measure to prevent homeless Californians from dying on the street or in crowded shelters — not as an ongoing housing program. Throughout all of 2020, state officials had to ask FEMA every month to extend the program another 30 days.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as the pandemic dragged on, cities and counties saw the federally funded hotel rooms as a unique opportunity to stabilize their vulnerable homeless populations. They brought in social workers to help residents get their identification and other paperwork in order and tried to find them permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were more successful at engaging individuals because we had a set location and because they had access to food and shelter,” said Wendy Osikafo, director of the Kings County Human Services Agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the county’s “primary objective” was providing temporary shelter for 386 people at high risk of COVID-19 complications, Osikafo said the continuity provided by motel rooms helped 95 people move on to long-term housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kings County is still waiting for more than $8 million from FEMA — the vast majority of the $9.9 million that the Central Valley county spent to shelter people. Changes to the federal agency’s funding rules could “drastically reduce” how much is reimbursed, Osikafo said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attempts to move people from Roomkey hotels into long-term housing were far from perfect. In Sacramento County, just 25% of people who left the hotels ended up in permanent homes, compared to 32% who went into other temporary shelters and 41% who landed back on the streets or weren’t tracked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the program made a major difference for some people. Randy Scott, 59, lived off and on inside a drainage culvert along a San Pablo creek for 10 years. When he wasn’t sleeping there, he was usually in jail — picked up for parole violations stemming from past offenses, including a 2017 assault case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2020, he landed a motel room in the East Bay suburb of Pittsburg through Project Roomkey. Scott lived there for about a year. Having a stable place to live allowed him to hold down a job and buy a car.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It changed my life, really,” Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, he works nights as a security guard at a storage facility in Richmond, where he lives in a trailer on the property. During the day, he works for a nonprofit doing outreach at homeless encampments. He has health insurance and paid vacation time, he’s filing taxes, and for the first time in about three decades, he’s no longer under any kind of court supervision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no way any of that would have happened if he’d been kicked out of his motel room after 20 days, Scott said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“I needed that time to get a job and help me with my mental health and to get me in contact with services,” he said. “Nothing happens in 20 days in government. Nothing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Would state and local officials in California have acted differently if they knew FEMA wouldn’t reimburse lengthy Project Roomkey stays? That’s a tough question, say those involved.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The success of the program in keeping people safe outside of hospital settings is well documented,” Scott Murray, deputy director of public affairs and outreach programs for the California Department of Social Services, said in an email.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California did not see widespread COVID-19 deaths among its unhoused communities, as experts initially feared. Roomkey also helped set a new standard of care in the state. After seeing how homeless occupants benefited from having a private space with a door that locked — instead of sleeping on a cot in a traditional, crowded shelter — many California homeless service providers are opting to use similar models. Newsom’s latest plan is to \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972474/newsom-administration-makes-progress-on-tiny-home-promise\">deploy 1,200 tiny homes\u003c/a> throughout the state as another way to give homeless occupants a private place to shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ellenberg said she’s sure Roomkey saved lives in Santa Clara County. If they had known from the beginning FEMA wouldn’t pay for longer stays, they might have imposed limits. But it’s hard to imagine a blanket 20-day cap, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When we think about what the impact would have been on people with health vulnerabilities, older adults, people with underlying conditions, if we had told them we can help and support you but only for three weeks,” Ellenberg said, “that would have been disastrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Lauren Hepler contributed to this article.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco plans to open its first permanent supportive housing for residents who are sober and in recovery from drug or alcohol addiction, Mayor London Breed announced Thursday alongside recovery advocates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The 149 units at 935 Kearny St. come as overdose deaths have continued to rise in San Francisco and across the West Coast. San Francisco recorded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11972898/2023-was-san-franciscos-deadliest-year-for-drug-overdoses-new-data-confirms\">806 drug overdose deaths\u003c/a> in 2023 — more than in any other year on record. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Shireen McSpadden, executive director, Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing\"]‘… It’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded. We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.’[/pullquote]“We all know it’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a press conference Thursday at Hotel North Beach, where the city’s new units will be located. “We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober living units will be prioritized for people experiencing homelessness who have completed drug treatment programs, as well as people who already live in any of the city’s existing 10,000-plus units of permanent supportive housing and are seeking a sober environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents will be required to meet with social workers on-site to develop “recovery prevention plans,” according to Richard Beal, a recovery advocate and director at the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, which the city contracts with to provide low-income housing. At Hotel North Beach, there will also be recovery-focused group meetings on-site and case workers to support residents in their recovery journey and other health and social needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenderloin Housing Clinic and the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing will oversee the new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so much work to do. We know,” Mayor London Breed said on Thursday. “But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recovery advocates in the city have pushed for Breed to open more housing units for people seeking sober environments. Many people who are sober live in the city’s existing permanent supportive housing, but some say having a community dedicated to supporting their recovery journey could be beneficial. [pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed\"]‘We have so much work to do … But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.’[/pullquote]A recent survey of 450 Tenderloin Housing Clinic residents found that 71% said they would prefer to live in a sober hotel, according to Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, who shared the findings at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a lot of people tell us this is what they want,” McSpadden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening up an all-sober housing option within the city’s permanent supportive housing inventory hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fair housing laws prevent local governments from mandating residents to be sober to access public housing — because that could discriminate against people who are in recovery and make it even harder to access shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around state law barriers, the sober living program at Hotel North Beach will be paid through city dollars from the general fund, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank God that London Breed listened to the community, listened to the people, for having more transitional housing and helping people get to permanent housing,” said Cedric Akbar, a recovery advocate and executive director of Positive Directions Equals Changes. “One size does not fit all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco recently reopened 70 units of permanent supportive housing on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970663/san-franciscos-hope-for-expanding-supportive-housing-treasure-island\">Treasure Island\u003c/a> for people in recovery who had just completed a residential drug treatment program. Residents, however, can’t stay there long term and must leave between six months to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One resident at the Treasure Island site named Craig H. told KQED that having a like-minded community has supported his sobriety. But, he said it can be difficult to maintain sobriety after exiting transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco can help those of us that are getting ready to go back into the world. We need some housing,” Craig H. said. “We don’t need to be thrown back on 16th and Mission. We don’t need just SROs in the Tenderloin. We need a shot at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At North Beach Hotel, the hope is to create more spaces for people who are at a stage of their recovery where a sober community could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case managers and social workers at the hotel will also support residents if they relapse. [aside postID=news_11959733 hero='https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2023/08/RS68436_230829-ODAwareness-26-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg']If someone does relapse, Breed said, “Our goal is not to throw them out and put them on the streets, but to take them out of the environment and place them in another location that could provide more wraparound support services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s press conference was interrupted by six residents and business owners who complained that they were not notified ahead of time of plans to open the sober living site in the neighborhood. The group chanted “no” as Breed walked up to speak and asked why they weren’t informed of the plans before the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McSpadden of HSH said that the city is following its normal process by identifying the site first and then inviting the community to provide feedback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The purchase of the building has yet to be finalized, and the city has until March 7 to conduct outreach and community engagement about concerns and hopes for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be a public meeting on Feb. 20 at the City College Chinatown campus to discuss the plans and gather local input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there have been some people who have not been directly outreached to, but we want to make that commitment today, that our goal is to sit down and have that conversation as we go through the process,” Breed said directly to critics at the press conference Thursday. “This is not about providing anything other than a safe living environment to be clean and sober and to contribute to the businesses and surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "‘… It’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded. We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.’",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We all know it’s very hard to be in recovery when you’re around people who are not like-minded,” said Shireen McSpadden, executive director of the Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing, at a press conference Thursday at Hotel North Beach, where the city’s new units will be located. “We hope this new model will better support people in achieving their goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sober living units will be prioritized for people experiencing homelessness who have completed drug treatment programs, as well as people who already live in any of the city’s existing 10,000-plus units of permanent supportive housing and are seeking a sober environment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents will be required to meet with social workers on-site to develop “recovery prevention plans,” according to Richard Beal, a recovery advocate and director at the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, which the city contracts with to provide low-income housing. At Hotel North Beach, there will also be recovery-focused group meetings on-site and case workers to support residents in their recovery journey and other health and social needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tenderloin Housing Clinic and the city’s Department of Homelessness and Supportive Housing will oversee the new program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have so much work to do. We know,” Mayor London Breed said on Thursday. “But I think a project like this could be a game-changer and very transformative and exciting for so many people who deserve a second chance.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Recovery advocates in the city have pushed for Breed to open more housing units for people seeking sober environments. Many people who are sober live in the city’s existing permanent supportive housing, but some say having a community dedicated to supporting their recovery journey could be beneficial. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>A recent survey of 450 Tenderloin Housing Clinic residents found that 71% said they would prefer to live in a sober hotel, according to Randy Shaw, director of the Tenderloin Housing Clinic, who shared the findings at Thursday’s press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have had a lot of people tell us this is what they want,” McSpadden said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But opening up an all-sober housing option within the city’s permanent supportive housing inventory hasn’t been easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fair housing laws prevent local governments from mandating residents to be sober to access public housing — because that could discriminate against people who are in recovery and make it even harder to access shelter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To get around state law barriers, the sober living program at Hotel North Beach will be paid through city dollars from the general fund, city officials said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I thank God that London Breed listened to the community, listened to the people, for having more transitional housing and helping people get to permanent housing,” said Cedric Akbar, a recovery advocate and executive director of Positive Directions Equals Changes. “One size does not fit all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco recently reopened 70 units of permanent supportive housing on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11970663/san-franciscos-hope-for-expanding-supportive-housing-treasure-island\">Treasure Island\u003c/a> for people in recovery who had just completed a residential drug treatment program. Residents, however, can’t stay there long term and must leave between six months to two years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One resident at the Treasure Island site named Craig H. told KQED that having a like-minded community has supported his sobriety. But, he said it can be difficult to maintain sobriety after exiting transitional housing programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco can help those of us that are getting ready to go back into the world. We need some housing,” Craig H. said. “We don’t need to be thrown back on 16th and Mission. We don’t need just SROs in the Tenderloin. We need a shot at it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At North Beach Hotel, the hope is to create more spaces for people who are at a stage of their recovery where a sober community could help.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Case managers and social workers at the hotel will also support residents if they relapse. \u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>If someone does relapse, Breed said, “Our goal is not to throw them out and put them on the streets, but to take them out of the environment and place them in another location that could provide more wraparound support services.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thursday’s press conference was interrupted by six residents and business owners who complained that they were not notified ahead of time of plans to open the sober living site in the neighborhood. The group chanted “no” as Breed walked up to speak and asked why they weren’t informed of the plans before the press conference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McSpadden of HSH said that the city is following its normal process by identifying the site first and then inviting the community to provide feedback.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The purchase of the building has yet to be finalized, and the city has until March 7 to conduct outreach and community engagement about concerns and hopes for the site.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There will be a public meeting on Feb. 20 at the City College Chinatown campus to discuss the plans and gather local input.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We know there have been some people who have not been directly outreached to, but we want to make that commitment today, that our goal is to sit down and have that conversation as we go through the process,” Breed said directly to critics at the press conference Thursday. “This is not about providing anything other than a safe living environment to be clean and sober and to contribute to the businesses and surrounding community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s primary is just around the corner, on March 5, 2024. This year, there’s a statewide Proposition on your primary ballot, but don’t worry we’ve got you covered. Prop. 1 asks voters two big questions: Should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There’s tons of interesting stuff to dig into on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> California. Primary day is just around the corner on March 5th, and this year Californians have a lot to consider. We’ve got the presidential primary. Of course, there’s a contentious Senate race and lots happening on the local level. And then we’ve got proposition one all about funding for mental health care and housing for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Here’s how prop one will read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Authorizes $6.38 billion in bonds to build mental health treatment facilities for those with mental health and substance use challenges. It provides housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, there are two big questions being asked in this prop should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There is lots of interesting stuff to discuss here. We’ll dig in just ahead on be curious. I’m Olivia Allen Price. It is always a pleasure when prop voting time rolls around, because it means I get to talk to KQED politics correspondent guy Maserati. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> It’s been a minute, but here we are in a big election year. One of the first decisions that California voters are going to make is which way to go on prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That’s right. Proposition one is actually two pretty big ideas that are rolled up into one proposition. So it’s a bond measure. It’s also a reallocation of existing funds. So this was placed on the ballot by the state legislature because they need to go to the voters to get approval if they want to issue a bond. They also need to go to the voters to make a change to a ballot measure that voters previously approved back in 2004. So here we are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’ll go step by step through all the moving parts of this one. But first, guy, can you walk us through the problems that proposition one is aiming to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah. The big idea behind the proposition is focusing state dollars on people who are experiencing homelessness and who have severe behavioral health issues. So we know Californians who are experiencing homelessness. It’s not a monolith. You have people who maybe, you know, fell behind on rent, maybe people who are just looking for an affordable place to live. Prop one is not focused on those folks. But, there are a lot of people who are experiencing homelessness in California who have added challenges on top of that. UCSF did their massive study of the state’s homeless population. They found 27% of people living without shelter have been hospitalized for a mental health issue. They also found 65% of those people who are living without shelter have reported heavy substance abuse. These are the kinds of people who are prop one is aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the idea is that of all the people in the state who are facing mental health challenges, these Californians, the ones who are living on the streets or at risk of living on the streets, are the ones who need to be prioritized. And so that’s where you get to kind of the political piece of all of this, which is that homelessness is a top priority for voters, especially kind of the visible suffering of people that you see on the streets. That’s become such a huge political issue, and it’s become a big issue for the man who is backing prop one. Governor Gavin Newsom, this is part of his kind of big swing to try to fix this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. And broadly, what are we considering in proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So voters are being asked if the state should borrow money to build treatment facilities, build supportive housing, and if it should also change how existing mental health money gets spent, mainly by using more of that mental health money to build housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s dig into the details a bit more now. Like we said a minute ago, this prop has sort of two arms. And I want to start with that first arm the bond. Now a quick bond refresher. A bond is essentially a loan the government takes out to fund certain projects. In this case, it’s a loan the state will pay back with interest over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So prop one would allow the state to borrow money by issuing $6.38 billion in bonds. Most of that money, about $4.4 billion, is going to go towards building treatment facilities. Now, this is for, like we mentioned, the thousands of Californians who have mental health needs, who have substance abuse issues, who are at risk or are actually living on the street. So that could be kind of a short term crisis care facility or longer term, you know, residential facilities, rehab communities and even, you know, some outpatient services. So that’s about 4.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the rest of the measure, roughly 2 billion, that’s going to go towards building affordable apartments that come with kind of onsite behavioral health services. Of that 2 billion. Now we’re breaking this down further. Of that 2 billion. About 1 billion would be specifically for veterans who have behavioral health challenges. So again, we’re talking about helping people who are most visibly suffering, people who are having, you know, psychotic episodes on the street, people who are living in tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So what is all this investment actually going to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Supporters of prop one say by spending this bond money, they’re going to be able to create 4350 housing units, another 6800 treatment slots. Obviously, this is all a drop in the bucket for the overall homeless population in California, which is estimated to be more than 180,000 people. But again, the idea of prop one is a focus less focus on a subgroup of people who are experiencing homelessness. Newsom says prop one is the solution to the decades of unintended consequences that kicked off when California closed its state mental hospitals, but didn’t create alternative places for people to live and get care. Here’s Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> The reforms that took place in the late 50s, in the 60s and the 70s, that bipartisan endeavor around deinstitutionalization. We had a peak 37,000, beds in the state of California in the 60s, 37,000 beds. Today, it’s about 5500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We actually do have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11209729/did-the-emptying-of-mental-hospitals-contribute-to-homelessness-here\">Bay Curious episode about the closing of state mental hospitals and its impact on homelessness\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link in the show notes and transcript for this episode if you want to check that out. Guy, is there more detail on how this money will be allocated, like specific projects or even how much would go to, say, Alameda County versus Los Angeles County or anything like that? Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That all hasn’t been laid out yet. I will say Newsom’s chief of staff, toxic KQED last summer about this prop. She said the administration, even though this had just started to move towards the ballot, they’re already looking at locations to build or refurbish, potential places with this bond money. I think really acknowledging that the process of building anything in California just takes a really long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> [00:06:50] Another discussion for another time. I think it’s always worth remembering that bond money isn’t free if voters approve it. How will this bond impact Californians over time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So California would have to repay the bonds back over 30 years out of the state’s general fund. That’s where all our tax money ends up. And that works out to about $310 million a year, which because we’re talking about a really massive state budget, it’s actually only about one half of 1% of the general fund. Now, the state would have to pay interest on top of all of that. So over the course of three decades, we’d pay about $9 billion, not adjusted for inflation, to pay back what is a $6.38 billion bond on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay, now on to the second arm of proposition one. So this measure would change how money collected for mental health services under Prop 63, which passed in 2004, is distributed. Okay. Start by taking us back 20 years to when voters approved the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, this was really wild for me. Going back and looking at the coverage of that campaign back in 2004, because the issues that the supporters of Prop 63 were trying to address are so similar to what supporters of prop one are talking about right now. It’s basically a feeling that since those state hospitals closed, California really stopped providing the necessary care for people who have these severe mental health challenges. And the result has been those same people end up on the streets, in tents in our county jails. So what the Mental Health Services Act did back in 2004 was create this 1% tax on income over $1 million. It’s since been kind of colloquially known as the millionaires tax. And that created this new bucket of money that the state could use for mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So voters passed the Mental Health Services Act, which generates between two and a half and $3 billion per year. And that money now funds about a third of mental health services budgets for counties around the state. What counties especially like about this money is they have a lot of say in how it gets used. There aren’t a lot of strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Darrell Steinberg, who is currently the mayor of Sacramento back then in 2004, he was in the legislature and actually helped write the original Mental Health Services Act. He says the measure has been successful. It’s paid for a lot of services all across the state, from counseling to drop in centers to early intervention, having people come in to schools and classrooms and help teachers identify kids who might have mental health challenges. But he says the reason that all these years later, he’s now one of the leading supporters of changing it is because there hasn’t been enough focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Darrell Steinberg:\u003c/strong> I think the counties have actually spent the money well, but what they haven’t done is spent it in a way that was focused on the most critical issues affecting our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So the trade off that supporters of prop one are pitching to voters is basically, let’s give up the flexibility in how this money is spent in exchange for adding greater focus, specifically focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Tell me more about how they would limit flexibility that the counties have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So under prop one, if it passes, counties would be required to spend 30% of that millionaire tax money they get from the state, specifically on housing. So that could mean providing rental subsidies, building new housing, converting things like motels into housing with supportive services. So this would leave counties then with less money to spend on some of the other programs and services they’ve been providing in the mental health space. So they need to find the money elsewhere. Or in the case a lot of opponents are concerned about, they would need to scale back or cut some of these programs. Paul Simmons is one of the leaders of the No on prop one campaign. He recently led Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance California, which provides peer support for people with depression bipolar disorder. He says service providers in similar positions are really worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> Adult respite centers and wellness centers are very, very much at risk. All peer support programs are just scared to death right now that they’re going to lose any funding they got from from the MSA funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And you also have county governments who are really concerned about prop one, because right now they’re the ones that are getting this millionaires tax money. They are concerned that more of this money would go to the state. The state wants more say on how the millionaires tax money is spent. So you have many county supervisors who have come out against prop one. They’re concerned that if it passes, they’re going to have to cancel contracts with community based organizations or even perhaps reduce county staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Right now, 95% of that million in our tax money goes to counties. What would that look like under prop one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Under prop one, it would be more like 90% with the state using its cut for things like increasing just the number of mental health care workers. And one other change I should note here is that counties under prop one would be able to spend some of this money on housing for folks who just have drug and alcohol addiction challenges, you know, substance abuse issues. They may not have a dual diagnosis, mental health issue. And right now, all the Mental Health Services Act funding under Prop 63, the millionaires tax, all of that has to be used for people with mental health conditions. This would actually change the name of the entire thing to the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I see, so by calling it the behavioral rather than the Mental Health Services Act, it really broadens out the group of people who could be served by the money guy. Would this increase taxes for anybody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> No. And this is actually what makes this kind of controversial. It doesn’t increase the millionaires tax that funds the current Mental Health Services Act. So opponents of prop one say you have the same pot of money. You’re just stretching it in all these new directions by trying to focus on housing. Now, supporters like Newsom will say, that’s not the whole picture. There are all these other initiatives happening, you know, like Cal Aim, which try to get, for example, health plans to pay for some of these mental health services that prop 63, the Mental Health Services Act, has been doing for the last two. Years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What else do opponents have to say about this one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So I think just like we broke down the measure into a couple parts, it might be helpful to break down where opponents are coming from on this pretty, pretty complex measure. So let’s start with the bonds. You have the state borrowing a lot of money to build these treatment facilities, supportive apartments. So you have conservatives, anti-tax groups like the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They oppose taking on that debt. And then there’s other conservatives who kind of jump on and say, we also don’t agree with the Housing First policy here, which is when someone with, say, a substance abuse problem is given housing before going through treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s another piece of this, which is about what kind of housing can be built with this bond money, because prop one actually allows the money to be spent on locked facilities. These are, you know, places where people might get placed as a result of a conservatorship, where treatment is not voluntary. And this is pretty controversial. You get opposition not from conservatives on this, but you get opposition from groups like Disability Rights California, for example, who say these kind of lock facilities violate civil liberties and don’t have proven outcomes. Now, supporters of prop one say this is not going to be a huge piece of all the new facilities that get built, but that’s really an open question going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And what about the changes to how the existing prop 63 millionaires tax money is spent? Who is opposed to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, that piece of prop one is opposed by some service providers, folks like Paul Simmons, who say if you’re focusing on helping people who are the most visible have the most acute needs, that’s a poor investment. If you’re taking that money from programs that try to provide help with mental health, substance abuse, when people are in school or when they’re in counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> But really, what they’re doing, from my perspective, is to take the money from the early intervention, take it from the upstream part and throw it all into downstream. You know, where people are having more trouble and in fact, forcing more people downstream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And so folks like Simmons are worried that if California puts less funding toward preventative upstream programs that support people you know, before their problems are most severe, we’re actually going to worsen some of the state’s problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who is in support of proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, the biggest name in support is Governor Gavin Newsom. You know, for all the attention he’s gotten on political stunts, campaigning across the country, debating Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, the biggest policy focus he’s had in Sacramento has been at this intersection of behavioral health and homelessness. So just in the last few years, the governor signed bills to create care courts. So this kind of compels treatment, housing for people with severe mental illness. He also signed bills making it easier to place people in a conservative ship. Prop one is the latest step in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> This is, I think, the last big piece. We’ve got we’ve just we’ve radically changed the way we’re doing business. We created more flexibility, more tools, more accountability, more resources. Now we just we need more beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And I think what’s notable about prop one is just the size of the coalition supporting it. So both these ideas, the bond measure and then these changes to mental health spending. They both passed with huge majorities in the legislature last year. Support from Democrats, support from Republicans. Now, you might say like, oh, when the governor comes out and says, this is my top priority, everyone’s going to get in line. But I also think it’s a fact that the broken status quo, we see people just visibly suffering on the street. That touches a lot of different parts of society. So you have, you know, leaders of California hospitals supporting this. They see many of these residents end up in their emergency rooms. You have groups representing firefighters, law enforcement behind this. They often get called to respond when someone is having a mental health episode. And then you have what might be the biggest group of backers, which are mayors. You know, they feel directly, you know, accountable to voters for what residents see on the street. And it’s why you have mayors like London Breed in San Francisco so vocally in support of prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed:\u003c/strong> I was just out in the Tenderloin and San Francisco, and it is clear that we need people to get the support that they need, especially those suffering from mental health and substance use disorder. Let’s get into campaign spending. What does it look like on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Prop spending is very lopsided for this prop. You have supporters having raised more than $11 million to help push this measure through. Opponents, on the other hand, just about $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Wow. So really kind of David and Goliath on the on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> On the spending front for sure. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, KQED political correspondent Guy Maserati, always a pleasure. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In a nutshell, a vote yes on proposition one means you’d like to see funds from an existing tax on millionaires used not just for mental health care, but also people facing drug or alcohol challenges. You’d also like those funds to be used for housing people needing mental health or substance abuse care. Finally, you’d like California to borrow $6.4 billion to pay for more mental health and substance abuse treatment facilities and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A vote no on proposition one means you’d like to keep the Mental Health Services Act in its current form, and or you do not want California to issue that $6.4 billion bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All right. We really hope that helped you make sense of what you’ll be voting on. Again, Election Day is March 5th, but ballots should be in your mailbox soon if they haven’t arrived yet. If you found this episode helpful, do us a favor and tell your friends all about it or share it out on your social media accounts. Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re already gearing up for our full sized Prop Fest series during the upcoming general election. If you’ve got questions about a prop, another race, or any other voting issue in California, head over to Bay curious.org and use the form at the top of the page to send that question our way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Bill and me Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from Jen Chen, Katie Springer, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanford, Hollie Kernan and the whole KQED family. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. Best of luck in your decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Prop 1 asks voters two big questions: Should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities?",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s primary is just around the corner, on March 5, 2024. This year, there’s a statewide Proposition on your primary ballot, but don’t worry we’ve got you covered. Prop. 1 asks voters two big questions: Should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There’s tons of interesting stuff to dig into on this one.\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-content post-body\">\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> California. Primary day is just around the corner on March 5th, and this year Californians have a lot to consider. We’ve got the presidential primary. Of course, there’s a contentious Senate race and lots happening on the local level. And then we’ve got proposition one all about funding for mental health care and housing for the state’s most vulnerable residents. Here’s how prop one will read on your ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Voice Over:\u003c/strong> Authorizes $6.38 billion in bonds to build mental health treatment facilities for those with mental health and substance use challenges. It provides housing for the homeless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Now, there are two big questions being asked in this prop should mental health funding be used for housing? And should the state borrow money to build more housing and treatment facilities? There is lots of interesting stuff to discuss here. We’ll dig in just ahead on be curious. I’m Olivia Allen Price. It is always a pleasure when prop voting time rolls around, because it means I get to talk to KQED politics correspondent guy Maserati. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Hey, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> It’s been a minute, but here we are in a big election year. One of the first decisions that California voters are going to make is which way to go on prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That’s right. Proposition one is actually two pretty big ideas that are rolled up into one proposition. So it’s a bond measure. It’s also a reallocation of existing funds. So this was placed on the ballot by the state legislature because they need to go to the voters to get approval if they want to issue a bond. They also need to go to the voters to make a change to a ballot measure that voters previously approved back in 2004. So here we are.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We’ll go step by step through all the moving parts of this one. But first, guy, can you walk us through the problems that proposition one is aiming to solve?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah. The big idea behind the proposition is focusing state dollars on people who are experiencing homelessness and who have severe behavioral health issues. So we know Californians who are experiencing homelessness. It’s not a monolith. You have people who maybe, you know, fell behind on rent, maybe people who are just looking for an affordable place to live. Prop one is not focused on those folks. But, there are a lot of people who are experiencing homelessness in California who have added challenges on top of that. UCSF did their massive study of the state’s homeless population. They found 27% of people living without shelter have been hospitalized for a mental health issue. They also found 65% of those people who are living without shelter have reported heavy substance abuse. These are the kinds of people who are prop one is aimed at helping.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So the idea is that of all the people in the state who are facing mental health challenges, these Californians, the ones who are living on the streets or at risk of living on the streets, are the ones who need to be prioritized. And so that’s where you get to kind of the political piece of all of this, which is that homelessness is a top priority for voters, especially kind of the visible suffering of people that you see on the streets. That’s become such a huge political issue, and it’s become a big issue for the man who is backing prop one. Governor Gavin Newsom, this is part of his kind of big swing to try to fix this issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay. And broadly, what are we considering in proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So voters are being asked if the state should borrow money to build treatment facilities, build supportive housing, and if it should also change how existing mental health money gets spent, mainly by using more of that mental health money to build housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Let’s dig into the details a bit more now. Like we said a minute ago, this prop has sort of two arms. And I want to start with that first arm the bond. Now a quick bond refresher. A bond is essentially a loan the government takes out to fund certain projects. In this case, it’s a loan the state will pay back with interest over the next 30 years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So prop one would allow the state to borrow money by issuing $6.38 billion in bonds. Most of that money, about $4.4 billion, is going to go towards building treatment facilities. Now, this is for, like we mentioned, the thousands of Californians who have mental health needs, who have substance abuse issues, who are at risk or are actually living on the street. So that could be kind of a short term crisis care facility or longer term, you know, residential facilities, rehab communities and even, you know, some outpatient services. So that’s about 4.4 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then the rest of the measure, roughly 2 billion, that’s going to go towards building affordable apartments that come with kind of onsite behavioral health services. Of that 2 billion. Now we’re breaking this down further. Of that 2 billion. About 1 billion would be specifically for veterans who have behavioral health challenges. So again, we’re talking about helping people who are most visibly suffering, people who are having, you know, psychotic episodes on the street, people who are living in tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So what is all this investment actually going to do?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Supporters of prop one say by spending this bond money, they’re going to be able to create 4350 housing units, another 6800 treatment slots. Obviously, this is all a drop in the bucket for the overall homeless population in California, which is estimated to be more than 180,000 people. But again, the idea of prop one is a focus less focus on a subgroup of people who are experiencing homelessness. Newsom says prop one is the solution to the decades of unintended consequences that kicked off when California closed its state mental hospitals, but didn’t create alternative places for people to live and get care. Here’s Newsom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> The reforms that took place in the late 50s, in the 60s and the 70s, that bipartisan endeavor around deinstitutionalization. We had a peak 37,000, beds in the state of California in the 60s, 37,000 beds. Today, it’s about 5500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We actually do have a \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11209729/did-the-emptying-of-mental-hospitals-contribute-to-homelessness-here\">Bay Curious episode about the closing of state mental hospitals and its impact on homelessness\u003c/a>. We’ll put a link in the show notes and transcript for this episode if you want to check that out. Guy, is there more detail on how this money will be allocated, like specific projects or even how much would go to, say, Alameda County versus Los Angeles County or anything like that? Right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> That all hasn’t been laid out yet. I will say Newsom’s chief of staff, toxic KQED last summer about this prop. She said the administration, even though this had just started to move towards the ballot, they’re already looking at locations to build or refurbish, potential places with this bond money. I think really acknowledging that the process of building anything in California just takes a really long time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> [00:06:50] Another discussion for another time. I think it’s always worth remembering that bond money isn’t free if voters approve it. How will this bond impact Californians over time?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Right. So California would have to repay the bonds back over 30 years out of the state’s general fund. That’s where all our tax money ends up. And that works out to about $310 million a year, which because we’re talking about a really massive state budget, it’s actually only about one half of 1% of the general fund. Now, the state would have to pay interest on top of all of that. So over the course of three decades, we’d pay about $9 billion, not adjusted for inflation, to pay back what is a $6.38 billion bond on the ballot?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Okay, now on to the second arm of proposition one. So this measure would change how money collected for mental health services under Prop 63, which passed in 2004, is distributed. Okay. Start by taking us back 20 years to when voters approved the Mental Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, this was really wild for me. Going back and looking at the coverage of that campaign back in 2004, because the issues that the supporters of Prop 63 were trying to address are so similar to what supporters of prop one are talking about right now. It’s basically a feeling that since those state hospitals closed, California really stopped providing the necessary care for people who have these severe mental health challenges. And the result has been those same people end up on the streets, in tents in our county jails. So what the Mental Health Services Act did back in 2004 was create this 1% tax on income over $1 million. It’s since been kind of colloquially known as the millionaires tax. And that created this new bucket of money that the state could use for mental health services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> So voters passed the Mental Health Services Act, which generates between two and a half and $3 billion per year. And that money now funds about a third of mental health services budgets for counties around the state. What counties especially like about this money is they have a lot of say in how it gets used. There aren’t a lot of strings attached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Darrell Steinberg, who is currently the mayor of Sacramento back then in 2004, he was in the legislature and actually helped write the original Mental Health Services Act. He says the measure has been successful. It’s paid for a lot of services all across the state, from counseling to drop in centers to early intervention, having people come in to schools and classrooms and help teachers identify kids who might have mental health challenges. But he says the reason that all these years later, he’s now one of the leading supporters of changing it is because there hasn’t been enough focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Darrell Steinberg:\u003c/strong> I think the counties have actually spent the money well, but what they haven’t done is spent it in a way that was focused on the most critical issues affecting our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So the trade off that supporters of prop one are pitching to voters is basically, let’s give up the flexibility in how this money is spent in exchange for adding greater focus, specifically focus on housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Tell me more about how they would limit flexibility that the counties have.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So under prop one, if it passes, counties would be required to spend 30% of that millionaire tax money they get from the state, specifically on housing. So that could mean providing rental subsidies, building new housing, converting things like motels into housing with supportive services. So this would leave counties then with less money to spend on some of the other programs and services they’ve been providing in the mental health space. So they need to find the money elsewhere. Or in the case a lot of opponents are concerned about, they would need to scale back or cut some of these programs. Paul Simmons is one of the leaders of the No on prop one campaign. He recently led Depression and Bipolar Support Alliance California, which provides peer support for people with depression bipolar disorder. He says service providers in similar positions are really worried.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> Adult respite centers and wellness centers are very, very much at risk. All peer support programs are just scared to death right now that they’re going to lose any funding they got from from the MSA funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And you also have county governments who are really concerned about prop one, because right now they’re the ones that are getting this millionaires tax money. They are concerned that more of this money would go to the state. The state wants more say on how the millionaires tax money is spent. So you have many county supervisors who have come out against prop one. They’re concerned that if it passes, they’re going to have to cancel contracts with community based organizations or even perhaps reduce county staff.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Right now, 95% of that million in our tax money goes to counties. What would that look like under prop one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Under prop one, it would be more like 90% with the state using its cut for things like increasing just the number of mental health care workers. And one other change I should note here is that counties under prop one would be able to spend some of this money on housing for folks who just have drug and alcohol addiction challenges, you know, substance abuse issues. They may not have a dual diagnosis, mental health issue. And right now, all the Mental Health Services Act funding under Prop 63, the millionaires tax, all of that has to be used for people with mental health conditions. This would actually change the name of the entire thing to the Behavioral Health Services Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I see, so by calling it the behavioral rather than the Mental Health Services Act, it really broadens out the group of people who could be served by the money guy. Would this increase taxes for anybody?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> No. And this is actually what makes this kind of controversial. It doesn’t increase the millionaires tax that funds the current Mental Health Services Act. So opponents of prop one say you have the same pot of money. You’re just stretching it in all these new directions by trying to focus on housing. Now, supporters like Newsom will say, that’s not the whole picture. There are all these other initiatives happening, you know, like Cal Aim, which try to get, for example, health plans to pay for some of these mental health services that prop 63, the Mental Health Services Act, has been doing for the last two. Years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> What else do opponents have to say about this one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> So I think just like we broke down the measure into a couple parts, it might be helpful to break down where opponents are coming from on this pretty, pretty complex measure. So let’s start with the bonds. You have the state borrowing a lot of money to build these treatment facilities, supportive apartments. So you have conservatives, anti-tax groups like the Howard Jarvis Taxpayers Association. They oppose taking on that debt. And then there’s other conservatives who kind of jump on and say, we also don’t agree with the Housing First policy here, which is when someone with, say, a substance abuse problem is given housing before going through treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And then there’s another piece of this, which is about what kind of housing can be built with this bond money, because prop one actually allows the money to be spent on locked facilities. These are, you know, places where people might get placed as a result of a conservatorship, where treatment is not voluntary. And this is pretty controversial. You get opposition not from conservatives on this, but you get opposition from groups like Disability Rights California, for example, who say these kind of lock facilities violate civil liberties and don’t have proven outcomes. Now, supporters of prop one say this is not going to be a huge piece of all the new facilities that get built, but that’s really an open question going forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And what about the changes to how the existing prop 63 millionaires tax money is spent? Who is opposed to that?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, that piece of prop one is opposed by some service providers, folks like Paul Simmons, who say if you’re focusing on helping people who are the most visible have the most acute needs, that’s a poor investment. If you’re taking that money from programs that try to provide help with mental health, substance abuse, when people are in school or when they’re in counseling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Paul Simmons:\u003c/strong> But really, what they’re doing, from my perspective, is to take the money from the early intervention, take it from the upstream part and throw it all into downstream. You know, where people are having more trouble and in fact, forcing more people downstream.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And so folks like Simmons are worried that if California puts less funding toward preventative upstream programs that support people you know, before their problems are most severe, we’re actually going to worsen some of the state’s problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And who is in support of proposition one?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Yeah, the biggest name in support is Governor Gavin Newsom. You know, for all the attention he’s gotten on political stunts, campaigning across the country, debating Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, the biggest policy focus he’s had in Sacramento has been at this intersection of behavioral health and homelessness. So just in the last few years, the governor signed bills to create care courts. So this kind of compels treatment, housing for people with severe mental illness. He also signed bills making it easier to place people in a conservative ship. Prop one is the latest step in that direction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Gavin Newsom:\u003c/strong> This is, I think, the last big piece. We’ve got we’ve just we’ve radically changed the way we’re doing business. We created more flexibility, more tools, more accountability, more resources. Now we just we need more beds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> And I think what’s notable about prop one is just the size of the coalition supporting it. So both these ideas, the bond measure and then these changes to mental health spending. They both passed with huge majorities in the legislature last year. Support from Democrats, support from Republicans. Now, you might say like, oh, when the governor comes out and says, this is my top priority, everyone’s going to get in line. But I also think it’s a fact that the broken status quo, we see people just visibly suffering on the street. That touches a lot of different parts of society. So you have, you know, leaders of California hospitals supporting this. They see many of these residents end up in their emergency rooms. You have groups representing firefighters, law enforcement behind this. They often get called to respond when someone is having a mental health episode. And then you have what might be the biggest group of backers, which are mayors. You know, they feel directly, you know, accountable to voters for what residents see on the street. And it’s why you have mayors like London Breed in San Francisco so vocally in support of prop one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>London Breed:\u003c/strong> I was just out in the Tenderloin and San Francisco, and it is clear that we need people to get the support that they need, especially those suffering from mental health and substance use disorder. Let’s get into campaign spending. What does it look like on this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Prop spending is very lopsided for this prop. You have supporters having raised more than $11 million to help push this measure through. Opponents, on the other hand, just about $1,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Wow. So really kind of David and Goliath on the on spending.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> On the spending front for sure. Yeah.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> All right. Well, KQED political correspondent Guy Maserati, always a pleasure. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Guy Marzorati:\u003c/strong> Thanks, Olivia.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> In a nutshell, a vote yes on proposition one means you’d like to see funds from an existing tax on millionaires used not just for mental health care, but also people facing drug or alcohol challenges. You’d also like those funds to be used for housing people needing mental health or substance abuse care. Finally, you’d like California to borrow $6.4 billion to pay for more mental health and substance abuse treatment facilities and housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A vote no on proposition one means you’d like to keep the Mental Health Services Act in its current form, and or you do not want California to issue that $6.4 billion bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All right. We really hope that helped you make sense of what you’ll be voting on. Again, Election Day is March 5th, but ballots should be in your mailbox soon if they haven’t arrived yet. If you found this episode helpful, do us a favor and tell your friends all about it or share it out on your social media accounts. Thanks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’re already gearing up for our full sized Prop Fest series during the upcoming general election. If you’ve got questions about a prop, another race, or any other voting issue in California, head over to Bay curious.org and use the form at the top of the page to send that question our way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay curious is made in San Francisco at member supported KQED. Our show is produced by Katrina Schwartz, Christopher Bill and me Olivia Allen Price. Additional support from Jen Chen, Katie Springer, Cesar Saldana, Maha Sanford, Hollie Kernan and the whole KQED family. I’m Olivia Ellen Price. Best of luck in your decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/div>"
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"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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