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"content": "\u003cp>It’s a hard time to find an affordable place in the city. Rents have \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2012/10/23/109957/san_francisco_rental_market_drives_applicants_to_extremes?category=economy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">climbed 10 percent\u003c/a>at a time of year when they’re normally going down. Exacerbating the problem, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfredevelopment.org/index.aspx?page=75\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lost millions of dollars\u003c/a> in low-income housing funding when Gov. Jerry Brown dissolved redevelopment agencies back in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, “affordable housing” is mainly a network of low-cost apartments spread throughout the city that house a variety of residents from the elderly, disabled, veterans, families, formerly homeless to immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when there was redevelopment funding, it was still difficult for low-income residents to land an apartment. For instance at Crocker Amazon Seniors \u003ca href=\"https://mail.kqed.org/owa/redir.aspx?C=e1d59af7daae4cd08611543a75604eaf&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.sfgate.com%2frealestate%2frentals\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apartments\u003c/a> there were 1,600 applicants for 37 studio and one-bedroom apartments when it opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/election2012/2012/10/23/san-francisco-propositions-local-races/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition C\u003c/a> on the Nov. 6 ballot are asking voters to earmark funding for affordable housing and down payment assistance. \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmayor.org/\">Mayor Ed Lee’s\u003c/a> proposal would create a Housing Trust Fund which would amount to $1.4 billion over the next 30 years. It would develop 30,000 affordable rental units over the next three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to see who Proposition C would directly impact, The California Report’s advanced intern Catherine Borgeson visited residents under the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfccho.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Council of Community Housing Organizations\u003c/a>, which includes 20 non-profit housing organizations and religious groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79507\" title=\"Fred-and-Jem\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Fred-and-Jem.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Fred DeJamco (age 40) and Jeamylee DeJamco (age 42)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: The Curran House, Studio apartment for three people\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: 30 percent of income\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred DeJamco, his wife Jeamylee and their 10 year-old son Jeremy have lived in their studio apartment for almost two years. Prior to the Curran House, they lived at a different \u003ca href=\"http://www.tndc.org/\">Tenderloin Neighborhood Development Corporation\u003c/a> (TNDC) building called Franciscan Towers. A fire broke out at the Franciscan Towers last year, displacing all of the residents (more than 100 households). The DeJamcos were entered into a lottery along with the other displaced tenants. They were relocated to the Curran House with the winning ticket #29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->The Curran House is an affordable housing development for low-income families. It is a 67-unit complex with 14 studios, 15 one-bedrooms, 14 two-bedrooms and 24 three-bedroom apartments. Residents have access to on-site support services such as after school programs and social workers. It was completed in 2005 and cost $22.6 million to develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79508\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Lorenzo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79509\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Gabby-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Lorenzo Listana (age 52) and Gabbie Listana (age 4)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: The Curran House, 3-bedroom apartment for four people\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $1,222/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorenzo Listana and his family have lived in the Tenderloin for the past six years. After immigrating to San Francisco from the Philippines, Listana began organizing Filipinos in the community. In September 2010 he became a Community Organizer for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tndc.org/\">TNDC\u003c/a>. Listana oversees the roof-top community garden for the Curran House residents. Currently his two sons, Nicu (age 19) and Paolo (age 20), live away from home to attend college while he, his wife Cecil (age 45) and his two younger daughters, Gabbie and Precious (age 15), live together in their three bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79510\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Connie-take-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Connie Moy (age 82)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Maria Manor, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $300/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie Moy has lived in the Maria Manor for the past 16 years. Her 150 square-foot unit is on the top floor overlooking the city. The room includes a kitchenette and a bathroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie Moy came to San Francisco after retiring as a Blackjack dealer in Reno, Nevada. She immigrated to the United States from China in 1947. She has seven children, 14 grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. She volunteers her free time by distributing produce and making coffee for fellow Maria Manor residents. She also acts as a translator for many of her neighbors—approximately 40 percent of the tenants are monolingual Chinese speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Maria Manor is a 119-unit complex for extremely low-income and disabled seniors. Renovation of this development was completed in 2003 at the cost of $12.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79511\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Guizhi.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Guizhi Shen (age 82)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Maria Manor, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $300/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guizhi Shen has lived across the hallway from Connie Moy for the past 14 years. Her unit is the mirror-image of her neighbor’s but she has a view of trees rather than buildings. Before coming to San Francisco, Guizhi Shen was an Opera singer in Shenghui, China. She is actively involved with a social club for Maria Manor residents from Shenghui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79512\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/ralph.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Ralph Reyes (age 64)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Bishop Swing Community House, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $380/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Reyes has lived at the Bishop Swing Community House for the past year. Before renting his 349 square-foot unit, he lived with his grandmother for six years. After she passed away, he spent the next 18 months staying at two to three different shelters. Reyes served as a cook in the Army during the Korean War. His income comes from his pension, disability and unemployment benefits. His goals include focusing on his health and practicing the guitar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bishop Swing Community House is home to 134 formerly homeless men and women. Each unit is single room occupancy and includes a mini-kitchen (no oven) and full private bathroom. Case workers and clinicians are available to help residents retain their housing. The 88,000 square foot building is property to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ecs-sf.org/aboutus.html\">Episcopal Community Services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"title": "Portrait Gallery: Faces of San Francisco Affordable Housing | KQED",
"description": "It's a hard time to find an affordable place in the city. Rents have climbed 10 percentat a time of year when they're normally going down. Exacerbating the problem, San Francisco lost millions of dollars in low-income housing funding when Gov. Jerry Brown dissolved redevelopment agencies back in February. In San Francisco, "affordable housing" is mainly a network of low-cost apartments spread throughout the city that house a variety of residents from the elderly, disabled, veterans, families, formerly homeless to immigrants. Even when there was redevelopment funding, it was still difficult for low-income residents to land an apartment. For instance at",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s a hard time to find an affordable place in the city. Rents have \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2012/10/23/109957/san_francisco_rental_market_drives_applicants_to_extremes?category=economy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">climbed 10 percent\u003c/a>at a time of year when they’re normally going down. Exacerbating the problem, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfredevelopment.org/index.aspx?page=75\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">lost millions of dollars\u003c/a> in low-income housing funding when Gov. Jerry Brown dissolved redevelopment agencies back in February.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, “affordable housing” is mainly a network of low-cost apartments spread throughout the city that house a variety of residents from the elderly, disabled, veterans, families, formerly homeless to immigrants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even when there was redevelopment funding, it was still difficult for low-income residents to land an apartment. For instance at Crocker Amazon Seniors \u003ca href=\"https://mail.kqed.org/owa/redir.aspx?C=e1d59af7daae4cd08611543a75604eaf&URL=http%3a%2f%2fwww.sfgate.com%2frealestate%2frentals\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Apartments\u003c/a> there were 1,600 applicants for 37 studio and one-bedroom apartments when it opened in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of \u003ca href=\"http://blogs.kqed.org/election2012/2012/10/23/san-francisco-propositions-local-races/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition C\u003c/a> on the Nov. 6 ballot are asking voters to earmark funding for affordable housing and down payment assistance. \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfmayor.org/\">Mayor Ed Lee’s\u003c/a> proposal would create a Housing Trust Fund which would amount to $1.4 billion over the next 30 years. It would develop 30,000 affordable rental units over the next three decades.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In an effort to see who Proposition C would directly impact, The California Report’s advanced intern Catherine Borgeson visited residents under the \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfccho.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">San Francisco Council of Community Housing Organizations\u003c/a>, which includes 20 non-profit housing organizations and religious groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79507\" title=\"Fred-and-Jem\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Fred-and-Jem.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Fred DeJamco (age 40) and Jeamylee DeJamco (age 42)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: The Curran House, Studio apartment for three people\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: 30 percent of income\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fred DeJamco, his wife Jeamylee and their 10 year-old son Jeremy have lived in their studio apartment for almost two years. Prior to the Curran House, they lived at a different \u003ca href=\"http://www.tndc.org/\">Tenderloin Neighborhood Development Corporation\u003c/a> (TNDC) building called Franciscan Towers. A fire broke out at the Franciscan Towers last year, displacing all of the residents (more than 100 households). The DeJamcos were entered into a lottery along with the other displaced tenants. They were relocated to the Curran House with the winning ticket #29.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->The Curran House is an affordable housing development for low-income families. It is a 67-unit complex with 14 studios, 15 one-bedrooms, 14 two-bedrooms and 24 three-bedroom apartments. Residents have access to on-site support services such as after school programs and social workers. It was completed in 2005 and cost $22.6 million to develop.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79508\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Lorenzo.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79509\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Gabby-1.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Lorenzo Listana (age 52) and Gabbie Listana (age 4)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: The Curran House, 3-bedroom apartment for four people\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $1,222/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lorenzo Listana and his family have lived in the Tenderloin for the past six years. After immigrating to San Francisco from the Philippines, Listana began organizing Filipinos in the community. In September 2010 he became a Community Organizer for the \u003ca href=\"http://www.tndc.org/\">TNDC\u003c/a>. Listana oversees the roof-top community garden for the Curran House residents. Currently his two sons, Nicu (age 19) and Paolo (age 20), live away from home to attend college while he, his wife Cecil (age 45) and his two younger daughters, Gabbie and Precious (age 15), live together in their three bedroom apartment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79510\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Connie-take-2.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Connie Moy (age 82)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Maria Manor, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $300/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie Moy has lived in the Maria Manor for the past 16 years. Her 150 square-foot unit is on the top floor overlooking the city. The room includes a kitchenette and a bathroom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Connie Moy came to San Francisco after retiring as a Blackjack dealer in Reno, Nevada. She immigrated to the United States from China in 1947. She has seven children, 14 grandchildren and two great-grandchildren. She volunteers her free time by distributing produce and making coffee for fellow Maria Manor residents. She also acts as a translator for many of her neighbors—approximately 40 percent of the tenants are monolingual Chinese speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Maria Manor is a 119-unit complex for extremely low-income and disabled seniors. Renovation of this development was completed in 2003 at the cost of $12.7 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79511\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/Guizhi.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Guizhi Shen (age 82)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Maria Manor, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $300/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Guizhi Shen has lived across the hallway from Connie Moy for the past 14 years. Her unit is the mirror-image of her neighbor’s but she has a view of trees rather than buildings. Before coming to San Francisco, Guizhi Shen was an Opera singer in Shenghui, China. She is actively involved with a social club for Maria Manor residents from Shenghui.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-79512\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/ralph.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"640\" height=\"426\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Name\u003c/strong>: Ralph Reyes (age 64)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Housing\u003c/strong>: Bishop Swing Community House, Studio apartment for one person\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Rent\u003c/strong>: $380/month\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ralph Reyes has lived at the Bishop Swing Community House for the past year. Before renting his 349 square-foot unit, he lived with his grandmother for six years. After she passed away, he spent the next 18 months staying at two to three different shelters. Reyes served as a cook in the Army during the Korean War. His income comes from his pension, disability and unemployment benefits. His goals include focusing on his health and practicing the guitar.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bishop Swing Community House is home to 134 formerly homeless men and women. Each unit is single room occupancy and includes a mini-kitchen (no oven) and full private bathroom. Case workers and clinicians are available to help residents retain their housing. The 88,000 square foot building is property to the \u003ca href=\"http://www.ecs-sf.org/aboutus.html\">Episcopal Community Services\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Calif. Lawmakers Altered Their Votes 5,000 Times After Bills Passed or Failed; Master List of Vote Changes",
"title": "Calif. Lawmakers Altered Their Votes 5,000 Times After Bills Passed or Failed; Master List of Vote Changes",
"headTitle": "News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — In a closely contested state Senate campaign, Assemblywoman Cathleen Galgiani has been urging voters to judge her on her legislative achievements, saying on her website that she is \"proud to have a record of standing up for the people of my district.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_78900\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 195px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/capitolFront.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/capitolFront.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"capitolFront\" width=\"195\" height=\"130\" class=\"size-full wp-image-78900\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Capitol building\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Voters who try to examine the record of the Central Valley Democrat may come away with the wrong impression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would not be able to tell that Galgiani remained silent during 136 votes, adding her vote to those pieces of legislation only after the bills had already passed or failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/10/24/calif-lawmakers-altered-their-votes-5000-times-after-bills-passed-or-failed/#list\">\u003cstrong>List of vote-switches by assemblymember\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nor would they see that she voted against a welfare to work bill supported by her party and voted for the establishment of a new school efficiency and greenhouse gas reduction fund. The reason: She changed her votes after the fact on both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her opponent in the 5th Senate District race, Republican Assemblyman Bill Berryhill, also did it, although less frequently. He added his vote to legislation that had already passed or failed 47 times this year and changed his vote twice. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I try not to make it a practice,\" he said. \"I don't think you want to play too many games up there. You should pretty much be making decisions before you get to the floor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galgiani's legislative office referred inquiries on the subject to her campaign manager, Tom Lawson, who declined a request for comment from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those votes are among the 5,000 vote changes or additions made during this year's legislative session by lawmakers in the state Assembly, according to an analysis by the AP. Critics say the practice allows lawmakers to mislead their constituents by changing the official record of how they acted on specific pieces of legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, based on the AP's own tracking of every Assembly vote cast in 2012, revealed a number of patterns, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Lawmakers running for a new seat in November were the most likely to switch their votes. Of the top 15 vote changers, 11 are seeking a new office outside of the Assembly. Of the 15 lawmakers who switched votes least often, 11 plan to stay put, although every member of the Assembly must run for their seats again this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Lawmakers regularly changed their votes on bills dealing with powerful lobbies or hot-button social issues. Among the bills that generated the most action after-the-fact were AB1963, which would have required the state to look into extending the sales tax to services, and AB1166, which would have prevented schools from including students' test scores on their ID cards and was supported by teachers unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Republicans, the minority party in both houses of the Legislature, switched their votes at more than twice the rate as Democrats. GOP lawmakers accounted for about 65 percent of the 220 vote switches, although they make up just 35 percent of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All lawmakers in California's 80-member Assembly are allowed to change or add votes after the fate of a bill has been decided an unlimited number of times, as long as it does not change the outcome of whether a bill passes or fails. The state Senate allows such changes only by the Democratic and Republican leaders in that house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of at least 10 state legislative bodies nationwide in which some lawmakers can amend their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galgiani was among the top 10 lawmakers to add or switch their votes after the official tally. Other lawmakers who are running for office this year were among the most frequent vote-changers, including Democratic state Assemblyman Jared Huffman, who is running for a congressional seat. He changed his vote 144 times, more than twice the average rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of this year's most contentious bills drew unusually high numbers of vote changes or additions once they had been voted up or down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Examples include AB1761, legislation related to setting up California's health care exchange, part of the federal health care overhaul, and AB1707, which will allow certain people who had been designated as child abusers when they were minors to have their names removed from a state registry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of the child-abuse bill, lawmakers of both parties may have feared the soft-on-crime label if they voted for it. In the end, most appeared to agree with its author that the change was a common-sense fix that would lift a tremendous burden from people who had been unfairly placed on the list, including foster kids who had gotten into fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official tally shows 64 of the 80 Assembly members voted for the legislation. But when the bill was on the floor of the Legislature, so many members avoided voting that it passed by just a single vote, with 41 ayes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Stern, the former president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles, said average voters have no idea their representatives reverse positions on bills or can add a \"yes\" or \"no\" vote after the legislation had been decided. The information is difficult to piece together, especially for vote additions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're counting on nobody watching,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP tracked each vote made in this year's session by manually entering them into a database using information that is recorded in the Assembly's daily file. All 80 Assembly members added or changed votes on at least one of the 1,100 bills that came to the floor this year, but some did so more than 100 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers say the vote changing is a sign of absentmindedness, such as when they accidentally vote the wrong way, follow others in their party without carefully examining legislation or misunderstand the intent of a bill. Others note that they are sometimes unable to be on the floor when legislation comes up for a vote and want to add their voice for or against it later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's one of those things where your heart and your head are in conflict,\" said Assemblyman Das Williams, explaining why he pushed the \"yes\" button for a hotly debated farmworkers rights bill, then took his name off the official vote count after the legislation fell short of passage in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Barbara Democrat said his heart was with the laborers — he voted yes the first time the proposal came to the floor — but his head was with the farmers in his district who had lobbied him to oppose AB1313, which would have entitled agricultural laborers to overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the midst of that confusion, he said, his finger slipped and he accidentally hit the \"yes\" button during the final vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That particular bill drew 26 additions from Assembly members after the official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Mary Hayashi, D-Hayward, who is seeking a seat on the Alameda County Board of Supervisors in November, altered her vote more than any other member of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She failed to vote on legislation 291 times and then changed the record afterward to reflect a \"yes\" vote nearly every time. Hayashi's chief consultant, Ross Warren, declined to directly address her voting record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She's always recorded a vote,\" he said. \"She's never missed a day of work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca name=\"list\">\u003c/a>\u003ca title=\"View Vote-Switching Spreadsheet\" href=\"http://www.scribd.com/doc/111008000/Vote-Switching-Spreadsheet-2\">Vote-Switching Spreadsheet 2\u003c/a>\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.scribd.com/embeds/111008000/content?start_page=1&view_mode=scroll&access_key=key-gcz4hdhkbi66jmwdfwf\" scrolling=\"no\" width=\"100%\" height=\"600\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — In a closely contested state Senate campaign, Assemblywoman Cathleen Galgiani has been urging voters to judge her on her legislative achievements, saying on her website that she is "proud to have a record of standing up for the people of my district." Voters who try to examine the record of the",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SACRAMENTO, Calif. (AP) — In a closely contested state Senate campaign, Assemblywoman Cathleen Galgiani has been urging voters to judge her on her legislative achievements, saying on her website that she is \"proud to have a record of standing up for the people of my district.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_78900\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 195px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/capitolFront.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/10/capitolFront.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"capitolFront\" width=\"195\" height=\"130\" class=\"size-full wp-image-78900\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Capitol building\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Voters who try to examine the record of the Central Valley Democrat may come away with the wrong impression.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>They would not be able to tell that Galgiani remained silent during 136 votes, adding her vote to those pieces of legislation only after the bills had already passed or failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/10/24/calif-lawmakers-altered-their-votes-5000-times-after-bills-passed-or-failed/#list\">\u003cstrong>List of vote-switches by assemblymember\u003c/strong>\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Nor would they see that she voted against a welfare to work bill supported by her party and voted for the establishment of a new school efficiency and greenhouse gas reduction fund. The reason: She changed her votes after the fact on both bills.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her opponent in the 5th Senate District race, Republican Assemblyman Bill Berryhill, also did it, although less frequently. He added his vote to legislation that had already passed or failed 47 times this year and changed his vote twice. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I try not to make it a practice,\" he said. \"I don't think you want to play too many games up there. You should pretty much be making decisions before you get to the floor.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galgiani's legislative office referred inquiries on the subject to her campaign manager, Tom Lawson, who declined a request for comment from The Associated Press.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those votes are among the 5,000 vote changes or additions made during this year's legislative session by lawmakers in the state Assembly, according to an analysis by the AP. Critics say the practice allows lawmakers to mislead their constituents by changing the official record of how they acted on specific pieces of legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The analysis, based on the AP's own tracking of every Assembly vote cast in 2012, revealed a number of patterns, including:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Lawmakers running for a new seat in November were the most likely to switch their votes. Of the top 15 vote changers, 11 are seeking a new office outside of the Assembly. Of the 15 lawmakers who switched votes least often, 11 plan to stay put, although every member of the Assembly must run for their seats again this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Lawmakers regularly changed their votes on bills dealing with powerful lobbies or hot-button social issues. Among the bills that generated the most action after-the-fact were AB1963, which would have required the state to look into extending the sales tax to services, and AB1166, which would have prevented schools from including students' test scores on their ID cards and was supported by teachers unions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Republicans, the minority party in both houses of the Legislature, switched their votes at more than twice the rate as Democrats. GOP lawmakers accounted for about 65 percent of the 220 vote switches, although they make up just 35 percent of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All lawmakers in California's 80-member Assembly are allowed to change or add votes after the fate of a bill has been decided an unlimited number of times, as long as it does not change the outcome of whether a bill passes or fails. The state Senate allows such changes only by the Democratic and Republican leaders in that house.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of at least 10 state legislative bodies nationwide in which some lawmakers can amend their votes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Galgiani was among the top 10 lawmakers to add or switch their votes after the official tally. Other lawmakers who are running for office this year were among the most frequent vote-changers, including Democratic state Assemblyman Jared Huffman, who is running for a congressional seat. He changed his vote 144 times, more than twice the average rate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of this year's most contentious bills drew unusually high numbers of vote changes or additions once they had been voted up or down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Examples include AB1761, legislation related to setting up California's health care exchange, part of the federal health care overhaul, and AB1707, which will allow certain people who had been designated as child abusers when they were minors to have their names removed from a state registry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the case of the child-abuse bill, lawmakers of both parties may have feared the soft-on-crime label if they voted for it. In the end, most appeared to agree with its author that the change was a common-sense fix that would lift a tremendous burden from people who had been unfairly placed on the list, including foster kids who had gotten into fights.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The official tally shows 64 of the 80 Assembly members voted for the legislation. But when the bill was on the floor of the Legislature, so many members avoided voting that it passed by just a single vote, with 41 ayes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bob Stern, the former president of the Center for Governmental Studies in Los Angeles, said average voters have no idea their representatives reverse positions on bills or can add a \"yes\" or \"no\" vote after the legislation had been decided. The information is difficult to piece together, especially for vote additions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They're counting on nobody watching,\" he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AP tracked each vote made in this year's session by manually entering them into a database using information that is recorded in the Assembly's daily file. All 80 Assembly members added or changed votes on at least one of the 1,100 bills that came to the floor this year, but some did so more than 100 times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some lawmakers say the vote changing is a sign of absentmindedness, such as when they accidentally vote the wrong way, follow others in their party without carefully examining legislation or misunderstand the intent of a bill. Others note that they are sometimes unable to be on the floor when legislation comes up for a vote and want to add their voice for or against it later.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It's one of those things where your heart and your head are in conflict,\" said Assemblyman Das Williams, explaining why he pushed the \"yes\" button for a hotly debated farmworkers rights bill, then took his name off the official vote count after the legislation fell short of passage in August.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Santa Barbara Democrat said his heart was with the laborers — he voted yes the first time the proposal came to the floor — but his head was with the farmers in his district who had lobbied him to oppose AB1313, which would have entitled agricultural laborers to overtime pay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the midst of that confusion, he said, his finger slipped and he accidentally hit the \"yes\" button during the final vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That particular bill drew 26 additions from Assembly members after the official vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Assemblywoman Mary Hayashi, D-Hayward, who is seeking a seat on the Alameda County Board of Supervisors in November, altered her vote more than any other member of the Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She failed to vote on legislation 291 times and then changed the record afterward to reflect a \"yes\" vote nearly every time. Hayashi's chief consultant, Ross Warren, declined to directly address her voting record.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"She's always recorded a vote,\" he said. \"She's never missed a day of work.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein is up for reelection this year, facing \u003ca href=\"http://www.emken2012.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Republican challenger Elizabeth Emken\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belva Davis, host of KQED's \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/thisweek/\" target=\"_blank\">This Week in Northern California\u003c/a>, sat down with Feinstein during last week's Democratic National Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina. Feinstein sounded off about Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, the Republican agenda and banning assault rifles. Feinstein said she will reintroduce a ban on assault rifles to the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do not believe that weapons of war belong on the streets... certainly not in the classrooms, not in the movie theaters,\" Feinstein said. \"They are too powerful and can kill too many people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ef2rNCBxaWo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Feinstein told Davis the Romney/Ryan ticket promotes a \"radical agenda.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I heard Romney say himself, 'I will end Planned Parenthood.' The Republican platform: No abortion under any circumstances... It's a whole different philosophy.\"\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>U.S. Senator Dianne Feinstein is up for reelection this year, facing \u003ca href=\"http://www.emken2012.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Republican challenger Elizabeth Emken\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belva Davis, host of KQED's \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/tv/programs/thisweek/\" target=\"_blank\">This Week in Northern California\u003c/a>, sat down with Feinstein during last week's Democratic National Convention in Charlotte, North Carolina. Feinstein sounded off about Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, the Republican agenda and banning assault rifles. Feinstein said she will reintroduce a ban on assault rifles to the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I do not believe that weapons of war belong on the streets... certainly not in the classrooms, not in the movie theaters,\" Feinstein said. \"They are too powerful and can kill too many people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/Ef2rNCBxaWo'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/Ef2rNCBxaWo'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>KTVU \u003ca href=\"http://www.ktvu.com/news/news/local/union-workers-arrested-inside-de-young-museum-duri/nR58t/\">reports\u003c/a> that police arrested 19 protesters who took part in a demonstration Friday night that blocked the doors of the de Young Museum. The protest occurred during the \u003ca href=\"http://deyoung.famsf.org/deyoung/calendar/category/89\" target=\"_blank\">Friday Night at the de Young Museum\u003c/a> event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration stemmed from a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfexaminer.com/local/2012/08/sf-museums-could-see-picket-lines\">contract dispute\u003c/a> between museum workers represented by SEIU Local 1021 and the Corporation of Fine Arts Museums, which manages the de Young and the Legion of Honor. Larry Bradshaw, the vice president of SEIU Local 1021, said union members are rejecting the Corporation of Fine Arts Museums' latest contract proposal because it would allow new workers to be hired at significantly lower salaries and would force employees to contribute more to their health care benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ken Garcia, the director of communications and government relations for the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, said workers at the de Young earn more than workers at other museums in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KTVU said Friday night's demonstration drew about 100 protestors; the SEIU \u003ca href=\"http://twitter.com/seiu1021/status/244305358191984641\">Tweeted\u003c/a> that there were 300 protesters. You can watch video of the protesters singing \"We Shall Overcome\" on \u003ca href=\"http://www.facebook.com/SEIU1021/posts/195655843900606\">Facebook\u003c/a>. There also is a photo showing law enforcement officers talking to protesters on \u003ca href=\"http://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817/photo/1\">Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\u003cp>Over a dozen SEIU 1021 members getting arrested at the De Young Museum right now. \u003ca title=\"http://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817/photo/1\" href=\"http://t.co/VpKa0fpw\">twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/s…\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Dina Boyer (@dinaleeboyer) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817\">September 8, 2012\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>KTVU \u003ca href=\"http://www.ktvu.com/news/news/local/union-workers-arrested-inside-de-young-museum-duri/nR58t/\">reports\u003c/a> that police arrested 19 protesters who took part in a demonstration Friday night that blocked the doors of the de Young Museum. The protest occurred during the \u003ca href=\"http://deyoung.famsf.org/deyoung/calendar/category/89\" target=\"_blank\">Friday Night at the de Young Museum\u003c/a> event.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The demonstration stemmed from a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfexaminer.com/local/2012/08/sf-museums-could-see-picket-lines\">contract dispute\u003c/a> between museum workers represented by SEIU Local 1021 and the Corporation of Fine Arts Museums, which manages the de Young and the Legion of Honor. Larry Bradshaw, the vice president of SEIU Local 1021, said union members are rejecting the Corporation of Fine Arts Museums' latest contract proposal because it would allow new workers to be hired at significantly lower salaries and would force employees to contribute more to their health care benefits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But Ken Garcia, the director of communications and government relations for the Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, said workers at the de Young earn more than workers at other museums in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>KTVU said Friday night's demonstration drew about 100 protestors; the SEIU \u003ca href=\"http://twitter.com/seiu1021/status/244305358191984641\">Tweeted\u003c/a> that there were 300 protesters. You can watch video of the protesters singing \"We Shall Overcome\" on \u003ca href=\"http://www.facebook.com/SEIU1021/posts/195655843900606\">Facebook\u003c/a>. There also is a photo showing law enforcement officers talking to protesters on \u003ca href=\"http://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817/photo/1\">Twitter\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\u003cp>Over a dozen SEIU 1021 members getting arrested at the De Young Museum right now. \u003ca title=\"http://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817/photo/1\" href=\"http://t.co/VpKa0fpw\">twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/s…\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Dina Boyer (@dinaleeboyer) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/dinaleeboyer/status/244259121841442817\">September 8, 2012\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Assembly Quietly Kills School Seismic Reform Measure",
"title": "Assembly Quietly Kills School Seismic Reform Measure",
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"content": "\u003cp>By Corey G. Johnson, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/assembly-kills-school-seismic-reform-measure-17825\" target=\"_blank\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74627\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 285px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/capitol-dome.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74627\" title=\"capitol dome\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/capitol-dome-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"285\" height=\"160\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SACRAMENTO – A proposal to study seismic safety improvements for public schools – which won initial legislative support – quietly died in an Assembly committee during the last weeks of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, SB 1271, focused on whether schools should allow staff and students to occupy unsafe structures and\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>whether the state can penalize officials for evading California's seismic safety law, known as the Field Act. Under the bill, independent experts would have proposed improvements for the Division of the State Architect, which regulates school construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>Despite early support, the bill stalled in committee, failed to get out of the 'suspense file'\u003c/strong>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Legislature went home without approving the measure, written by Senate Majority Leader Ellen Corbett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We did all we could do,\" Corbett said, \"and we will continue to monitor (the state architect's office) to make sure it is fulfilling its mission to protect California’s schoolchildren and certify the seismic safety of new school buildings in a timely fashion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts pay the state architect to approve school building plans, monitor construction in the field and then certify the work has met strict quality control standards. Such certification is mandatory under state law, to ensure the structures can withstand an earthquake's violent shaking.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation by The Bay Citizen's sister site \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org\">California Watch\u003c/a> last year found the office routinely allowed children and teachers to occupy buildings with structural flaws and potential safety hazards reported during construction. More than 16,000 school projects across the state lack the required certification, with roughly 42,000 students in buildings with \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/k-12/thousands-students-attending-schools-unresolved-safety-issues-14142\" target=\"_blank\">unresolved safety issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Auditor's Office has concluded that the office's oversight flaws had increased the safety risk to schools. One report slammed the agency's enforcement of building standards, calling its supervision neither comprehensive nor effective\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their defense, officials in the state architect's office blamed the seismic safety law itself, which they argue doesn't give them the authority to stop children and teachers from entering unsafe structures. The state auditor's report urged the state architect to push for legal changes to prevent occupancy of unsafe schools, and SB 1271 would have asked experts to recommend ways to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year the state Senate approved SB 1271, which had garnered broad support from the school construction community. But the bill stalled in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Last month, outgoing Chairman Felipe Fuentes, D-Arleta, moved the measure to the committee's \"suspense file,\" which is an internal process used by Assembly leaders to privately review expensive legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the review, Fuentes' successor, Mike Gatto, D-Los Angeles, declined to move SB 1271 out of the suspense file, effectively killing the bill without taking a public vote. The bill was among several measures killed by the committee Aug. 16 without a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No reason was given for the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto has not told Corbett why the measure died, said Andrew LaMar, Corbett's spokesman. Gatto's office also did not respond to California Watch's questions about the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before its defeat, the proposal sailed through the state Senate and the Assembly Education Committee, supported by school inspectors and the Coalition for Adequate School Housing – an influential lobbying group that advocates for schools, architects, builders, developers and financial representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the measure reached the Assembly Appropriations Committee, committee staff member Kimberly Rodriguez questioned whether the bill was needed. Rodriguez's Aug. 8 bill analysis states:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is unclear how a statutory requirement to submit a report will further this process,\" she wrote. \"If the Legislature is interested on the status and recommendations of the internal process conducted by the (state architect's office), it is within its purview to request the (state architect's office) to report to policy or budget subcommittees on these issues without a statutory requirement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters questioned how the bill landed in the suspense file in the first place. To qualify for suspense, a legislative proposal must have implementation costs of $150,000 or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate estimate for Corbett's bill was between $70,000 and $100,000. Two Department of Finance analyses calculated costs of approximately $142,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expenses to implement the panel would have been paid by the state architect's office, which has a budget of more than $15 million. The office is predominantly financed by fees from school districts and not the state's general fund. To drive down costs further, however, Corbett tweaked the proposal so an existing state architect advisory panel could do the work, LaMar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Aug. 8 hearing, committee members heard arguments from Corbett and supporters of the bill. In the end, none of those arguments made a difference. Rodriguez's estimates for the bill placed costs at \"approximately $150,000\" – the minimum cut-off for the suspense file. According to the Assembly's rules, Fuentes was required to send the legislation to the suspense file once it reached that dollar amount\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said Fuentes' spokesman Ben Golombek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaMar said the committee settled upon a higher figure than the Senate and Finance\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>estimates by factoring the actual cost of experts reporting their final work to three separate legislative committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corbett's office questions the accuracy of those calculations, however, and to date, the committee has not provided any data or documentation that would support Rodriguez's conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee did not approve this legislation,\" Corbett told California Watch\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\"I think we showed clearly that the costs associated were minimal, and below the committee’s threshold, and the issue\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>important enough to require the additional oversight called for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez didn't respond to questions from California Watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill was killed, State Architect Chester Widom said in an interview with California Watch that he and his staff are working to fix the agency's problems. Widom has\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>put together his own panel of experts that will meet regularly to explore reforms, he said. He also is planning widespread staff training sessions to change the culture at the regulatory agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're really making significant changes in the way we're operating,\" Widom said. \"I can't go back and tell you what happened before. I just want to deal with going forward. And I want to deal with how we're going to try to clean up what happened in the past.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Widom wants a revamped inspection process that would prevent construction work from progressing before all safety requirements have been met. Staff is still refining the idea, but so far Widom's suggestion has been welcomed by architects, school officials and the construction industry, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of last month, more than 9,000 schools received letters from the office asking for documents needed to certify their buildings as safe, Widom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Widom's request, state engineers have visited about 106 schools flagged by inspectors as potentially unsafe. About 50 still have unresolved issues, but the work is continuing, Widom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by California Watch, a project of the Center for Investigative Reporting. Learn more at http://californiawatch.org.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "By Corey G. Johnson, California Watch SACRAMENTO – A proposal to study seismic safety improvements for public schools – which won initial legislative support – quietly died in an Assembly committee during the last weeks of the legislative session. The measure, SB 1271, focused on whether schools should allow staff and students to occupy unsafe structures",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>By Corey G. Johnson, \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/dailyreport/assembly-kills-school-seismic-reform-measure-17825\" target=\"_blank\">California Watch\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74627\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 285px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/capitol-dome.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74627\" title=\"capitol dome\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/capitol-dome-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"285\" height=\"160\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Justin Sullivan/Getty Images\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>SACRAMENTO – A proposal to study seismic safety improvements for public schools – which won initial legislative support – quietly died in an Assembly committee during the last weeks of the legislative session.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure, SB 1271, focused on whether schools should allow staff and students to occupy unsafe structures and\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>whether the state can penalize officials for evading California's seismic safety law, known as the Field Act. Under the bill, independent experts would have proposed improvements for the Division of the State Architect, which regulates school construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\u003cstrong>Despite early support, the bill stalled in committee, failed to get out of the 'suspense file'\u003c/strong>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The Legislature went home without approving the measure, written by Senate Majority Leader Ellen Corbett.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We did all we could do,\" Corbett said, \"and we will continue to monitor (the state architect's office) to make sure it is fulfilling its mission to protect California’s schoolchildren and certify the seismic safety of new school buildings in a timely fashion.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>School districts pay the state architect to approve school building plans, monitor construction in the field and then certify the work has met strict quality control standards. Such certification is mandatory under state law, to ensure the structures can withstand an earthquake's violent shaking.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An investigation by The Bay Citizen's sister site \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org\">California Watch\u003c/a> last year found the office routinely allowed children and teachers to occupy buildings with structural flaws and potential safety hazards reported during construction. More than 16,000 school projects across the state lack the required certification, with roughly 42,000 students in buildings with \u003ca href=\"http://californiawatch.org/k-12/thousands-students-attending-schools-unresolved-safety-issues-14142\" target=\"_blank\">unresolved safety issues\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The California State Auditor's Office has concluded that the office's oversight flaws had increased the safety risk to schools. One report slammed the agency's enforcement of building standards, calling its supervision neither comprehensive nor effective\u003cstrong>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their defense, officials in the state architect's office blamed the seismic safety law itself, which they argue doesn't give them the authority to stop children and teachers from entering unsafe structures. The state auditor's report urged the state architect to push for legal changes to prevent occupancy of unsafe schools, and SB 1271 would have asked experts to recommend ways to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year the state Senate approved SB 1271, which had garnered broad support from the school construction community. But the bill stalled in the Assembly Appropriations Committee. Last month, outgoing Chairman Felipe Fuentes, D-Arleta, moved the measure to the committee's \"suspense file,\" which is an internal process used by Assembly leaders to privately review expensive legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the review, Fuentes' successor, Mike Gatto, D-Los Angeles, declined to move SB 1271 out of the suspense file, effectively killing the bill without taking a public vote. The bill was among several measures killed by the committee Aug. 16 without a vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No reason was given for the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gatto has not told Corbett why the measure died, said Andrew LaMar, Corbett's spokesman. Gatto's office also did not respond to California Watch's questions about the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before its defeat, the proposal sailed through the state Senate and the Assembly Education Committee, supported by school inspectors and the Coalition for Adequate School Housing – an influential lobbying group that advocates for schools, architects, builders, developers and financial representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But when the measure reached the Assembly Appropriations Committee, committee staff member Kimberly Rodriguez questioned whether the bill was needed. Rodriguez's Aug. 8 bill analysis states:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"It is unclear how a statutory requirement to submit a report will further this process,\" she wrote. \"If the Legislature is interested on the status and recommendations of the internal process conducted by the (state architect's office), it is within its purview to request the (state architect's office) to report to policy or budget subcommittees on these issues without a statutory requirement.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters questioned how the bill landed in the suspense file in the first place. To qualify for suspense, a legislative proposal must have implementation costs of $150,000 or more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Senate estimate for Corbett's bill was between $70,000 and $100,000. Two Department of Finance analyses calculated costs of approximately $142,000.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Expenses to implement the panel would have been paid by the state architect's office, which has a budget of more than $15 million. The office is predominantly financed by fees from school districts and not the state's general fund. To drive down costs further, however, Corbett tweaked the proposal so an existing state architect advisory panel could do the work, LaMar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At an Aug. 8 hearing, committee members heard arguments from Corbett and supporters of the bill. In the end, none of those arguments made a difference. Rodriguez's estimates for the bill placed costs at \"approximately $150,000\" – the minimum cut-off for the suspense file. According to the Assembly's rules, Fuentes was required to send the legislation to the suspense file once it reached that dollar amount\u003cstrong>,\u003c/strong> said Fuentes' spokesman Ben Golombek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LaMar said the committee settled upon a higher figure than the Senate and Finance\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>estimates by factoring the actual cost of experts reporting their final work to three separate legislative committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Corbett's office questions the accuracy of those calculations, however, and to date, the committee has not provided any data or documentation that would support Rodriguez's conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I am disappointed the Assembly Appropriations Committee did not approve this legislation,\" Corbett told California Watch\u003cstrong>. \u003c/strong>\"I think we showed clearly that the costs associated were minimal, and below the committee’s threshold, and the issue\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>important enough to require the additional oversight called for.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rodriguez didn't respond to questions from California Watch.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the bill was killed, State Architect Chester Widom said in an interview with California Watch that he and his staff are working to fix the agency's problems. Widom has\u003cstrong> \u003c/strong>put together his own panel of experts that will meet regularly to explore reforms, he said. He also is planning widespread staff training sessions to change the culture at the regulatory agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We're really making significant changes in the way we're operating,\" Widom said. \"I can't go back and tell you what happened before. I just want to deal with going forward. And I want to deal with how we're going to try to clean up what happened in the past.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In addition, Widom wants a revamped inspection process that would prevent construction work from progressing before all safety requirements have been met. Staff is still refining the idea, but so far Widom's suggestion has been welcomed by architects, school officials and the construction industry, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the end of last month, more than 9,000 schools received letters from the office asking for documents needed to certify their buildings as safe, Widom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Widom's request, state engineers have visited about 106 schools flagged by inspectors as potentially unsafe. About 50 still have unresolved issues, but the work is continuing, Widom said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74894\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 204px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-March.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-74894\" title=\"1-March\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-March.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"204\" height=\"204\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">1901 strike march on Kearny Street. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On this Labor Day, I could talk about barbecue or advise you about some of the bigger parades and sales in California. But instead I'm going to take the opportunity to write about the early history of labor in California, beginning with the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what a history it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The smart money during the Gold Rush gravitated toward serving the miners rather than the mining itself. That was true for laborers as well as employers. It's hard to picture now, but San Francisco was \u003cem>the\u003c/em> shipping and manufacturing hub of the Western U.S. back in the 19th century. (OK, Puget Sound was also big.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->From the \u003ca href=\"http://www.zpub.com/sf/history/eb-sf.html\">\u003cem>Encyclopedia Britannica\u003c/em>, Eleventh Edition 1900-11\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SAN FRANCISCO\u003c/strong>, the chief seaport and the metropolis of California and the Pacific Coast, and the largest and most important city W. of the Missouri river… Population 342,782 in 1900…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Commerce\u003c/em>. Deep-water craft can go directly to docks within a short distance of their sources of supply, around the bay. ... ample facilities of dry and floating docks. ... Lumber, grain and flour, fruits ... fish, tea and coffee…command of trans-Pacific and trans-continental commercial routes...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manufactures\u003c/em>. Sugar and molasses refining; printing and publishing; slaughtering and meat packing; shipbuilding; foundry and machine-shop products; clothing; canning and preserving; liquors; coffee and spice roasting and grinding; flour and grist- mill products; lumber, planing and mill products, including sash, doors and blinds; leather, tanning and finishing; bags; paints ... The Union Iron Works on the peninsula is one of the greatest shipbuilding plants of the country. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74899\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Waterfront-Workers.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74899 \" title=\"1-Waterfront-Workers\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Waterfront-Workers-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco dock workers in 1901. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This is where we bring in retired history professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfsu.edu/%7Esenate/documents/attachments/05.01.12/ResolutioninHonorofRobertWCherny.pdf\">Robert Cherny\u003c/a> of SF State. He tells us unions rose and fell with the economy and boy, did they have \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_banking_crises\">a lot\u003c/a> of booms and busts back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [unions] tended to grow and thrive in times of prosperity,” Cherny says, “when it was possible for employers to improve wages or to improve hours because there was such a demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there were the recessions, and they were often so fierce that unions simply collapsed. New ones sprouted up only when the economy recovered. Employers also banded then broke up, with greater and lesser effect on the local labor market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1890s, employers had the upper hand, and they used it to quash labor unions, picking them off one by one. Few unions survived the decade, “but those that did,\" Cherny says, \"began to form central bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building trade unions, for example, banded together. “The plumbers, the carpenters, the painters, the roofers and so forth.” That way, a strike by one union was a strike by all, and they could shut down – or threaten to shut down – the entire construction industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Front Federation pulled together the Sailor's Union of the Pacific, the longshoremen's unions, and a brand new local for the Teamsters. The Teamsters' refusal to haul luggage from a non-union \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drayage\">drayage\u003c/a> firm caused the strike, but also provided a convenient focal point for the latest employer’s association - and for that matter, the City Front Federation. As \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=1901_Labor_War\">foundsf\u003c/a> puts it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Company after company locked out their workers who refused to haul the non-union luggage. Soon hundreds of locked out Teamsters found themselves among others who had already been on strike: restaurant cooks and waiters, bakers and bakery wagon drivers, metal polishers, and all fourteen unions of the Iron Trades Council, who were part of a national strike.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74902\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Scab-Escort.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74902\" title=\"1-Scab-Escort\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Scab-Escort-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1901 scab teamster with a San Francisco police escort. On the side of the wagon is the company name McNab & Smith. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was July, 1901, high summer, and Professor Cherny notes regional produce was ready to roll or rot. The employers brought in strikebreakers. The city brought in police. The employers brought in \"specials\" who acted like police with city sanction. Still, the strike dragged on. Picketing workers were clubbed and even shot. They threw stones at the strikebreakers, in turn, and marbles under the horses pulling the carts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employers went to Sacramento to seek the aid of Republican Governor \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Gage\">Henry Gage\u003c/a>. Bring in the militia, they suggested. He didn't do that, but he did come to San Francisco - and proceeded to meet with \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Father_Yorke_and_the_labor_movement_in_S.html?id=jmk6AAAAMAAJ\">Father Peter Yorke\u003c/a>, an Irish Catholic priest whose support was critical for Gage in the 1898 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't know what Peter Yorke said to Governor Gage,\" Cherny says, \"but what Governor Gage did was to bring in the Drayman's Association and the Teamsters Union, and close the door on the employer's association.\" Alone at the negotiating table, the two principals quickly settled their differences. Finally, the strike was over. It was October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus was born the inspiration for the \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_Labor_Party_%28California%29\">Union Labor Party\u003c/a>, which nominated Eugene Schmitz, president of the local Musicians' Union, as its candidate for Mayor. The ULP put up a whole slate of candidates that November and won three supervisors' seats in addition to the mayoralty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus began the reign of the ULP, which lasted through 1911. Even by labor accounts, there was a lot of corruption. In short, you had to go through one man, the Republican Party's Abraham Ruef, to land a city permit or contract, and this quickly created a situation where everybody had too much at stake to complain openly. In 1911, a change in state law required that city candidates be non-partisan. Labor councils then endorsed candidates but didn't run them in elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aflcio.org/About/Our-History\">AFL\u003c/a> (the American Federation of Labor) was formed in 1886 as a nationwide, umbrella organization for unions,\" Cherny says, \"one of their guiding principles was 'stay out of politics.' The San Francisco unions, and the California unions more generally, never paid much attention to that, because they always saw politics as being crucial to the success of unions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at the 1901 strike, he goes on, “you can see why unions felt that it was very important to have a friendly administration in city hall. Or if not a friendly one, at least a neutral one, not one that was on the side of the employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All right, lesson over. Back to your barbecue.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74894\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 204px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-March.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-full wp-image-74894\" title=\"1-March\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-March.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"204\" height=\"204\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">1901 strike march on Kearny Street. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>On this Labor Day, I could talk about barbecue or advise you about some of the bigger parades and sales in California. But instead I'm going to take the opportunity to write about the early history of labor in California, beginning with the Gold Rush.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And what a history it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The smart money during the Gold Rush gravitated toward serving the miners rather than the mining itself. That was true for laborers as well as employers. It's hard to picture now, but San Francisco was \u003cem>the\u003c/em> shipping and manufacturing hub of the Western U.S. back in the 19th century. (OK, Puget Sound was also big.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->From the \u003ca href=\"http://www.zpub.com/sf/history/eb-sf.html\">\u003cem>Encyclopedia Britannica\u003c/em>, Eleventh Edition 1900-11\u003c/a>:\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>SAN FRANCISCO\u003c/strong>, the chief seaport and the metropolis of California and the Pacific Coast, and the largest and most important city W. of the Missouri river… Population 342,782 in 1900…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Commerce\u003c/em>. Deep-water craft can go directly to docks within a short distance of their sources of supply, around the bay. ... ample facilities of dry and floating docks. ... Lumber, grain and flour, fruits ... fish, tea and coffee…command of trans-Pacific and trans-continental commercial routes...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Manufactures\u003c/em>. Sugar and molasses refining; printing and publishing; slaughtering and meat packing; shipbuilding; foundry and machine-shop products; clothing; canning and preserving; liquors; coffee and spice roasting and grinding; flour and grist- mill products; lumber, planing and mill products, including sash, doors and blinds; leather, tanning and finishing; bags; paints ... The Union Iron Works on the peninsula is one of the greatest shipbuilding plants of the country. \u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74899\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Waterfront-Workers.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74899 \" title=\"1-Waterfront-Workers\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Waterfront-Workers-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco dock workers in 1901. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>This is where we bring in retired history professor \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfsu.edu/%7Esenate/documents/attachments/05.01.12/ResolutioninHonorofRobertWCherny.pdf\">Robert Cherny\u003c/a> of SF State. He tells us unions rose and fell with the economy and boy, did they have \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_banking_crises\">a lot\u003c/a> of booms and busts back then.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They [unions] tended to grow and thrive in times of prosperity,” Cherny says, “when it was possible for employers to improve wages or to improve hours because there was such a demand.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then there were the recessions, and they were often so fierce that unions simply collapsed. New ones sprouted up only when the economy recovered. Employers also banded then broke up, with greater and lesser effect on the local labor market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1890s, employers had the upper hand, and they used it to quash labor unions, picking them off one by one. Few unions survived the decade, “but those that did,\" Cherny says, \"began to form central bodies.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Building trade unions, for example, banded together. “The plumbers, the carpenters, the painters, the roofers and so forth.” That way, a strike by one union was a strike by all, and they could shut down – or threaten to shut down – the entire construction industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Front Federation pulled together the Sailor's Union of the Pacific, the longshoremen's unions, and a brand new local for the Teamsters. The Teamsters' refusal to haul luggage from a non-union \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Drayage\">drayage\u003c/a> firm caused the strike, but also provided a convenient focal point for the latest employer’s association - and for that matter, the City Front Federation. As \u003ca href=\"http://foundsf.org/index.php?title=1901_Labor_War\">foundsf\u003c/a> puts it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Company after company locked out their workers who refused to haul the non-union luggage. Soon hundreds of locked out Teamsters found themselves among others who had already been on strike: restaurant cooks and waiters, bakers and bakery wagon drivers, metal polishers, and all fourteen unions of the Iron Trades Council, who were part of a national strike.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_74902\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Scab-Escort.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-74902\" title=\"1-Scab-Escort\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/1-Scab-Escort-300x300.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"300\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A 1901 scab teamster with a San Francisco police escort. On the side of the wagon is the company name McNab & Smith. (Courtesy of SF's Marine Firemen's Union)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It was July, 1901, high summer, and Professor Cherny notes regional produce was ready to roll or rot. The employers brought in strikebreakers. The city brought in police. The employers brought in \"specials\" who acted like police with city sanction. Still, the strike dragged on. Picketing workers were clubbed and even shot. They threw stones at the strikebreakers, in turn, and marbles under the horses pulling the carts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The employers went to Sacramento to seek the aid of Republican Governor \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Gage\">Henry Gage\u003c/a>. Bring in the militia, they suggested. He didn't do that, but he did come to San Francisco - and proceeded to meet with \u003ca href=\"http://books.google.com/books/about/Father_Yorke_and_the_labor_movement_in_S.html?id=jmk6AAAAMAAJ\">Father Peter Yorke\u003c/a>, an Irish Catholic priest whose support was critical for Gage in the 1898 election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"We don't know what Peter Yorke said to Governor Gage,\" Cherny says, \"but what Governor Gage did was to bring in the Drayman's Association and the Teamsters Union, and close the door on the employer's association.\" Alone at the negotiating table, the two principals quickly settled their differences. Finally, the strike was over. It was October.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus was born the inspiration for the \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_Labor_Party_%28California%29\">Union Labor Party\u003c/a>, which nominated Eugene Schmitz, president of the local Musicians' Union, as its candidate for Mayor. The ULP put up a whole slate of candidates that November and won three supervisors' seats in addition to the mayoralty.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Thus began the reign of the ULP, which lasted through 1911. Even by labor accounts, there was a lot of corruption. In short, you had to go through one man, the Republican Party's Abraham Ruef, to land a city permit or contract, and this quickly created a situation where everybody had too much at stake to complain openly. In 1911, a change in state law required that city candidates be non-partisan. Labor councils then endorsed candidates but didn't run them in elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When the \u003ca href=\"http://www.aflcio.org/About/Our-History\">AFL\u003c/a> (the American Federation of Labor) was formed in 1886 as a nationwide, umbrella organization for unions,\" Cherny says, \"one of their guiding principles was 'stay out of politics.' The San Francisco unions, and the California unions more generally, never paid much attention to that, because they always saw politics as being crucial to the success of unions.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Looking at the 1901 strike, he goes on, “you can see why unions felt that it was very important to have a friendly administration in city hall. Or if not a friendly one, at least a neutral one, not one that was on the side of the employers.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_73980\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 220px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/JerryBrownaug22.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-73980\" title=\"JerryBrownaug22\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/JerryBrownaug22-300x225.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"220\" height=\"165\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerry Brown outside James Lick Middle School in San Francisco (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>by Dan Brekke and Jon Brooks\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown visited San Francisco’s James Lick Middle School today to campaign for Proposition 30--his measure to impose temporary sales and income taxes to raise money for the state’s schools and colleges. KQED News reporter Aarti Shahani asked the governor about critics who question whether Proposition 30 is wise when Sacramento is having a hard time tracking its state park money, and in light of expenditures like committing billions of dollars in bond funds to high-speed rail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown shot back that the state knows where the park money is--and that it will be going to parks. And then he really got rolling, taking the long way around to say government needs to be able to handle more than one ambitious project at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the must-listen-to sound:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/BrownonGovt.mp3\">Audio: Jerry Brown defends Prop 30 in a minute-and-a-half flat\u003c/a>[audio:http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/BrownonGovt1.mp3|titles=BrownonGovt]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Transcript\u003c/em>: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Wait. We know where the parks money is. And we got $54 million good dollars that we're gonna spend helping parks and off-road vehicle paths and all the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you know what? I'm going down today to Jet Propulsion Laboratory and watch them move the rover on \u003cem>Mars\u003c/em>. Should we bring the rover back and do something about the California budget? I mean, we have to be able to jump rope, chew gum, and do five other things, otherwise we're not gonna make it. We got to invest in roads! \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do you know that right today they're building a tunnel over there at the Caldecott, over there in Oakland, to make it easier to get to Orinda? Maybe we should fill it in and put the money somewhere else. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, the fact is, this is a big state, we got a lot of big things to do. This is not kind of a one-handed, one kind of thought here. We're a complex state with almost two trillion dollars of wealth that the people generate every year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So yes, we can do high-speed rail, we can have our parks, we can have our space program, we can pave our roads, we can paint our schools--we can do that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, we have to have some balance, and I'm there as governor to say no when no needs to be said. And that's what I tell the people of California: I'll veto the excessive spending bills, I'll ferret out waste wherever I find it, but at the end of the day, we have our flaws and our warts, and that's no reason to punish the children of California. It's rather a reason to invest.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Wow. There's an embarrassment of riches there for our \"\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/07/25/s-jerry-brown-says/\">S*** Jerry Says\u003c/a>\" feature. Hard to know where to start...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the way, Aarti Shahani's question was probably a good one. From the Chronicle's \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2012/08/22/gov-browns-tax-measure-ahead-in-poll-but-trouble-looms/\">Politics Blog today\u003c/a>: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown’s tax-raising Proposition 30 is in positive but shaky territory...according to a poll released Wednesday by the Policy Analysis for California Education (PACE)/USC Rossier School of Education. The poll found that among likely registered voters, 55 percent of those surveyed are in support of Prop. 30 while 36 percent oppose it... \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[But] the poll found the governor’s measure is quite vulnerable to arguments already being used by opponents, namely that leaders in Sacramento have been irresponsible with tax money by approving high speed rail, giving raises to some staffers in the Legislature and by not knowing about the millions of dollars hidden by the state parks department. \u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the full \u003ca href=\"http://www.m4strategies.com/uploaded/12%2007%20936%20USC%20Education%20Poll%20August%202012%20TOPLINE_FINAL.pdf\">poll\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_73980\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 220px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/JerryBrownaug22.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-73980\" title=\"JerryBrownaug22\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/JerryBrownaug22-300x225.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"220\" height=\"165\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Jerry Brown outside James Lick Middle School in San Francisco (Aarti Shahani/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>by Dan Brekke and Jon Brooks\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown visited San Francisco’s James Lick Middle School today to campaign for Proposition 30--his measure to impose temporary sales and income taxes to raise money for the state’s schools and colleges. KQED News reporter Aarti Shahani asked the governor about critics who question whether Proposition 30 is wise when Sacramento is having a hard time tracking its state park money, and in light of expenditures like committing billions of dollars in bond funds to high-speed rail.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brown shot back that the state knows where the park money is--and that it will be going to parks. And then he really got rolling, taking the long way around to say government needs to be able to handle more than one ambitious project at a time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the must-listen-to sound:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/BrownonGovt.mp3\">Audio: Jerry Brown defends Prop 30 in a minute-and-a-half flat\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Transcript\u003c/em>: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Wait. We know where the parks money is. And we got $54 million good dollars that we're gonna spend helping parks and off-road vehicle paths and all the rest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you know what? I'm going down today to Jet Propulsion Laboratory and watch them move the rover on \u003cem>Mars\u003c/em>. Should we bring the rover back and do something about the California budget? I mean, we have to be able to jump rope, chew gum, and do five other things, otherwise we're not gonna make it. We got to invest in roads! \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do you know that right today they're building a tunnel over there at the Caldecott, over there in Oakland, to make it easier to get to Orinda? Maybe we should fill it in and put the money somewhere else. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I mean, the fact is, this is a big state, we got a lot of big things to do. This is not kind of a one-handed, one kind of thought here. We're a complex state with almost two trillion dollars of wealth that the people generate every year. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So yes, we can do high-speed rail, we can have our parks, we can have our space program, we can pave our roads, we can paint our schools--we can do that. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, we have to have some balance, and I'm there as governor to say no when no needs to be said. And that's what I tell the people of California: I'll veto the excessive spending bills, I'll ferret out waste wherever I find it, but at the end of the day, we have our flaws and our warts, and that's no reason to punish the children of California. It's rather a reason to invest.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>Wow. There's an embarrassment of riches there for our \"\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/07/25/s-jerry-brown-says/\">S*** Jerry Says\u003c/a>\" feature. Hard to know where to start...\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the way, Aarti Shahani's question was probably a good one. From the Chronicle's \u003ca href=\"http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/2012/08/22/gov-browns-tax-measure-ahead-in-poll-but-trouble-looms/\">Politics Blog today\u003c/a>: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown’s tax-raising Proposition 30 is in positive but shaky territory...according to a poll released Wednesday by the Policy Analysis for California Education (PACE)/USC Rossier School of Education. The poll found that among likely registered voters, 55 percent of those surveyed are in support of Prop. 30 while 36 percent oppose it... \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[But] the poll found the governor’s measure is quite vulnerable to arguments already being used by opponents, namely that leaders in Sacramento have been irresponsible with tax money by approving high speed rail, giving raises to some staffers in the Legislature and by not knowing about the millions of dollars hidden by the state parks department. \u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the full \u003ca href=\"http://www.m4strategies.com/uploaded/12%2007%20936%20USC%20Education%20Poll%20August%202012%20TOPLINE_FINAL.pdf\">poll\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>KQED's Belva Davis and San Francisco Chronicle political reporter Carla Marinucci talked to former California Governor Pete Wilson in advance of next week's \u003ca href=\"http://www.gopconvention2012.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Republican National Convention\u003c/a> in Tampa, Fla. Wilson is heading up the state's Republican delegation to the GOP convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinucci quizzed Wilson--a moderate, pro-choice Republican--about conservatism in the Republican party and in California. She asked, \"Could a candidate like yourself today be nominated?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yes,\" Wilson said. \"If I could be an absolute dictator for five minutes and make irrevocable changes, I would amend the U.S. Constitution to provide that so-called social issues are the province of the states, and not the federal government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.youtube.com/embed/SYmAtwY4934\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->Marinucci also asked Wilson about references to California on the campaign trail. Republican candidate Mitt Romney and Sarah Palin have compared California to Greece, criticizing Democrats for financial mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Is it fair to compare California to a place that has four times the unemployment and ten times the debt? Is it a fair Republican message to use California in this campaign?\" Marinucci asked.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Absolutely,\" Wilson responded. \"Because California, unfortunately, is suffering from self-inflicted wounds, much as are the countries of southern Europe. And as far as piling on debt--we haven't been at it as long, but we're doing our best it seems to catch up.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Davis and Marinucci also talked to Los Angeles Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, chairman of the Democratic national convention in Charlotte, N.C.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>KQED's Belva Davis and San Francisco Chronicle political reporter Carla Marinucci talked to former California Governor Pete Wilson in advance of next week's \u003ca href=\"http://www.gopconvention2012.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Republican National Convention\u003c/a> in Tampa, Fla. Wilson is heading up the state's Republican delegation to the GOP convention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Marinucci quizzed Wilson--a moderate, pro-choice Republican--about conservatism in the Republican party and in California. She asked, \"Could a candidate like yourself today be nominated?\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"Yes,\" Wilson said. \"If I could be an absolute dictator for five minutes and make irrevocable changes, I would amend the U.S. Constitution to provide that so-called social issues are the province of the states, and not the federal government.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.youtube.com/embed/SYmAtwY4934\" frameborder=\"0\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->Marinucci also asked Wilson about references to California on the campaign trail. Republican candidate Mitt Romney and Sarah Palin have compared California to Greece, criticizing Democrats for financial mismanagement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Man Who Armed Black Panthers Was FBI Informant, Records Show",
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"content": "\u003cp>The man who gave the Black Panther Party some of its first firearms and weapons training – which preceded fatal shootouts with Oakland police in the turbulent 1960s – was an undercover FBI informer, according to a former bureau agent and an FBI report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.youtube.com/embed/sOWR3ArCEqI\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the Bay Area’s most prominent radical activists of the era, Richard Masato Aoki was known as a fierce militant who touted his street-fighting abilities. He was a member of several radical groups before joining and arming the Panthers, whose members received international notoriety for brandishing weapons during patrols of the Oakland police and a protest at the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki went on to work for 25 years as a teacher, counselor and administrator at the Peralta Community College District, and after his suicide in 2009, he was revered as a fearless radical.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unbeknownst to his fellow activists, Aoki had served as an FBI intelligence informant, covertly filing reports on a wide range of Bay Area political groups, according to the bureau agent who recruited him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That agent, Burney Threadgill Jr., recalled that he approached Aoki in the late 1950s, about the time Aoki was graduating from Berkeley High School. He asked Aoki if he would join left-wing groups and report to the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was my informant. I developed him,” Threadgill said in an interview. “He was one of the best sources we had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former agent said he asked Aoki how he felt about the Soviet Union, and the young man replied that he had no interest in communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Well, why don’t you just go to some of the meetings and tell me who’s there and what they talked about?’ Very pleasant little guy. He always wore dark glasses,” Threadgill recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki’s work for the FBI, which has never been reported, was uncovered and verified during research for the book, “Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and Reagan’s Rise to Power.” The book, based on research spanning three decades, will be published tomorrow by Farrar, Straus and Giroux.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tape-recorded interview for the book in 2007, two years before he committed suicide, Aoki was asked if he had been an FBI informant. Aoki’s first response was a long silence. He then replied, “ ‘Oh,’ is all I can say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later during the same interview, Aoki contended the information wasn’t true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if this reporter was mistaken that Aoki had been an informant, Aoki said, “I think you are,” but added: “People change. It is complex. Layer upon layer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the FBI later released records about Aoki in response to a Freedom of Information Act request. A Nov. 16, 1967, intelligence report on the Black Panthers lists Aoki as an “informant” with the code number “T-2.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An FBI spokesman declined to comment on Aoki, citing litigation seeking additional records about him under the Freedom of Information Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his death – Aoki shot himself at his Berkeley home after a long illness – his legend has grown. In a 2009 feature-length documentary film, “Aoki,” and a 2012 biography, “Samurai Among Panthers,” he is portrayed as a militant radical leader. Neither mentions that he had worked with the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Dong, who was a fellow activist and close friend, said last week that he had never heard that Aoki was an informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely something that is shocking to hear,” said Dong, who was the executor of Aoki’s estate. “I mean, that’s a big surprise to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dong recalled that Aoki tended to “compartmentalize” the different parts of his life. Before he shot himself, Dong said, Aoki had laid out in his apartment two neatly pressed uniforms: One was the black leather jacket, beret and dark trousers of the Black Panthers. The other was his U.S. Army regimental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley in the late 1960s, Aoki wore slicked-back hair, sported sunglasses even at night and spoke with a ghetto patois. His fierce demeanor intimidated even his fellow radicals, several of them have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had swagger up to the moon,” former Berkeley activist Victoria Wong recalled at his memorial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From gangs to the military\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki was born in San Leandro in 1938, the first of two sons. He was 4 when his family was interned at Topaz, Utah, with thousands of other Japanese Americans during World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the war, Aoki grew up in West Oakland, in an area that had been known as Little Yokohama before becoming a low-income black community. He joined a gang and became a tough street fighter who as an adult would boast, “I was the baddest Oriental come out of West Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He shoplifted, burgled homes and stole car parts for “the midnight auto supply business,” he told Berkeley’s KPFA radio in a 2006 interview. Oakland police repeatedly arrested him for “mostly petty-type stuff,” he said in the 2007 interview. Still, he graduated from Herbert Hoover Junior High School as co-valedictorian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the internment during World War II had shattered his family, Aoki had said. His father became a gangster and abandoned his family, and his mother won custody of her sons and moved them to Berkeley. Aoki did well academically at Berkeley High School and became president of the Stamp and Coin Club. However, he assaulted another student in the hallway and, as he recalled, “beat him half to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after graduating from high school in January 1957, Aoki reported for duty at Fort Ord, near Monterey. He had enlisted in the U.S. Army the prior year, at age 17. He acknowledged in the 2007 interview that he had “cut a deal” in which military authorities arranged for his criminal record to be sealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki said he had hoped to become the army’s first Asian American general, but he served only about a year on active duty and seven more in the reserves before being honorably discharged as a sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he saw no combat, he became a firearms expert. “I got to play with all the toys I wanted to play with when I was growing up,” he told KPFA. “Pistols, rifles, machine guns, mortars, rocket launchers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in the reserves left Aoki a lot of free time, and he became deeply involved in left-wing political organizations at the behest of the FBI, retired FBI agent Threadgill said during a series of interviews before his death in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The activities that he got involved in was because of us using him as an informant,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threadgill recalled that he first approached Aoki after a bureau wiretap on the home phone of Saul and Billie Wachter, local members of the Communist Party, picked up Aoki talking to fellow Berkeley High classmate Doug Wachter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Aoki gathered information about the Communist Party, Threadgill said. But Aoki soon focused on the Socialist Workers Party and its youth affiliate, the Young Socialist Alliance, also targets of an intensive FBI domestic security investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By spring 1962, Aoki had been elected to the Berkeley Young Socialist Alliance’s executive council, FBI records show. That December, he became a member of the Oakland-Berkeley branch of the Socialist Workers Party, where he served as the representative to Bay Area civil rights groups. He also was on the steering committee of the Committee to Uphold the Right to Travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1965, Aoki joined the Vietnam Day Committee, an influential anti-war group based in Berkeley, and worked on its international committee as liaison to foreign anti-war activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All along, Aoki met regularly with his FBI handler. Aoki also filed reports by phone, Threadgill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d call him and say, ‘When do you want to get together?’ ” Threadgill recalled. “I’d say, ‘I’ll meet you on the street corner at so-and-so and so on.’ I would park a couple of blocks away and get out and go and sit down and talk to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Arming the Black Panthers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threadgill worked with Aoki through mid-1965, when he moved to another FBI office and turned Aoki over to a fellow agent. Aoki was well positioned to inform on a wide range of political activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki attended Merritt College in Oakland, where he met Huey Newton, a pre-law student, and Bobby Seale, an engineering student, who were in a political group called the Soul Students Advisory Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fall 1966, Aoki transferred to UC Berkeley as a junior in sociology. That October, Seale and Newton took a draft of their 10-point program for what would become the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense to Aoki’s Berkeley apartment and discussed it over drinks. The platform called for improved housing, education, full employment, the release of incarcerated black men, a halt to “the robbery by the capitalists of our black community” and an “immediate end to police brutality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, Aoki gave the Panthers some of their first guns. As Seale recalled in his memoir, “Seize the Time:”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Late in November 1966, we went to a Third World brother we knew, a Japanese radical cat. He had guns … .357 Magnums, 22’s, 9mm’s, what have you. … We told him that if he was a real revolutionary he better go on and give them up to us because we needed them now to begin educating the people to wage a revolutionary struggle. So he gave us an M-1 and a 9mm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1967, Aoki joined the Black Panther Party and gave them more guns, Seale wrote. Aoki also gave Panther recruits weapons training, he said in the 2007 interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a little collection, and Bobby and Huey knew about it, and so when the party was formed, I decided to turn it over to the group,” Aoki said in the interview. “And so when you see the guys out there marching and everything, I’m somewhat responsible for the military slant to the organization’s public image.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1967, the Panthers displayed guns during their “community patrols” of Oakland police and also that May 2, when they visited the state Legislature to protest a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although carrying weapons was legal at the time, there is little doubt their presence contributed to fatal confrontations between the Panthers and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 28, 1967, Newton was in a shootout that wounded Oakland Officer Herbert Heanes and killed Officer John Frey. On April 6, 1968, Eldridge Cleaver and five other Panthers were involved in a firefight with Oakland police. Cleaver and two officers were wounded, and Panther Bobby Hutton was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the period Aoki was arming the Panthers, he also was informing for the FBI. The FBI report that lists him as informant T-2 says that in May 1967, he reported on the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the released FBI reports mention that Aoki gave guns to the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FBI’s reliance on informants\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>M. Wesley Swearingen, a retired FBI agent who has criticized unlawful bureau surveillance activities under the late Director J. Edgar Hoover, reviewed some of those records. He concluded in a sworn declaration – filed in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit seeking records on Aoki – that Aoki had been an informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swearingen served in the FBI from 1951 to 1977, and worked on a squad that investigated the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone like Aoki is perfect to be in a Black Panther Party, because I understand he is Japanese,” he said. “Hey, nobody is going to guess – he’s in the Black Panther Party; nobody is going to guess that he might be an informant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swearingen also said the FBI certainly must have additional records concerning Aoki, including special informant files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aoki wouldn't even have to be a member of the party. If he just knew Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, if he went out to lunch with them every day, they would have a main file,” he said. “But to say they don’t have a main file is ludicrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, testimony from Swearingen helped to vacate the murder conviction of Elmer “Geronimo” Pratt, a Black Panther leader in Los Angeles. Evidence showed that the FBI and Los Angeles Police Department had failed to disclose that a key witness against Pratt was a longtime FBI informant named Julius C. Butler. Pratt later won a civil suit for wrongful imprisonment, with the City of Los Angles paying Pratt $2.75 million and the FBI paying him $1.75 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the late ’60s and early ’70s, the FBI sought to disrupt and “neutralize” the Black Panthers under COINTELPRO, the bureau’s secret counterintelligence program to stifle dissent, according to reports by the U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of COINTELPRO, the committee found, the FBI used informants to gather intelligence leading to the weapons arrests of Panthers in Chicago, Detroit, San Diego and Washington. By the end of 1969, at least 28 Panthers had been killed in gunfights with police and many more arrested on weapons charges, according to news accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoover declared in late 1968 that the Panthers, who by now had chapters across the nation, posed “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country.” He cited their radical philosophy and armed confrontations with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Aoki later would boast of his role with the Panthers, he was secretive about his relations with them at the time, explaining in the 2007 interview that he feared being expelled from UC Berkeley if his activities were known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1969, Aoki emerged as a leader of the Third World Liberation Front strike at UC Berkeley, which demanded more ethnic studies courses. He advocated violent tactics, according to interviews with him and Manuel Delgado, another strike leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of students and police were injured during the three-month confrontation, which became the campus’s most violent strike to date. Gov. Ronald Reagan declared a state of emergency and sent the National Guard to quell the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a memorial service for Aoki at Wheeler Hall in May 2009, Seale, of the Black Panthers, and other activists hailed Aoki as a “fearless leader and servant of the people.” In a phone conversation last week, Seale expressed surprise at hearing that Aoki was an informant and declined to comment further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Seth Rosenfeld was an investigative reporter for the San Francisco Examiner and San Francisco Chronicle and has won the George Polk Award and other journalism honors. He can be reached at \u003ca href=\"mailto:seth@sethrosenfeld.com\">seth@sethrosenfeld.com\u003c/a>. This story was edited by Robert Salladay and copy edited by Nikki Frick.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story was produced by the Center for Investigative Reporting. Learn more at www.cironline.org\u003c/em>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"description": "The man who gave the Black Panther Party some of its first firearms and weapons training – which preceded fatal shootouts with Oakland police in the turbulent 1960s – was an undercover FBI informer, according to a former bureau agent and an FBI report. One of the Bay Area’s most prominent radical activists of the",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The man who gave the Black Panther Party some of its first firearms and weapons training – which preceded fatal shootouts with Oakland police in the turbulent 1960s – was an undercover FBI informer, according to a former bureau agent and an FBI report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ciframe src=\"http://www.youtube.com/embed/sOWR3ArCEqI\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One of the Bay Area’s most prominent radical activists of the era, Richard Masato Aoki was known as a fierce militant who touted his street-fighting abilities. He was a member of several radical groups before joining and arming the Panthers, whose members received international notoriety for brandishing weapons during patrols of the Oakland police and a protest at the state Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki went on to work for 25 years as a teacher, counselor and administrator at the Peralta Community College District, and after his suicide in 2009, he was revered as a fearless radical.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But unbeknownst to his fellow activists, Aoki had served as an FBI intelligence informant, covertly filing reports on a wide range of Bay Area political groups, according to the bureau agent who recruited him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That agent, Burney Threadgill Jr., recalled that he approached Aoki in the late 1950s, about the time Aoki was graduating from Berkeley High School. He asked Aoki if he would join left-wing groups and report to the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He was my informant. I developed him,” Threadgill said in an interview. “He was one of the best sources we had.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former agent said he asked Aoki how he felt about the Soviet Union, and the young man replied that he had no interest in communism.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I said, ‘Well, why don’t you just go to some of the meetings and tell me who’s there and what they talked about?’ Very pleasant little guy. He always wore dark glasses,” Threadgill recalled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki’s work for the FBI, which has never been reported, was uncovered and verified during research for the book, “Subversives: The FBI’s War on Student Radicals, and Reagan’s Rise to Power.” The book, based on research spanning three decades, will be published tomorrow by Farrar, Straus and Giroux.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a tape-recorded interview for the book in 2007, two years before he committed suicide, Aoki was asked if he had been an FBI informant. Aoki’s first response was a long silence. He then replied, “ ‘Oh,’ is all I can say.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Later during the same interview, Aoki contended the information wasn’t true.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Asked if this reporter was mistaken that Aoki had been an informant, Aoki said, “I think you are,” but added: “People change. It is complex. Layer upon layer.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, the FBI later released records about Aoki in response to a Freedom of Information Act request. A Nov. 16, 1967, intelligence report on the Black Panthers lists Aoki as an “informant” with the code number “T-2.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>An FBI spokesman declined to comment on Aoki, citing litigation seeking additional records about him under the Freedom of Information Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since his death – Aoki shot himself at his Berkeley home after a long illness – his legend has grown. In a 2009 feature-length documentary film, “Aoki,” and a 2012 biography, “Samurai Among Panthers,” he is portrayed as a militant radical leader. Neither mentions that he had worked with the FBI.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harvey Dong, who was a fellow activist and close friend, said last week that he had never heard that Aoki was an informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s definitely something that is shocking to hear,” said Dong, who was the executor of Aoki’s estate. “I mean, that’s a big surprise to me.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dong recalled that Aoki tended to “compartmentalize” the different parts of his life. Before he shot himself, Dong said, Aoki had laid out in his apartment two neatly pressed uniforms: One was the black leather jacket, beret and dark trousers of the Black Panthers. The other was his U.S. Army regimental.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley in the late 1960s, Aoki wore slicked-back hair, sported sunglasses even at night and spoke with a ghetto patois. His fierce demeanor intimidated even his fellow radicals, several of them have said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He had swagger up to the moon,” former Berkeley activist Victoria Wong recalled at his memorial.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>From gangs to the military\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki was born in San Leandro in 1938, the first of two sons. He was 4 when his family was interned at Topaz, Utah, with thousands of other Japanese Americans during World War II.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After the war, Aoki grew up in West Oakland, in an area that had been known as Little Yokohama before becoming a low-income black community. He joined a gang and became a tough street fighter who as an adult would boast, “I was the baddest Oriental come out of West Oakland.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He shoplifted, burgled homes and stole car parts for “the midnight auto supply business,” he told Berkeley’s KPFA radio in a 2006 interview. Oakland police repeatedly arrested him for “mostly petty-type stuff,” he said in the 2007 interview. Still, he graduated from Herbert Hoover Junior High School as co-valedictorian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the internment during World War II had shattered his family, Aoki had said. His father became a gangster and abandoned his family, and his mother won custody of her sons and moved them to Berkeley. Aoki did well academically at Berkeley High School and became president of the Stamp and Coin Club. However, he assaulted another student in the hallway and, as he recalled, “beat him half to death.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three days after graduating from high school in January 1957, Aoki reported for duty at Fort Ord, near Monterey. He had enlisted in the U.S. Army the prior year, at age 17. He acknowledged in the 2007 interview that he had “cut a deal” in which military authorities arranged for his criminal record to be sealed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki said he had hoped to become the army’s first Asian American general, but he served only about a year on active duty and seven more in the reserves before being honorably discharged as a sergeant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although he saw no combat, he became a firearms expert. “I got to play with all the toys I wanted to play with when I was growing up,” he told KPFA. “Pistols, rifles, machine guns, mortars, rocket launchers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Being in the reserves left Aoki a lot of free time, and he became deeply involved in left-wing political organizations at the behest of the FBI, retired FBI agent Threadgill said during a series of interviews before his death in 2005.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The activities that he got involved in was because of us using him as an informant,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threadgill recalled that he first approached Aoki after a bureau wiretap on the home phone of Saul and Billie Wachter, local members of the Communist Party, picked up Aoki talking to fellow Berkeley High classmate Doug Wachter.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At first, Aoki gathered information about the Communist Party, Threadgill said. But Aoki soon focused on the Socialist Workers Party and its youth affiliate, the Young Socialist Alliance, also targets of an intensive FBI domestic security investigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By spring 1962, Aoki had been elected to the Berkeley Young Socialist Alliance’s executive council, FBI records show. That December, he became a member of the Oakland-Berkeley branch of the Socialist Workers Party, where he served as the representative to Bay Area civil rights groups. He also was on the steering committee of the Committee to Uphold the Right to Travel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 1965, Aoki joined the Vietnam Day Committee, an influential anti-war group based in Berkeley, and worked on its international committee as liaison to foreign anti-war activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All along, Aoki met regularly with his FBI handler. Aoki also filed reports by phone, Threadgill said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’d call him and say, ‘When do you want to get together?’ ” Threadgill recalled. “I’d say, ‘I’ll meet you on the street corner at so-and-so and so on.’ I would park a couple of blocks away and get out and go and sit down and talk to him.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Arming the Black Panthers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Threadgill worked with Aoki through mid-1965, when he moved to another FBI office and turned Aoki over to a fellow agent. Aoki was well positioned to inform on a wide range of political activists.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Aoki attended Merritt College in Oakland, where he met Huey Newton, a pre-law student, and Bobby Seale, an engineering student, who were in a political group called the Soul Students Advisory Council.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In fall 1966, Aoki transferred to UC Berkeley as a junior in sociology. That October, Seale and Newton took a draft of their 10-point program for what would become the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense to Aoki’s Berkeley apartment and discussed it over drinks. The platform called for improved housing, education, full employment, the release of incarcerated black men, a halt to “the robbery by the capitalists of our black community” and an “immediate end to police brutality.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Soon after, Aoki gave the Panthers some of their first guns. As Seale recalled in his memoir, “Seize the Time:”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Late in November 1966, we went to a Third World brother we knew, a Japanese radical cat. He had guns … .357 Magnums, 22’s, 9mm’s, what have you. … We told him that if he was a real revolutionary he better go on and give them up to us because we needed them now to begin educating the people to wage a revolutionary struggle. So he gave us an M-1 and a 9mm.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1967, Aoki joined the Black Panther Party and gave them more guns, Seale wrote. Aoki also gave Panther recruits weapons training, he said in the 2007 interview.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I had a little collection, and Bobby and Huey knew about it, and so when the party was formed, I decided to turn it over to the group,” Aoki said in the interview. “And so when you see the guys out there marching and everything, I’m somewhat responsible for the military slant to the organization’s public image.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1967, the Panthers displayed guns during their “community patrols” of Oakland police and also that May 2, when they visited the state Legislature to protest a bill.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although carrying weapons was legal at the time, there is little doubt their presence contributed to fatal confrontations between the Panthers and the police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 28, 1967, Newton was in a shootout that wounded Oakland Officer Herbert Heanes and killed Officer John Frey. On April 6, 1968, Eldridge Cleaver and five other Panthers were involved in a firefight with Oakland police. Cleaver and two officers were wounded, and Panther Bobby Hutton was killed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the period Aoki was arming the Panthers, he also was informing for the FBI. The FBI report that lists him as informant T-2 says that in May 1967, he reported on the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>None of the released FBI reports mention that Aoki gave guns to the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>FBI’s reliance on informants\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>M. Wesley Swearingen, a retired FBI agent who has criticized unlawful bureau surveillance activities under the late Director J. Edgar Hoover, reviewed some of those records. He concluded in a sworn declaration – filed in a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit seeking records on Aoki – that Aoki had been an informant.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swearingen served in the FBI from 1951 to 1977, and worked on a squad that investigated the Panthers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Someone like Aoki is perfect to be in a Black Panther Party, because I understand he is Japanese,” he said. “Hey, nobody is going to guess – he’s in the Black Panther Party; nobody is going to guess that he might be an informant.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Swearingen also said the FBI certainly must have additional records concerning Aoki, including special informant files.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Aoki wouldn't even have to be a member of the party. If he just knew Huey Newton and Bobby Seale, if he went out to lunch with them every day, they would have a main file,” he said. “But to say they don’t have a main file is ludicrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 1990s, testimony from Swearingen helped to vacate the murder conviction of Elmer “Geronimo” Pratt, a Black Panther leader in Los Angeles. Evidence showed that the FBI and Los Angeles Police Department had failed to disclose that a key witness against Pratt was a longtime FBI informant named Julius C. Butler. Pratt later won a civil suit for wrongful imprisonment, with the City of Los Angles paying Pratt $2.75 million and the FBI paying him $1.75 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>During the late ’60s and early ’70s, the FBI sought to disrupt and “neutralize” the Black Panthers under COINTELPRO, the bureau’s secret counterintelligence program to stifle dissent, according to reports by the U.S. Senate Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As part of COINTELPRO, the committee found, the FBI used informants to gather intelligence leading to the weapons arrests of Panthers in Chicago, Detroit, San Diego and Washington. By the end of 1969, at least 28 Panthers had been killed in gunfights with police and many more arrested on weapons charges, according to news accounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Hoover declared in late 1968 that the Panthers, who by now had chapters across the nation, posed “the greatest threat to the internal security of the country.” He cited their radical philosophy and armed confrontations with police.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Although Aoki later would boast of his role with the Panthers, he was secretive about his relations with them at the time, explaining in the 2007 interview that he feared being expelled from UC Berkeley if his activities were known.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In early 1969, Aoki emerged as a leader of the Third World Liberation Front strike at UC Berkeley, which demanded more ethnic studies courses. He advocated violent tactics, according to interviews with him and Manuel Delgado, another strike leader.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Scores of students and police were injured during the three-month confrontation, which became the campus’s most violent strike to date. Gov. Ronald Reagan declared a state of emergency and sent the National Guard to quell the violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At a memorial service for Aoki at Wheeler Hall in May 2009, Seale, of the Black Panthers, and other activists hailed Aoki as a “fearless leader and servant of the people.” In a phone conversation last week, Seale expressed surprise at hearing that Aoki was an informant and declined to comment further.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Seth Rosenfeld was an investigative reporter for the San Francisco Examiner and San Francisco Chronicle and has won the George Polk Award and other journalism honors. He can be reached at \u003ca href=\"mailto:seth@sethrosenfeld.com\">seth@sethrosenfeld.com\u003c/a>. This story was edited by Robert Salladay and copy edited by Nikki Frick.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update at 1:20 p.m:\u003c/strong> The Department of Vehicles reports that it has restored service.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:45 p.m:\u003c/strong> A computer outage on Tuesday hit the California Department of Motor Vehicles statewide and may have affected other departments. DMV spokesperson Jan Mendoza told KQED's Keith Menconi that the state government suffered a \"network connectivity\" problem that has blacked out internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_73143\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/DMV-line.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-73143\" title=\"DMV line\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/DMV-line-300x174.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"174\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DMV patrons waited in line when the agency experienced an internet crash. (Durrie Lawrence/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A broken Verizon router affected the DMV, while an AT&T circuit change affected other agencies, another spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers fumed as a line stretched out of the Fell Street office in San Francisco. By 11 a.m., some had waited as long as three hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DMV workers discovered the outage at 8 a.m, the spokespersons said. The agency is rescheduling appointments for Wednesday, except driving tests, since these don't require computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sacramento.cbslocal.com/2012/06/28/call-kurtis-investigates-dmv-computer-problems-force-customers-to-face-late-fees/\">CBS Sacramento\u003c/a> reports that the DMV has apologized for more than a dozen computer errors this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the reports that trickled in on Twitter:\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>http://storify.com/kqednews/california-dmv-computers-down-again\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Update at 1:20 p.m:\u003c/strong> The Department of Vehicles reports that it has restored service.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Updated at 11:45 p.m:\u003c/strong> A computer outage on Tuesday hit the California Department of Motor Vehicles statewide and may have affected other departments. DMV spokesperson Jan Mendoza told KQED's Keith Menconi that the state government suffered a \"network connectivity\" problem that has blacked out internet access.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_73143\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 300px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/DMV-line.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-medium wp-image-73143\" title=\"DMV line\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/DMV-line-300x174.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"174\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">DMV patrons waited in line when the agency experienced an internet crash. (Durrie Lawrence/KQED)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A broken Verizon router affected the DMV, while an AT&T circuit change affected other agencies, another spokesperson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Customers fumed as a line stretched out of the Fell Street office in San Francisco. By 11 a.m., some had waited as long as three hours.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>DMV workers discovered the outage at 8 a.m, the spokespersons said. The agency is rescheduling appointments for Wednesday, except driving tests, since these don't require computers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://sacramento.cbslocal.com/2012/06/28/call-kurtis-investigates-dmv-computer-problems-force-customers-to-face-late-fees/\">CBS Sacramento\u003c/a> reports that the DMV has apologized for more than a dozen computer errors this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Cougar Hunter Dan Richards is Out as Fish and Game Commission President After Vote",
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"content": "\u003cp>The California Fish and Game Commission voted unanimously for Jim Kellogg as president, thus ousting previous commission head and controversial cougar-hunter Dan Richards. Richards was gracious after the vote, expressing his appreciation to the commission and immediately turning over his gavel. Richards had said previously that if he was removed as president, he'd stay on the commission until his term ends in January. At that point it would be up to Jerry Brown to reappoint him, which Richards himself said is unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At today's meeting, just one citizen spoke in favor of Richards, who caused a stir in February when he shot and killed a cougar in Idaho. The small turnout is in marked contrast to a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/03/08/video-dan-richards-supporters-speak-out-at-fish-and-game-meeting/\">Fish and Game Commission meeting in March\u003c/a>, when 60 people expressed their support for Richards during the two-and-a-half hour public comment period. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards became notorious to some after posing with the mountain lion's dead carcass for an outdoors magazine. That caused an uproar as animal-rights organizations and a slew of Democrats in the legislature sought to remove him from office, though the effort petered out. Cougar hunting is legal in Idaho but not in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\">photo\u003c/a>, which appeared in Western Outdoor News....\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"shotmountainlionSM1\" width=\"171\" height=\"286\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-72687\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards was \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/science/ci_21257380/mountain-lion-hunter-may-be-removed-president-california?source=autofeed#\">quoted in the San Jose Mercury News\u003c/a> today as saying his ouster \"originates from the enviro-terrorists being threatened by me. They see a guy who is paying attention to the issues, and who calls them out on the crap they throw out. Their involvement is important but by and large it's a farce, and I'm not afraid to call it that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards has refused to heed calls for him to resign. “I’m not apologizing. I didn’t do anything wrong,\" he \u003ca href=\"http://www.wonews.com/Blog.aspx?id=1683&AuthorID=59046&t=Resolute%20Richards%20Refuses%20to%20Resign\">told Western Outdoor News\u003c/a> during the height of the controversy. \"Why would I (resign)? I think I’m doing a good job.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, 40 state legislators signed a letter calling for his removal, and Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose father is a mountain lion advocate, sent Richards a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ltg.ca.gov/news.2012.02.27_Richards.html\">letter asking him to step aside\u003c/a>. Newsom's argument: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>While not in California at the time, your actions call into question whether you can live up to the calling of your office. Since 1870 the Commission has worked to manage the wildlife resources of our state. As president of the commission, I am sure you understand that merely complying with the conservation laws of California is not the standard by which the Commission or its members are measured. As is stated on the Commission's website, your actions should be in the \"best interest of the resource and truly reflect(s) the wishes and needs of the people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do appreciate that you did nothing illegal in Idaho, but it is clear that your actions do not reflect the values of the people of California. In 1972, Governor Ronald Reagan signed legislation banning the sport hunting of mountain lions in California for 5 years. That ban was twice renewed before the voters of California passed Proposition 117 in June 1990.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards reacted to the criticism by sending a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/02/29/read-calif-fish-and-game-presidents-letter-to-assemblyman-on-dead-mountain-lion-photo/\">sarcastic letter\u003c/a> to Assemblymember Ben Hueso, who spearheaded the effort against him. Richards wrote: \"Do you really think a California Commissioner is actually obligated to follow California laws across these United States? Really?\" \u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The California Fish and Game Commission voted unanimously for Jim Kellogg as president, thus ousting previous commission head and controversial cougar-hunter Dan Richards. Richards was gracious after the vote, expressing his appreciation to the commission and immediately turning over his gavel. Richards had said previously that if he was removed as president, he'd stay on the commission until his term ends in January. At that point it would be up to Jerry Brown to reappoint him, which Richards himself said is unlikely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At today's meeting, just one citizen spoke in favor of Richards, who caused a stir in February when he shot and killed a cougar in Idaho. The small turnout is in marked contrast to a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/03/08/video-dan-richards-supporters-speak-out-at-fish-and-game-meeting/\">Fish and Game Commission meeting in March\u003c/a>, when 60 people expressed their support for Richards during the two-and-a-half hour public comment period. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards became notorious to some after posing with the mountain lion's dead carcass for an outdoors magazine. That caused an uproar as animal-rights organizations and a slew of Democrats in the legislature sought to remove him from office, though the effort petered out. Cougar hunting is legal in Idaho but not in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here's the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\">photo\u003c/a>, which appeared in Western Outdoor News....\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/shotmountainlionSM1.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"shotmountainlionSM1\" width=\"171\" height=\"286\" class=\"aligncenter size-full wp-image-72687\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards was \u003ca href=\"http://www.mercurynews.com/science/ci_21257380/mountain-lion-hunter-may-be-removed-president-california?source=autofeed#\">quoted in the San Jose Mercury News\u003c/a> today as saying his ouster \"originates from the enviro-terrorists being threatened by me. They see a guy who is paying attention to the issues, and who calls them out on the crap they throw out. Their involvement is important but by and large it's a farce, and I'm not afraid to call it that.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards has refused to heed calls for him to resign. “I’m not apologizing. I didn’t do anything wrong,\" he \u003ca href=\"http://www.wonews.com/Blog.aspx?id=1683&AuthorID=59046&t=Resolute%20Richards%20Refuses%20to%20Resign\">told Western Outdoor News\u003c/a> during the height of the controversy. \"Why would I (resign)? I think I’m doing a good job.” \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At one point, 40 state legislators signed a letter calling for his removal, and Lt. Gov. Gavin Newsom, whose father is a mountain lion advocate, sent Richards a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ltg.ca.gov/news.2012.02.27_Richards.html\">letter asking him to step aside\u003c/a>. Newsom's argument: \u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote>\u003cp>While not in California at the time, your actions call into question whether you can live up to the calling of your office. Since 1870 the Commission has worked to manage the wildlife resources of our state. As president of the commission, I am sure you understand that merely complying with the conservation laws of California is not the standard by which the Commission or its members are measured. As is stated on the Commission's website, your actions should be in the \"best interest of the resource and truly reflect(s) the wishes and needs of the people.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>I do appreciate that you did nothing illegal in Idaho, but it is clear that your actions do not reflect the values of the people of California. In 1972, Governor Ronald Reagan signed legislation banning the sport hunting of mountain lions in California for 5 years. That ban was twice renewed before the voters of California passed Proposition 117 in June 1990.\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Richards reacted to the criticism by sending a \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/02/29/read-calif-fish-and-game-presidents-letter-to-assemblyman-on-dead-mountain-lion-photo/\">sarcastic letter\u003c/a> to Assemblymember Ben Hueso, who spearheaded the effort against him. Richards wrote: \"Do you really think a California Commissioner is actually obligated to follow California laws across these United States? Really?\" \u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It sounded outrageous. At a time when the California state government was desperately \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2012/06/21/welfare-financial-aid-cut-in-new-california-budget/\">cutting support for moms on welfare, sick kids and college students\u003c/a>, it appeared to have $2.3 billion squirreled away in hidden slush funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_72223\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 248px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/Ruth-Coleman.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2012/08/Ruth-Coleman.jpg\" alt=\"\" title=\"Ruth Coleman\" width=\"248\" height=\"140\" class=\"size-full wp-image-72223\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Former State Parks director Ruth Coleman (California Department of Parks and Recreatio)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Not, so Finance Department auditors said on Friday in a \u003ca href=\"http://www.dof.ca.gov/special_fund_balance/\">special report\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question arose after the discovery that \u003ca href=\"http://www.californiareport.org/archive/R201207201630/a\">the Parks Department had a secret fund of $54 million\u003c/a>, an unauthorized pot of money used to buy back vacation time from department employees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The revelation led to the resignation on July 20 of State Parks Director Ruth Coleman and the dismissal of her second-in-command. Inquiring minds immediately wanted to know what other state departments might have similar stashes. And a quick look at accounts of special funds maintained in various departments raised eyebrows.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the Finance Department acknowledges, the total amount of special fund balances reported by the State Controller’s Office as of June 30 was $12.5 billion. But the Finance Department reported that the funds held a total of $8.8 billion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The discrepancy, however, could be explained by different accounting methods and time frames used by the two offices, the Finance Department said on Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The details are frankly boring. A lot of it had to do with goods ordered but not not received by the end of the year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There were some accounting errors — $196.7 million worth — the department said, which to you and me is not chicken feed. But there was no deliberate deception, other than the $54 million from the Parks Department, the auditors concluded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, we will all have to look elsewhere for buried treasure.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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},
"science-friday": {
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