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"content": "\u003cp>Nearly two decades after California banned bilingual education, voters next month will have a chance to restore it. Proposition 58 would officially end the era of English-only teaching and re-introduce instruction in English and a second language as an option.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About 1.4 million English Language Learners, or ELLs, make up roughly 23 percent of California’s public school students. Most are Spanish speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[http_redir]\u003cbr>\n\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"http://apps.npr.org/dailygraphics/graphics/bilingual-california-chart-20161021/child.html\" width=\"100%\" height=\"500\" scrolling=\"yes\" class=\"iframe-class\" frameborder=\"0\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics of bilingual instruction say it delays kids’ ability to read, write and speak proper English because they spend too much time learning in their native language. That view was widespread in 1998, the year that 61 percent of voters passed Proposition 227, ending what was called “transitional bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227 did not outlaw all bilingual education programs. It did, however require that parents sign a waiver if they wanted to keep their children in a bilingual classroom. Without a waiver, ELLs were automatically placed in English-only classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in 18 years, though. Public support for programs that help children master two languages has grown significantly in California. More and more parents see biliteracy as a crucial skill that will open doors for their children. And districts like San Francisco and Los Angeles have created sizable bilingual programs using that waiver provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One influential supporter of Proposition 58 is Shelly Spiegel-Coleman. She’s head of Californians Together, a Long Beach nonprofit that’s behind the so-called “biliteracy movement” in California. She says knowing at least two languages now is as important as being proficient in math, science and reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of Proposition 58 point to a \u003ca href=\"http://news.stanford.edu/news/2014/march/teaching-english-language-032514.html\">2014 Stanford University study\u003c/a> of 18,000 ELLs in San Francisco. It found that, by fifth grade, ELLs who had gotten waivers to remain in small bilingual programs were equally proficient in English and did just as well on state tests when compared with ELLs in English-only programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Lara, a Democratic state senator from Los Angeles County, is the sponsor of the ballot measure. He calls it “an attempt to right a tremendous wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the debate over bilingual education is different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians know and value and understand the importance of having their students be multilingual, bilingual and multiliterate,” he said recently. “And so we’re removing those barriers and ensuring that we are going to continue to have those dynamic programs in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11146645\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo. \u003ccite>(Morgan Walker/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, for example, school districts would still decide locally whether they want to expand bilingual education or not. English-only programs would remain, but parents would no longer need to sign a waiver to place their children in a bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear this would allow schools to transfer ELLs to a bilingual classroom without the parent’s consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge against the bilingual measure is Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley millionaire who orchestrated the original ban in 1998. His campaign was inspired by a protest by immigrant parents in Los Angeles in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, a group called Las Familias del Pueblo launched a boycott at the \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1996-02-14/local/me-35833_1_district-schools\">Ninth Street School in \u003c/a>L.A.’s garment district. Latino parents complained that, as much as they wanted their kids to continue speaking Spanish, only 1 percent of the students at the school knew enough English to transition out of the bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”hVhY4GiK7kEAQfPH9zc9fVfu3c1xiYcC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz insists that bilingual instruction is ineffective and cheats ELLs of a quality education. He argues that ELLs need no more than a year of intensive English instruction before moving on to English-only classrooms, and that while challenges remain, those students today are better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students “are doing much better than they had been doing 18 or 20 years ago,” he says, “or that they would be doing if they weren’t being taught English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the ban, test scores for English Language Learners statewide improved considerably. Supporters interpreted it as powerful evidence that English-only was a better way to get ELLs to succeed, even if it meant that children would lose their Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, the academic achievement and test scores of ELLs began to drop off. So much so that in 2015, a coalition of civil rights groups won a landmark case against the state for failing to address the high failure rates of ELLs. State officials have since agreed to new monitoring procedures to ensure that districts provide the necessary services and interventions required under the federal Equal Educational Opportunities Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the bilingual debate has been much more muted than it was in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Unz says the proposed initiative is likely to pass, thanks to upper-middle-class families who see bilingual instruction as a form of academic enrichment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lot has changed in 18 years, though. Public support for programs that help children master two languages has grown significantly in California. More and more parents see biliteracy as a crucial skill that will open doors for their children. And districts like San Francisco and Los Angeles have created sizable bilingual programs using that waiver provision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One influential supporter of Proposition 58 is Shelly Spiegel-Coleman. She’s head of Californians Together, a Long Beach nonprofit that’s behind the so-called “biliteracy movement” in California. She says knowing at least two languages now is as important as being proficient in math, science and reading.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Advocates of Proposition 58 point to a \u003ca href=\"http://news.stanford.edu/news/2014/march/teaching-english-language-032514.html\">2014 Stanford University study\u003c/a> of 18,000 ELLs in San Francisco. It found that, by fifth grade, ELLs who had gotten waivers to remain in small bilingual programs were equally proficient in English and did just as well on state tests when compared with ELLs in English-only programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ricardo Lara, a Democratic state senator from Los Angeles County, is the sponsor of the ballot measure. He calls it “an attempt to right a tremendous wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He says the debate over bilingual education is different this time around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians know and value and understand the importance of having their students be multilingual, bilingual and multiliterate,” he said recently. “And so we’re removing those barriers and ensuring that we are going to continue to have those dynamic programs in the state.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11146645\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11146645\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg\" alt=\"Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo.\" width=\"800\" height=\"533\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1920x1280.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-1180x787.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-960x640.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-240x160.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-375x250.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/npr-15_slide-84d3d78311336aac2c1253c87266e1b0fe7e5685-520x347.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Drawings hang on the walls at Las Familias Del Pueblo. \u003ccite>(Morgan Walker/NPR)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Under the measure, for example, school districts would still decide locally whether they want to expand bilingual education or not. English-only programs would remain, but parents would no longer need to sign a waiver to place their children in a bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents fear this would allow schools to transfer ELLs to a bilingual classroom without the parent’s consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leading the charge against the bilingual measure is Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley millionaire who orchestrated the original ban in 1998. His campaign was inspired by a protest by immigrant parents in Los Angeles in 1996.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back then, a group called Las Familias del Pueblo launched a boycott at the \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/1996-02-14/local/me-35833_1_district-schools\">Ninth Street School in \u003c/a>L.A.’s garment district. Latino parents complained that, as much as they wanted their kids to continue speaking Spanish, only 1 percent of the students at the school knew enough English to transition out of the bilingual program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz insists that bilingual instruction is ineffective and cheats ELLs of a quality education. He argues that ELLs need no more than a year of intensive English instruction before moving on to English-only classrooms, and that while challenges remain, those students today are better off.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Latino students “are doing much better than they had been doing 18 or 20 years ago,” he says, “or that they would be doing if they weren’t being taught English.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the years after the ban, test scores for English Language Learners statewide improved considerably. Supporters interpreted it as powerful evidence that English-only was a better way to get ELLs to succeed, even if it meant that children would lose their Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Years later, the academic achievement and test scores of ELLs began to drop off. So much so that in 2015, a coalition of civil rights groups won a landmark case against the state for failing to address the high failure rates of ELLs. State officials have since agreed to new monitoring procedures to ensure that districts provide the necessary services and interventions required under the federal Equal Educational Opportunities Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This time around, the bilingual debate has been much more muted than it was in the 1990s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ron Unz says the proposed initiative is likely to pass, thanks to upper-middle-class families who see bilingual instruction as a form of academic enrichment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Copyright 2016 NPR. To see more, visit\u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> NPR.org\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco’s homeless population can vote, even without a fixed address, announced advocates for the homeless who on Thursday gathered at the intersection of Division Street and Trainor — a narrow alleyway behind Rainbow Grocery that is lined with tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to tell folks, if you want to vote, look at that street corner right there, that’s your address, that’s your voting right,” said Vivian Thorp, legal advocate with the Homeless Action Center in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates, representing Poor Magazine/Decolonize Academy and the Justice for Luis Gongora Pat Coalition, set up a tent at the corner of the alleyway — symbolizing a voter registration booth — and then made their way from tent to tent with registration forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While informing the Trainor Street tent encampment residents of their right, the advocates also campaigned against Propositions Q and R — two measures on the November ballot that they say could prove harmful to the campers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the full story at \u003ca href=\"http://missionlocal.org/2016/10/the-missions-homeless-can-and-should-vote-say-advocates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mission Local\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Advocates say ballot measures that will affect the city's homeless make it all the more imperative that they vote.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco’s homeless population can vote, even without a fixed address, announced advocates for the homeless who on Thursday gathered at the intersection of Division Street and Trainor — a narrow alleyway behind Rainbow Grocery that is lined with tents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to tell folks, if you want to vote, look at that street corner right there, that’s your address, that’s your voting right,” said Vivian Thorp, legal advocate with the Homeless Action Center in Berkeley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The advocates, representing Poor Magazine/Decolonize Academy and the Justice for Luis Gongora Pat Coalition, set up a tent at the corner of the alleyway — symbolizing a voter registration booth — and then made their way from tent to tent with registration forms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While informing the Trainor Street tent encampment residents of their right, the advocates also campaigned against Propositions Q and R — two measures on the November ballot that they say could prove harmful to the campers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Read the full story at \u003ca href=\"http://missionlocal.org/2016/10/the-missions-homeless-can-and-should-vote-say-advocates/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Mission Local\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>SACRAMENTO — Political donors have spent a record $450 million on 17 statewide November ballot initiatives in California, beating the state’s own record for the most spent on propositions appearing on state ballots in a single year, campaign reports filed Thursday show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fundraising has soared at least $12 million past California’s previous record, when $438 million was spent on the campaigns for and against 21 measures on 2008 ballots. With inflation, fundraising in 2008 would be worth at least $490 million today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No other state has come close to those amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the few states that empower voters to enact laws affecting state revenue and spending. The proposals going before the state’s 18 million registered voters put billions of dollars at stake in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big business,” said Jessica Levinson, a law professor at Loyola University in Los Angeles, who commented before the record was broken. She and other campaign finance experts stress that big money flows to the contests that will have the biggest financial impact, and the final push to sway voters is likely to include a spending blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the oxygen is really being sucked up by the presidential race,” Levinson said. “For most voters, they’re just starting to think about the ballot measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2024/info/proposition-61\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 61\u003c/a>, a proposal to cap what the state pays for prescription drugs at the lowest price the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs pays, has drawn the biggest spending. Pharmaceutical companies have contributed most of the $108 million that’s been raised to defeat it, including $22 million publicly disclosed Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, which placed it on the ballot, has spent about $14 million backing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Proposition 61 would not force drug companies to change their prices, the state legislative analyst says its fiscal effect on the $3.8 billion market is unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco companies are among the other biggest spenders, contributing more than $55 million to oppose \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 56\u003c/a>, a proposed $2 tax increase on every pack of cigarettes sold in the state. The California Hospital Association has spent more than $46 million opposing three measures that would affect funding for Medi-Cal, the state’s health care program for the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the funding has come directly from the corporations facing massive gains or losses to their own bottom line on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”7aWK4a82A0Jpwby0JzufGc40HiucDUYh”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re called citizen initiatives because of who has to sign them, not necessarily who has to pay for them,” said Josh Altic, who directs research on ballot measures at Ballotpedia, an organization that aggregates electoral data from all 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the biggest individual donors are Republican Charles Munger Jr., who has contributed more than $10 million to support \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 54\u003c/a>, seeking greater legislative transparency, and Napster founder Sean Parker, who has given about $7 million supporting the effort to legalize and tax recreational marijuana, \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 64\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The totals exclude money that is transferred between allied campaigns as well as duplicate contributions recorded when one committee raised money for more than one proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record amount also includes about $50 million raised in 2014 for some of this year’s ballot measures. That money does not appear in some calculations the Secretary of State’s Office provides online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where does all the money go? The campaign reports show more than $40 million was used to pay signature-gatherers who circulated petitions to qualify each of the 14 initiatives and one referendum for the ballot. Two measures were placed on the ballot by lawmakers, a process that does not require signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the reports show roughly $200 million has been spent on advertising and political consulting firms that coordinate research and media buys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $115 million was spent to air 76,000 broadcast television advertisements supporting and opposing California initiatives through Oct. 17, according to an analysis by the Center for Public Integrity of data from Kantar Media/CMAG, which monitors media markets around the country and offers a widely accepted cost estimate. That figure does not include spending on cable TV, radio, online or mailers, nor the cost of producing ads.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>SACRAMENTO — Political donors have spent a record $450 million on 17 statewide November ballot initiatives in California, beating the state’s own record for the most spent on propositions appearing on state ballots in a single year, campaign reports filed Thursday show.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The fundraising has soared at least $12 million past California’s previous record, when $438 million was spent on the campaigns for and against 21 measures on 2008 ballots. With inflation, fundraising in 2008 would be worth at least $490 million today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>No other state has come close to those amounts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California is one of the few states that empower voters to enact laws affecting state revenue and spending. The proposals going before the state’s 18 million registered voters put billions of dollars at stake in this election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s big business,” said Jessica Levinson, a law professor at Loyola University in Los Angeles, who commented before the record was broken. She and other campaign finance experts stress that big money flows to the contests that will have the biggest financial impact, and the final push to sway voters is likely to include a spending blitz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of the oxygen is really being sucked up by the presidential race,” Levinson said. “For most voters, they’re just starting to think about the ballot measures.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2024/info/proposition-61\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 61\u003c/a>, a proposal to cap what the state pays for prescription drugs at the lowest price the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs pays, has drawn the biggest spending. Pharmaceutical companies have contributed most of the $108 million that’s been raised to defeat it, including $22 million publicly disclosed Thursday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The AIDS Healthcare Foundation, which placed it on the ballot, has spent about $14 million backing it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Proposition 61 would not force drug companies to change their prices, the state legislative analyst says its fiscal effect on the $3.8 billion market is unknown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tobacco companies are among the other biggest spenders, contributing more than $55 million to oppose \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 56\u003c/a>, a proposed $2 tax increase on every pack of cigarettes sold in the state. The California Hospital Association has spent more than $46 million opposing three measures that would affect funding for Medi-Cal, the state’s health care program for the poor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of the funding has come directly from the corporations facing massive gains or losses to their own bottom line on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re called citizen initiatives because of who has to sign them, not necessarily who has to pay for them,” said Josh Altic, who directs research on ballot measures at Ballotpedia, an organization that aggregates electoral data from all 50 states.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the biggest individual donors are Republican Charles Munger Jr., who has contributed more than $10 million to support \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 54\u003c/a>, seeking greater legislative transparency, and Napster founder Sean Parker, who has given about $7 million supporting the effort to legalize and tax recreational marijuana, \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 64\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The totals exclude money that is transferred between allied campaigns as well as duplicate contributions recorded when one committee raised money for more than one proposition.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The record amount also includes about $50 million raised in 2014 for some of this year’s ballot measures. That money does not appear in some calculations the Secretary of State’s Office provides online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Where does all the money go? The campaign reports show more than $40 million was used to pay signature-gatherers who circulated petitions to qualify each of the 14 initiatives and one referendum for the ballot. Two measures were placed on the ballot by lawmakers, a process that does not require signatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Overall, the reports show roughly $200 million has been spent on advertising and political consulting firms that coordinate research and media buys.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>About $115 million was spent to air 76,000 broadcast television advertisements supporting and opposing California initiatives through Oct. 17, according to an analysis by the Center for Public Integrity of data from Kantar Media/CMAG, which monitors media markets around the country and offers a widely accepted cost estimate. That figure does not include spending on cable TV, radio, online or mailers, nor the cost of producing ads.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Oh, to be a plastic bag. Helpful, ubiquitous and ever useful. Carefree, wafting on the wind, and alive for a thousand years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On the other hand, you are cheap and trashy. Discarded, your presence mars beautiful landscapes. You and your trillions of clones clog sewers, accumulate in the worlds’ oceans, and entangle and choke wildlife and sea creatures.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California banned your flimsy presence in the Golden State, consigning you to an environmentally-sensitive death by recycling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But, as shoppers know all too well, getting rid of plastic bags isn’t that easy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The “paper-or-plastic?” checkout query was supposed to be a relic of our unenlightened past. After reviewing the scientific evidence of persistent environmental harm, California legislators in 2014 banned thin plastic carryout bags, authorizing stores to charge customers 10 cents for heavier-duty plastic sacks or paper bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\">\u003cem>CALmatters\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a non-profit journalism venture dedicated to exploring state policies and politics. For more stories by Julie Cart, go to calmatters.org/about/staff/julie-cart/\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "California voters will find two opposing plastic bag initiatives on the November ballot -- Proposition 67 and Proposition 65 -- both sponsored by the plastic bag industry.",
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"title": "Pity the Plastic Bag: Will Californians Seal Its Fate With a Ban? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ban inflamed the nation’s bag makers, who intervened before the law could take effect. They wielded two ballot measures to poke a stick in the eye of the Legislature and the grocery industry, whom they haven’t forgiven for switching sides to support the ban after the Legislature allowed the grocers to keep the 10 cent fee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, in the confounding manner of direct democracy, California voters in November will ponder two opposing initiatives, each sponsored by the plastic bag industry—which has spent more than $6 million to put them on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 67\u003c/a>, is a referendum—an attempt to block the bag ban by asking voters whether they agree with the new law. The plastic bag industry is hoping to convince enough Californians to vote no, thereby preempting the ban.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another, \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/proposition/propositions-65-and-67-plastic-bags/\">Prop. 65\u003c/a>, would redirect the 10 cent bag fee consumers pay, so that rather than stores reaping the benefit, it would instead go to an environmental fund administered by the state Wildlife Conservation Board. The plastics industry is backing this one, a smack-down to the grocery industry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092839\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092839\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg\" alt=\"Plastic bags at checkout.\" width=\"640\" height=\"480\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout.jpg 640w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-240x180.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-375x281.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag2Checkout-520x390.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 640px) 100vw, 640px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Plastic bags at checkout. \u003ccite>(Day Donaldson/flickr)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>If the bag ban survives at the polls, Californians would say goodbye to one of the world’s most utilitarian products. Thus would the plastic bag, a humble object engineered to be of long and useful service, become undone by its very design.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It already has been exiled from \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">150 cities and counties\u003c/a>, primarily along the Pacific coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe the environmental facts have been misconstrued,” said Phil Rozenski, policy chair of the American Progressive Bag Alliance, and a senior director at Novolex. Its subsidiary, Hilex Poly Co., has contributed to the ballot propositions. “This is all about politics and emotional debate. Science left the building years ago.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because of plastic’s durability, even when exposed to constant wave action and degraded by a relentless sun, it doesn’t disappear, but breaks down into tiny particles called microplastics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two years ago, a survey of existing research estimated that as many as 51 trillion particles of microplastics are floating around the planet’s oceans, weighing as much as 236,000 metric tons. Closer to home, a \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfei.org/documents/microplastic-contamination-san-francisco-bay\">2015 study\u003c/a> found that eight wastewater treatment plants discharge nearly half a million microplastic particles into the San Francisco Bay each day.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even taking into consideration that bags represent only a portion of all plastics found in marine debris, researchers say 80 percent of trash floating in the ocean is plastic. “The problems with plastics are well-documented,” said Eben Schwartz, who oversees the California Coastal Commission’s Marine Debris Program. “Sea animals ingest plastic and it not only gives the sense of being full, so they starve, but it can also get caught in the esophagus, and keep food from getting down.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092840\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 1963px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-1092840 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png\" alt=\"PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean\" width=\"1963\" height=\"1098\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean.png 1963w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-160x89.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-800x447.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-768x430.png 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1020x571.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1920x1074.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-1180x660.png 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-960x537.png 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-240x134.png 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-375x210.png 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag3FloatinginOcean-520x291.png 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1963px) 100vw, 1963px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Plastic accumulated in the stomach of a marine mammal, renders the animals more buoyant and makes it more difficult to dive for food. Sea turtles can mistake floating plastic bags for their favorite meal, jellyfish. Offshore and onshore, animals become entangled with plastic bags.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, Californians use about 15 million single-use plastic bags a year—as the Legislative Analyst \u003ca href=\"http://www.lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Proposition?number=67&year=2016\">notes\u003c/a>, that’s more than 400 bags per Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because plastic is marvelous. Few modern inventions have so quickly shoved aside the competition and staked a spot smack in the middle of American culture, industrial design and manufacturing. Plastics emerged in the late 1940s full of promise and vigor. Then, as now, plastic begins life as a petrochemical. Manufacturing processes convert chains of hydrogen and carbon molecules into a polymer resin that is then heated, shaped and cooled.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheap and versatile, it can become just about anything.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But plastic formulation prevents it from bio-degrading along with other garbage. Scientists sifting through landfills of the future will dredge up diapers—and Safeway bags. Even the industry’s “biodegradable” bags don’t completely break down, and these green plastic bags account for less than 1 per cent of the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This description of a plastic bag’s afterlife, from an \u003ca href=\"http://plasticbaglaws.org/wordpress/wp-content/uploads/2010/04/MEA_green-cities-CA.pdf\">environmental assessment\u003c/a> prepared for California local governments: “The majority of bags end up as litter or in the landfill, and even those in the landfill may be blown away as litter due to their light weight. Although some recycling facilities will handle plastic bags, most reject them because they can get caught in the machinery and cause malfunctioning, or are contaminated after use.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_1092843\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 1653px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-1092843\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/science/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg\" alt=\"Credit:\" width=\"1653\" height=\"1045\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web.jpg 1653w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-160x101.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-800x506.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-768x486.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1020x645.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-1180x746.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-960x607.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-240x152.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-375x237.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/35/2016/10/PlasticBag4Landfill_for-web-520x329.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1653px) 100vw, 1653px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Credit: \u003ccite>(NOAA)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Bags snag on tree limbs, blow around on vacant lots and loiter in gutters. But don’t blame the bag, says the industry, blame a populace ridden with litterbugs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Whether it’s marine debris or litter—it shouldn’t be there,” said Rozenski. “We have to work on it as a society. Approaching it on a product-by-product basis is not the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others oppose the ban on philosophical grounds. “The government shouldn’t be telling stores what kind of bags to offer. That’s between the store and the customer,” said Ted Brown, chairman of the state Libertarian Party, which opposes both propositions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Do bag bans really make a difference?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since San Francisco’s ban has been in place, plastic bag refuse found on the Bay Area’s inland and coastal beaches has fallen 34 per cent, according to Schwartz of the coastal commission. He cited data gathered at annual Bay Area cleanups showing that in 2008, plastic bags accounted for about 9 percent of all debris removed from beaches. By 2012, they were only 6 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We never see drops like that,” he said. “The bans are effective.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>[dropcap]T[/dropcap]hey are third-, fourth- and fifth-graders, but the English lessons are at a kindergarten level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these students are able to write full compositions in their native languages, said the school’s principal, Jim Symonds. So the ideal approach would be to continue \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/09/28/65207/a-bold-new-approach-to-english-proficiency-for-kid/\">teaching them in their native language\u003c/a> to keep their brains stimulated, while folding in English language instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could spend more time teaching them in their native language and working on that proficiency and getting to those higher-level thinking skills, I think they’d be that much further ahead academically and be able to pick up English faster,” said Symonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current state law prevents the school from teaching them using those methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the English in Public Schools Initiative, which California voters approved in 1998, requires that the students spend one year in a sheltered class like this one, taking all of their classes in English, before transitioning to mainstream classes at their grade level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/03/64930/election-2016-faq-proposition-58-non-english-langu/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, on California’s general election ballot, would remove those limits on native language instruction. The measure would directly affect instruction for the state’s 1.3 million English learners and indirectly for those students whose parents want them to be bilingual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative has drawn wide support from educators, who point to research in the last decade that suggests young people who learn multiple languages improve their brain’s ability to focus and manage several tasks at the same time, which are the keys to learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also supported by dozens of Democratic elected officials, the California Association for Bilingual Education, the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Advancement Project and the think tank EdTrust West.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s strongest opponent is the man who created the bilingual education limits through Proposition 227, the original ballot measure passed 18 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bilingual education is dead and it’s not coming back,” said Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley entrepreneur who authored and funded Proposition 227.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time Proposition 227 made it on the ballot, more than 400,000 students were enrolled in bilingual education programs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old system put hundreds of thousands — a good fraction of 1 million students — in a program where they were not taught English as soon as they started school,” Unz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the bilingual education programs immersed students in their native language — largely Spanish — while dual immersion programs focused on Spanish instruction and built up English gradually from the early grades. At the time, many Californians were worried about increasing levels of immigration and were concerned about how newly arrived students were acclimating to their schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz and others seized on the failings of some bilingual programs to underline that many students languished without properly learning English and transitioning to standard classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 58 don’t disagree entirely.[contextly_sidebar id=”KIauSBiMJMT1a9s4YFGctZWoYWT58a3S”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The programs were literally all over the place,” said Marcelo Suárez-Orozco, dean of the University of California Los Angeles Graduate School of Education & Information Studies. “Each district, each school, seemed to have its own set of priorities and rules and predilections when it came to bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, he said, was a political response to the failings of bilingual education that largely eliminated bilingual education rather than find what was working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a lot has changed in California since Proposition 227. Latinos are now the state’s largest ethnic group, while Latino representation in Sacramento has also increased. Bilingualism has become accepted as a point of cultural pride, while the changing workforce has put a premium on workers who speak multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now know in California that it’s not just a cool thing to have your child be bilingual. We actually know that it’s important for our children to have more than one language early on,” said University of Southern California education researcher Gisele Ragusa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new measure would keep the current English immersion programs as a minimum requirement for English learners, but would allow school districts to create their own bilingual education programs as they see fit to serve those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also allow schools to use as much of a student’s native language as they see fit to support a student’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own and it’s incredibly discriminatory.’\u003ccite>Gisele Ragusa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the state’s English learner students have struggled because state rules limit the amount of native language support, the lifting of those limits by Proposition 58 could improve their learning at a time when there’s a deep achievement gap between most English learners and their white and Asian counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students struggle in an environment in which they have to abandon the familiarity of their native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we say to them, when you come to school you can’t speak the language you’ve been speaking for four years, five years, three years at home, we are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own, and it’s incredibly discriminatory,” Ragusa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians pass the ballot measure, future classes for students learning English might look something like the dual language program that exists at McKinley Elementary School just down the hall from the newcomer class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current law, courses can be taught in more than one language if the parents of each child participating in the program sign a waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley started such a program for Spanish three years ago, and the students enrolled are a mix of English learners and native English speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher Consuelo Gomez and an aide walk around a kindergarten classroom helping students recognize basic Spanish words by asking them to identify pictures. The question and answer between teacher and student is sometimes in Spanish, and sometimes a mixture of English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach, principal Symonds said, is to gradually build up these kids’ mental ability to learn two languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In kindergarten, the instruction is 90 percent in Spanish and 10 percent in English, Symonds said. The amount of instruction in English gradually increases each year as students progress through elementary school, until roughly half of class time is spent in English and half in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re immersing them in two languages,” he said. “We’re looking at the long-term picture of student achievement. The gains, we’re not going to start seeing until the upper grades and into high school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bilingual education limits, Symonds said, are like a timer that forces kids to sink or swim in their new language without the lifeline of their native language. The only clock that should be ticking, he said, is kids’ ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids evolve naturally, and you know, some countries that we know don’t start reading until they’re 6 or 7 years old,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the limits on bilingual education are lifted will be up to voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Series: \u003cem>California Counts\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/issues/california-counts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class=\"utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__dropcapShortcode__dropcap\">T\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>hey are third-, fourth- and fifth-graders, but the English lessons are at a kindergarten level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Most of these students are able to write full compositions in their native languages, said the school’s principal, Jim Symonds. So the ideal approach would be to continue \u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/09/28/65207/a-bold-new-approach-to-english-proficiency-for-kid/\">teaching them in their native language\u003c/a> to keep their brains stimulated, while folding in English language instruction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we could spend more time teaching them in their native language and working on that proficiency and getting to those higher-level thinking skills, I think they’d be that much further ahead academically and be able to pick up English faster,” said Symonds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But current state law prevents the school from teaching them using those methods.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, the English in Public Schools Initiative, which California voters approved in 1998, requires that the students spend one year in a sheltered class like this one, taking all of their classes in English, before transitioning to mainstream classes at their grade level.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.scpr.org/news/2016/10/03/64930/election-2016-faq-proposition-58-non-english-langu/\">Proposition 58\u003c/a>, on California’s general election ballot, would remove those limits on native language instruction. The measure would directly affect instruction for the state’s 1.3 million English learners and indirectly for those students whose parents want them to be bilingual.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The initiative has drawn wide support from educators, who point to research in the last decade that suggests young people who learn multiple languages improve their brain’s ability to focus and manage several tasks at the same time, which are the keys to learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s also supported by dozens of Democratic elected officials, the California Association for Bilingual Education, the Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce, the Advancement Project and the think tank EdTrust West.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposition’s strongest opponent is the man who created the bilingual education limits through Proposition 227, the original ballot measure passed 18 years ago.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Bilingual education is dead and it’s not coming back,” said Ron Unz, the Silicon Valley entrepreneur who authored and funded Proposition 227.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At the time Proposition 227 made it on the ballot, more than 400,000 students were enrolled in bilingual education programs in California schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The old system put hundreds of thousands — a good fraction of 1 million students — in a program where they were not taught English as soon as they started school,” Unz said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some of the bilingual education programs immersed students in their native language — largely Spanish — while dual immersion programs focused on Spanish instruction and built up English gradually from the early grades. At the time, many Californians were worried about increasing levels of immigration and were concerned about how newly arrived students were acclimating to their schools.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unz and others seized on the failings of some bilingual programs to underline that many students languished without properly learning English and transitioning to standard classes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Proposition 58 don’t disagree entirely.\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The programs were literally all over the place,” said Marcelo Suárez-Orozco, dean of the University of California Los Angeles Graduate School of Education & Information Studies. “Each district, each school, seemed to have its own set of priorities and rules and predilections when it came to bilingual education.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 227, he said, was a political response to the failings of bilingual education that largely eliminated bilingual education rather than find what was working.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But a lot has changed in California since Proposition 227. Latinos are now the state’s largest ethnic group, while Latino representation in Sacramento has also increased. Bilingualism has become accepted as a point of cultural pride, while the changing workforce has put a premium on workers who speak multiple languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We now know in California that it’s not just a cool thing to have your child be bilingual. We actually know that it’s important for our children to have more than one language early on,” said University of Southern California education researcher Gisele Ragusa.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The new measure would keep the current English immersion programs as a minimum requirement for English learners, but would allow school districts to create their own bilingual education programs as they see fit to serve those students.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure would also allow schools to use as much of a student’s native language as they see fit to support a student’s learning.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘We are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own and it’s incredibly discriminatory.’\u003ccite>Gisele Ragusa\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>If the state’s English learner students have struggled because state rules limit the amount of native language support, the lifting of those limits by Proposition 58 could improve their learning at a time when there’s a deep achievement gap between most English learners and their white and Asian counterparts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many students struggle in an environment in which they have to abandon the familiarity of their native language.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If we say to them, when you come to school you can’t speak the language you’ve been speaking for four years, five years, three years at home, we are sending messages to them that the language of power isn’t their own, and it’s incredibly discriminatory,” Ragusa said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Californians pass the ballot measure, future classes for students learning English might look something like the dual language program that exists at McKinley Elementary School just down the hall from the newcomer class.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under the current law, courses can be taught in more than one language if the parents of each child participating in the program sign a waiver.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>McKinley started such a program for Spanish three years ago, and the students enrolled are a mix of English learners and native English speakers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Teacher Consuelo Gomez and an aide walk around a kindergarten classroom helping students recognize basic Spanish words by asking them to identify pictures. The question and answer between teacher and student is sometimes in Spanish, and sometimes a mixture of English and Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The approach, principal Symonds said, is to gradually build up these kids’ mental ability to learn two languages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In kindergarten, the instruction is 90 percent in Spanish and 10 percent in English, Symonds said. The amount of instruction in English gradually increases each year as students progress through elementary school, until roughly half of class time is spent in English and half in Spanish.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re immersing them in two languages,” he said. “We’re looking at the long-term picture of student achievement. The gains, we’re not going to start seeing until the upper grades and into high school,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The current bilingual education limits, Symonds said, are like a timer that forces kids to sink or swim in their new language without the lifeline of their native language. The only clock that should be ticking, he said, is kids’ ability to learn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Kids evolve naturally, and you know, some countries that we know don’t start reading until they’re 6 or 7 years old,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether or not the limits on bilingual education are lifted will be up to voters in November.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Series: \u003cem>California Counts\u003c/em>\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>California Counts is a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Supporters of taxing soda distributors in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany see these November 2016 ballot measures as a fundraising tool to stem a growing Type 2 diabetes epidemic. But opponents say it’s really a “grocery tax” that will hurt low-income residents and small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So which one is it, a soda tax or a grocery tax?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By charging distributors 1 cent per ounce of sugar-sweetened drinks they bring into a city, all three Bay Area ballot measures aim to raise significant funds — over \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/sites/default/files/Documents/candidates/Controller%20Statement%20Prop%20V%20-%20Tax%20on%20Distributing%20Sugar-sweetened%20Beverages.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$7.5 million\u003c/a> in San Francisco, $6 million in Oakland and $220,000 in Albany per year — for health and education programs to reduce the consumption of sugary drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287345567″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really educate young people, catch them early and teach them what comes from consumption of sugary beverages, the damage that causes,” said Annie Campbell Washington, Oakland vice mayor, City Council member and a big supporter of the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That probably sounds terrifying to the soda industry. So the American Beverage Association, representing giants like Coca-Cola and Pepsi, has spent more than $14 million to fight the proposals, which are pretty similar in all three cities. Their massive ad campaign in the Bay Area often features small-business owners of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a dream to expand my business. This tax could kill it. Join me, vote no on the S.F. Grocery Tax,” says Danielle Reed, a cafe owner, in one of the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What Campaigns Are Saying\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both campaigns for and against the tax have gone door to door in disadvantaged, diverse areas the soda industry heavily markets to, like San Francisco’s Tenderloin and Oakland’s Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the pro-tax team points to evidence linking sugary drinks to obesity, diabetes, tooth decay and other health problems, the No on Grocery Tax promoters make an economic argument. They say that distributors will pass on the cost of a soda tax to small-business owners, who might need to raise the prices of other items they sell in order to stay competitive, hence the “grocery tax” tag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Taleb, owner of a small grocery in Fruitvale, heard the latter argument, and now he’s worried he’ll lose customers if Oakland’s Measure HH passes — so he’s voting no. Sugary beverages account for more than 10 percent of his sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of our business and we have to stay as competitive as we can in order to keep people in our neighborhood. And we are already struggling to keep people here,” Taleb said, adding that larger supermarkets are able to absorb extra costs more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taleb supports healthy choices for his customers — his store specializes in fresh fruits and vegetables. But he doesn’t believe Oakland would actually use any additional funds from a soda tax toward public health education that could benefit his neighborhood in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s absolutely not true,” Taleb said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three measures say the tax funds would go to their city’s general fund. \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/file/3941\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition V\u003c/a> in San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/rov/elections/20161108/documents/MeasureHH.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure HH\u003c/a> in Oakland would also require the creation of advisory boards made up of residents and public health experts that would recommend to the City Council how to spend those funds, while Albany’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.albanyca.org/index.aspx?page=999\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure O1\u003c/a> would also seek public input to spend additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the first city in the U.S. to implement a soda tax last year, additional dollars have been allocated toward health programs for children and other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Berkeley, dozens of similar attempts had failed around the country, such as in Richmond in 2012 and San Francisco in 2014. Berkeley’s law inspired the current round of proposals that voters are deciding on in the Bay Area but also in Boulder, Colorado, on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11127321\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Abdul Taleb, the owner of a small grocery store in Oakland's Fruitvale neighborhood, believes Measure HH could end up driving customers away. Taleb has appeared in ads against the tax.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Taleb, the owner of a small grocery store in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood, believes Measure HH could end up driving customers away. Taleb has appeared in ads against the tax. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How \u003cem>Is\u003c/em> the Nation’s First Soda Tax Working?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley raises about $1.5 million per year from its soda tax, which goes into the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the city has allocated about $2 million to nutrition and gardening programs at public schools, and local organizations bringing fresh fruits and vegetables at a subsidized price into lower-income neighborhoods, said Xavier Morales, who sits on the advisory panel. Morales is the current executive director of the Praxis Project and former executive director of the Latino Coalition for a Healthy California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are raising these funds so we can go into communities that have fewer resources and be able to make the healthy choice the easy choice for them,” said Morales, who lives in southwest Berkeley, an area with a higher concentration of Latino and African-American residents than other parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales helped pass Berkeley’s soda tax in 2014 and battled an aggressive anti-tax campaign then, which also claimed poor residents would bear the brunt of the cost of the tax, while saying the money might not go toward improving health, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to remember, these are multibillion, global corporations trying to protect their profits on the backs of the most vulnerable communities,” Morales said. “They’ll say anything to deflect attention from the real issue, and that is that sugar is not healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Not a Grocery Tax’ in Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Freese, who owns a small corner store in southwest Berkeley, said the soda tax has not hurt her business, and the paperwork to comply has not been too cumbersome. Freese is technically a distributor because she brings ice teas and other sugary drinks to her store from an Oakland warehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city of Berkeley has a one-page form. We fill it out, write our check and mail it in,” said Freese. “It’s just like another part of bookkeeping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She passes on the cost of the tax directly to the price of the sugary drinks for sale in her store, but not the price of other groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s a 12-ounce soda, we pay 12 cents in tax, and we add 12 cents onto the price of the soda for our customers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is also what dozens of other mom-and-pop corner stores, supermarkets and restaurants across Berkeley \u003ca href=\"http://news.berkeley.edu/2015/10/07/soda-tax-boosts-sugary-drink-prices/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> doing, so the soda tax has \u003cem>not\u003c/em> worked out to be a grocery tax in that city, said Jennifer Falbe, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s School of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11127319 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Scientific studies link sugary beverage consumption to obesity, diabetes and other ills. The Centers for Disease Control projects up to one in three Americans could develop diabetes by 2050, with an even higher impact in communities of color.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scientific studies link over consumption of sugar to obesity, diabetes and other ills. The Centers for Disease Control projects up to one in three Americans could develop diabetes by 2050, with a greater impact in communities of color. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Cornell University and University of Iowa \u003ca href=\"http://www.news.cornell.edu/stories/2015/08/study-berkeley-soda-tax-falls-flat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> found that only a small portion of the soda tax was reflected in the price of sugary drinks in the first few months after the ordinance took effect. But the preliminary findings of another \u003ca href=\"http://www.phi.org/resources/?resource=berkeley-evaluation-of-soda-tax-best-study-preliminary-findings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> by the Oakland-based Public Health Institute looked at retail scanner data of millions of transactions in Berkeley and found the cost of the tax was predominantly passed on to the price of sodas and other sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also did not see a rise in the average grocery bill,” said Lynn Silver, one of the researchers with the Public Health Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher sugary drink prices do not seem to be forcing any small businesses to close, said Falbe. But stores on the border with Oakland have mixed feelings about it, in part because customers can buy cheaper sodas just a few blocks away, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the businesses that we interviewed mentioned that it would make things easier for them if it wasn’t just one city, Berkeley, that had a tax like this, but if it was over a larger geographic region like the county or the state. That might simplify things for them,” Falbe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Falbe’s team also polled people in Berkeley’s low-income areas before and after the soda tax was implemented, and concluded that sugary drink consumption declined by 21 percent. Because that survey was conducted only a couple of months after the soda tax went into effect, Falbe suspects the political campaign to approve the tax also influenced people’s behavior by raising awareness of the health impacts of sugary drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax proposals on this year’s ballot would not impact milk, 100 percent juice, baby formula, diet drinks or drinks taken for medical reasons.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Berkeley's soda tax, the first in the nation, does not appear to be working like a tax on groceries, say researchers.",
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"title": "Is the Soda Tax on Your Ballot Actually a Grocery Tax? | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Supporters of taxing soda distributors in San Francisco, Oakland and Albany see these November 2016 ballot measures as a fundraising tool to stem a growing Type 2 diabetes epidemic. But opponents say it’s really a “grocery tax” that will hurt low-income residents and small businesses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So which one is it, a soda tax or a grocery tax?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By charging distributors 1 cent per ounce of sugar-sweetened drinks they bring into a city, all three Bay Area ballot measures aim to raise significant funds — over \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/sites/default/files/Documents/candidates/Controller%20Statement%20Prop%20V%20-%20Tax%20on%20Distributing%20Sugar-sweetened%20Beverages.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">$7.5 million\u003c/a> in San Francisco, $6 million in Oakland and $220,000 in Albany per year — for health and education programs to reduce the consumption of sugary drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287345567″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287345567″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To really educate young people, catch them early and teach them what comes from consumption of sugary beverages, the damage that causes,” said Annie Campbell Washington, Oakland vice mayor, City Council member and a big supporter of the tax.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That probably sounds terrifying to the soda industry. So the American Beverage Association, representing giants like Coca-Cola and Pepsi, has spent more than $14 million to fight the proposals, which are pretty similar in all three cities. Their massive ad campaign in the Bay Area often features small-business owners of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I have a dream to expand my business. This tax could kill it. Join me, vote no on the S.F. Grocery Tax,” says Danielle Reed, a cafe owner, in one of the ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>What Campaigns Are Saying\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both campaigns for and against the tax have gone door to door in disadvantaged, diverse areas the soda industry heavily markets to, like San Francisco’s Tenderloin and Oakland’s Fruitvale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While the pro-tax team points to evidence linking sugary drinks to obesity, diabetes, tooth decay and other health problems, the No on Grocery Tax promoters make an economic argument. They say that distributors will pass on the cost of a soda tax to small-business owners, who might need to raise the prices of other items they sell in order to stay competitive, hence the “grocery tax” tag.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Abdul Taleb, owner of a small grocery in Fruitvale, heard the latter argument, and now he’s worried he’ll lose customers if Oakland’s Measure HH passes — so he’s voting no. Sugary beverages account for more than 10 percent of his sales.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s part of our business and we have to stay as competitive as we can in order to keep people in our neighborhood. And we are already struggling to keep people here,” Taleb said, adding that larger supermarkets are able to absorb extra costs more easily.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taleb supports healthy choices for his customers — his store specializes in fresh fruits and vegetables. But he doesn’t believe Oakland would actually use any additional funds from a soda tax toward public health education that could benefit his neighborhood in the long run.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s absolutely not true,” Taleb said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All three measures say the tax funds would go to their city’s general fund. \u003ca href=\"http://sfgov.org/elections/file/3941\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition V\u003c/a> in San Francisco and \u003ca href=\"http://www.acgov.org/rov/elections/20161108/documents/MeasureHH.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure HH\u003c/a> in Oakland would also require the creation of advisory boards made up of residents and public health experts that would recommend to the City Council how to spend those funds, while Albany’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.albanyca.org/index.aspx?page=999\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Measure O1\u003c/a> would also seek public input to spend additional funds.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, the first city in the U.S. to implement a soda tax last year, additional dollars have been allocated toward health programs for children and other residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Before Berkeley, dozens of similar attempts had failed around the country, such as in Richmond in 2012 and San Francisco in 2014. Berkeley’s law inspired the current round of proposals that voters are deciding on in the Bay Area but also in Boulder, Colorado, on Nov. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127321\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11127321\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Abdul Taleb, the owner of a small grocery store in Oakland's Fruitvale neighborhood, believes Measure HH could end up driving customers away. Taleb has appeared in ads against the tax.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21459_IMG_0133-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Abdul Taleb, the owner of a small grocery store in Oakland’s Fruitvale neighborhood, believes Measure HH could end up driving customers away. Taleb has appeared in ads against the tax. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>How \u003cem>Is\u003c/em> the Nation’s First Soda Tax Working?\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Berkeley raises about $1.5 million per year from its soda tax, which goes into the city’s general fund.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So far, the city has allocated about $2 million to nutrition and gardening programs at public schools, and local organizations bringing fresh fruits and vegetables at a subsidized price into lower-income neighborhoods, said Xavier Morales, who sits on the advisory panel. Morales is the current executive director of the Praxis Project and former executive director of the Latino Coalition for a Healthy California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are raising these funds so we can go into communities that have fewer resources and be able to make the healthy choice the easy choice for them,” said Morales, who lives in southwest Berkeley, an area with a higher concentration of Latino and African-American residents than other parts of the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Morales helped pass Berkeley’s soda tax in 2014 and battled an aggressive anti-tax campaign then, which also claimed poor residents would bear the brunt of the cost of the tax, while saying the money might not go toward improving health, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You’ve got to remember, these are multibillion, global corporations trying to protect their profits on the backs of the most vulnerable communities,” Morales said. “They’ll say anything to deflect attention from the real issue, and that is that sugar is not healthy.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>‘Not a Grocery Tax’ in Berkeley\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jennifer Freese, who owns a small corner store in southwest Berkeley, said the soda tax has not hurt her business, and the paperwork to comply has not been too cumbersome. Freese is technically a distributor because she brings ice teas and other sugary drinks to her store from an Oakland warehouse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city of Berkeley has a one-page form. We fill it out, write our check and mail it in,” said Freese. “It’s just like another part of bookkeeping.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She passes on the cost of the tax directly to the price of the sugary drinks for sale in her store, but not the price of other groceries.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If it’s a 12-ounce soda, we pay 12 cents in tax, and we add 12 cents onto the price of the soda for our customers,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That is also what dozens of other mom-and-pop corner stores, supermarkets and restaurants across Berkeley \u003ca href=\"http://news.berkeley.edu/2015/10/07/soda-tax-boosts-sugary-drink-prices/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> doing, so the soda tax has \u003cem>not\u003c/em> worked out to be a grocery tax in that city, said Jennifer Falbe, a researcher at UC Berkeley’s School of Public Health.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11127319\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11127319 size-full\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut.jpg\" alt=\"Scientific studies link sugary beverage consumption to obesity, diabetes and other ills. The Centers for Disease Control projects up to one in three Americans could develop diabetes by 2050, with an even higher impact in communities of color.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1440\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-400x300.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-1180x885.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/RS21457_IMG_0137-qut-960x720.jpg 960w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Scientific studies link over consumption of sugar to obesity, diabetes and other ills. The Centers for Disease Control projects up to one in three Americans could develop diabetes by 2050, with a greater impact in communities of color. \u003ccite>(Farida Jhabvala Romero/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A Cornell University and University of Iowa \u003ca href=\"http://www.news.cornell.edu/stories/2015/08/study-berkeley-soda-tax-falls-flat\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">analysis\u003c/a> found that only a small portion of the soda tax was reflected in the price of sugary drinks in the first few months after the ordinance took effect. But the preliminary findings of another \u003ca href=\"http://www.phi.org/resources/?resource=berkeley-evaluation-of-soda-tax-best-study-preliminary-findings\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">study\u003c/a> by the Oakland-based Public Health Institute looked at retail scanner data of millions of transactions in Berkeley and found the cost of the tax was predominantly passed on to the price of sodas and other sugar-sweetened beverages.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We also did not see a rise in the average grocery bill,” said Lynn Silver, one of the researchers with the Public Health Institute.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Higher sugary drink prices do not seem to be forcing any small businesses to close, said Falbe. But stores on the border with Oakland have mixed feelings about it, in part because customers can buy cheaper sodas just a few blocks away, she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the businesses that we interviewed mentioned that it would make things easier for them if it wasn’t just one city, Berkeley, that had a tax like this, but if it was over a larger geographic region like the county or the state. That might simplify things for them,” Falbe said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Falbe’s team also polled people in Berkeley’s low-income areas before and after the soda tax was implemented, and concluded that sugary drink consumption declined by 21 percent. Because that survey was conducted only a couple of months after the soda tax went into effect, Falbe suspects the political campaign to approve the tax also influenced people’s behavior by raising awareness of the health impacts of sugary drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax proposals on this year’s ballot would not impact milk, 100 percent juice, baby formula, diet drinks or drinks taken for medical reasons.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 54\u003c/a> is being touted by \u003ca href=\"http://yesprop54.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">supporters\u003c/a> as a way to bring more transparency to the state Legislature. It would generally require a bill to be in print for 72 hours before it can be passed. \u003ca href=\"http://www.noonproposition54.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Critics say\u003c/a> the waiting period would be exploited by lobbyists and special interest groups to kill bills they don’t like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287663618″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ballot initiative contains another element that opponents say could lead to more campaign attack ads. The proposition would allow the public to record and share legislative proceedings, something not currently allowed. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Democratic consultant Steven Maviglio is representing the No on 54 campaign. He says it’s inevitable those recordings will be used for political purposes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the net result of that will be two things,” he says. “First of all, a lot of grandstanding by people who know their political TV commercials are being made on the floor of the Assembly or Senate. And also, attack ads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state statute used to prohibit Assembly footage from being used for political purposes. But Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB884\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recently signed a bill \u003c/a>repealing that law. There are no restrictions on Senate footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure say fears of a new wave of attacks ads are overblown. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Helen Hutchison is president of the California League of Women Voters. She says other governments that allow public recordings don’t have that problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Recordings that are probably the ‘gotcha’ ones tend to be from campaign events, not from the floor,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters also say the rule would allow legislative proceedings to be live streamed on apps like Facebook and Periscope. \u003ca href=\"http://www.calchannel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Channel\u003c/a> currently provides footage of all floor sessions and various committee meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A final provision of the ballot measure would require that a video recording of all public legislative meetings be posted online within 24 hours. The videos would have to be available to the public online for at least 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 54\u003c/a> is being touted by \u003ca href=\"http://yesprop54.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">supporters\u003c/a> as a way to bring more transparency to the state Legislature. It would generally require a bill to be in print for 72 hours before it can be passed. \u003ca href=\"http://www.noonproposition54.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Critics say\u003c/a> the waiting period would be exploited by lobbyists and special interest groups to kill bills they don’t like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='”100%”' height='”166″'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287663618″&visual=true&”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false”'\n title='”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/287663618″'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the ballot initiative contains another element that opponents say could lead to more campaign attack ads. The proposition would allow the public to record and share legislative proceedings, something not currently allowed. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Democratic consultant Steven Maviglio is representing the No on 54 campaign. He says it’s inevitable those recordings will be used for political purposes.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think the net result of that will be two things,” he says. “First of all, a lot of grandstanding by people who know their political TV commercials are being made on the floor of the Assembly or Senate. And also, attack ads.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state statute used to prohibit Assembly footage from being used for political purposes. But Gov. Jerry Brown \u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201520160AB884\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recently signed a bill \u003c/a>repealing that law. There are no restrictions on Senate footage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of the measure say fears of a new wave of attacks ads are overblown. \u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Helen Hutchison is president of the California League of Women Voters. She says other governments that allow public recordings don’t have that problem.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Recordings that are probably the ‘gotcha’ ones tend to be from campaign events, not from the floor,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters also say the rule would allow legislative proceedings to be live streamed on apps like Facebook and Periscope. \u003ca href=\"http://www.calchannel.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">The California Channel\u003c/a> currently provides footage of all floor sessions and various committee meetings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A final provision of the ballot measure would require that a video recording of all public legislative meetings be posted online within 24 hours. The videos would have to be available to the public online for at least 20 years.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Typically, large organizations like corporations, unions and political parties are responsible for the largest contributions in political campaigns; individuals generally contribute less. In the 2016 election cycle in California, however, a few individuals are making a huge financial impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\">Proposition 54\u003c/a>, which would prohibit the Legislature from passing any bill unless it’s been published online for at least 72 hours prior to the vote. Like four other ballot propositions (Propositions 51, 58, 59 and 65), no money has been raised to oppose the idea. But unlike any other proposition, over 99 percent of the $10.6 million raised to support Proposition 54 has come from one individual donor: Charles T. Munger Jr., a Stanford physicist and the son of the billionaire vice chairman of Berkshire Hathaway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2016/info/proposition-53\">Proposition 53\u003c/a>, which would require voters to sign off on deals that require taxes to pay for public infrastructure bonds, is completely funded by Dean and Joan Cortopassi, Stockton-area farmers who are concerned about the potential effect of changes to the state’s water distribution plan on their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cortopassis have contributed more than $4.5 million to support the measure while a broad coalition of interest groups, including the California Democratic Party, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America and construction unions have raised over $5.5 million to stop it, thanks to a contribution of $1.7 million from the Brown for Governor 2014 committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11124350\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-800x837.jpg\" alt=\"Billionaire Tom Steyer speaks during the Democratic National Convention in 2012.\" width=\"800\" height=\"837\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11124350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-800x837.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-400x419.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-1180x1235.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-960x1005.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billionaire Tom Steyer speaks during the Democratic National Convention in 2012. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tom Steyer, the billionaire investor who’s spent millions to support measures that would curb the impacts of climate change, is another individual who’s spending big. Steyer has given $5.5 million to support \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\">Proposition 56\u003c/a>, which would increase the state’s tobacco tax and direct more money into health care programs. He’s fighting a financial uphill battle, though. Proposition 56 advocates have raised $23 million so far, while opponents, led by the tobacco lobby, have chipped in about $66 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wealthy donors are weighing in on both sides of the \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> battle over marijuana legalization. Julie Schauer, a Pennsylvania retiree, has given $1.4 million, or more than half of the $2.5 million raised to fight the measure. Meanwhile, Sean Parker, former president of Facebook, has funneled more than $7 million into the effort, about one third of the total amount raised in favor of Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this year features a high number of large individual donors, it’s not completely without precedent. In fact the biggest individual donor to a particular ballot measure campaign was Stephen Bing, who contributed $50 million to support Proposition 87, an alternative energy measure that failed to pass during the 2006 election cycle. After Bing, the second-biggest contributor supporting Proposition 87 was Sun Microsystems co-founder Vinod Khosla, at $2 million. The opposition, in contrast, was largely funded by corporations including Chevron Corp. ($38 million), Aera Energy LLC ($33 million) and Occidental Oil and Gas ($10 million). Proposition 87 ultimately failed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting or opposing ballot measures using data available from the California Secretary of State as of October 9, 2016. Searchable contributions data is available on \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/\">\u003cem>Power Search\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Typically, large organizations like corporations, unions and political parties are responsible for the largest contributions in political campaigns; individuals generally contribute less. In the 2016 election cycle in California, however, a few individuals are making a huge financial impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consider \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2017/info/proposition-54\">Proposition 54\u003c/a>, which would prohibit the Legislature from passing any bill unless it’s been published online for at least 72 hours prior to the vote. Like four other ballot propositions (Propositions 51, 58, 59 and 65), no money has been raised to oppose the idea. But unlike any other proposition, over 99 percent of the $10.6 million raised to support Proposition 54 has come from one individual donor: Charles T. Munger Jr., a Stanford physicist and the son of the billionaire vice chairman of Berkshire Hathaway.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign for \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2016/info/proposition-53\">Proposition 53\u003c/a>, which would require voters to sign off on deals that require taxes to pay for public infrastructure bonds, is completely funded by Dean and Joan Cortopassi, Stockton-area farmers who are concerned about the potential effect of changes to the state’s water distribution plan on their land.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Cortopassis have contributed more than $4.5 million to support the measure while a broad coalition of interest groups, including the California Democratic Party, Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America and construction unions have raised over $5.5 million to stop it, thanks to a contribution of $1.7 million from the Brown for Governor 2014 committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11124350\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-800x837.jpg\" alt=\"Billionaire Tom Steyer speaks during the Democratic National Convention in 2012.\" width=\"800\" height=\"837\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11124350\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-800x837.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-400x419.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-1180x1235.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-960x1005.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2016/10/Steyer-32x32.jpg 32w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Billionaire Tom Steyer speaks during the Democratic National Convention in 2012. \u003ccite>(Alex Wong/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tom Steyer, the billionaire investor who’s spent millions to support measures that would curb the impacts of climate change, is another individual who’s spending big. Steyer has given $5.5 million to support \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2019/info/proposition-56\">Proposition 56\u003c/a>, which would increase the state’s tobacco tax and direct more money into health care programs. He’s fighting a financial uphill battle, though. Proposition 56 advocates have raised $23 million so far, while opponents, led by the tobacco lobby, have chipped in about $66 million.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Wealthy donors are weighing in on both sides of the \u003ca href=\"http://elections.kqed.org/measure/2027/info/proposition-64\">Proposition 64\u003c/a> battle over marijuana legalization. Julie Schauer, a Pennsylvania retiree, has given $1.4 million, or more than half of the $2.5 million raised to fight the measure. Meanwhile, Sean Parker, former president of Facebook, has funneled more than $7 million into the effort, about one third of the total amount raised in favor of Proposition 64.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While this year features a high number of large individual donors, it’s not completely without precedent. In fact the biggest individual donor to a particular ballot measure campaign was Stephen Bing, who contributed $50 million to support Proposition 87, an alternative energy measure that failed to pass during the 2006 election cycle. After Bing, the second-biggest contributor supporting Proposition 87 was Sun Microsystems co-founder Vinod Khosla, at $2 million. The opposition, in contrast, was largely funded by corporations including Chevron Corp. ($38 million), Aera Energy LLC ($33 million) and Occidental Oil and Gas ($10 million). Proposition 87 ultimately failed to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Methodology: MapLight analysis of contributions to committees supporting or opposing ballot measures using data available from the California Secretary of State as of October 9, 2016. Searchable contributions data is available on \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"http://powersearch.sos.ca.gov/\">\u003cem>Power Search\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In 2007, San Francisco became the first U.S. city to ban single-use plastic bags. California Governor Jerry Brown later followed suit, signing a statewide ban in 2014. But the ban never officially went into effect: the plastics industry stalled it by gathering enough signatures for a referendum to be placed on the November 2016 ballot – Proposition 67 – that could overturn the law by popular vote. Proposition 65, another measure brought forth by the plastic bag industry, proposes using the fees that grocery stores charge for bags to fund environmental programs. Currently, retailers keep the bag fees. Environmental groups claim that the dual propositions are an industry ploy to undermine the ban and confuse voters, while proponents of Prop. 67 say they are fighting to protect bag makers’ jobs. We check in on the issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More Information:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/election-2016/\">KQED’s Full Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"title": "Would California’s Prop. 60 Expose Adult Film Workers to Lawsuits?",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PolitiFact California\u003c/a> looks at claims made by elected officials, candidates and groups and rates them as: True, Mostly True, Half True, Mostly False, False and Pants On Fire.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of California’s Proposition 60 — which requires adult film performers to wear condoms — say it’s not the protective measure it’s touted to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This law pretends to protect workers in the adult film industry, but in fact it’s putting them at risk for lawsuits and harassment,” says a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=87YgpSOm3gk&feature=youtu.be\">advertisement on YouTube\u003c/a> by the No on 60 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=87YgpSOm3gk]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The claim at the center of this fact check is at the :40 minute mark.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ad was paid for by Californians Against Worker Harassment, which was founded by the Free Speech Coalition, a trade association for the adult entertainment industry, to oppose Prop. 60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We wondered: Does \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0004%20%28Safer%20Sex%29_8.pdf\">Proposition 60\u003c/a> — a measure intended to curb sexually transmitted diseases among porn workers — really expose those same people to legal action?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We decided to fact-check that provocative claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Our Research\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law has required condom use in adult films since 1992. Supporters of Prop. 60 say the initiative would strengthen the existing law, which they say is rarely enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is sponsored by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, which has long pushed for greater safety standards in adult films.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, voters in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/Measure-B-Porn-Condoms-Los-Angeles-LA-Election-Results-Decision-2012-177573761.html\">approved a similar condom requirement\u003c/a> for adult films made in that county. It is considered a model for Prop. 60, which applies its condom mandate to scenes with anal and vaginal intercourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 60 would also require adult film companies to obtain a health license and pay for the costs of vaccinations and health tests for sexually transmitted diseases for their performers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We asked the No on 60 campaign for evidence backing up its claim that performers would be open to lawsuits under the measure. A spokesman pointed to the initiative’s section 6720.6, on enforcement, whistleblowers and private rights of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It allows those who witness violations of the proposed law — including performers, prosecutors or anyone who is a California resident — to file a complaint with the California Division of Occupational Safety and Health. If the agency declines to pursue the case within 21 days, the witness could then file a civil lawsuit against anyone with a financial interest in the film, which could include some performers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no mention in the No on 60 advertisement, however, that only performers with a financial interest would be liable. Nor does the ad mention the complaint process that must precede a lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More Porn Workers With Financial Stake\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, opponents of the measure say making performers liable is significant because many have a financial stake in the content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see, in today’s adult film industry, the majority of performers are also producers,” Eric Paul Leue, executive director of the Free Speech Coalition, wrote in an \u003ca href=\"http://www.advocate.com/commentary/2016/8/17/suing-porn-stars-will-not-lead-less-hiv\">opinion piece\u003c/a> about Prop. 60 in the Advocate, a LGBT news publication, this month. “In addition to shooting for studios, most porn stars regularly create their own content — either for their own websites, on webcams, or in partnership with studios.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 60 would apply to any commercial pornography produced in California, in traditional films and on the web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[contextly_sidebar id=”LblQ7qhOToLrBBdBq1oDYwyswgaVFJnC”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DrChauntelle\">Dr. Chauntelle Tibbals\u003c/a>, a sociologist who studies the adult film industry, said the percentage of workers who have a financial stake in adult content they contribute to “is certainly very high,” though she said there’s no accepted estimate. Advances in technology and distribution, she said, have allowed more workers to share in the financial success of their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone from webcam models to agents may have a financial stake in a single piece of content,” Tibbals added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 60, however, maintain the claim about workers being exposed to lawsuits is deceptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only people who can get sued (under Prop. 60) are producers,” said Rick Taylor, who manages the Yes on 60 campaign. “Some actors and actresses are producers. If they’re breaking the law, they’re going to potentially get sued.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the measure’s goal is to bolster worker protections and public health, and that it doesn’t matter what percentage of performers have a financial stake in the films.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Our Ruling\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of California’s Prop. 60, which would require condom use in adult films, recently claimed it would put “workers in the adult film industry at risk for lawsuits and harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement is partially accurate: Some adult film workers, and perhaps a growing share, could face lawsuits if they have a financial interest in the content they work on. But Prop. 60 does not specify what constitutes a financial interest. Ultimately, it may be up to the courts to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, the claim by the opponents makes no mention that only workers with a monetary stake in the films would be liable and only after a complaint process plays out. Those who are independent contractors would face no legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement leaves out this key context and gives the impression that any or all workers could face lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We rate the claim Half True.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>HALF TRUE\u003c/strong> – The statement is partially accurate but leaves out important details or takes things out of context.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2011/feb/21/principles-truth-o-meter/\">Click here for more\u003c/a> on the six PolitiFact ratings and how we select facts to check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more fact-checks, go to \u003ca href=\"http://politifactcalifornia.com/\">PolitiFactCalifornia.com.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of California Counts, a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/california/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">PolitiFact California\u003c/a> looks at claims made by elected officials, candidates and groups and rates them as: True, Mostly True, Half True, Mostly False, False and Pants On Fire.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of California’s Proposition 60 — which requires adult film performers to wear condoms — say it’s not the protective measure it’s touted to be.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This law pretends to protect workers in the adult film industry, but in fact it’s putting them at risk for lawsuits and harassment,” says a recent \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=87YgpSOm3gk&feature=youtu.be\">advertisement on YouTube\u003c/a> by the No on 60 campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/87YgpSOm3gk'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/87YgpSOm3gk'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>The claim at the center of this fact check is at the :40 minute mark.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That ad was paid for by Californians Against Worker Harassment, which was founded by the Free Speech Coalition, a trade association for the adult entertainment industry, to oppose Prop. 60.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We wondered: Does \u003ca href=\"http://oag.ca.gov/system/files/initiatives/pdfs/15-0004%20%28Safer%20Sex%29_8.pdf\">Proposition 60\u003c/a> — a measure intended to curb sexually transmitted diseases among porn workers — really expose those same people to legal action?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We decided to fact-check that provocative claim.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Our Research\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law has required condom use in adult films since 1992. Supporters of Prop. 60 say the initiative would strengthen the existing law, which they say is rarely enforced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The measure is sponsored by the AIDS Healthcare Foundation, which has long pushed for greater safety standards in adult films.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2012, voters in Los Angeles County \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/Measure-B-Porn-Condoms-Los-Angeles-LA-Election-Results-Decision-2012-177573761.html\">approved a similar condom requirement\u003c/a> for adult films made in that county. It is considered a model for Prop. 60, which applies its condom mandate to scenes with anal and vaginal intercourse.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 60 would also require adult film companies to obtain a health license and pay for the costs of vaccinations and health tests for sexually transmitted diseases for their performers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We asked the No on 60 campaign for evidence backing up its claim that performers would be open to lawsuits under the measure. A spokesman pointed to the initiative’s section 6720.6, on enforcement, whistleblowers and private rights of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It allows those who witness violations of the proposed law — including performers, prosecutors or anyone who is a California resident — to file a complaint with the California Division of Occupational Safety and Health. If the agency declines to pursue the case within 21 days, the witness could then file a civil lawsuit against anyone with a financial interest in the film, which could include some performers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There’s no mention in the No on 60 advertisement, however, that only performers with a financial interest would be liable. Nor does the ad mention the complaint process that must precede a lawsuit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>More Porn Workers With Financial Stake\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Still, opponents of the measure say making performers liable is significant because many have a financial stake in the content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You see, in today’s adult film industry, the majority of performers are also producers,” Eric Paul Leue, executive director of the Free Speech Coalition, wrote in an \u003ca href=\"http://www.advocate.com/commentary/2016/8/17/suing-porn-stars-will-not-lead-less-hiv\">opinion piece\u003c/a> about Prop. 60 in the Advocate, a LGBT news publication, this month. “In addition to shooting for studios, most porn stars regularly create their own content — either for their own websites, on webcams, or in partnership with studios.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Prop. 60 would apply to any commercial pornography produced in California, in traditional films and on the web.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/DrChauntelle\">Dr. Chauntelle Tibbals\u003c/a>, a sociologist who studies the adult film industry, said the percentage of workers who have a financial stake in adult content they contribute to “is certainly very high,” though she said there’s no accepted estimate. Advances in technology and distribution, she said, have allowed more workers to share in the financial success of their content.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Everyone from webcam models to agents may have a financial stake in a single piece of content,” Tibbals added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters of Prop. 60, however, maintain the claim about workers being exposed to lawsuits is deceptive.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only people who can get sued (under Prop. 60) are producers,” said Rick Taylor, who manages the Yes on 60 campaign. “Some actors and actresses are producers. If they’re breaking the law, they’re going to potentially get sued.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Taylor said the measure’s goal is to bolster worker protections and public health, and that it doesn’t matter what percentage of performers have a financial stake in the films.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Our Ruling\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Opponents of California’s Prop. 60, which would require condom use in adult films, recently claimed it would put “workers in the adult film industry at risk for lawsuits and harassment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement is partially accurate: Some adult film workers, and perhaps a growing share, could face lawsuits if they have a financial interest in the content they work on. But Prop. 60 does not specify what constitutes a financial interest. Ultimately, it may be up to the courts to decide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Importantly, the claim by the opponents makes no mention that only workers with a monetary stake in the films would be liable and only after a complaint process plays out. Those who are independent contractors would face no legal action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement leaves out this key context and gives the impression that any or all workers could face lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We rate the claim Half True.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cstrong>HALF TRUE\u003c/strong> – The statement is partially accurate but leaves out important details or takes things out of context.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/article/2011/feb/21/principles-truth-o-meter/\">Click here for more\u003c/a> on the six PolitiFact ratings and how we select facts to check.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For more fact-checks, go to \u003ca href=\"http://politifactcalifornia.com/\">PolitiFactCalifornia.com.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>This story is part of California Counts, a collaboration of KPBS, KPCC, KQED and Capital Public Radio to report on the 2016 election. The coverage focuses on major issues and solicits diverse voices on what’s important to the future of California.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/tag/cacounts\">Read more in this series\u003c/a> and let us know your thoughts on Twitter using the hashtag \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23iamsouthla&src=typd\">#\u003c/a>\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/search?q=%23CACounts&src=typd\">CACounts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>An unflattering, \u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/pop/2016/08/18/so-theres-a-naked-donald-trump-statue-in-the-castro-now-nsfw/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">naked statue of Donald Trump\u003c/a> that showed up in San Francisco’s Castro district was removed Thursday night by the San Francisco Department of Public Works. It was one of five statues of the Republican presidential candidate placed in major cities around the country on Thursday morning by the anarchist artist collective \u003ca href=\"http://thisisindecline.com/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">INDECLINE\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The artwork is now sitting out of public view at the Mission Police Station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=”https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/279044457″ params=”color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false” width=”100%” height=”166″ iframe=”true” /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Officer Carlos Manfredi, an SFPD spokesman, said it was removed because it was creating a public safety hazard and was placed without a permit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot people [were] showing up to that specific corner and then spilling over onto the street,” Manfredi said. “Cars [were] slowing down to see what was going on and take photographs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Throughout the day on Thursday, “The Emperor Has No Balls” (more popularly known as “Naked Trump”) by the artist Ginger was a big hit with passersby, who crowded around taking photos with the statue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.instagram.com/p/BJRrIZ0h5yT/?taken-by=memphissummer&hl=en\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We were most excited to put it on that piece of property in Castro to see how it would play out,” said a spokesman for INDECLINE, who refused to identify himself, saying that members of the collective who commissioned and installed the statues never share their names. “The reaction was exactly what we had hoped for and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INDECLINE knew the statues would be taken down since they had been installed illegally. But in the digital age, “Naked Trump” will never really be out of the public eye.\u003cbr>\n[contextly_sidebar id=”ecUWuuiAlcwhGB0LYp11KjBvVskrn6GO”]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Visual work really lends itself to all the different social media that we have access to right now,” said Christian Frock, a scholar in residence at the California College for the Arts who studies the intersection of art and politics and a regular contributor to \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/arts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Arts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to sites like Tumblr, Twitter and Facebook that allow images of public art to spread quickly and connect with a multi-generational audience. Even Frock’s mom, whom the scholar deems “worlds apart” from her when it comes to aesthetic tastes, saw the sculpture online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that in a lot of ways the work has been effective in engaging a very broad public in a conversation about [Trump],” Frock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That conversation has also moved beyond the Republican nominee with some online commentators condemning the statue for \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4459507/body-shaming-donald-trump/?xid=time_socialflow_twitter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">body shaming\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.attn.com/stories/10827/problem-with-naked-donald-trump-statues-in-america\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transphobia\u003c/a>, among other critiques.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/UptownNYCDoc/status/766741617629917184\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/DerrickLemos/status/766698324845965312\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Frock said this kind of art isn’t supposed to be liked and that discomfort could be part of what’s made “Naked Trump” such a lightning rod for discussion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t think we’re supposed to feel comfortable about this,” Frock said. “I’d venture that the potential for social change coming out of these conversations is far greater with ugly work than with anything else.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A police spokesman said this particular “ugly work” will remain in police custody until someone from INDECLINE shows up to pay the $4,000-plus fine for the illegally-placed statue and the street damage caused by its removal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Watch the video below from INDECLINE to see the creation of “Naked Trump.”\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7TeTzOgkMs\">[youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f7TeTzOgkMs]\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“We were most excited to put it on that piece of property in Castro to see how it would play out,” said a spokesman for INDECLINE, who refused to identify himself, saying that members of the collective who commissioned and installed the statues never share their names. “The reaction was exactly what we had hoped for and more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>INDECLINE knew the statues would be taken down since they had been installed illegally. But in the digital age, “Naked Trump” will never really be out of the public eye.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Visual work really lends itself to all the different social media that we have access to right now,” said Christian Frock, a scholar in residence at the California College for the Arts who studies the intersection of art and politics and a regular contributor to \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/arts/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED Arts\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She pointed to sites like Tumblr, Twitter and Facebook that allow images of public art to spread quickly and connect with a multi-generational audience. Even Frock’s mom, whom the scholar deems “worlds apart” from her when it comes to aesthetic tastes, saw the sculpture online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that in a lot of ways the work has been effective in engaging a very broad public in a conversation about [Trump],” Frock said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That conversation has also moved beyond the Republican nominee with some online commentators condemning the statue for \u003ca href=\"http://time.com/4459507/body-shaming-donald-trump/?xid=time_socialflow_twitter\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">body shaming\u003c/a> and \u003ca href=\"http://www.attn.com/stories/10827/problem-with-naked-donald-trump-statues-in-america\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">transphobia\u003c/a>, among other critiques.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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},
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},
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"info": "KQED’s statewide radio news program providing daily coverage of issues, trends and public policy decisions.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "/californiareport",
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"order": 8
},
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},
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"info": "Every week, The California Report Magazine takes you on a road trip for the ears: to visit the places and meet the people who make California unique. The in-depth storytelling podcast from the California Report.",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM3NjkwNjk1OTAz",
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"source": "City Arts & Lectures"
},
"link": "https://www.cityarts.net",
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"order": 1
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"info": "\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />",
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"id": "commonwealth-club",
"title": "Commonwealth Club of California Podcast",
"info": "The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. This podcast feed is usually updated twice a week and is always un-edited.",
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"source": "Commonwealth Club of California"
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cDovL3d3dy5jb21tb253ZWFsdGhjbHViLm9yZy9hdWRpby9wb2RjYXN0L3dlZWtseS54bWw",
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"title": "Forum",
"tagline": "The conversation starts here",
"info": "KQED’s live call-in program discussing local, state, national and international issues, as well as in-depth interviews.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Forum-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 9
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"meta": {
"site": "radio",
"source": "WNYC"
},
"link": "/radio/program/freakonomics-radio",
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"id": "fresh-air",
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"info": "A live production of NPR and WBUR Boston, in collaboration with stations across the country, Here & Now reflects the fluid world of news as it's happening in the middle of the day, with timely, in-depth news, interviews and conversation. Hosted by Robin Young, Jeremy Hobson and Tonya Mosley.",
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"hidden-brain": {
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"info": "Shankar Vedantam uses science and storytelling to reveal the unconscious patterns that drive human behavior, shape our choices and direct our relationships.",
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"meta": {
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"source": "NPR"
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"how-i-built-this": {
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"info": "Guy Raz dives into the stories behind some of the world's best known companies. How I Built This weaves a narrative journey about innovators, entrepreneurs and idealists—and the movements they built.",
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"airtime": "SUN 7:30pm-8pm",
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"link": "/radio/program/how-i-built-this",
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"hyphenacion": {
"id": "hyphenacion",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"order": 15
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},
"jerrybrown": {
"id": "jerrybrown",
"title": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown",
"tagline": "Lessons from a lifetime in politics",
"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-Political-Mind-of-Jerry-Brown-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
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"order": 18
},
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},
"latino-usa": {
"id": "latino-usa",
"title": "Latino USA",
"airtime": "MON 1am-2am, SUN 6pm-7pm",
"info": "Latino USA, the radio journal of news and culture, is the only national, English-language radio program produced from a Latino perspective.",
"imageSrc": "https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/latinoUsa.jpg",
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"link": "/radio/program/latino-usa",
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"apple": "https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=79681317&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory",
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},
"marketplace": {
"id": "marketplace",
"title": "Marketplace",
"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 4pm-4:30pm, MON-WED 6:30pm-7pm",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Marketplace-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.marketplace.org/",
"meta": {
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"source": "American Public Media"
},
"link": "/radio/program/marketplace",
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},
"masters-of-scale": {
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"title": "Masters of Scale",
"info": "Masters of Scale is an original podcast in which LinkedIn co-founder and Greylock Partner Reid Hoffman sets out to describe and prove theories that explain how great entrepreneurs take their companies from zero to a gazillion in ingenious fashion.",
"airtime": "Every other Wednesday June 12 through October 16 at 8pm (repeats Thursdays at 2am)",
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"source": "WaitWhat"
},
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"rss": "https://rss.art19.com/masters-of-scale"
}
},
"mindshift": {
"id": "mindshift",
"title": "MindShift",
"tagline": "A podcast about the future of learning and how we raise our kids",
"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Mindshift-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "KQED MindShift: How We Will Learn",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/mindshift/",
"meta": {
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 12
},
"link": "/podcasts/mindshift",
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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}
},
"morning-edition": {
"id": "morning-edition",
"title": "Morning Edition",
"info": "\u003cem>Morning Edition\u003c/em> takes listeners around the country and the world with multi-faceted stories and commentaries every weekday. Hosts Steve Inskeep, David Greene and Rachel Martin bring you the latest breaking news and features to prepare you for the day.",
"airtime": "MON-FRI 3am-9am",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Morning-Edition-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.npr.org/programs/morning-edition/",
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"link": "/radio/program/morning-edition"
},
"onourwatch": {
"id": "onourwatch",
"title": "On Our Watch",
"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/On-Our-Watch-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg",
"imageAlt": "On Our Watch from NPR and KQED",
"officialWebsiteLink": "/podcasts/onourwatch",
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"source": "kqed",
"order": 11
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