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"bio": "\u003ca href=\"http://www.MarkFiore.com\">MarkFiore.com\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/markfiore\">Follow on Twitter\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/pages/Mark-Fiore-Animated-Political-Cartoons/94451707396?ref=bookmarks\">Facebook\u003c/a> | \u003ca href=\"mailto:mark@markfiore.com\">email\u003c/a>\r\n\r\nPulitzer Prize-winner, Mark Fiore, who the Wall Street Journal has called “the undisputed guru of the form,” creates animated political cartoons in San Francisco, where his work has been featured regularly on the San Francisco Chronicle’s web site, SFGate.com. His work has appeared on Newsweek.com, Slate.com, CBSNews.com, MotherJones.com, DailyKos.com and NPR’s web site. Fiore’s political animation has appeared on CNN, Frontline, Bill Moyers Journal, Salon.com and cable and broadcast outlets across the globe.\r\n\r\nBeginning his professional life by drawing traditional political cartoons for newspapers, Fiore’s work appeared in publications ranging from the Washington Post to the Los Angeles Times. In the late 1990s, he began to experiment with animating political cartoons and, after a short stint at the San Jose Mercury News as their staff cartoonist, Fiore devoted all his energies to animation.\r\nGrowing up in California, Fiore also spent a good portion of his life in the backwoods of Idaho. It was this combination that shaped him politically. Mark majored in political science at Colorado College, where, in a perfect send-off for a cartoonist, he received his diploma in 1991 as commencement speaker Dick Cheney smiled approvingly.\r\nMark Fiore was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for political cartooning in 2010, a Robert F. Kennedy Journalism Award in 2004 and has twice received an Online Journalism Award for commentary from the Online News Association (2002, 2008). Fiore has received two awards for his work in new media from the National Cartoonists Society (2001, 2002), and in 2006 received The James Madison Freedom of Information Award from The Society of Professional Journalists.",
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"content": "\u003cp>This Tuesday, voters in Long Beach turned out to elect a new state senator. Odds are that’s news to you—even if you happen to live in Long Beach. A \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LACountyRRCC/status/1110787717468585990\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">preliminary tally \u003c/a> indicates that less than a measly 7 percent of the district’s registered voters cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even by the subdued standards of an off-year state Senate special election, single-digit turnout marks a historic low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps unsurprisingly, some Democratic legislators in California—a state that already makes it easier to vote than almost any other—are trying to make it even easier. Assemblyman Evan Low, a Silicon Valley Democrat, is the latest to take up that cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Low’s bill\u003c/a> would make election day a state holiday, giving the day off to state employees and closing schools and college campuses. Supporters say the holiday would allow more schools to serve as polling stations and let college students volunteer as poll workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other states are looking at increasing barriers to entry,” said Low, noting the recent proliferation of state voter ID laws. “We do the opposite in California. We believe that we are a stronger democracy by having more people participate in the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low has also proposed changing the state constitution to allow 17-year-olds to vote. If it passes the Legislature by a two-thirds margin, it would require voter approval—assuming it survives any \u003ca href=\"http://scocablog.com/lowering-the-voting-age-in-california-possible-but-not-without-problems/#_edn15\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legal challenges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such proposals have become an increasingly easy political sell here. With President Donald Trump and other Republicans using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/valid-voter-fraud-complaints-in-california-dozens-not-millions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unsupported claims\u003c/a> of widespread voter fraud to call for new restrictions on the franchise, voting rights have become a rallying cry for California Democrats. Whatever they can do to amplify turnout among “low propensity” voters—statistically those who are young, low-income and Latino—generally happens to work to the Democrats’ electoral advantage too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the evidence is still out as to whether these measures have a significant effect on voter behavior one way or the other. And given the political and legal challenges facing this year’s latest round of proposals, state lawmakers may have run out of obstacles to knock down between the California voter and the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11736843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-800x1036.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1036\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-800x1036.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-160x207.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-1020x1320.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-927x1200.jpg 927w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-1920x2486.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2.jpg 1582w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/elj.2017.0478\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">One study\u003c/a> that took into account registration restrictions, the presence of voter ID laws and automatic voter registration programs anointed California the third easiest state for voting. Only Oregon and Colorado make it easier—and the researchers did not even account for some of California’s most recent reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allows would-be voters to register on Election Day, to vote well before an election and to so by mail, and to pre-register as long as they will turn 18 by election day. More than 200,000 \u003ca href=\"http://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/6f7f450a-8fd1-427f-b937-9495f9fd0dfe.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">teenagers pre-registered\u003c/a> in the lead up to last year’s election, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The state also pays the postage on mail-in ballots and automatically registers eligible voters when they visit the DMV (in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/the-one-thing-the-california-dmv-does-make-it-easy-to-do/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">theory\u003c/a>, anyway).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the various policy levers that lawmakers can pull to make it easier to vote, Kati Phillips, spokesperson for the voter-rights advocacy group Common Cause California, identified the most effective: automatic voter registration, early voting and wide-scale vote-by-mail programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She described Low’s proposal as “a cherry on top,” though maybe “not dinner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benjamin Highton, a political scientist at UC Davis, is a little more skeptical. He says that the time, hassle and other “costs” of voting are “contributing factors” to turnout—but they’re relatively small ones. Same-day registration might boost turnout by “five percentage points or less typically,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional changes to election law are likely to produce diminishing election returns, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When costs are small,” he added, “you can’t reduce them that much more and the explanation for lack of higher participation is more on the benefit side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, it’s possible that most non-voters in California eschew voting not because the process is difficult, but because they don’t see the value in doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a much tougher problem for policymakers to solve,” said Highton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some evidence to back up Highton’s claim. In the Cooperative Congressional \u003ca href=\"https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi%3A10.7910/DVN/ZSBZ7K\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Election Study survey\u003c/a> conducted after the 2018 midterm elections, just over 1 in 10 nonvoting Californians said they stayed away from the polls because they were either “too busy” or faced overly long lines at polling places—time constraints that might be solved with a holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law also guarantees employees two-hours paid time off to go the polls and gives voters the ability to register to vote my mail online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 45 percent of non-voters said they either didn’t know enough, didn’t like their choices, had no interest, simply forgot or were not registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another possible reason for lower turnout, said Thad Kousser, a political science professor at UC San Diego, is voter fatigue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11736847\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-800x1103.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1103\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-800x1103.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-160x221.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-1020x1406.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-871x1200.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-1920x2646.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue.jpg 1486w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas voters in parliamentary democracies might only vote for one party over another a few times every decade, Californians are invited to vote in primaries, special elections and general elections, and are expected to puzzle over byzantine initiative language and determine who might make the best city auditor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kousser put it: “There’s almost no profession you can have that would fully qualify you to vote down a California ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kousser and Highton are part of a group of University of California researchers studying the effects of California’s recently implemented automatic voter registration program. They say it’s still too early to draw any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California aside, Kousser noted that the United States is still a relatively tough place to vote compared to most economically developed democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Australians and Belgians, for example, can be fined if they don’t show up to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re so far behind the starting line of other modern democracies that elected officials in states like California…are always looking for ways to motivate people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Sacramento, the effort to ensure that voting is easy enough may have already peaked. Bills to establish an election day holiday have been introduced three times in the Legislature—twice by Low. Both of Low’s past efforts have been left to die in the Assembly appropriations committee, reflecting the fact that even his Democratic colleagues worry it might not be worth the cost and disruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, a Democratic Assemblywoman from San Diego, expressed those concerns during the bill’s first committee hearing earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the various ways in which California law already makes it convenient to vote, she wondered “whether it’s necessary at this point.” She nevertheless voted for the proposal, as did the other Democrats on the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Low, a holiday is not simply about removing yet another impediment to voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Setting aside a day to “to stop and pause” would provide “an opportunity to focus everyone’s attention on civic engagement and reinforce the importance of voting,” he said. “There’s nothing more American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>This Tuesday, voters in Long Beach turned out to elect a new state senator. Odds are that’s news to you—even if you happen to live in Long Beach. A \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/LACountyRRCC/status/1110787717468585990\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">preliminary tally \u003c/a> indicates that less than a measly 7 percent of the district’s registered voters cast a ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even by the subdued standards of an off-year state Senate special election, single-digit turnout marks a historic low.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps unsurprisingly, some Democratic legislators in California—a state that already makes it easier to vote than almost any other—are trying to make it even easier. Assemblyman Evan Low, a Silicon Valley Democrat, is the latest to take up that cause.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://leginfo.legislature.ca.gov/faces/billNavClient.xhtml?bill_id=201920200AB177\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Low’s bill\u003c/a> would make election day a state holiday, giving the day off to state employees and closing schools and college campuses. Supporters say the holiday would allow more schools to serve as polling stations and let college students volunteer as poll workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Other states are looking at increasing barriers to entry,” said Low, noting the recent proliferation of state voter ID laws. “We do the opposite in California. We believe that we are a stronger democracy by having more people participate in the process.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Low has also proposed changing the state constitution to allow 17-year-olds to vote. If it passes the Legislature by a two-thirds margin, it would require voter approval—assuming it survives any \u003ca href=\"http://scocablog.com/lowering-the-voting-age-in-california-possible-but-not-without-problems/#_edn15\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">legal challenges\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Such proposals have become an increasingly easy political sell here. With President Donald Trump and other Republicans using \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/valid-voter-fraud-complaints-in-california-dozens-not-millions/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">unsupported claims\u003c/a> of widespread voter fraud to call for new restrictions on the franchise, voting rights have become a rallying cry for California Democrats. Whatever they can do to amplify turnout among “low propensity” voters—statistically those who are young, low-income and Latino—generally happens to work to the Democrats’ electoral advantage too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the evidence is still out as to whether these measures have a significant effect on voter behavior one way or the other. And given the political and legal challenges facing this year’s latest round of proposals, state lawmakers may have run out of obstacles to knock down between the California voter and the ballot box.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11736843\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-800x1036.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1036\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-800x1036.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-160x207.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-1020x1320.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-927x1200.jpg 927w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2-1920x2486.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-image2.jpg 1582w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.liebertpub.com/doi/pdf/10.1089/elj.2017.0478\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">One study\u003c/a> that took into account registration restrictions, the presence of voter ID laws and automatic voter registration programs anointed California the third easiest state for voting. Only Oregon and Colorado make it easier—and the researchers did not even account for some of California’s most recent reforms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California allows would-be voters to register on Election Day, to vote well before an election and to so by mail, and to pre-register as long as they will turn 18 by election day. More than 200,000 \u003ca href=\"http://files.constantcontact.com/c1d64240601/6f7f450a-8fd1-427f-b937-9495f9fd0dfe.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">teenagers pre-registered\u003c/a> in the lead up to last year’s election, according to the Secretary of State’s office. The state also pays the postage on mail-in ballots and automatically registers eligible voters when they visit the DMV (in \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/articles/blog/the-one-thing-the-california-dmv-does-make-it-easy-to-do/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">theory\u003c/a>, anyway).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of the various policy levers that lawmakers can pull to make it easier to vote, Kati Phillips, spokesperson for the voter-rights advocacy group Common Cause California, identified the most effective: automatic voter registration, early voting and wide-scale vote-by-mail programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She described Low’s proposal as “a cherry on top,” though maybe “not dinner.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benjamin Highton, a political scientist at UC Davis, is a little more skeptical. He says that the time, hassle and other “costs” of voting are “contributing factors” to turnout—but they’re relatively small ones. Same-day registration might boost turnout by “five percentage points or less typically,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Additional changes to election law are likely to produce diminishing election returns, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When costs are small,” he added, “you can’t reduce them that much more and the explanation for lack of higher participation is more on the benefit side.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other words, it’s possible that most non-voters in California eschew voting not because the process is difficult, but because they don’t see the value in doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s a much tougher problem for policymakers to solve,” said Highton.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>There is some evidence to back up Highton’s claim. In the Cooperative Congressional \u003ca href=\"https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi%3A10.7910/DVN/ZSBZ7K\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Election Study survey\u003c/a> conducted after the 2018 midterm elections, just over 1 in 10 nonvoting Californians said they stayed away from the polls because they were either “too busy” or faced overly long lines at polling places—time constraints that might be solved with a holiday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California law also guarantees employees two-hours paid time off to go the polls and gives voters the ability to register to vote my mail online.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, 45 percent of non-voters said they either didn’t know enough, didn’t like their choices, had no interest, simply forgot or were not registered to vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another possible reason for lower turnout, said Thad Kousser, a political science professor at UC San Diego, is voter fatigue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-11736847\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-800x1103.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1103\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-800x1103.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-160x221.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-1020x1406.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-871x1200.jpg 871w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue-1920x2646.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/03/CalMatters-ELECTION-HOLIDAY-fatigue.jpg 1486w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whereas voters in parliamentary democracies might only vote for one party over another a few times every decade, Californians are invited to vote in primaries, special elections and general elections, and are expected to puzzle over byzantine initiative language and determine who might make the best city auditor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As Kousser put it: “There’s almost no profession you can have that would fully qualify you to vote down a California ballot.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Kousser and Highton are part of a group of University of California researchers studying the effects of California’s recently implemented automatic voter registration program. They say it’s still too early to draw any conclusions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California aside, Kousser noted that the United States is still a relatively tough place to vote compared to most economically developed democracies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Australians and Belgians, for example, can be fined if they don’t show up to the polls.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re so far behind the starting line of other modern democracies that elected officials in states like California…are always looking for ways to motivate people,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in Sacramento, the effort to ensure that voting is easy enough may have already peaked. Bills to establish an election day holiday have been introduced three times in the Legislature—twice by Low. Both of Low’s past efforts have been left to die in the Assembly appropriations committee, reflecting the fact that even his Democratic colleagues worry it might not be worth the cost and disruption.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shirley Weber, a Democratic Assemblywoman from San Diego, expressed those concerns during the bill’s first committee hearing earlier this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Given the various ways in which California law already makes it convenient to vote, she wondered “whether it’s necessary at this point.” She nevertheless voted for the proposal, as did the other Democrats on the committee.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But according to Low, a holiday is not simply about removing yet another impediment to voting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Setting aside a day to “to stop and pause” would provide “an opportunity to focus everyone’s attention on civic engagement and reinforce the importance of voting,” he said. “There’s nothing more American.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">\u003cem>CALmatters.org\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "California’s New Insurance Commissioner Hires Ex-Lobbyist for a Company Under Investigation",
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"content": "\u003cp>One of two people leading state Sen. Ricardo Lara’s transition as California’s newly elected insurance commissioner worked until last month as the Sacramento lobbyist for a major drugmaker that is the subject of an investigation by the Department of Insurance that Lara soon will head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens, will be sworn in as insurance commissioner on Monday, succeeding Dave Jones, who was termed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Lara issued a press release announcing that Michael Martinez would help lead his transition to the 1,300-employee department. That release described Martinez, a former insurance department official and aide to Gov. Jerry Brown, as “currently working in California’s life sciences sector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The release neglected to elaborate on the work Martinez did in the life sciences sector and it didn’t identify his employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate public filing with the secretary of state, Martinez disclosed that until December, he had been a lobbyist for the Foster City-based pharmaceutical company, Gilead Sciences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead, in turn, disclosed in filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission as recently as Nov. 6 — Election Day — that the California Department of Insurance and Alameda County District Attorney’s Office issued subpoenas in October 2017 requesting documents related to its marketing, and interactions with specialty pharmacies.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441435/hiv-patients-say-gilead-suppressed-safer-drug-to-preserve-profits\">HIV Patients Say Gilead Suppressed Safer Drug to Preserve Profits\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441435/hiv-patients-say-gilead-suppressed-safer-drug-to-preserve-profits\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-1008152-e1546899795708.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gilead also disclosed it received subpoenas for similar information from U.S. attorney’s offices in Massachusetts and the Southern District of New York, and from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it is cooperating with the inquiries. It did not respond to CALmatters’ requests for comment. Nor did the Department of Insurance comment on the investigation, and outgoing insurance commissioner Jones could not be reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead’s drugs include Truvada, otherwise known as PrEP, short for pre-exposure prophylaxis. Truvada protects users from contracting HIV, the virus that leads to acquired immune deficiency syndrome. As part of its marketing, Gilead reimburses consumers for their co-payments, regardless of their income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CALmatters, Lara’s office said: “Commissioner-elect Lara looks forward to Mr. Martinez rejoining the Department of Insurance, where he served under Commissioner Jones with great integrity before serving in Governor Brown’s administration. His new role will be announced in coming days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement did not say whether Martinez would be walled off from any investigation of Gilead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting the revolving door that regularly swings in Sacramento, Martinez worked for almost a decade as a lobbyist for the firm Manatt, Phelps & Phillips in Sacramento before going to work for the Insurance Department after Jones was elected in 2010, and later for Brown. He joined Gilead at the end of 2017, and worked as its Sacramento lobbyist for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10714214/in-sacramento-limits-are-few-on-revolving-door-between-government-and-private-jobs\">In Sacramento, Limits Are Few on Revolving Door Between Government and Private Jobs\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10714214/in-sacramento-limits-are-few-on-revolving-door-between-government-and-private-jobs\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screen-Shot-2015-10-14-at-4.56.10-PM-1038x576.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Gilead regularly lobbies on legislation related to drug pricing, including the landmark 2017 legislation requiring that pharmaceutical companies disclose if they are raising prices on their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead also is a regular campaign donor, joining other pharmaceutical companies by spending $4 million to oppose a 2016 initiative that sought to cut prescription drug prices, and spending another $670,000 since 2013 on various candidates and campaigns. Lara received $4,000 from Gilead for his insurance commissioner campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Democratic wave that swept California, Lara defeated former Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner, a former Republican-turned no-party-preference candidate, by a 52.9-47.1 percent margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As insurance commissioner, Lara will oversee a department with 1,325 employees, a budget of $287 million and a significant law enforcement operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department shares authority over aspects of health insurance — and thus prescription drugs — with the Department of Managed Health Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"excerpt": "Michael Martinez, a top aide to newly elected California Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara, worked for Gilead Sciences until last month. Gilead, a major drugmaker, is under investigation by the department Lara now heads.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>One of two people leading state Sen. Ricardo Lara’s transition as California’s newly elected insurance commissioner worked until last month as the Sacramento lobbyist for a major drugmaker that is the subject of an investigation by the Department of Insurance that Lara soon will head.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lara, a Democrat from Bell Gardens, will be sworn in as insurance commissioner on Monday, succeeding Dave Jones, who was termed out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In December, Lara issued a press release announcing that Michael Martinez would help lead his transition to the 1,300-employee department. That release described Martinez, a former insurance department official and aide to Gov. Jerry Brown, as “currently working in California’s life sciences sector.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The release neglected to elaborate on the work Martinez did in the life sciences sector and it didn’t identify his employer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a separate public filing with the secretary of state, Martinez disclosed that until December, he had been a lobbyist for the Foster City-based pharmaceutical company, Gilead Sciences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead, in turn, disclosed in filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission as recently as Nov. 6 — Election Day — that the California Department of Insurance and Alameda County District Attorney’s Office issued subpoenas in October 2017 requesting documents related to its marketing, and interactions with specialty pharmacies.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441435/hiv-patients-say-gilead-suppressed-safer-drug-to-preserve-profits\">HIV Patients Say Gilead Suppressed Safer Drug to Preserve Profits\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/futureofyou/441435/hiv-patients-say-gilead-suppressed-safer-drug-to-preserve-profits\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/01/GettyImages-1008152-e1546899795708.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gilead also disclosed it received subpoenas for similar information from U.S. attorney’s offices in Massachusetts and the Southern District of New York, and from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The company said it is cooperating with the inquiries. It did not respond to CALmatters’ requests for comment. Nor did the Department of Insurance comment on the investigation, and outgoing insurance commissioner Jones could not be reached.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead’s drugs include Truvada, otherwise known as PrEP, short for pre-exposure prophylaxis. Truvada protects users from contracting HIV, the virus that leads to acquired immune deficiency syndrome. As part of its marketing, Gilead reimburses consumers for their co-payments, regardless of their income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement to CALmatters, Lara’s office said: “Commissioner-elect Lara looks forward to Mr. Martinez rejoining the Department of Insurance, where he served under Commissioner Jones with great integrity before serving in Governor Brown’s administration. His new role will be announced in coming days.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The statement did not say whether Martinez would be walled off from any investigation of Gilead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reflecting the revolving door that regularly swings in Sacramento, Martinez worked for almost a decade as a lobbyist for the firm Manatt, Phelps & Phillips in Sacramento before going to work for the Insurance Department after Jones was elected in 2010, and later for Brown. He joined Gilead at the end of 2017, and worked as its Sacramento lobbyist for a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10714214/in-sacramento-limits-are-few-on-revolving-door-between-government-and-private-jobs\">In Sacramento, Limits Are Few on Revolving Door Between Government and Private Jobs\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/10714214/in-sacramento-limits-are-few-on-revolving-door-between-government-and-private-jobs\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/10/Screen-Shot-2015-10-14-at-4.56.10-PM-1038x576.png\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>In Sacramento, Gilead regularly lobbies on legislation related to drug pricing, including the landmark 2017 legislation requiring that pharmaceutical companies disclose if they are raising prices on their products.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilead also is a regular campaign donor, joining other pharmaceutical companies by spending $4 million to oppose a 2016 initiative that sought to cut prescription drug prices, and spending another $670,000 since 2013 on various candidates and campaigns. Lara received $4,000 from Gilead for his insurance commissioner campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Democratic wave that swept California, Lara defeated former Insurance Commissioner Steve Poizner, a former Republican-turned no-party-preference candidate, by a 52.9-47.1 percent margin.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As insurance commissioner, Lara will oversee a department with 1,325 employees, a budget of $287 million and a significant law enforcement operation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The department shares authority over aspects of health insurance — and thus prescription drugs — with the Department of Managed Health Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">CALmatters\u003c/a> is a nonprofit, nonpartisan media venture explaining California policies and politics.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "facebook-memories-for-2018",
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"content": "\u003cp>From more revelations about Russian election interference to race-baiting, it has indeed been\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefacebookmemories\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> a very bad year for Facebook\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech giant’s list of 2018 scandals is a long one that also includes data breaches and accusations of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/14/619488792/activists-in-myanmar-say-facebook-needs-to-do-more-to-quell-hate-speech\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">inciting violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a collection of Facebook cartoons I drew over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s to a happier 2019 …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11714981\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-800x610.jpg\" alt=\"Subverting by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"610\" 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>From more revelations about Russian election interference to race-baiting, it has indeed been\u003ca href=\"http://bit.ly/fiorefacebookmemories\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> a very bad year for Facebook\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tech giant’s list of 2018 scandals is a long one that also includes data breaches and accusations of \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2018/06/14/619488792/activists-in-myanmar-say-facebook-needs-to-do-more-to-quell-hate-speech\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">inciting violence\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a collection of Facebook cartoons I drew over the past year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here’s to a happier 2019 …\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-11714981\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-800x610.jpg\" alt=\"Subverting by Mark Fiore\" width=\"800\" height=\"610\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-800x610.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-160x122.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-1020x778.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-1200x916.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-1180x900.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-960x733.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-240x183.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-375x286.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/12/subverting_031918_final-520x397.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In the biggest move to address the city’s homeless crisis in decades, San Francisco voters approved Proposition C, a tax increase on corporations that would double the city’s budget for homeless services. The measure was approved by 60 percent of the electorate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, which pitted Mayor London Breed, who opposed the measure, against proponent Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff, took a strong lead Tuesday night, with “yes” votes totaling nearly 60 percent in early counts — tallying about 44 percent of expected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a major people’s victory,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored Proposition C. “We’re going to be able to transform the lives of folks who were out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial measure could still face hurdles to becoming law. Some opponents of Proposition C have said that a tax measure directing funding for a specific purpose (in this case, homeless services) requires approval from two-thirds of voters.\u003cbr>\n[election2018result race=8753]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state Supreme Court ruling last year opened up the possibility that a citizens’ initiative like Proposition C could become law with a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the majority-vote passage of a June measure to raise taxes for child care, also labeled Proposition C, was \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfexaminer.com/business-groups-sue-sf-universal-childcare-measure-june-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">challenged in court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite outspending the No on C campaign by at least 4:1, the Yes on C campaign failed to earn the two-thirds voter support necessary for San Francisco to ever see a penny that Proposition C promised,” said Jess Montejano, spokesman for the No on C campaign, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawsuit could potentially delay the estimated $300 million that Proposition C would add to the city’s annual homeless services budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sue us, we’re going to be joining child care in that struggle, and we’re very confident we’re going to prevail,” Friedenbach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition C’s passage is upheld, the job of overseeing an expected $300 million in new revenue would fall to Breed, who opposed the measure. Under the new law, taxes on gross receipts over $50 million would go up by an average of 0.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was placed on the ballot by homeless advocates, who argued that a new funding stream was needed to pay for supportive housing, rental assistance, shelters and navigation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign was given a surprise jump-start when Benioff announced his support of Proposition C. The cloud computing giant is one of the 300 to 400 companies that would pay an increased tax bill under the measure. But citing a dire need to address the city’s most pressing problem, Benioff poured money into the Yes on C campaign. By election day, the yes campaign had spent more than five times as much as the opponents of the measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/Benioff/status/1060060365193539584\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Those opponents included the city’s Chamber of Commerce and other business leaders, including Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s Measure P, a local business ‘head’ tax paid per employee, had an even stronger lead Tuesday night — nearly 70 percent of votes were in favor with 66 percent of precincts reporting. More than half of the estimated new revenue is expected to come from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds will go to the city’s general fund, though city leaders promised to use the money to fund upgrades to transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third business tax, Measure HH in East Palo Alto, was up with almost 75 percent “yes” votes. It would add a $2.50 per square foot parcel tax on large commercial office space, to fund affordable housing. The measure requires a two-thirds majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Shia Levitt contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In the biggest move to address the city’s homeless crisis in decades, San Francisco voters approved Proposition C, a tax increase on corporations that would double the city’s budget for homeless services. The measure was approved by 60 percent of the electorate. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C, which pitted Mayor London Breed, who opposed the measure, against proponent Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff, took a strong lead Tuesday night, with “yes” votes totaling nearly 60 percent in early counts — tallying about 44 percent of expected ballots.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is a major people’s victory,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored Proposition C. “We’re going to be able to transform the lives of folks who were out on the streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The controversial measure could still face hurdles to becoming law. Some opponents of Proposition C have said that a tax measure directing funding for a specific purpose (in this case, homeless services) requires approval from two-thirds of voters.\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A state Supreme Court ruling last year opened up the possibility that a citizens’ initiative like Proposition C could become law with a simple majority vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the majority-vote passage of a June measure to raise taxes for child care, also labeled Proposition C, was \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfexaminer.com/business-groups-sue-sf-universal-childcare-measure-june-ballot/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">challenged in court\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Despite outspending the No on C campaign by at least 4:1, the Yes on C campaign failed to earn the two-thirds voter support necessary for San Francisco to ever see a penny that Proposition C promised,” said Jess Montejano, spokesman for the No on C campaign, in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A lawsuit could potentially delay the estimated $300 million that Proposition C would add to the city’s annual homeless services budget.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If they sue us, we’re going to be joining child care in that struggle, and we’re very confident we’re going to prevail,” Friedenbach said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If Proposition C’s passage is upheld, the job of overseeing an expected $300 million in new revenue would fall to Breed, who opposed the measure. Under the new law, taxes on gross receipts over $50 million would go up by an average of 0.5 percent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C was placed on the ballot by homeless advocates, who argued that a new funding stream was needed to pay for supportive housing, rental assistance, shelters and navigation centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign was given a surprise jump-start when Benioff announced his support of Proposition C. The cloud computing giant is one of the 300 to 400 companies that would pay an increased tax bill under the measure. But citing a dire need to address the city’s most pressing problem, Benioff poured money into the Yes on C campaign. By election day, the yes campaign had spent more than five times as much as the opponents of the measure.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Those opponents included the city’s Chamber of Commerce and other business leaders, including Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s Measure P, a local business ‘head’ tax paid per employee, had an even stronger lead Tuesday night — nearly 70 percent of votes were in favor with 66 percent of precincts reporting. More than half of the estimated new revenue is expected to come from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The funds will go to the city’s general fund, though city leaders promised to use the money to fund upgrades to transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A third business tax, Measure HH in East Palo Alto, was up with almost 75 percent “yes” votes. It would add a $2.50 per square foot parcel tax on large commercial office space, to fund affordable housing. The measure requires a two-thirds majority to pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Shia Levitt contributed to this report. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JYKxFrMkzKA\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://twitter.com/jack/status/1053312148317716480\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>After years of economic boom, voters in San Francisco, East Palo Alto and Mountain View will decide this November if big corporations should be taxed to help pay for issues that have only gotten worse as business has grown: housing and transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Business groups against the tax hikes argue the measures would give companies a reason to expand in other cities, or even worse, leave the region altogether.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters however, counter that corporate philanthropy has been insufficient to take on the Bay Area’s problems like homelessness and transportation. They argue that a steady funding stream must be created to pay for services.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">‘There’s two kinds of people in San Francisco. There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.’\u003ccite>Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“With all of these business taxes right now, there’s certainly an inspiration to take advantage of the enormous prosperity we have in the region, while we have it,” said Molly Turner, a lecturer at the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The debate has touched a nerve in San Francisco, where a proposed tax hike has sparked a clash of tech titans, divided political allies and led the city’s new mayor to make the most controversial decision of her tenure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition C would double the city’s homeless services budget by raising the gross receipts tax on annual revenue above $50 million that companies bring in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The average half-percent increase in the tax would raise roughly $300 million annually to help get homeless San Franciscans off of the street. Half of the money would go toward long-term fixes, like supportive housing, while the other half would go toward more immediate assistance, like shelters, mental health services and rental assistance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We just got this massive tax break from [President] Trump. The corporate rate went from 35 percent all the way down to 21 percent,” said Jennifer Friedenbach, executive director of the Coalition on Homelessness, which sponsored the measure. “In order to address the systemic crises we need ongoing revenue.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As thousands of people sleep on the street each night, most San Franciscans would be quick to name homelessness as a top issue facing the city. Less clear is what voters are willing to do to address the problem.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The last two ballot measures that proposed a tax hike to raise money for the homeless — a 2016 sales tax increase and a real estate tax on the ballot last June — both failed. Proposition C differs because it would dedicate all the revenue it raises to homeless programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What we’ve seen in the past is tinkering, and I don’t think voters have a lot of patience for that,” said Friedenbach. “They want to see big change.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JYKxFrMkzKA'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>It’s estimated that 300 to 400 companies would pay the Proposition C tax hike. These corporations already pay 57 percent of the business taxes collected by San Francisco, according to a \u003ca href=\"https://sfcontroller.org/sites/default/files/Documents/Economic%20Analysis/hgrt_economic_impact_final.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">report\u003c/a> from the Office of Economic Analysis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s on top of the increased costs necessary to recruit and retain workers in the region, said Jim Lazarus, senior vice president of public policy at the San Francisco Chamber of Commerce.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“At some point the straw breaks the camel’s back and some chief financial officer says, ‘When the lease comes up we’re leaving town,’ ” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Similar warnings from Amazon pushed Seattle’s City Council to abandon a newly enacted business tax earlier this year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But San Francisco’s largest private employer, Salesforce, has taken a markedly different stance on Proposition C. The cloud computing giant has donated $4.7 million to the Yes on C campaign, with another $1 million coming from CEO Marc Benioff. This despite Benioff’s assertion that the company stands to pay millions more under the tax proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10467228\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-10467228\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"528\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-800x528.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-400x264.jpg 400w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1440x950.jpg 1440w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-1180x779.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-768x507.jpg 768w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2015/03/457215846-320x211.jpg 320w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff pictured at company conference in October 2014. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>To Benioff, the debate over Proposition C is black and white, and CEOs who aren’t for the measure aren’t being socially responsible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“What I’ve found is there’s two kinds of people in San Francisco,” he told KQED. “There’s people who are willing to give and always opening their hearts and their wallets to support whatever society needs. And there’s those who won’t give at all no matter what.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Implied in that second group was Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, who Benioff traded jabs with over Proposition C. Dorsey argued that his company Square will be hurt more by the tax increase than Salesforce.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\n\u003cp>Last week, Lyft and Macy’s joined Square to donate to the No on Prop. C campaign. It didn’t make much of a dent. Thanks to Benioff, the “yes” side has raked in four times as much in contributions, according to \u003ca href=\"https://sfethics.org/ethics/2018/03/campaign-finance-dashboards-june-5-2018-and-november-6-2018-elections.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">data\u003c/a> from the San Francisco Department of Elections.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff’s stance on Proposition C has also caused a fissure with a political ally: San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Benioff said the need for sustained homeless funding is best illustrated by a call he recently got from the mayor. Breed was looking for a donation of $8 million to acquire a site that could be used for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“She’s out of money. Her budget was fully maxed,” Benioff said. “The city has these shovel-ready projects ready to go and we can directly address these homeless people if we have more directed funding.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed disagrees, not only with the nature of the call — she said she asked Benioff for the immediate donation because a budget supplemental would have taken too long to secure the units — but with the idea that San Francisco can hike taxes for homeless services without consequences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Can big business pay more to support this? Yes, they can,” Breed told KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But things like a ballot measure need to be handled more responsibly,” she added. “Making sure that as we try and tax, that there aren’t the unintended consequences of job loss for middle-income residents. I mean manufacturing, retail, those are things that are important to San Francisco.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11690711\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11690711\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg\" alt=\"San Francisco Mayor London Breed.\" width=\"800\" height=\"552\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-800x552.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-160x110.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1020x704.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1200x828.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-1180x814.jpg 1180w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-960x663.jpg 960w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-240x166.jpg 240w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-375x259.jpg 375w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/09/LondonBreed-520x359.jpg 520w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">San Francisco Mayor London Breed. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The city’s economic analysis of Proposition C finds that retail would be the sector most at risk of job loss, but that the tax’s overall impact on jobs would be insignificant: an estimated loss of 0.1 percent of all jobs in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Brimming beneath Breed’s warning of job flight, and her stated desire for the city to get a better handle on how it spends the $300 million already dedicated to homelessness, seems to be a political frustration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The mayor was elected in June on a promise to address the crisis. If Proposition C passes and doubles the city’s homeless budget, it will likely be Breed — not Benioff or the homeless advocates who wrote the measure — who will be judged for its results.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I want to make sure that I’m being held accountable for the decisions I make,” she said. “Not the decisions that other people are making.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And there’s a chance the heated debate over Proposition C could actually stretch past November. Supporters are hoping that a recent state Supreme Court ruling will allow the citizens’ initiative to pass with a majority vote. Historically, local measures that directed funding to a specific source, like homeless services, required a two-thirds vote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax measures in Mountain View and East Palo Alto have come with significantly fewer political fireworks, but also reflect a shift toward demanding greater corporate responsibility to take on the Bay Area’s vexing housing and transportation problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11647955\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11647955 size-medium\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/02/RS378_Google_082411-800x504.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"504\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A sign is posted outside Google headquarters Jan. 21, 2010, in Mountain View, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Measure HH in East Palo Alto would tax large commercial office space at a rate of $2.50 per square foot to pay for affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supporters are hoping to capitalize on the recent growth of Amazon in the city, and Facebook’s expansion in nearby Menlo Park.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re just trying to protect our community and have a fair share that will improve the lives of more people,” said Mayor Ruben Abrica. “We’re also trying to be proactive because we know that other development is going to take place.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Mountain View’s tax is more heavily directed toward a single company: Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The proposed “head tax” in Measure P would tax companies for each employee, with larger companies paying higher rates. Revenue from the tax will go to the general fund, with the promise that it will be used for transportation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The tax is expected to raise $6 million annually, with more than half coming from Google.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Google is not opposing the tax increase, and Mountain View Mayor Lenny Siegel said the search giant has been quick to assist with issues like homelessness in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’re a good corporate citizen but we can’t bond against their donations,” he told \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101866893/election-2018-bay-area-cities-to-vote-on-taxing-big-business\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">KQED’s Forum\u003c/a>. “So the tax will allow us to bond so that we can build the infrastructure that allows Google employees to get from Caltrain to the Googleplex.”\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"alignright\">\n\u003ch3>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">Sen. Dianne Feinstein Calls Out S.F. Tech CEOs for Lack of Civic Engagement\u003c/a>\u003c/h3>\n\u003cfigure>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\">\u003cimg decoding=\"async\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2018/10/RS33368_102318_AW_DianeFeinstein_03-1180x787.jpg\" alt=\"\">\u003c/a>\u003c/figure>\n\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The demand for more investment from big business, and in particular the region’s thriving tech companies, is a reversal from the policy conversations that took place in Bay Area cities at the beginning of the decade.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Then, San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/22623/watch-live-sf-supervisors-vote-on-twitter-tax-break\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">changed its tax code\u003c/a> to attract and retain businesses, with particular incentives for growing tech companies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many supporters of the Bay Area business taxes claim that those thriving corporations did not reciprocate the friendly policies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t see tech as very civically involved, and I think they have to be,” said Sen. Dianne Feinstein, who told KQED \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11700919/sen-feinstein-calls-out-s-f-tech-ceos-for-lack-of-civic-engagement\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">she supports Proposition C\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Like when I was mayor, the CEOs of the big banks — I could go in and ask them to help with any civic cause. Cross my heart. I never got a ‘no.’ Bank of America, Wells [Fargo], all of them said ‘yes.’ ”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So instead of asking, the tax measures hope to compel Bay Area corporations to put a greater amount of skin in the game toward local problems.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The question remains whether a push like Proposition C has come too late, and is simply setting the stage for a fleeting victory.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is certainly a risk if we rely on this one tax to fund a huge part of our homeless services,” said Molly Turner of the UC Berkeley Haas School of Business. “If we have a correction or a recession in the near future, that’s going to cut significantly to our ability to fund those programs.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[2018-prop prop=10]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousbug]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>This whole week, Bay Curious is exploring the 11 statewide propositions on the California ballot for a mini-series we’re calling “Bay Curious Prop Week.” Each day, we’re dropping episodes looking at what the propositions are and how they came to be on the ballot in the first place. If you want to learn more about what’s on your California ballot, check out KQED’s \u003ca href=\"http://kqed.org/elections\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">2018 Voter Guide\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>We’ll also be hosting a series of Facebook Live Q&As.\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/146244569661530/\">Prop 5, Property Tax Transfer – 12 p.m., Oct. 17\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\n\u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/1889420071352971/\">Prop 10, Rent Control – 12 p.m., Oct. 24\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You can replay our Q&A on \u003ca href=\"https://www.facebook.com/events/331161234107297/\"> Proposition 6, the gas tax repeal.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Below is a lightly edited transcript of our episode on Proposition 10. If passed, it would repeal the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which limits rent control across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003chr />\n\u003cp>OLIVIA ALLEN-PRICE: It might be the single biggest issue facing Californians…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Montage of news on cost of housing\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: I’m Olivia Allen-Price. In this episode for the Bay Curious Prop Week, we’re going to be hearing about rent control, the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act and Prop 10. Here’s reporter Jessica Placzek\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>JESSICA PLACZEK: Prop 10 wants to overturn Costa-Hawkins. But what is Costa-Hawkins? To understand that, we need to go back to 1995. It was the year that Brad Pitt won sexiest man alive, Amazon sold its first book and one of my favorite Mariah Carey songs topped the charts…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>“Fantasy” by Mariah Carey plays\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But we’re here to talk about housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: At the time, the state was recovering from a housing slump and construction of new housing had slowed down. That’s when two politicians decided to try to curb rent control. The politicians were Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assembly Member Phil Hawkins. Together they drafted the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MATT LEVIN: And it passed by one vote. That shapes rent control policy across California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: This is Matt Levin, a data reporter for CalMatters and co-host of the housing podcast, “Gimme Shelter.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Now, Costa-Hawkins limits rent control in a few big ways. For example, it barred rent control on most single family homes and condos. So most of the suburbs can’t have rent control. It also barred rent control on new buildings. So if a building was constructed after the law took effect, that building cannot have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: You can’t impose rent control on properties that were built after 1995.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: The thing is, before Costa-Hawkins was passed, about a dozen cities already had rent control laws. And some had their own cutoff dates that had been established earlier. Those dates were frozen by Costa-Hawkins. So in Oakland, the cutoff is in 1983. Berkeley in 1980. While in San Jose and San Francisco, nothing built after 1979 can have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: And so anything new and nice looking in San Francisco is not going to have rent control on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Another thing Costa-Hawkins changed: it eliminated vacancy control, which ties rent control to the apartment instead of the tenant. With Costa-Hawkins, we have vacancy decontrol, which means if a tenant moves out of a rent controlled apartment, landlords can raise the rent as high as they please.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: I see old apartments all the time. They’re total pieces of crap, and they’re charging like a bazillion dollars, right? But once you get into that apartment, they’re limited in how much more they can raise it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: Today, only 15 cities have rent control in California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LEVIN: It’s really the bigger cities, so L.A., San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: But because of Costa-Hawkins, many units in those cities are barred from having rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: In California, more than one in five households pays over half its income on housing. People are looking for ways to ease housing costs and some are looking toward rent control. This actually won’t be the first attempt to overturn Costa-Hawkins. Earlier this year, a bill went before state legislators.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ASSEMBLYMAN DAVID CHIU: This bill required 4 votes to get out of this committee, at this time there are 3, so AB 1506 fails passage today.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>PLACZEK: It didn’t get too far.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Audience boos\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Ok, so now that you understand Costa-Hawkins, we can talk about Prop 10, which would upend that legislation. Here to talk about it with me is Guy Marzorati of the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Hey, Guy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>GUY MARZORATI: Hey!\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So walk us through Prop 10, what are we voting on?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: I think it’s easy to look at this as a measure all about rent control. I think it’s largely about local control. This is taking something, rent control, that’s been dominated by state laws over the last couple of decades, and it would turn it over to individual cities and counties in California and say, “if Proposition 10 passes, what do you want to do about rent control? How would you like to govern the prices of rent within your city or within your county?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So what does the prop actually say?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: It’s repealing Costa-Hawkins and taking us back to the time before that law when cities could implement their own rent control laws on an individual basis. And so you had some places like San Francisco, Berkeley, Oakland that already had rent control on the books before Costa-Hawkins. But you had the vast majority of California cities without any rent control laws.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So if this passes and Costa-Hawkins is overturned, what does it actually mean? Like what happens the next day? Do we suddenly have rent control everywhere?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: No, you don’t. There would be some cities that had certain pieces of their rent control that were explicitly outlawed by Costa-Hawkins. If Costa-Hawkins goes away, they can have vacancy control once again. But for the vast majority of cities nothing would change the day after the election or once the elections are certified.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So it’s not like we’re going to have a flood of rent control laws suddenly coming.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Absolutely not. I think here in the Bay Area there’s really just been one city, Berkeley, that’s put forward a measure saying if Proposition 10 passes here’s exactly how we would change or how we would expand our rent control laws. They want to introduce rent control on a rolling basis for buildings. So as buildings hit their 20th birthday, they age into rent control. But for most cities they haven’t figured that out. And I think what you’re going to see is a lot of long public comment lines at local supervisor committees, city council committees, as cities possibly take rent control up after a possible post-Prop 10 future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: And, in a nutshell, what would this mean for renters in California and what would this mean for landlords?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So I think there’s limited actual research on what rent control does. And like every housing thing, it doesn’t happen in a vacuum. You have all of these other housing laws intersecting with it. I think broadly speaking, the research has shown that if you are a current renter, rent control helps you stay in your unit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you have rent control.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: If you have rent control. And that’s particularly true if you’re a senior citizen and you may be on a fixed income. Rent control can help stabilize the amount that you’re paying out for rent and it can help you remain in a unit. On the flip side, the evidence shows that it is a disincentive to actually build housing. If a developer is limited in the amount that they can make off of a rental unit, well, maybe they’re not going to build rental units, maybe they’ll just build condominiums or apartments for sale. And as we know, California has a huge shortage of actual housing units. So that’s the fear. If you take away this incentive for development then we’re going to worsen our shortage of units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: There have been a lot of rent control measures that have been on the ballots, on local ballots around the Bay Area, and I think predominantly those have not passed. Why is that and do you think that trend will hold for this statewide prop?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Well I think the political reality is that landlords are well organized in the state. The Apartment Association has well funded campaigns. They’re very politically active. And so in the past you’ve seen some mixed success on local ballots in terms of rent control. Although there have also been recent rent control victories in Mountain View and other places.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: So it’s hard to say local measures haven’t done as well and predicate failure for this measure. I think there’s just a groundswell of energy around this idea of rent control because it’s really easy to sell, to just say “the rent is too darn high.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: You can say damn, it’s a podcast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n What do you wonder about the Bay Area, its culture or people that you want KQED to investigate?\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Ask Bay Curious.\u003c/a>\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Too damn high! We need some kind of solution. All that said, the political reality is California is at an all time low of home-ownership rates. We know homeowners are usually more politically active, and renters by nature are more transient. So I think that’s a harder demographic to capture politically.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: So you mentioned who is supporting this prop. Who is against it?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: As you’d expect, developers are against it. They see this as a huge cut into their business. If local jurisdictions start to limit the amount that they can charge on rents, well then how are they going to finance these rental buildings? And maybe they’re just going to go and build market rate units and condos. Developers also fear that this would create a patchwork of different rules. I think one thing they like about Costa-Hawkins is that it’s a state mandate. It governs this huge market that they develop in. If all of a sudden every individual city has their own rent control laws, that can make business harder for them. So developers have been financially the biggest opponents of Prop 10.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: All right, well it’s going to be interesting to see how voters respond to this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Yes, will be interesting to see.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: Guy Mazorati with the KQED Politics and Government Desk. Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>MARZORATI: Thank you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Theme music\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: If you want to know more about the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, or Proposition 10, Guy will be taking your questions in a Facebook Live on Oct. 24. You can go ahead and RSVP ahead of time so you’ll get a handy reminder when it rolls around. Get all the details at BayCurious.org.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: This episode was produced by Jessica Placzek.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>ALLEN-PRICE: That’s it for Bay Curious Prop Week! Thanks so much for listening along. We hope this has been helpful and that you’ve learned a lot — I know I have. If you want to dig deeper into any of these propositions, you should check out KQED’s Voter Guide at kqed.org/elections. Next week we’ll be back to our regular schedule — dropping a new episode every Thursday. Prop Week was produced by Paul Lancour, Ryan Levi, Jessica Placzek, Vinnee Tong, Devin Katayama, Erika Aguliar and me, Olivia Allen-Price. Special thanks to Julie Caine and Guy Marzorati for their support. Bay Curious is made in San Francisco at KQED.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>In an attempt to stave off a serious wave of Democratic House challengers, Republicans in Orange County are turning to a tried and true tactic: stoking resentment of taxes handed down by Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why despite growing acceptance of local tax increases, and the relative unpopularity of federal tax reform in the region, Republicans want to put the issue of taxes front and center in a handful of competitive congressional races. Specifically, GOP candidates are taking aim at an increase in the state’s gas tax and vehicle licensing fees, which the state legislature enacted last year to pay for road repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>, on the November ballot, would repeal the 12-cents per gallon gas tax increase and licensing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a familiar strategy in the traditionally conservative county. In 1978, Southern California businessmen Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann teamed with Orange County state Sen. John Briggs to engineer a tax revolt against Sacramento: passing Proposition 13 to dramatically limit property tax increases in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Proposition 6 can drum up the same anti-tax fervor. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California, opponents of the repeal outnumbered supporters statewide by a 13-point margin — and by 15 points in Orange and San Diego counties. The polling was conducted by reading the official ballot language, which emphasizes the loss in transportation funding over any mention of repeal. The same poll found voters in favor of “a more general question about repealing the recent increases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are still confident that higher prices at the pump will turn voters against Democratic congressional candidates, and turn the conversation away from the actions of Republicans in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The gas tax is a great issue for us,” said Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Orange County Republican Party. “Because the gas tax and the vehicle license fee are probably the most unpopular thing the Legislature has done in the last two years, if not the last 10.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Republicans need only point back to June for one casualty claimed by the gas tax increase. Democratic state Sen. Josh Newman was recalled from his Fullerton seat in a campaign driven by opposition to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11395314/in-big-win-for-gov-brown-state-legislature-oks-major-transportation-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vote for Senate Bill 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The average person in California doesn’t necessarily know who their elected representative is, but they obviously became very aware of the gas tax,” Newman said. “It has a visceral quality that I think was easily mined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newman was one of 27 state senators (including one Republican) who voted for the increase. But in his recall campaign, opponents characterized his support as the “deciding vote” to pass the legislation. He said the direct interaction that drivers have with the price at the pump could make the tax an attractive issue for Republicans to continue hammering in local congressional races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly if you can focus a voter’s interest and anger in one direction, that’s useful and people have gotten very good at that,” Newman said. “The response is actually very complicated, to make the argument that California’s infrastructure is in need of investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the task of defending President Trump (who remains deeply unpopular in the county) and their votes to roll back health care protections (California’s entire GOP delegation voted to repeal Obamacare last year), it’s no surprise that Republicans are welcoming a chance to talk about tax repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation has put some Democrats hoping to flip Orange County seats in the position of defending the tax hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Cisneros, who is running in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694478/gop-retirement-leaves-socal-congressional-seat-up-for-grabs\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">39th Congressional District against Republican Young Kim\u003c/a>, opposes the repeal. So does Democrat Harley Rouda, who is challenging incumbent Dana Rohrabacher in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694570/will-showing-up-be-enough-for-harley-rouda-to-defeat-orange-county-incumbent-dana-rohrabacher\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">48th District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually think it’s comical that congressman Rohrabacher is making this an issue in the race,” Rouda said. “If this is the issue he wants to run on, then he should resign from Congress and run for state Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the neighboring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694776/democrats-come-out-of-the-closet-in-historically-red-orange-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">45th District\u003c/a>, Democrat Katie Porter took a different path, announcing that she will vote for the repeal. She’s vying for Mimi Walters’ seat, the incumbent Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When families are facing what’s going to be an economic shock of thousands of dollars come April, this is not the time for Orange County families to also be paying higher gas taxes,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “economic shock” is the enactment of federal tax reform, the result of Republican legislation signed by Trump in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was that bill, and not state issues like the gas tax, that many Republicans saw as the levee to hold back a potential “blue wave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in areas like suburban Orange County, the massive cuts made to the corporate tax rate were overshadowed by a new $10,000 cap on the amount of state and local taxes that residents can deduct from their federal burden — a big hit to residents with high incomes and home values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be an impact on us,” said Carolyn Cavecche, president and CEO of the Orange County Taxpayers Association, which opposed the federal tax reform bill. “For people at the national level to say that other states were ‘carrying people’ who were able to deduct their state and local taxes is ludicrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid local resistance, Orange County Republicans split on the tax reform bill: Walters voted to support the measure, while Rohrabacher and fellow Republican Darrell Issa, who represents the southern portion of the county, opposed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of local deductions took tax reform off the table as a campaign issue for O.C. Republicans. And while Porter has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/sep/07/katie-porter/fact-checking-democrat-katie-porters-tax-attack-ad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">focused\u003c/a> on the issue in her campaign against Walters, Cavecche said the myriad of changes within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/12/15/571258698/chart-how-the-new-version-of-the-republican-tax-bill-would-affect-you\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tax Cuts and Jobs Act\u003c/a> have made it a difficult issue for Democrats to drive home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s too hard for voters to be able to grasp. They will next year when they fill out their federal tax forms,” Cavecche said. “I think all of a sudden when they get to the bottom line there’s going to be a, ‘What the heck?’ But it’s an issue that can’t be explained and sold well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://mediaproject.wesleyan.edu/releases/issues-100418/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wesleyan Media Project\u003c/a>, which analyzes broadcast and national cable ad-buy data from Kantar Media/CMAG, finds that only a fraction of tax-related campaign ads in California races are related to the tax reform legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, 12 percent of federal ads mentioned taxes, while just 4 percent of ads mentioned tax reform. That’s up from August, when just 1 percent of ads for federal office in California mentioned tax reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the blurred partisan lines on tax reform have complicated the Orange County-as-anti-tax-bastion stereotype, then so too has the proliferation of local taxes on ballots across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five cities (Garden Grove, Laguna Beach, Placentia, Santa Ana and Seal Beach) are proposing sales tax increases on the November ballot, largely to address rising pension costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This follows the approval of sales tax hikes in Fountain Valley, La Palma, Stanton and Westminster in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, fiscal plights did little to persuade voters to hike taxes. When Orange County went bankrupt in the mid-1990s, residents voted down a sales tax that would have helped pay off debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, local jurisdictions are hoping that the momentum of a blue wave will prove a rising tide for municipal finances, says Fred Smoller, political science professor at Chapman University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that they’re counting on a larger Democratic turnout, particularly in the Latino community, that’s going to carry those tax increases forward,” Smoller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smoller adds that Orange County’s changing demographics are slowly shifting views on the issue of taxation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Originally when the boat people came over here following the Vietnam War, their main issue was anti-communism and anti-big government,” he said. “But the second generation has more or less forgotten the Vietnam War. And they’re trying to have health care, they need help paying for college, they realize they can’t do it all themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether support for local taxes will eventually grow into a greater acceptance for tax measures of all kinds remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a difference between how taxpayers look at Sacramento and how taxpayers look at their mayor and their city councilmember sitting down the street,” Carolyn Cavecche said. “I run into my mayor at the grocery store, I see my councilmember at Home Depot on the weekends. So there’s still a feeling of accountability and I’m going to see this money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cavecche is skeptical that any tax issue — local, state or federal — will decide the competitive House races that have put an outsized spotlight on Orange County this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I wonder if the federal tax cut and this gas tax, if it’s all just going to be kind of lost in this massive loud noise of people in the polls,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s Marisa Lagos contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In an attempt to stave off a serious wave of Democratic House challengers, Republicans in Orange County are turning to a tried and true tactic: stoking resentment of taxes handed down by Sacramento.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s why despite growing acceptance of local tax increases, and the relative unpopularity of federal tax reform in the region, Republicans want to put the issue of taxes front and center in a handful of competitive congressional races. Specifically, GOP candidates are taking aim at an increase in the state’s gas tax and vehicle licensing fees, which the state legislature enacted last year to pay for road repairs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/elections/prop/6\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Proposition 6\u003c/a>, on the November ballot, would repeal the 12-cents per gallon gas tax increase and licensing fees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s a familiar strategy in the traditionally conservative county. In 1978, Southern California businessmen Howard Jarvis and Paul Gann teamed with Orange County state Sen. John Briggs to engineer a tax revolt against Sacramento: passing Proposition 13 to dramatically limit property tax increases in the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s unclear whether Proposition 6 can drum up the same anti-tax fervor. In a \u003ca href=\"http://www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/ppic-statewide-survey-september-2018.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">recent survey\u003c/a> from the Public Policy Institute of California, opponents of the repeal outnumbered supporters statewide by a 13-point margin — and by 15 points in Orange and San Diego counties. The polling was conducted by reading the official ballot language, which emphasizes the loss in transportation funding over any mention of repeal. The same poll found voters in favor of “a more general question about repealing the recent increases.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Republicans are still confident that higher prices at the pump will turn voters against Democratic congressional candidates, and turn the conversation away from the actions of Republicans in Washington, D.C.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The gas tax is a great issue for us,” said Fred Whitaker, chairman of the Orange County Republican Party. “Because the gas tax and the vehicle license fee are probably the most unpopular thing the Legislature has done in the last two years, if not the last 10.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Orange County Republicans need only point back to June for one casualty claimed by the gas tax increase. Democratic state Sen. Josh Newman was recalled from his Fullerton seat in a campaign driven by opposition to his \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11395314/in-big-win-for-gov-brown-state-legislature-oks-major-transportation-plan\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">vote for Senate Bill 1\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The average person in California doesn’t necessarily know who their elected representative is, but they obviously became very aware of the gas tax,” Newman said. “It has a visceral quality that I think was easily mined.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Newman was one of 27 state senators (including one Republican) who voted for the increase. But in his recall campaign, opponents characterized his support as the “deciding vote” to pass the legislation. He said the direct interaction that drivers have with the price at the pump could make the tax an attractive issue for Republicans to continue hammering in local congressional races.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Certainly if you can focus a voter’s interest and anger in one direction, that’s useful and people have gotten very good at that,” Newman said. “The response is actually very complicated, to make the argument that California’s infrastructure is in need of investment.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Faced with the task of defending President Trump (who remains deeply unpopular in the county) and their votes to roll back health care protections (California’s entire GOP delegation voted to repeal Obamacare last year), it’s no surprise that Republicans are welcoming a chance to talk about tax repeal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The conversation has put some Democrats hoping to flip Orange County seats in the position of defending the tax hike.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gil Cisneros, who is running in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694478/gop-retirement-leaves-socal-congressional-seat-up-for-grabs\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">39th Congressional District against Republican Young Kim\u003c/a>, opposes the repeal. So does Democrat Harley Rouda, who is challenging incumbent Dana Rohrabacher in the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694570/will-showing-up-be-enough-for-harley-rouda-to-defeat-orange-county-incumbent-dana-rohrabacher\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">48th District\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I actually think it’s comical that congressman Rohrabacher is making this an issue in the race,” Rouda said. “If this is the issue he wants to run on, then he should resign from Congress and run for state Assembly.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the neighboring \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11694776/democrats-come-out-of-the-closet-in-historically-red-orange-county\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">45th District\u003c/a>, Democrat Katie Porter took a different path, announcing that she will vote for the repeal. She’s vying for Mimi Walters’ seat, the incumbent Republican.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When families are facing what’s going to be an economic shock of thousands of dollars come April, this is not the time for Orange County families to also be paying higher gas taxes,” Porter said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That “economic shock” is the enactment of federal tax reform, the result of Republican legislation signed by Trump in December.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was that bill, and not state issues like the gas tax, that many Republicans saw as the levee to hold back a potential “blue wave.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in areas like suburban Orange County, the massive cuts made to the corporate tax rate were overshadowed by a new $10,000 cap on the amount of state and local taxes that residents can deduct from their federal burden — a big hit to residents with high incomes and home values.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s going to be an impact on us,” said Carolyn Cavecche, president and CEO of the Orange County Taxpayers Association, which opposed the federal tax reform bill. “For people at the national level to say that other states were ‘carrying people’ who were able to deduct their state and local taxes is ludicrous.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Amid local resistance, Orange County Republicans split on the tax reform bill: Walters voted to support the measure, while Rohrabacher and fellow Republican Darrell Issa, who represents the southern portion of the county, opposed it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The loss of local deductions took tax reform off the table as a campaign issue for O.C. Republicans. And while Porter has \u003ca href=\"https://www.politifact.com/california/statements/2018/sep/07/katie-porter/fact-checking-democrat-katie-porters-tax-attack-ad/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">focused\u003c/a> on the issue in her campaign against Walters, Cavecche said the myriad of changes within the \u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/2017/12/15/571258698/chart-how-the-new-version-of-the-republican-tax-bill-would-affect-you\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Tax Cuts and Jobs Act\u003c/a> have made it a difficult issue for Democrats to drive home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s too hard for voters to be able to grasp. They will next year when they fill out their federal tax forms,” Cavecche said. “I think all of a sudden when they get to the bottom line there’s going to be a, ‘What the heck?’ But it’s an issue that can’t be explained and sold well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \u003ca href=\"http://mediaproject.wesleyan.edu/releases/issues-100418/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Wesleyan Media Project\u003c/a>, which analyzes broadcast and national cable ad-buy data from Kantar Media/CMAG, finds that only a fraction of tax-related campaign ads in California races are related to the tax reform legislation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In September, 12 percent of federal ads mentioned taxes, while just 4 percent of ads mentioned tax reform. That’s up from August, when just 1 percent of ads for federal office in California mentioned tax reform.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the blurred partisan lines on tax reform have complicated the Orange County-as-anti-tax-bastion stereotype, then so too has the proliferation of local taxes on ballots across the county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Five cities (Garden Grove, Laguna Beach, Placentia, Santa Ana and Seal Beach) are proposing sales tax increases on the November ballot, largely to address rising pension costs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This follows the approval of sales tax hikes in Fountain Valley, La Palma, Stanton and Westminster in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the past, fiscal plights did little to persuade voters to hike taxes. When Orange County went bankrupt in the mid-1990s, residents voted down a sales tax that would have helped pay off debts.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Now, local jurisdictions are hoping that the momentum of a blue wave will prove a rising tide for municipal finances, says Fred Smoller, political science professor at Chapman University.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I think that they’re counting on a larger Democratic turnout, particularly in the Latino community, that’s going to carry those tax increases forward,” Smoller said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Smoller adds that Orange County’s changing demographics are slowly shifting views on the issue of taxation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Originally when the boat people came over here following the Vietnam War, their main issue was anti-communism and anti-big government,” he said. “But the second generation has more or less forgotten the Vietnam War. And they’re trying to have health care, they need help paying for college, they realize they can’t do it all themselves.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether support for local taxes will eventually grow into a greater acceptance for tax measures of all kinds remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There is a difference between how taxpayers look at Sacramento and how taxpayers look at their mayor and their city councilmember sitting down the street,” Carolyn Cavecche said. “I run into my mayor at the grocery store, I see my councilmember at Home Depot on the weekends. So there’s still a feeling of accountability and I’m going to see this money.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cavecche is skeptical that any tax issue — local, state or federal — will decide the competitive House races that have put an outsized spotlight on Orange County this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sometimes I wonder if the federal tax cut and this gas tax, if it’s all just going to be kind of lost in this massive loud noise of people in the polls,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"tagline": "Where conversation and cultura meet",
"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "The Political Mind of Jerry Brown brings listeners the wisdom of the former Governor, Mayor, and presidential candidate. Scott Shafer interviewed Brown for more than 40 hours, covering the former governor's life and half-century in the political game and Brown has some lessons he'd like to share. ",
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"marketplace": {
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
"id": "possible",
"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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"reveal": {
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"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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"snap-judgment": {
"id": "snap-judgment",
"title": "Snap Judgment",
"tagline": "Real stories with killer beats",
"info": "The Snap Judgment radio show and podcast mixes real stories with killer beats to produce cinematic, dramatic radio. Snap's musical brand of storytelling dares listeners to see the world through the eyes of another. This is storytelling... with a BEAT!! Snap first aired on public radio stations nationwide in July 2010. Today, Snap Judgment airs on over 450 public radio stations and is brought to the airwaves by KQED & PRX.",
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