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"content": "\u003cp>Stonestown Galleria’s asphalt parking lots will soon be replaced by thousands of homes and sprawling open space, the San Francisco Board of Supervisors voted Tuesday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A development project five years in the making was approved unanimously by the board, greenlighting plans to reimagine the town center on the west side of the city. The proposal from Brookfield Properties includes 3,500 affordable and market-rate housing units, public parks and open space, retail shops and child and senior service centers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This project is going to be really transformational for the West Side,” Supervisor Myrna Melgar, who represents the district, said. “It’ll bring in new energy, new residents, in a way where it just makes sense.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.[aside postID=news_11993902 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/240214-CoastalCommission-47-BL_qed-1-1020x680.jpg']“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The residential development will feature a mix of townhomes, towers and mid-rise buildings, according to developers. Twenty percent of the units built will be below market rate, including a proposed “Senior Village” of 200 senior residences.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Around the new homes, six acres of open space and parks are planned, and a new commercial block, 20th Avenue, will be built through the center of the development. The project also includes plans for a new senior center and a 7,500-square-foot child care center, which will serve up to 100 kids, according to development plans.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Melgar said that the completed project would essentially form a brand-new neighborhood, which she believes will help Stonestown Galleria continue to thrive despite other nearby malls struggling, like Westfield downtown, which announced it would shut down last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11996185\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11996185\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1125\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-800x450.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1020x574.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-160x90.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1536x864.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/StonestownRendering01-1920x1080.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A rendering of the upcoming Stonestown Galleria development. \u003ccite>(Courtesy Brookfield Properties)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“When Macy’s left and then Nordstrom left, Stonestown was able to pivot into a different mix of services and experience in addition to retail, which has made it a place that people want to go to,” she said. Stonestown added a new movie theater, Whole Foods Market and Sports Basement in 2021.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“The addition of new housing is going to take it to the next generation because there’s going to be customers who are living right there. If we had done that at Westfield 15 years ago — plan ahead and diversify the offerings and add new housing — I think we might not be in the situation that we’re in there right now.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The thousands of new housing units are also a “down payment” on the considerable number the city will need to build in the coming years, according to Melgar. Under Mayor London Breed’s Housing for All plan, the city will aim to create 82,000 homes in the next eight years, many of which will be in the neighborhoods around Stonestown.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A few other large developments — including a renovation and expansion of the Park Merced rental community south of San Francisco State University and a mixed-income community planned for a parking lot near City College — have been approved in the area, but none have broken ground yet, Melgar said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Stonestown development is expected to be built in phases and will take over two decades to complete.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco could soon be the first U.S. city to pull the plug on software designed to automate rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor and mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1jc-g_SefmZ0alC1ZelhpmLgYCM081Ig8/edit#heading=h.gjdgxs\">legislation\u003c/a> on Tuesday that would ban property owners and managers from using algorithm-based tools that recommend or set rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been demonstrated to increase eviction rates, bogus fees and other pressure tactics on tenants,” Peskin told KQED of the software. “Indeed, there are large corporate real estate landlords in San Francisco who are using it and holding units vacant and using it to artificially increase rents beyond what the market demands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes as attorneys general nationwide have filed multiple lawsuits against corporate landlords for alleged collusion by inflating rents. The Department of Justice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/03/20/rental-housing-market-doj-investigation-00147333\">investigating RealPage\u003c/a>, which produces real estate management software that uses algorithms to suggest rental prices. The probe is looking into whether RealPage enables price-fixing among large residential landlords and property owners who use the product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of units in San Francisco are estimated to be owned by companies that use RealPage, including Brookfield, Greystar, and AvalonBay, according to Lee Hepner, a San Francisco-based antitrust lawyer and senior legal counsel for the American Economic Liberties Project, who has been following the RealPage investigation and similar lawsuits closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This price-fixing scheme is being facilitated by a third-party algorithm, and the advent of this software means that it can facilitate those schemes across very large markets,” Hepner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from progressive research and advocacy organization, \u003ca href=\"http://accountable.us\">Accountable.US\u003c/a>, found that the six largest publicly traded apartment companies — all of which have been sued for their use of RealPage — made a combined $300 million in profits in the first quarter of the fiscal year, in many cases due to rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association declined to comment before the legislation was presented on Tuesday at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s proposal comes as President Joe Biden is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/16/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-major-new-actions-to-lower-housing-costs-by-limiting-rent-increases-and-building-more-homes/\">considering rent caps\u003c/a> on corporate landlords in a bid to slow rising rent prices and eviction rates nationwide. That plan, announced Tuesday, would require corporate landlords to cap rent increases on existing units at 5% — or risk missing out on federal tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal rent cap reflects what we’re seeing across the country: increasingly, cities, counties and states are turning to rent stabilization — recognizing its centrality to addressing the housing crisis and keeping people in their homes,” Tram Hoang, senior housing associate at the Oakland-based national research institute, PolicyLink, said in a statement. “Communities are grappling with record-high rent gouging and urgently need more elected leaders to step up and make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of renters nationwide in 2022 spent more than a third of their income on rent, according to data from the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. However, the lack of affordable rental units has simultaneously worsened across the country. The shortage of affordable and available homes for renters with extremely low incomes increased from approximately 6.8 million units needed in 2019 to 7.3 million in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://housingmatters.urban.org/research-summary/addressing-americas-affordable-housing-crisis\">data from the nonprofit research organization Urban Institute show\u003c/a>. Many households feel the pinch caused by a combination of inflation and the end of much pandemic-era rental relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Oakland renter Merika Goolsby has experienced the destabilizing effects of major rent hikes. When her two-year lease expired, she was given the choice of signing a one-year lease with an increase of $350 per month or paying month-to-month for an increase of $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t work any more hours. I was panicking. I called the office and said there’s no way I can afford an additional $350,” said Goolsby, who is a member of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, a statewide community organization that supports Peskin’s proposal. “I was told, ‘Maybe this isn’t the place for you; you should downsize.’ They weren’t willing to work with me at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan is already being met with pushback from groups including the National Housing Conference — a coalition representing a broad range of interest groups including realtors, land trusts and banks — who argue that mandatory rent caps could limit capital needed to build new units, discourage investment in multifamily rental housing, and hinder the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation’s housing supply has not kept pace with the needs of our growing population,” said David M. Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference. “The only way to address our affordable housing shortage is by building more affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “Rent caps don’t work and will have a chilling effect on housing supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan still requires congressional approval, which will almost certainly be a battle getting through the Republican-controlled House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, experts say it will take a combination of approaches to dig out of the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Hepner believes Peskin’s legislation aiming to control rents complements efforts to add more housing units across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing markets are very localized, and that’s why we think there is a significant role for not just state but even municipal lawmakers to take action,” Hepner said. “Hopefully, what San Francisco is doing joins momentum that’s been building for the better part of a year to tell the housing market across the country that this type of price-fixing scheme is not going to be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco could soon be the first U.S. city to pull the plug on software designed to automate rent hikes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Supervisor and mayoral candidate Aaron Peskin introduced \u003ca href=\"https://docs.google.com/document/d/1jc-g_SefmZ0alC1ZelhpmLgYCM081Ig8/edit#heading=h.gjdgxs\">legislation\u003c/a> on Tuesday that would ban property owners and managers from using algorithm-based tools that recommend or set rental prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s been demonstrated to increase eviction rates, bogus fees and other pressure tactics on tenants,” Peskin told KQED of the software. “Indeed, there are large corporate real estate landlords in San Francisco who are using it and holding units vacant and using it to artificially increase rents beyond what the market demands.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The legislation comes as attorneys general nationwide have filed multiple lawsuits against corporate landlords for alleged collusion by inflating rents. The Department of Justice is also \u003ca href=\"https://www.politico.com/news/2024/03/20/rental-housing-market-doj-investigation-00147333\">investigating RealPage\u003c/a>, which produces real estate management software that uses algorithms to suggest rental prices. The probe is looking into whether RealPage enables price-fixing among large residential landlords and property owners who use the product.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tens of thousands of units in San Francisco are estimated to be owned by companies that use RealPage, including Brookfield, Greystar, and AvalonBay, according to Lee Hepner, a San Francisco-based antitrust lawyer and senior legal counsel for the American Economic Liberties Project, who has been following the RealPage investigation and similar lawsuits closely.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This price-fixing scheme is being facilitated by a third-party algorithm, and the advent of this software means that it can facilitate those schemes across very large markets,” Hepner said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A recent report from progressive research and advocacy organization, \u003ca href=\"http://accountable.us\">Accountable.US\u003c/a>, found that the six largest publicly traded apartment companies — all of which have been sued for their use of RealPage — made a combined $300 million in profits in the first quarter of the fiscal year, in many cases due to rent increases.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Francisco Apartment Association declined to comment before the legislation was presented on Tuesday at the Board of Supervisors.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s proposal comes as President Joe Biden is \u003ca href=\"https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/07/16/fact-sheet-president-biden-announces-major-new-actions-to-lower-housing-costs-by-limiting-rent-increases-and-building-more-homes/\">considering rent caps\u003c/a> on corporate landlords in a bid to slow rising rent prices and eviction rates nationwide. That plan, announced Tuesday, would require corporate landlords to cap rent increases on existing units at 5% — or risk missing out on federal tax breaks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A federal rent cap reflects what we’re seeing across the country: increasingly, cities, counties and states are turning to rent stabilization — recognizing its centrality to addressing the housing crisis and keeping people in their homes,” Tram Hoang, senior housing associate at the Oakland-based national research institute, PolicyLink, said in a statement. “Communities are grappling with record-high rent gouging and urgently need more elected leaders to step up and make it right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nearly half of renters nationwide in 2022 spent more than a third of their income on rent, according to data from the Harvard Joint Center for Housing Studies. However, the lack of affordable rental units has simultaneously worsened across the country. The shortage of affordable and available homes for renters with extremely low incomes increased from approximately 6.8 million units needed in 2019 to 7.3 million in 2021, \u003ca href=\"https://housingmatters.urban.org/research-summary/addressing-americas-affordable-housing-crisis\">data from the nonprofit research organization Urban Institute show\u003c/a>. Many households feel the pinch caused by a combination of inflation and the end of much pandemic-era rental relief.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>East Oakland renter Merika Goolsby has experienced the destabilizing effects of major rent hikes. When her two-year lease expired, she was given the choice of signing a one-year lease with an increase of $350 per month or paying month-to-month for an increase of $1,200.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I couldn’t work any more hours. I was panicking. I called the office and said there’s no way I can afford an additional $350,” said Goolsby, who is a member of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment Action, a statewide community organization that supports Peskin’s proposal. “I was told, ‘Maybe this isn’t the place for you; you should downsize.’ They weren’t willing to work with me at all.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan is already being met with pushback from groups including the National Housing Conference — a coalition representing a broad range of interest groups including realtors, land trusts and banks — who argue that mandatory rent caps could limit capital needed to build new units, discourage investment in multifamily rental housing, and hinder the market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our nation’s housing supply has not kept pace with the needs of our growing population,” said David M. Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference. “The only way to address our affordable housing shortage is by building more affordable housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He added: “Rent caps don’t work and will have a chilling effect on housing supply.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Biden’s plan still requires congressional approval, which will almost certainly be a battle getting through the Republican-controlled House of Representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, experts say it will take a combination of approaches to dig out of the housing affordability crisis.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, Hepner believes Peskin’s legislation aiming to control rents complements efforts to add more housing units across the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Housing markets are very localized, and that’s why we think there is a significant role for not just state but even municipal lawmakers to take action,” Hepner said. “Hopefully, what San Francisco is doing joins momentum that’s been building for the better part of a year to tell the housing market across the country that this type of price-fixing scheme is not going to be tolerated.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Developers Have Mixed Feelings About Peskin’s Middle Income Housing Plan",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco Supervisor Aaron Peskin introduced an affordable housing program specifically for middle-income earners, as he campaigns in a competitive mayoral race where housing is a key issue.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Affordable housing developers say they welcome any program that makes more funding available to build housing, but the program could make funding more complicated than needed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do get frustrated at times because people bend themselves into pretzels instead of saying we need to build apartments,” Sam Moss, executive director of affordable housing developer Mission Housing, told KQED. “Middle-income housing exists — it’s called apartments.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A spokesperson from Peskin’s office said that while that might be true of one-bedroom apartments, family-sized rentals are still out of reach for most middle-income families, and therefore this program “is absolutely needed to deliver family-sized units” that are affordable.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What is special about Peskin’s idea?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Workforce Housing & Affordable Middle-Income (WHAMI) Act would use government-issued revenue bonds to build affordable housing specifically for people earning 80%–120% of the area median income (AMI). Think teachers, firefighters, service workers and others who might make too much to qualify for low-income housing but not enough to pay market-rate rent prices.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unlike other bonds, revenue bonds don’t require voter approval. Instead, each project would have to make its way through city departments and eventually be approved by the Board of Supervisors to receive funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to the mayor’s office, some programs already exist with funding for middle-income housing, including an affordable housing construction program for people earning 105% of the median area income. A notable example from the program is the Shirley Chisholm Village, a 135-unit workforce housing development set to open this fall in the Outer Sunset.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>How would it be affordable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s office says his program would cap rents at 15% below market rate and ensure that tenants eligible for the program earn no more than 120% of the median income annually. A spokesperson from his office asserted that the capped rents would “grow slower than market rate” while still covering bond repayment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, the median rent for a two-bedroom apartment in San Francisco is $3,902, \u003ca href=\"https://www.zillow.com/rental-manager/market-trends/san-francisco-ca/?propertyTypes=apartment-condo&bedrooms=2\">according to real estate company Zillow\u003c/a>. For a family of four \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-04/2024%20AMI-IncomeLimits-HMFA.pdf\">making 120% of the median income\u003c/a> — or $179,800 — that rent would make up about 26% of their monthly income.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>What do affordable housing developers say?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Peskin’s program would set rents similar to how other \u003ca href=\"https://www.sf.gov/sites/default/files/2024-05/2024%20AMI-RentLimits-HMFA-ForMOHsf_0.pdf\">city-led affordable housing programs maintain affordability\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Let’s take that same family of four: Under other programs, the base rent for a two-bedroom apartment would be $3,736 per month, representing a roughly 4% discount from the median market rent. Peskin’s plan promises to provide a 15% discount from market rates, in this case resulting in the family paying $3,317 per month, which would amount to just over a fifth of their monthly income. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics also point to a similar \u003ca href=\"https://www.forbes.com/sites/schifrin/2021/12/02/california-scheming-municipal-bonds-workforce-housing-crisis-luxury-apartments/\">public-private\u003c/a> program that allowed developers to convert luxury apartments into government-owned middle-income housing. Instead, the developers made windfalls while local governments waived property taxes needed to fund schools and other public services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Matt Schwartz, president and CEO of the nonprofit California Housing Partnership, said the program seems to have included all the guardrails the public-private program was missing.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">“This innovative program appears to be a promising new tool to help San Francisco meet its goal of providing more affordable options for moderate income households in a responsible way that should add to the city’s affordable housing stock significantly over time,” Schwartz said in an email to KQED.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While a spokesperson from Peskin’s office said they are working with the Controller’s Office of Public Finance to ensure “guardrails will appear in the regulations,” housing advocates worry it could be a repeat of past mistakes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If [Peskin] wants to deliver housing, let’s do it,” Moss said. “I just worry that, at the end of the day, this is an effort to say you’re pro-housing without saying you hate market-rate housing and that’s what led San Francisco to not build housing for decades.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sunny Angulo, Peskin’s chief of staff, said she had spoken with affordable housing developers who said they lack financing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We want developers to build more affordable housing,” she said in a statement to KQED. “We welcome any collaboration with any developer that is ready to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400\">Editor’s Note: This story has been updated to include clarifications and a correction. An earlier version of the story misidentified a public-private housing program as state-led. \u003c/span>\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "unhoused-oakland-residents-eviction-battle-is-early-test-of-supreme-court-ruling",
"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling",
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"headTitle": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "After the Supreme Court granted cities broader power to clear homeless encampments, a new lawsuit filed by a group of unhoused Oakland residents over a sweep will test the ruling's limits.",
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"title": "Unhoused Oakland Residents Win Order Delaying Eviction in Early Test of Supreme Court Ruling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 1:24 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents of an Oakland encampment won a temporary restraining order staving off their eviction in a federal court case that represents one of the first local tests of cities’ ability to police homelessness since a major \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991340/supreme-court-says-laws-criminalizing-homeless-camping-do-not-violate-constitution\">Supreme Court ruling\u003c/a> last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Senior District Judge Susan Illston granted the order Wednesday night, barring the city from removing the residents’ dwellings and other property until 5 p.m. on July 18. The order allows officials to keep clearing trash and abandoned cars.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city had given roughly a dozen residents living on a beach alongside Interstate 80 at the foot of the Bay Bridge until Tuesday to leave, citing a notice from the San Francisco Bay Conservation and Development Commission (BCDC) that threatened daily fines over environmental and public access concerns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Residents argued at a hearing Tuesday that the city hadn’t offered them a feasible alternative to the camp before moving ahead with the eviction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“These are the most vulnerable that you’re evicting,” said attorney Andrea Henson, a longtime homeless advocate who appeared in court on behalf of the plaintiffs. “There’s nowhere for them to go.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Unhoused people and their allies have used similar arguments in recent years to successfully delay encampment sweeps around the Bay Area and beyond. But those claims relied on \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11983492/how-a-pivotal-case-on-homelessness-could-redefine-policies-in-california-and-the-nation\">a key legal precedent\u003c/a> that fining or jailing people for public camping when there isn’t enough shelter available amounts to cruel and unusual punishment, which is prohibited under the Eighth Amendment. With the precedent now overturned by the Supreme Court, giving cities expanded authority to police encampments, the viability of that approach is in question.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The temporary restraining order in the Oakland case came after Illson found status reports she had requested from the unhoused plaintiffs and city outreach workers on shelter options “difficult to reconcile.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the reports, plaintiffs said they hadn’t been offered shelter, but the city described limited offers that were largely declined. In one case, the city said staff tried to connect a resident with a housing program for people living with AIDS, “but he wants to keep his pets (dogs), which present an obstacle (not allowed),” according to the report.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In other cases, the city said residents were willing to consider a spot at a tiny home emergency shelter site, but not at the Mandela Parkway-Beach Street location on offer, or not if their pets couldn’t join. Other residents asked for motel rooms, which aren’t an option, according to the report, and one refused services because he plans to relocate in one of his vehicles.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The only relatively consistent account describes a tiny home offer made to Ronnie Simpson and his father, who also lives at the camp and has dementia. In that case, the pair declined the offer because the father’s condition makes it untenable.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Fallout from Supreme Court decision\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Without using the Eighth Amendment argument that encampment sweeps amount to cruel and unusual punishment if shelter isn’t available, homeless advocates must turn to other legal strategies.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve lost a really important tool in our toolbox,” said Brigitte Nicoletti, a staff attorney with the East Bay Community Law Center, who’s worked on encampment litigation. “You’re also seeing the fact that advocates are not going to stop advocating. You may have lost one tool, but we have a lot more.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nicoletti isn’t involved in the Oakland case but has followed it closely in light of the Supreme Court decision. Before that ruling, she said, attorneys would likely have relied at least in part on an Eighth Amendment claim in fighting an eviction like this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plaintiffs in this case instead argue the eviction will expose them to state-created danger, a violation of the 14th Amendment, and allege the city is violating their rights under the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). The plaintiffs also argue the city is violating the terms of a settlement agreement that prohibits sweeps during extreme weather. There is a heat advisory in place for the Bay Area until Friday.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993513\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993513\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/008_Oakland_LakeviewVillageTinyHomes_11032021_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Rows of tiny homes line Lakeview Village, a community that can house 71 people, in Oakland near Lake Merritt on Nov. 3, 2021. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“Failing to provide shelter options to unhoused people that meet their disability-related needs … means that shelter is functionally unavailable to them,” the complaint reads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The eviction follows a two-year campaign by the San Francisco Boardsailing Association to get the camp cleared. On its website, the organization said the camp has “created an epicenter for car break-ins while increased trash and direct sewage runoff have been flowing directly into the waters there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson believes that effort may have spurred BCDC’s letter threatening fines to the city. The agency did not respond to questions about the role of those complaints in its actions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While less tested, the ADA claim may prove to be a powerful tool to block encampment evictions, Nicoletti noted, although it doesn’t provide blanket protection applicable to a whole community the way the Eighth Amendment protections did. Instead, she said courts require detailed analysis of each person’s disabilities and whether or not the city is accommodating them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Nicoletti and homeless advocate Robbie Powelson, who’s been involved in several lawsuits over encampment sweeps in the Bay Area, have found success stalling sweeps using state-created harm arguments in the past.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are going to perceive that they have a blank check to steamroll people’s rights,” Powelson said. “There’s many rights that still exist and are enforceable.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the Supreme Court ruling has already affected an ongoing lawsuit filed by unhoused residents over the city’s homelessness policies. The Eighth Amendment claims in the suit no longer hold water, but the suit will move forward based on its other 13 claims. Earlier this week, a temporary injunction barring the city from enforcing laws against public camping without first offering a shelter bed \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11993312/court-lifts-restrictions-on-sf-encampment-sweeps\">was vacated\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993518\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1999px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993518\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1999\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed.jpg 1999w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/011_KQED_SanFrancisco_TentEncampments_05052020_qed-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1999px) 100vw, 1999px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tents line Fulton Street near San Francisco City Hall on April 5, 2020. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“If the city follows its own policies, we should continue to see offers of shelter prior to any kind of enforcement,” said Nisha Kashyap, an attorney with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of San Francisco, who represents the plaintiffs. “Now, our clients brought this lawsuit because there was a gap between what the city said it was doing and what it actually was doing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Other cities, including Oakland, have policies requiring officials to make shelter offers before clearing camps, but Nicoletti said the Supreme Court’s ruling makes it challenging to enforce those.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s harder and sometimes slower to hold the city accountable for following its own policies when there’s no teeth behind it,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Berkeley, city leaders are considering a resolution reaffirming the city will not take additional steps to criminalize unhoused people in the wake of the Supreme Court decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At Tuesday’s hearing in the Oakland case, Illston asked whether the city had offered residents shelter, to which Deputy City Attorney Jamilah Jefferson responded, “Everyone has been offered shelter. Whether or not they have accepted is a different story.” She noted camp residents were first given notice in May that they’d have to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harold Duffey, assistant city administrator and acting homeless administrator, emphasized that the shelter being offered was only a temporary entry point to a service system that would eventually secure residents permanent housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Henson said that assessment missed the point.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The issue here is not about whether they offered an option, it’s about whether that option is reasonably accessible,” she said, calling the city’s offer of group shelter a “death sentence” for the medically fragile residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city is under no obligation to fundamentally alter its programs to address the needs of all individuals,” Jefferson later said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The judge ultimately ordered the residents to discuss their needs with outreach workers, and outreach workers to make accommodations where feasible, and to report their progress to the court by Wednesday evening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Finding little common ground in the reports, Ilson issued the temporary restraining order.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"slug": "california-health-care-providers-tackle-homelessness-crisis-with-new-state-funds",
"title": "California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds",
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"headTitle": "California Health Care Providers Tackle Homelessness Crisis With New State Funds | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>When a shortfall of several hundred thousand dollars almost derailed new homeless housing in Bakersfield, the savior that swooped in to salvage the project wasn’t an affordable housing nonprofit, state housing grant or other traditional source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was a health care company that had never before built a single home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unorthodox move is part of a broader effort to commingle California’s health care and homeless services agencies, as providers in both areas increasingly acknowledge a glaring truth: It’s nearly impossible to be healthy if you’re living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care company Akido Labs, which runs clinics and street medicine teams in Southern and Central California, covered about 10% of the cost to build that 16-unit project in Bakersfield. Health insurance giant Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield is funding homeless housing projects in Alameda, Kings and Tulare counties. And Los Angeles County’s biggest health plan is paying to lease properties for its homeless clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the unhoused, housing is medicine,” said Karthik Murali, head of public health at Akido Labs. “Providing stable housing can alleviate more health conditions than taking them to the ICU and the hospital and providing street medicine. … Knowing that fact, we wanted to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">homeless\u003c/a> have higher rates of illness, and die an average of 12 years younger than the general U.S. population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/homelessness-and-health.pdf\">National Health Care for the Homeless Council (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom set the marriage between housing and health care in motion in 2022, via his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">massive overhaul\u003c/a> of the state’s Medicaid system. With the launch of CalAIM, the state allows \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to fund things not traditionally covered as health care — such as helping \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homeless\u003c/a> clients find housing, paying for security deposits and preventing evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for health care plans to ramp up these new services, the state also provided $1.3 billion in additional funding under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/resource-center/homelessness-health-care/medi-cal-and-homelessness/housing-and-homelessness-incentive-program/\">Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program\u003c/a>. Managed care plans can earn those funds by investing in solutions to homelessness. It’s that money Akido and other health care providers are using to build and lease new homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat sits down next to bags of medicine and equipment in a vineyard.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rishi Patel from the Akido street medicine team checks on a homeless man living in a vineyard in Arvin on May 28, 2024. Street medicine teams throughout California are increasingly using long-acting injectable antipsychotic medication to stabilize the mental health of people living in homeless encampments. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s still a relatively rare use of the money — it’s more likely to pay for services for unhoused people, such as case managers or safe RV parking sites. That’s partly because creating housing is so expensive in California, and partly because most health care providers don’t know much about homebuilding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Murali said the new funds made a big difference. Recognizing that it could only do so much to help its homeless patients as long as they were living on the street, Akido had long wanted to get into the business of developing housing. The incentive program gave it the funds to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could not have been possible before, and it’s possible now,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing as medicine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Akido Labs got its start as a health tech company out of Y Combinator, the startup incubator that grew big-name companies such as Airbnb and Dropbox. It later launched medical clinics and street medicine teams in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Kern County Housing Authority found itself over budget on the Bakersfield homeless housing project — in part because the housing authority underestimated the cost of an expensive retaining wall — Akido jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993622\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\" alt=\"Men wearing bright safety uniforms and hard hats look up near a construction site.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We would have been stalled, and who knows where it would have been now if we hadn’t had that money come in,” said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority, who said Akido funded about 10% of the roughly $3 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a building under construction.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two-story development, where tenants will pay 30% of their income in rent, sits on a formerly vacant lot next to what used to be a large homeless encampment. Each apartment is a small one-bedroom, one-bath — about 500 square feet — and you can see the Sierra Nevada from the upstairs windows on a clear day. It’s a big deal to complete a project in that area, where most of the street doesn’t even have a sidewalk and new construction is rare, Pelz said. You’re more likely to see something here catch fire and then be torn down than you are to see something new get built, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido also took on a second, 40-unit homeless housing project in Bakersfield. That development, now set to open in 2025, would have fallen apart without the health care company’s funding. The county had applied for a state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/12/california-homeless-developer-investigation/\">Homekey\u003c/a> grant, but that wasn’t enough to buy the property or fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido paid about 20% of the project’s total $10 million cost, and it’s now working with the county housing authority. Akido is advocating for features it knows will help its clients, such as wheelchair accessible outdoor spaces, suicide prevention designs (such as shelves in closets instead of rails) and semigloss paint that makes cleaning easier. The health care company is learning to navigate the complicated world of housing production as it goes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been an interesting process,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless housing from Sacramento to LA\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other counties are using the money to secure housing units without putting shovels in the ground. Sacramento County won $3.2 million for its Landlord Engagement and Assistance Program, which gives unhoused clients rental subsidies and places them with private landlords, while also working with landlords to prevent evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money will allow the county to expand that program by about 30%, said human services program manager Neil Kurtz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s everything,” Kurtz said. “We’re going to be able to make a significant impact, I think, in reducing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A tarp and other debris forming a living structure underneath an overpass.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on W Street and Alhambra Boulevard in Sacramento on April 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s largest health plan, LA Care, is using the incentive funds to help open 1,700 homes to homeless residents by 2027. Working with the county, the health plan is funding programs to buy and lease those units, or pay for security deposits and other expenses. As of the end of last year, 600 of those homes were available, said Dr. Sameer Amin, chief medical officer for LA Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield recently put money into a 42-unit homeless housing project in Tulare County, helped fund two more projects in Kings County, and contributed to a fund in Alameda County that’s building additional units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at other opportunities,” said Kris Kuntz, program director for housing and homeless strategy at Anthem. ”We’re looking at: Do we go purchase single family homes that are on the market? Things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can the housing-health care partnership be sustainable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Blurring the line between housing and health care has been confusing for many involved, said Carolina Reid, faculty research advisor at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care providers don’t know what organizations to partner with in order to get housing built, or how to enter their clients’ information into the state’s homelessness data system. Housing providers don’t know how to navigate strict patient privacy laws. The Terner Center is \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/CalAIM-Brief-February-2024.pdf\">researching (PDF)\u003c/a> ways to help both sides adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state paints this health-care-meets-housing experiment as a success so far. Health care providers using the Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program money reported they now are more frequently screening their patients for homelessness, while also offering them more housing-related services. According to the state Department of Health Care Services, 48,172 patients have received housing — and 81% of them have remained housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the problem with this money is that it’s a one-time grant, and Newsom has given no indication that he’ll replenish the coffers when it runs out. After Newsom and legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">scrambled to close\u003c/a> a multibillion-dollar budget deficit this year, there’s little state funding up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One question I have that I can’t answer is: Are these efforts sustained after the HHIP funds run out?” Reid said. “There needs to be a sustained source of funding to help managed care plans do this type of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993623\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\" alt=\"A sign that reads "Golden Empire Affordable Housing SWPPP's Strictly Enforced" with bullet points and text on a fence in front of a building and vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murali hopes Akido can drum up private equity to replace the state funding in future projects, but whether investors can be convinced it’s a good business move remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, when up against the steep cost of building or buying housing in California, the money the state allocated doesn’t amount to that much, Reid said. That’s why, she said, we haven’t seen more health care providers using the money to create new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kuntz agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to housing and homelessness,” he said, “you think it’s a large amount of money, but per county, it’s still … not huge, per say, given the need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, the housing authority typically receives anywhere from 500 to 1,000 applications for each new project, Pelz said. The project set to finish next month in Bakersfield has room for just 16 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, if you get chosen, Pelz said, “It’s kind of like winning the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/author/marisa-kendall/\">Marisa Kendall\u003c/a>, CalMatters",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When a shortfall of several hundred thousand dollars almost derailed new homeless housing in Bakersfield, the savior that swooped in to salvage the project wasn’t an affordable housing nonprofit, state housing grant or other traditional source.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead, it was a health care company that had never before built a single home.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That unorthodox move is part of a broader effort to commingle California’s health care and homeless services agencies, as providers in both areas increasingly acknowledge a glaring truth: It’s nearly impossible to be healthy if you’re living on the street.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care company Akido Labs, which runs clinics and street medicine teams in Southern and Central California, covered about 10% of the cost to build that 16-unit project in Bakersfield. Health insurance giant Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield is funding homeless housing projects in Alameda, Kings and Tulare counties. And Los Angeles County’s biggest health plan is paying to lease properties for its homeless clients.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the unhoused, housing is medicine,” said Karthik Murali, head of public health at Akido Labs. “Providing stable housing can alleviate more health conditions than taking them to the ICU and the hospital and providing street medicine. … Knowing that fact, we wanted to be part of the solution.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>People who are \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/explainers/californias-homelessness-crisis-explained/\">homeless\u003c/a> have higher rates of illness, and die an average of 12 years younger than the general U.S. population, according to the \u003ca href=\"https://nhchc.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/homelessness-and-health.pdf\">National Health Care for the Homeless Council (PDF)\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom set the marriage between housing and health care in motion in 2022, via his \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/health/2022/02/california-medi-cal-reform/\">massive overhaul\u003c/a> of the state’s Medicaid system. With the launch of CalAIM, the state allows \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/tag/medi-cal\">Medi-Cal\u003c/a> to fund things not traditionally covered as health care — such as helping \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/category/housing/homelessness/\">homeless\u003c/a> clients find housing, paying for security deposits and preventing evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As an incentive for health care plans to ramp up these new services, the state also provided $1.3 billion in additional funding under the \u003ca href=\"https://www.chcf.org/resource-center/homelessness-health-care/medi-cal-and-homelessness/housing-and-homelessness-incentive-program/\">Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program\u003c/a>. Managed care plans can earn those funds by investing in solutions to homelessness. It’s that money Akido and other health care providers are using to build and lease new homeless housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993619\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993619\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg\" alt=\"A man wearing a hat sits down next to bags of medicine and equipment in a vineyard.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Injectable-LV_13-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Rishi Patel from the Akido street medicine team checks on a homeless man living in a vineyard in Arvin on May 28, 2024. Street medicine teams throughout California are increasingly using long-acting injectable antipsychotic medication to stabilize the mental health of people living in homeless encampments. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s still a relatively rare use of the money — it’s more likely to pay for services for unhoused people, such as case managers or safe RV parking sites. That’s partly because creating housing is so expensive in California, and partly because most health care providers don’t know much about homebuilding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Even so, Murali said the new funds made a big difference. Recognizing that it could only do so much to help its homeless patients as long as they were living on the street, Akido had long wanted to get into the business of developing housing. The incentive program gave it the funds to do so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It could not have been possible before, and it’s possible now,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Housing as medicine\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles-based Akido Labs got its start as a health tech company out of Y Combinator, the startup incubator that grew big-name companies such as Airbnb and Dropbox. It later launched medical clinics and street medicine teams in Central and Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When the Kern County Housing Authority found itself over budget on the Bakersfield homeless housing project — in part because the housing authority underestimated the cost of an expensive retaining wall — Akido jumped in.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993622\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993622\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg\" alt=\"Men wearing bright safety uniforms and hard hats look up near a construction site.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_06-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>“We would have been stalled, and who knows where it would have been now if we hadn’t had that money come in,” said Stephen Pelz, executive director of the housing authority, who said Akido funded about 10% of the roughly $3 million project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993620\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993620\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg\" alt=\"The inside of a building under construction.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_04-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The two-story development, where tenants will pay 30% of their income in rent, sits on a formerly vacant lot next to what used to be a large homeless encampment. Each apartment is a small one-bedroom, one-bath — about 500 square feet — and you can see the Sierra Nevada from the upstairs windows on a clear day. It’s a big deal to complete a project in that area, where most of the street doesn’t even have a sidewalk and new construction is rare, Pelz said. You’re more likely to see something here catch fire and then be torn down than you are to see something new get built, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido also took on a second, 40-unit homeless housing project in Bakersfield. That development, now set to open in 2025, would have fallen apart without the health care company’s funding. The county had applied for a state \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/housing/homelessness/2023/12/california-homeless-developer-investigation/\">Homekey\u003c/a> grant, but that wasn’t enough to buy the property or fund the project.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Akido paid about 20% of the project’s total $10 million cost, and it’s now working with the county housing authority. Akido is advocating for features it knows will help its clients, such as wheelchair accessible outdoor spaces, suicide prevention designs (such as shelves in closets instead of rails) and semigloss paint that makes cleaning easier. The health care company is learning to navigate the complicated world of housing production as it goes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That’s been an interesting process,” Murali said.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Homeless housing from Sacramento to LA\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Other counties are using the money to secure housing units without putting shovels in the ground. Sacramento County won $3.2 million for its Landlord Engagement and Assistance Program, which gives unhoused clients rental subsidies and places them with private landlords, while also working with landlords to prevent evictions.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That money will allow the county to expand that program by about 30%, said human services program manager Neil Kurtz.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s everything,” Kurtz said. “We’re going to be able to make a significant impact, I think, in reducing homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993624\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993624\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg\" alt=\"A tarp and other debris forming a living structure underneath an overpass.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/04112023-Homeless-Encampment-Enforcement-RL-05-CM-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A homeless encampment on W Street and Alhambra Boulevard in Sacramento on April 11, 2023. \u003ccite>(Rahul Lal/CalMatters)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Los Angeles County’s largest health plan, LA Care, is using the incentive funds to help open 1,700 homes to homeless residents by 2027. Working with the county, the health plan is funding programs to buy and lease those units, or pay for security deposits and other expenses. As of the end of last year, 600 of those homes were available, said Dr. Sameer Amin, chief medical officer for LA Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Anthem Blue Cross Blue Shield recently put money into a 42-unit homeless housing project in Tulare County, helped fund two more projects in Kings County, and contributed to a fund in Alameda County that’s building additional units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re looking at other opportunities,” said Kris Kuntz, program director for housing and homeless strategy at Anthem. ”We’re looking at: Do we go purchase single family homes that are on the market? Things like that.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Can the housing-health care partnership be sustainable?\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Blurring the line between housing and health care has been confusing for many involved, said Carolina Reid, faculty research advisor at the UC Berkeley Terner Center for Housing Innovation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Health care providers don’t know what organizations to partner with in order to get housing built, or how to enter their clients’ information into the state’s homelessness data system. Housing providers don’t know how to navigate strict patient privacy laws. The Terner Center is \u003ca href=\"https://ternercenter.berkeley.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/CalAIM-Brief-February-2024.pdf\">researching (PDF)\u003c/a> ways to help both sides adjust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The state paints this health-care-meets-housing experiment as a success so far. Health care providers using the Housing and Homelessness Incentive Program money reported they now are more frequently screening their patients for homelessness, while also offering them more housing-related services. According to the state Department of Health Care Services, 48,172 patients have received housing — and 81% of them have remained housed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the problem with this money is that it’s a one-time grant, and Newsom has given no indication that he’ll replenish the coffers when it runs out. After Newsom and legislators \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">scrambled to close\u003c/a> a multibillion-dollar budget deficit this year, there’s little state funding up for grabs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“One question I have that I can’t answer is: Are these efforts sustained after the HHIP funds run out?” Reid said. “There needs to be a sustained source of funding to help managed care plans do this type of work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11993623\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11993623\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg\" alt=\"A sign that reads "Golden Empire Affordable Housing SWPPP's Strictly Enforced" with bullet points and text on a fence in front of a building and vehicle.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/053124-Bakersfield-Rural-Homelessness-LV_08-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Construction site for an affordable housing apartment complex in Bakersfield on May 29, 2024. \u003ccite>(Larry Valenzuela/CalMatters/CatchLight Local)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Murali hopes Akido can drum up private equity to replace the state funding in future projects, but whether investors can be convinced it’s a good business move remains to be seen.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>What’s more, when up against the steep cost of building or buying housing in California, the money the state allocated doesn’t amount to that much, Reid said. That’s why, she said, we haven’t seen more health care providers using the money to create new housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Kuntz agrees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When it comes to housing and homelessness,” he said, “you think it’s a large amount of money, but per county, it’s still … not huge, per say, given the need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In Kern County, the housing authority typically receives anywhere from 500 to 1,000 applications for each new project, Pelz said. The project set to finish next month in Bakersfield has room for just 16 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That means, if you get chosen, Pelz said, “It’s kind of like winning the lottery.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "millbrae-recall-targets-council-members-who-didnt-oppose-affordable-housing-project",
"title": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn't Oppose Affordable Housing Project",
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"headTitle": "Millbrae Recall Targets Council Members Who Didn’t Oppose Affordable Housing Project | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"excerpt": "Two Millbrae City Council members could be ousted from office thanks to a recall effort stemming from a controversial move to provide transitional housing for unhoused people and seniors.",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Two Millbrae City Council members are at the center of a bitter recall effort, stemming from yet another dispute over affordable housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Calls for the ousting of Councilmembers Angelina Cahalan and Maurice Goodman came after the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors voted in September to purchase the La Quinta Inn and Suites in Millbrae with funding from Gov. Gavin Newsom’s Project Homekey, which began during the pandemic to help cities and counties convert hotels into housing for formerly unhoused people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Shortly after, the Millbrae City Council voted on whether to send a letter to the board opposing the project. Cahalan abstained from the vote, and Goodman voted against it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote passed, and other council members sent \u003ca href=\"https://www.ci.millbrae.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/1432/Letter-to-BOS-re-La-Quinta-Fact-Sheet-2023-09-06-PDF?bidId=&fbclid=IwAR0lHI4kTGR7xmK-zB3E4ZiQpxi5yvnr4Xaeah9bpPC-HIPPIWVLXWKZx00\">the letter (PDF)\u003c/a> without Cahalan’s and Goodman’s signatures. The letter stated the City Council was “disappointed in how San Mateo County has handled the proposed project,” and criticized the Board of Supervisors for not notifying them before the decision.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Calahan has not publicly stated her position on the affordable housing project, Goodman has said he supports the project and has been a clear advocate for the unhoused community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The recall effort is led by residents who feel their concerns around safety and the project’s economic feasibility went unheard by the two council members last fall. Ousting Cahalan and Goodman are necessary “to preserve the safety and well-being of our community,” according to the \u003ca href=\"https://www.millbraerecallgoodmanandcahalan.org/\">recall organization’s website\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The San Mateo County Democratic Party is supporting the two council members and called the recall effort an inappropriate use of city resources.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We believe recalls should not be used as a tool to oppose council members who take positions that some people do not agree with,” April Vargas, a member of the party’s Central Committee, told KQED. “If people don’t agree with what the council members do, they can wait until they are up for reelection in 2026.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ballots for the special election have been mailed to voters, who have until July 23 to decide whether to recall the council members.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The city is also in the middle of a lawsuit surrounding the proposed purchase of the La Quinta hotel, alleging that the Board of Supervisors didn’t give Millbrae residents a chance to weigh in under a 1950s provision in the California Constitution known as Article 34, which gives local voters the right to decide on any affordable housing project in their city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo Superior Court Judge Nancy Fineman dismissed the case in late June, stating it was “unripe” for a decision because the county hadn’t specified whether the funding would come from Project Homekey or other affordable housing subsidy programs. Her decision made no mention of Article 34.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The city believes the county is taking an action at La Quinta that doesn’t follow what the rules are,” said Sam Singer, a spokesperson for Millbrae. “[The city] is considering their options to respond.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Earlier this year, lawmakers flirted with placing a constitutional amendment to repeal Article 34 on the November ballot, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11991827/california-shelves-repeal-of-1950-housing-law-that-stoked-racial-tension\">pulled the measure\u003c/a> last month because of how costly the campaign would be. The provision, long criticized as discriminatory, has been a notorious scapegoat for delaying affordable housing, and multiple attempts to repeal it have failed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "New State Law Slashed SF's Housing Permit Timeline. Will Builders Follow?",
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"content": "\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>San Francisco, the slowest city in California to approve new housing, has its first batch of potential projects under a new state law that could dramatically \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">shorten the timeline\u003c/a> for building permits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The law, SB 423, went into effect in San Francisco last week, and the city’s Planning Department has already received four “notices of intent” to build a variety of infill housing, including a 23-story tower in Duboce Triangle with 28 units designated as affordable. Other projects are more modest, consisting of two- or three-story buildings with granny flats and other accessory dwelling units.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two of the submitted projects will be heard by the Planning Department at the end of this month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Additional housing is crucial,” department spokesperson Anne Yalon told KQED. “We’re pleased that this legislation is speeding up its production, helping us reach our goal of 82,000 units by 2031.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>SB 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, streamlines the permitting process for new developments that meet existing planning standards by requiring only “ministerial” review without discretionary hearings. It expands previous legislation by applying it to the majority of new homes built in cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing, focusing on mixed income and market rate housing.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, the first city subject to the law, it could shorten the permit approval timeline from more than two years, in some cases, to six months.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While SB 423 aims to streamline the permitting process in San Francisco, a \u003ca href=\"https://investors.redfin.com/news-events/press-releases/detail/1130/redfin-reports-permits-to-build-u-s-apartments-have\">report released Tuesday\u003c/a> by real estate company Redfin shows that permits are falling nationwide — not because they’re harder to obtain, but because builders are applying for fewer of them, due to high interest rates and saturation in the housing market.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11992763\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11992763\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1331\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-800x532.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1020x679.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-160x106.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1536x1022.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/07/032_KQED_UkraineRally_02242022_qed-1920x1278.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">State Sen. Scott Wiener speaks in front of San Francisco City Hall on Feb. 24, 2022. San Francisco’s permit approval process for new housing, once the longest in California, could become one of the shortest, thanks to a new state law. Under SB 423, authored by Sen. Wiener, cities that fail to meet state housing goals must expedite permits for projects that comply with existing planning standards. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Permits for new multifamily housing so far this year have dropped nearly 30% since the same periods in 2021 through 2023, Redfin found. In both Stockton and Bakersfield, no permits for multifamily homes were issued from January through May of this year, the report found. The rates are still grim in other parts of the state, with Fresno issuing one permit per 10,000 people and San Francisco and Riverside issuing two each per 10,000 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This comes after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.redfin.com/news/apartments-rented-slowest-pace-since-2020/\">nearly record-breaking building boom\u003c/a> across the U.S. over the past three years from projects started during the pandemic. Less than half of newly built apartments were rented out within three months, signaling that landlords are competing for tenants, according to Redfin. Though rent prices are at their highest levels since 2022, the competition is putting a cap on how much rent prices can grow.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Prospective renters should be aware that now may be a better time to sign a lease than later,” Redfin senior economist Sheharyar Bokhari said in a statement. “Property owners might start jacking up rents again once all the new apartments hitting the market fill up with tenants and there’s no longer so much supply, which could be the case in a year or two.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Builders in Cape Coral, Fla., had the highest rate of new permits among the 79 metro areas Redfin studied, with 27 per 10,000 people. Despite flooding, sea level rise and the growing homeowners insurance crisis, demand is still high in the state, partly from out-of-towners moving there during the pandemic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With permitting levels down elsewhere across the country and especially in California, \u003ca href=\"https://www.housingwire.com/articles/are-housing-permits-showing-recession-risk/?utm_campaign=Newsletter%20-%20HousingWire%20Daily&utm_medium=email&_hsenc=p2ANqtz-8CnI-8i-QUyrfmqQsF4Juv0r3qomZV74OKsGXZY18C_holGewP_LpDBRVsOKDukrBjbVTXpbTId-94QaPZm2x8kdojLeo8ZHlfLvIRsJ0XLW3V2SY&_hsmi=312685320&utm_content=312685320&utm_source=hs_email\">some experts\u003c/a> worry it could mean construction labor is showing a recession risk. Construction workers are finishing up projects in the pipeline, but if permit levels remain down, there might not be work waiting for them after those projects are completed, leading to job loss for that sector.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "SF Mayor London Breed Wins Key 'YIMBY' Endorsement After String of Misses",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/mayor-london-breed\">Mayor London Breed\u003c/a> won a significant endorsement for her reelection campaign from San Francisco YIMBY Action, one of the city’s largest housing advocacy groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The endorsement could be a boost for Breed’s campaign, which just days earlier lost the backing of a key coalition of trade unions that had endorsed her in the last election.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Housing is a key issue for voters this November, with candidates staking out their positions on efforts to build new homes, which projects should be approved and where. As mayor, Breed has aligned herself with the “Yes In My Backyard” or YIMBY movement, which advocates for increasing housing development for people of all income levels.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Over the last six years, we have seen her commitment to housing abundance. It doesn’t mean everything has gone 100% how we would all like every time, but Breed has been side-by-side with us advancing pro-housing legislation and housing reforms,” said Jane Natoli, San Francisco organizing director for YIMBY Action. “At the end of the day, that experience was key.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Natoli pointed to Breed’s support of legislation like Senate Bill 423, authored by state Sen. Scott Wiener, which created an expedited review path for housing projects at low- and market-rate income levels in cities that fail to meet state housing goals. San Francisco \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11992758/after-missing-housing-goals-sf-has-permit-process-slashed-under-new-state-law\">became the first city\u003c/a> subject to SB 423’s expedited reviews after state housing officials ruled last week that it was short of its goal to plan for 82,000 new units by 2031.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed is “proud to stand with the organizations and leaders that have fought for pro-housing policies at the state and local level,” said Joe Arellano, the mayor’s campaign spokesman. “Other candidates like Mark Farrell and Ahsha Safaí are standing with groups that have opposed pro-housing measures like Prop. D and opposed modular housing that would reduce costs and build housing faster.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed also secured endorsements from the Housing Action Coalition, a political nonprofit that advocates for housing production at all income levels, and the Basic Crafts Alliance, which includes the Nor Cal Carpenters Union, the Northern California District Council of Laborers, and the Operating Engineers Local Union No. 3.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But the San Francisco Building and Construction Trades Council, a group of 27 unions that endorsed Breed in 2019, said it would support Mark Farrell, a former supervisor and interim mayor campaigning to the right of Breed, and sitting Supervisor Ahsha Safaí, who is positioning himself to her left.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco has a ranked-choice voting system, meaning a voter can select and rank up to 10 candidates in order of preference, which leads some groups to make multiple endorsements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Neighbors for a Better San Francisco Advocacy, one of several \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11987375/big-money-looms-over-sf-mayor-race-and-other-takeaways-from-1st-candidate-forum\">big-money political advocacy groups\u003c/a> that have spent millions on moderate Democratic causes in the city, recently announced it is endorsing Farrell and Daniel Lurie, a philanthropist and heir to the Levi Strauss fortune, and recommending Breed as a third-choice candidate. Conservative billionaire William Oberndorf, who has donated to several Republican campaigns, is one of Neighbors’ key funders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>YIMBY Action did not endorse a second or third-choice candidate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Right now, Breed is our only endorsement, and I don’t foresee that changing, but we will see how the race unfolds,” Natoli said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "After Missing Housing Goals, SF Has Permit Process Slashed Under New State Law",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/san-francisco\">San Francisco\u003c/a> could go from having California’s longest approval process for permits to build new \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/housing\">housing\u003c/a> to one of the state’s shortest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dramatic change is the result of a new state law that just kicked in for San Francisco, clearing the way for streamlined approval of most projects.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“No discretionary hearings, no CEQA [California Environmental Quality Act] lawsuits. None of the politics at the Board of Supervisors,” said state Sen. Scott Wiener (D-San Francisco), the law’s author. “You just get your damn permit. Period.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Under SB 423, which passed last year, cities that miss their state goals on planning for new housing must provide an expedited path for approving permits for new developments that meet existing planning standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco will be the first city where the law is triggered after Wiener includes language, making it the only city with an annual review of its housing permitting goals. Other cities are reviewed every four years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Friday, the California Department of Housing and Community Development ruled that San Francisco was falling short of its goal to plan for building 82,000 new units of housing by 2031. Last year, the city authorized just over 3,000 units, according to the San Francisco Planning Department.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Rich Hillis, director of the Planning Department, called the streamlined process instituted by SB 423 “a new era.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You could come in today online and apply for a housing project that will be approved by the end of this summer,” Hillis said at a press conference on Monday. “And that is truly a game changer, where that would have normally taken a year, two years — or, as Mayor Breed pointed out, sometimes 10 years or more if CEQA is involved and appeals are involved.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Critics say the penalties instituted by SB 423 were always part of a plan to do away with local control in favor of market-rate developers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lori Brooke, co-founder of anti-upzoning group Neighborhoods United SF, called the state’s goal of 82,000 new units for San Francisco “unattainable” and said the city was unfairly singled out by SB 423, which she said “forces the city to haphazardly make changes to zoning and planning that will be felt for the next 100 years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco is being punished for actions beyond its control — cities don’t build housing; developers do,” Brooke said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/shossaini\">Sara Hossaini\u003c/a> contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"title": "San Francisco Plans to Enforce Homeless Camping Ban After Supreme Court Ruling",
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"headTitle": "San Francisco Plans to Enforce Homeless Camping Ban After Supreme Court Ruling | KQED",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 3:50 p.m. Friday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Supreme Court on Friday overturned a lower court ruling limiting how far cities can go in policing homelessness, in a case advocates for the unhoused have called the most consequential in a generation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/23-175_19m2.pdf\">6–3 decision (PDF)\u003c/a>, the majority found that local laws limiting public camping do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. The ruling gives cities more power to regulate encampments on sidewalks and public property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In San Francisco, it could change the trajectory of a lawsuit about the city’s approach to homeless encampments that was on pause pending the outcome of the Supreme Court’s decision. Mayor London Breed said the decision would allow the city to enforce its laws when unhoused people reject offers of shelter, adding that “those who refuse our help or those who already have shelter will not be allowed to camp on our streets.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The case before the Supreme Court, \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/docket/docketfiles/html/public/23-175.html\">City of Grants Pass, Oregon v. Gloria Johnson\u003c/a>, hinged on whether a local government can issue fines and jail people for camping in public spaces when there isn’t enough shelter available. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled this was cruel and unusual punishment, prompting the city of Grants Pass to appeal the case to the Supreme Court.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion, joined by the court’s conservatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Homelessness is complex. Its causes are many. So maybe the public policy responses required to address it,” he wrote. “Yes, people will disagree over which policy responses are best. … But in our democracy, that is their right. Nor can a handful of federal judges begin to ‘match’ the collective wisdom the American people possess in deciding ‘how best to handle’ a pressing social question like homelessness.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent, wrote that laws like the one at issue here punish people who don’t have access to shelter, amounting to cruel and unusual punishment. Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined her dissent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Sleep is a biological necessity, not a crime,” Sotomayor wrote. “For some people, sleeping outside is their only option.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Justice Clarence Thomas wrote a concurring opinion.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For advocates, the ruling came as a crushing blow after years of fighting local governments’ approach to addressing the homelessness crisis. Jesse Rabinowitz, campaign and communications director at the National Homelessness Law Center, called the ruling “inhumane” and warned it would worsen homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Cities are now even more empowered to neglect proven housing-based solutions and to arrest or fine those with no choice but to sleep outdoors,” he said in a statement. “While we are disappointed, we are not surprised that this Supreme Court ruled against the interests of our poorest neighbors.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>National Alliance to End Homelessness CEO Ann Oliva struck a similar tone. The ruling would undermine efforts to solve street homelessness, she said, by removing a requirement on the part of local governments to provide an alternative.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This decision sets a dangerous precedent that will cause undue harm to people experiencing homelessness and give free rein to local officials who prefer pointless and expensive arrests and imprisonment rather than real solutions,” she said in a statement.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Others, however, who had argued the lower court’s ruling tied the hands of local governments to respond to a serious public health crisis lauded the decision. In a statement on Friday, Gov. Gavin Newsom said the ruling opens the door to “common-sense measures to protect the safety and well-being of our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Today’s ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court provides state and local officials the definitive authority to implement and enforce policies to clear unsafe encampments from our streets,” he wrote. “This decision removes the legal ambiguities that have tied the hands of local officials for years.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California Senate Minority Leader Brian W. Jones (R-San Diego) joined Newsom in his assessment, adding that the decision was not about criminalizing homelessness but about ensuring public safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Californians should not have to tolerate the encampments that have taken over our communities,” he said in a statement. “With this decision, Democrat politicians can no longer justify allowing this severe public health and safety crisis to persist on our streets. It’s time to clean up California.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city leaders under pressure to reduce homelessness had blamed the 9th Circuit ruling for stymieing their efforts to clear encampments. Officials across the political map, including California \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280288/20230922163648635_Amicus%20Brief%20for%20Governor%20Newsom%20-%20Grants%20Pass_Final.pdf\">Newsom (PDF)\u003c/a>, the cities of Los Angeles and San Francisco and a group of \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/280428/20230925170042238_No%2023-175_AmicusBrief.pdf\">20 conservative-led states (PDF)\u003c/a>, were among those who encouraged the Supreme Court to take up the case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In their brief before the court, lawyers for the city of Grants Pass argued its policies, which include fines and short jail stints for camping on public property, don’t violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishments and that the courts have overstepped, stripping local governments of their autonomy and limiting their ability to reduce street homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Attorneys and advocates for the unhoused Grants Pass residents argued the lower courts’ rulings allowed cities leeway to regulate encampments and even clear them — but not to ban camps outright. They argued that camping bans and similar policies are expensive and counterproductive because they disrupt connections to services, erode trust in law enforcement and create additional obstacles to finding housing and employment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>More than 80 amicus briefs were filed in the case, about evenly split in their support for the two parties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The attorneys general of 24 conservative states, national conservative legal groups like the Cicero Institute, and the California sheriffs and police associations were among those who weighed in on behalf of Grants Pass.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Support for the unhoused residents came from the ACLU, several California-based nonprofits and the American Psychiatric Association, among others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some parties, including the \u003ca href=\"https://www.supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/23/23-175/302264/20240304183726571_23-175npUnitedStates.pdf\">Biden administration (PDF)\u003c/a>, Newsom and San Francisco City Attorney David Chiu, filed briefs in the case but didn’t back either party, asking instead for clarity about how to interpret the lower courts’ rulings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The decision will have significant implications for San Francisco, where a lawsuit over the city’s homelessness policies has been on pause since February, pending the Supreme Court’s ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A district court magistrate relied on the 9th Circuit’s ruling in this case for an injunction restricting camp clearings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“San Francisco has and will continue to take a compassionate, services-first approach to addressing our homelessness crisis,” Chiu said in a statement on Friday. “It will take time to analyze this decision and chart a path forward to change policies on the ground and ensure our litigation catches up with the Supreme Court’s decision today.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Lawyers for the unhoused residents and advocates who filed suit against the city denounced the outcome but said it would not derail their case, emphasizing that only one of the 13 claims in the lawsuit, Coalition on Homelessness v. City of San Francisco, would be affected by the decision. The suit accuses the city of violating unhoused residents’ rights by destroying their property and failing to provide shelter accommodations appropriate for people with disabilities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We will move forward with making sure that San Francisco follows its own policies and upholds the constitutional rights of our unhoused neighbors,” said the plaintiffs’ attorney, Nisha Kashyap, Program Director of Racial Justice at the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights of the San Francisco Bay Area. “Those claims are unaffected by [the Supreme Court’s] decision and can and will proceed.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The lawsuit is currently expected to go to trial next May.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Breed said the city has been preparing for potential outcomes and would adjust its policies to reflect the ruling. Staff will keep making offers of shelter but wouldn’t allow people who turn them down to stay put, the mayor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s not healthy, safe, or compassionate for people on the street, and it’s not acceptable for our neighborhoods,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ed Johnson, the litigation director at The Oregon Law Center who filed the Grants Pass suit, said he planned to pursue other means of defending unhoused people against criminalization, including through individual claims, group challenges or class action lawsuits.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There are many legal arguments that can be brought on behalf of homeless individuals who are being punished for being the victims of our failed housing policies,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"title": "Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing to Go Forward After Council Rejects Appeals",
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"content": "\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> officials cleared the way for an embattled affordable housing project for farmworkers to move forward, a year after a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city put a spotlight on the wretched living conditions of many of the area’s agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the City Council unanimously approved the 40-unit development that will house about 100 very low-income senior farmworkers, rejecting appeals that sought to block the project after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom\">city planning commissioners initially approved it in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really were holding our breath going into this meeting,” said Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, executive director of the community organization Ayudando Latinos A Soñar (ALAS), which worked with the nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to design the project. “We’re just so grateful, and we’re extremely happy today because this changes the lives of our senior farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan’s initial approval last month came after extensive public wrangling led Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">to intercede on behalf of the project\u003c/a>, calling the delay “egregious” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">threatening to sic\u003c/a> the state’s Housing Accountability Unit on the city if leaders didn’t go ahead with development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, within days of the planning commissioners’ vote, opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/845/555-Kelly-Avenue---Affordable-Housing\">filed three appeals\u003c/a>, challenging the approval process and arguing that the project violated local policies and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council heard arguments from supporters and detractors on Wednesday before deciding. Objectors said the \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">development threatens the city’s small-town appeal\u003c/a>, citing traffic congestion and raising concerns it would strain the area’s already-limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story apartment building is one of two low-income developments for farmworkers the city has pursued since the shooting. The other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">consists of 47 manufactured homes\u003c/a> for very low-income families, including those displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drawn-out approval process for the senior housing has pushed back the completion timeline significantly, said Kelly Hollywood, an associate director of real estate development at Mercy Housing. Without the final OK, developers couldn’t apply for crucial sources of funding, some of which only become available a couple of times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With these approvals, we can work towards those other local and state sources,” Hollywood said. She expects to be able to apply for vital tax credits from the state in mid-2025. “We’re thankful that the determination of the community and the spirit allowed us to continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is set to start in mid-2026 and wrap up in late 2027 at the earliest. The building is expected to cost $43 million and will include a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the farmworker population is difficult to count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/assets/files/publications/housing-smcs-farmworkers-final-june-2024.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> commissioned after last year’s shooting estimated that 1,300 to 1,600 farmworkers live in San Mateo County. \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/31031/download?inline=\">A 2016 assessment \u003c/a>estimated San Mateo County needs over 1,000 affordable housing units for farmworkers, finding that “a key reason for the county’s shrinking farm labor pool is the lack of available housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though this project only meets a fraction of the need, Hernández-Arriaga said she hopes it will serve as a model of “what housing should look like for senior farmworkers across California and if not across the country,” noting that farmworkers, particularly seniors, are often relegated to city outskirts. “Taking them out of the shadows, bringing them into the main streets of our downtowns, [in] housing that is vibrant, that allows them to not be isolated, not be hidden, to be in and with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cem>Updated 2:30 p.m. Thursday\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/half-moon-bay\">Half Moon Bay\u003c/a> officials cleared the way for an embattled affordable housing project for farmworkers to move forward, a year after a mass shooting at a mushroom farm in the city put a spotlight on the wretched living conditions of many of the area’s agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Wednesday, the City Council unanimously approved the 40-unit development that will house about 100 very low-income senior farmworkers, rejecting appeals that sought to block the project after \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom\">city planning commissioners initially approved it in May\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We really were holding our breath going into this meeting,” said Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, executive director of the community organization Ayudando Latinos A Soñar (ALAS), which worked with the nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to design the project. “We’re just so grateful, and we’re extremely happy today because this changes the lives of our senior farm workers.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The plan’s initial approval last month came after extensive public wrangling led Gov. Gavin Newsom \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">to intercede on behalf of the project\u003c/a>, calling the delay “egregious” and \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/09/governor-newsom-calls-on-half-moon-bay-to-approve-housing-for-farmworkers-following-mass-shooting/\">threatening to sic\u003c/a> the state’s Housing Accountability Unit on the city if leaders didn’t go ahead with development.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, within days of the planning commissioners’ vote, opponents \u003ca href=\"https://www.half-moon-bay.ca.us/845/555-Kelly-Avenue---Affordable-Housing\">filed three appeals\u003c/a>, challenging the approval process and arguing that the project violated local policies and state law.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The City Council heard arguments from supporters and detractors on Wednesday before deciding. Objectors said the \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">development threatens the city’s small-town appeal\u003c/a>, citing traffic congestion and raising concerns it would strain the area’s already-limited parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The five-story apartment building is one of two low-income developments for farmworkers the city has pursued since the shooting. The other \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">consists of 47 manufactured homes\u003c/a> for very low-income families, including those displaced from the mushroom farms.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The drawn-out approval process for the senior housing has pushed back the completion timeline significantly, said Kelly Hollywood, an associate director of real estate development at Mercy Housing. Without the final OK, developers couldn’t apply for crucial sources of funding, some of which only become available a couple of times a year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“With these approvals, we can work towards those other local and state sources,” Hollywood said. She expects to be able to apply for vital tax credits from the state in mid-2025. “We’re thankful that the determination of the community and the spirit allowed us to continue to move forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Construction is set to start in mid-2026 and wrap up in late 2027 at the earliest. The building is expected to cost $43 million and will include a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though the farmworker population is difficult to count, \u003ca href=\"https://www.siliconvalleycf.org/assets/files/publications/housing-smcs-farmworkers-final-june-2024.pdf\">a report\u003c/a> commissioned after last year’s shooting estimated that 1,300 to 1,600 farmworkers live in San Mateo County. \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/media/31031/download?inline=\">A 2016 assessment \u003c/a>estimated San Mateo County needs over 1,000 affordable housing units for farmworkers, finding that “a key reason for the county’s shrinking farm labor pool is the lack of available housing.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Though this project only meets a fraction of the need, Hernández-Arriaga said she hopes it will serve as a model of “what housing should look like for senior farmworkers across California and if not across the country,” noting that farmworkers, particularly seniors, are often relegated to city outskirts. “Taking them out of the shadows, bringing them into the main streets of our downtowns, [in] housing that is vibrant, that allows them to not be isolated, not be hidden, to be in and with the community.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"slug": "20-billion-affordable-housing-bond-heads-to-bay-area-voters",
"title": "$20 Billion Affordable Housing Bond Heads to Bay Area Voters",
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"content": "\u003cp>Bay Area voters will be asked to decide on a $20 billion \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/tag/affordable-housing\">affordable housing\u003c/a> bond in November after the Bay Area Housing Finance Authority (BAHFA) voted unanimously Wednesday to place it on the ballot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The bond, years in the making, would be used to build or preserve at least 70,000 affordable housing units across all nine Bay Area counties, with close to half of them reserved for very low-income households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is huge,” Amie Fishman, executive director of the Non-Profit Housing Association of Northern California, told commissioners. The organization has been one of the key champions of the measure. “This will give voters the opportunity to address one of the most critical issues facing our region and our communities.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With state funding constrained by a \u003ca href=\"https://calmatters.org/politics/capitol/2024/06/california-budget-deal-4/\">multibillion-dollar budget deficit\u003c/a>, advocates say the bond is crucial to making a dent in the homelessness crisis in the Bay Area.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bond revenue would provide funding for all nine counties and region-wide programs. \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/meetings/attachments/6036/7c_Resolution_0034_Attachment_A_2024_Housing_Bond_Language_6_18_24_v9_.pdf\">Distribution estimates\u003c/a> indicate Santa Clara County would receive the most funding, around $4.5 billion, while Napa would receive the least, about $364 million. Roughly $4 billion would be dedicated to regional needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada Merriman, vice president of policy and advocacy for MidPen Housing, a nonprofit affordable housing developer, told commissioners that there’s a roster of developments ready to tap into the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a pipeline here that’s ready to go,” she said, noting MidPen alone has 1,300 units awaiting financing. As a measure of need, she pointed out that there’s a waitlist of about 100,000 people for the roughly 10,000 affordable apartments the organization operates across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leonor Godinez, an organizer with Faith in Action East Bay, noted that she had hoped to see a tax exemption in the ballot measure for low-income homeowners but expressed support nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it will allow local officials to invest in the community and provide much-needed affordable housing in a critical housing crisis,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those who spoke against the bond at Wednesday’s BAHFA meeting focused on concerns about the cost to property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bond attacks homeowners,” said Lafayette resident Libby Henry, who identified herself as part of the group Livable California and added that she doesn’t feel the accountability provisions built into the measure are sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure requires a citizens oversight committee to be assembled to review annual spending and for an audit to be submitted to BAHFA annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA officials estimate the bond would raise property taxes by around $20 on average for every $100,000 of assessed home value. The total cost of the bond, including principal and interest, is estimated to be about $48 billion, and it is expected to be paid off by fiscal year 2077.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roma Dawson, the former president of the League of Women Voters Bay Area, said the group supports the bond but pushed for robust oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trusting in all of you to set a new standard for public engagement and transparency,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary polling shows voters are nearly evenly split on the bond. The authority hired data analytics firm EMC Research to test the viability of such a bond in the months before Wednesday’s vote. The pollsters found between 54% and 55% of likely voters surveyed across the nine counties supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special taxes like the bond currently require a two-thirds majority to pass. However, the regional bond is timed to coincide with a statewide vote on a constitutional amendment, ACA 1, that would lower the threshold to 55% approval for local taxes dedicated to affordable housing or infrastructure projects. If ACA 1 passes, the regional bond measure would be subject to the lower threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of the tough odds, several advocates expressed their commitment to campaigning hard for the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message the polling tells us is ‘All hands on deck,’” said Warren Cushman, an organizer with Community Resources for Independent Living. “Well, I’m one of the hands, I’m on deck. I’m looking for other hands, and we’re going to make this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Housing Finance Authority has until Aug. 9 to submit the bond measure to the registrar of voters in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a chance to get it right. We have a chance to create real outcomes,” BAHFA chair and Napa County Supervisor Alfredo Pedroza said. “So it’s upon us … the stakeholders, to make sure we do this right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bond revenue would provide funding for all nine counties and region-wide programs. \u003ca href=\"https://mtc.ca.gov/sites/default/files/meetings/attachments/6036/7c_Resolution_0034_Attachment_A_2024_Housing_Bond_Language_6_18_24_v9_.pdf\">Distribution estimates\u003c/a> indicate Santa Clara County would receive the most funding, around $4.5 billion, while Napa would receive the least, about $364 million. Roughly $4 billion would be dedicated to regional needs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nevada Merriman, vice president of policy and advocacy for MidPen Housing, a nonprofit affordable housing developer, told commissioners that there’s a roster of developments ready to tap into the funding.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There’s a pipeline here that’s ready to go,” she said, noting MidPen alone has 1,300 units awaiting financing. As a measure of need, she pointed out that there’s a waitlist of about 100,000 people for the roughly 10,000 affordable apartments the organization operates across the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Leonor Godinez, an organizer with Faith in Action East Bay, noted that she had hoped to see a tax exemption in the ballot measure for low-income homeowners but expressed support nonetheless.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I believe it will allow local officials to invest in the community and provide much-needed affordable housing in a critical housing crisis,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Many of those who spoke against the bond at Wednesday’s BAHFA meeting focused on concerns about the cost to property owners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This bond attacks homeowners,” said Lafayette resident Libby Henry, who identified herself as part of the group Livable California and added that she doesn’t feel the accountability provisions built into the measure are sufficient.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The ballot measure requires a citizens oversight committee to be assembled to review annual spending and for an audit to be submitted to BAHFA annually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BAHFA officials estimate the bond would raise property taxes by around $20 on average for every $100,000 of assessed home value. The total cost of the bond, including principal and interest, is estimated to be about $48 billion, and it is expected to be paid off by fiscal year 2077.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roma Dawson, the former president of the League of Women Voters Bay Area, said the group supports the bond but pushed for robust oversight.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are trusting in all of you to set a new standard for public engagement and transparency,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Preliminary polling shows voters are nearly evenly split on the bond. The authority hired data analytics firm EMC Research to test the viability of such a bond in the months before Wednesday’s vote. The pollsters found between 54% and 55% of likely voters surveyed across the nine counties supported it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special taxes like the bond currently require a two-thirds majority to pass. However, the regional bond is timed to coincide with a statewide vote on a constitutional amendment, ACA 1, that would lower the threshold to 55% approval for local taxes dedicated to affordable housing or infrastructure projects. If ACA 1 passes, the regional bond measure would be subject to the lower threshold.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the face of the tough odds, several advocates expressed their commitment to campaigning hard for the bond.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The message the polling tells us is ‘All hands on deck,’” said Warren Cushman, an organizer with Community Resources for Independent Living. “Well, I’m one of the hands, I’m on deck. I’m looking for other hands, and we’re going to make this work.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Bay Area Housing Finance Authority has until Aug. 9 to submit the bond measure to the registrar of voters in each county.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We have a chance to get it right. We have a chance to create real outcomes,” BAHFA chair and Napa County Supervisor Alfredo Pedroza said. “So it’s upon us … the stakeholders, to make sure we do this right.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"masters-of-scale": {
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"mindshift": {
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"order": 12
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"google": "https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkM1NzY0NjAwNDI5",
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"onourwatch": {
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"tagline": "Deeply-reported investigative journalism",
"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"info": "Our weekly podcast explores how the media 'sausage' is made, casts an incisive eye on fluctuations in the marketplace of ideas, and examines threats to the freedom of information and expression in America and abroad. For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us",
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"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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"source": "Possible"
},
"link": "/radio/program/possible",
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"pri-the-world": {
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"title": "PRI's The World: Latest Edition",
"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
"title": "Radiolab",
"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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