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"description": "As part of our California Election Watch 2014 coverage, we meet the Republican candidate for Lt. Gov., Ron Nehring. He is challenging incumbent Democrat Gavin Newsom. Read More ... Source: Forum Election Coverage",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>As part of our California Election Watch 2014 coverage, we meet the Republican candidate for Lt. Gov., Ron Nehring. He is challenging incumbent Democrat Gavin Newsom. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410140930?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" class=\"rssmi_more\">Read More ...\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Source: \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410140930?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"Lt. Gov. Race: Ron Nehring\" rel=\"nofollow\">Forum Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Mail May Not Be Flashy, but It Helps Win Campaigns",
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"content": "\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172106976\" params=\"color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic campaign consultant Andrew Acosta has a recurring problem. New candidates come into his office and immediately tell him they want tap into the high-tech world of social media-fueled fundraising and big data -- just like \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obama_on_social_media\" target=\"_blank\">Barack Obama\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he spent a ton of money on it,” Acosta said he’ll typically tell the clients. “And nobody can replicate that running for a state office, or state Assembly. So you have to bring them back to reality of -- the mail is how you can be cost-effective and move the message forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right, the mail. It’s a flashy, high-tech world out there, but for the consultants who run political campaigns, one of the most reliable and effective tools for communicating is actually very low-tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, well-funded campaigns blanket the airwaves with television and radio ads. And when it comes down to it, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2014/09/03/142431/campaign_expert_neil_oxman_talks_about_how_he_makes_political?source=npr&category=politics\" target=\"_blank\">those commercials\u003c/a> probably move the polls more than anything else. But Republican consultant Tom Ross said broadcast spots also waste a lot of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your dollars might be spent advertising to people who A, aren’t registered to vote, and B, don’t even live in the district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Micro-targeted Mailers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Direct mail, on the other hand, can be \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2014/05/10/137605/easy_on_the_ears_gop_ads_adapt_to_reach_women_voters\" target=\"_blank\">specifically targeted\u003c/a>. Not only can campaigns focus on the voters in their district, Ross said publicly-available information lets them focus on narrow demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We can slice and dice it different ways.'\u003ccite>Andrew Acosta, Democratic Campaign Consultant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Likelihood to vote, party affiliation. We’ll look at their vote history – that’s all on the files,” he said in an interview. “And that’s kind of the top-line targeting that we tend to look at -- maybe age breaks, gender, obviously, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaigns can get even more detailed and purchase information about the sort of magazine subscriptions a voter has to get a better sense of who they’re talking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acosta said they can also figure out exactly when a vote-by-mail voter is likely going to cast his or her ballot so the mailers can be timed just right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an absentee voter who always, like I do, holds their ballot until Election Day and walks it in, I can send mail to them later,” he said. “Versus a Democrat, who, the ballots show up the first week and they vote early -- they’re done. We can target them early. So we can slice and dice it different ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level of detail allows campaigns to alter their message as much as they need to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consultant Tom Ross recalled working on a transportation-funding measure in Orange County. His firm’s polling showed voters were more likely to support the effort if they heard about the specific, local projects it funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We determined we had to do twenty different versions of the same mailer,\" he said. \"Each community got a different mailer with a specific callout ... If this measure passes you’re going to get your intersection fixed. Or you’re going to get a specific road added. Or whatever it might be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, those messages can be negative, too. Observers say some of the nastiest attacks often come in mailers, where the messages have the ability to fly under the radar, and maybe detect less scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Senate Democrat Alex Padilla pushed unsuccessfully for a bill requiring campaigns to register every voter communication on a central website. That sort of central clearinghouse could bring more accountability to direct mail, though Padilla said his measure was more about creating one-stop shop for voters to research candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, with technology these days -- social media -- it’s just as easy to take a picture of a mailer with your phone, put it [online] and challenge candidates in a public way that way,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'Eight Or Nine Seconds'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With all the digital distractions out there, Ross said the mail is a good way to get attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got, you know, eight or nine seconds by the time they get it from their mailbox to their recycle bin,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the broadcast commercials voters can fast-forward on their DVR, or the online banner ads eyeballs often ignore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So campaigns spend a lot on mail. Just look at one of this spring’s most contested primaries – the 28th state Senate District in Riverside County. First-place finisher Jeff Stone’s campaign spent about 40 percent of its overall budget on mailers and postage. Bonnie Garcia, who came in second, spent more than half of her budget on mail. And under the top-two primary system, these two candidates are doing it all over again this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Ross and Acosta say the same thing: When they conduct focus groups after the campaign’s over, it’s the messages from their direct mail that voters remember. The voters may not remember where they heard or saw that particular slogan or argument, but they remember its substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So brace yourself for a lot of mail over the next few weeks. For what it’s worth, Acosta said he sympathizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do pity some of the voters who just get inundated with mail,” he said. “And the thing that we’re all aware of -- there’s other people mailing as well. It’s not just the campaigns I’m working on. It’s the city council race, the race for dogcatcher, and all the rest of it. It’s a lot for people to have to sift through.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='20'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172106976&visual=true&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172106976'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Democratic campaign consultant Andrew Acosta has a recurring problem. New candidates come into his office and immediately tell him they want tap into the high-tech world of social media-fueled fundraising and big data -- just like \u003ca href=\"http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Barack_Obama_on_social_media\" target=\"_blank\">Barack Obama\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But he spent a ton of money on it,” Acosta said he’ll typically tell the clients. “And nobody can replicate that running for a state office, or state Assembly. So you have to bring them back to reality of -- the mail is how you can be cost-effective and move the message forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s right, the mail. It’s a flashy, high-tech world out there, but for the consultants who run political campaigns, one of the most reliable and effective tools for communicating is actually very low-tech.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sure, well-funded campaigns blanket the airwaves with television and radio ads. And when it comes down to it, \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2014/09/03/142431/campaign_expert_neil_oxman_talks_about_how_he_makes_political?source=npr&category=politics\" target=\"_blank\">those commercials\u003c/a> probably move the polls more than anything else. But Republican consultant Tom Ross said broadcast spots also waste a lot of money.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Your dollars might be spent advertising to people who A, aren’t registered to vote, and B, don’t even live in the district.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Micro-targeted Mailers\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Direct mail, on the other hand, can be \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2014/05/10/137605/easy_on_the_ears_gop_ads_adapt_to_reach_women_voters\" target=\"_blank\">specifically targeted\u003c/a>. Not only can campaigns focus on the voters in their district, Ross said publicly-available information lets them focus on narrow demographics.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'We can slice and dice it different ways.'\u003ccite>Andrew Acosta, Democratic Campaign Consultant\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Likelihood to vote, party affiliation. We’ll look at their vote history – that’s all on the files,” he said in an interview. “And that’s kind of the top-line targeting that we tend to look at -- maybe age breaks, gender, obviously, as well.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Campaigns can get even more detailed and purchase information about the sort of magazine subscriptions a voter has to get a better sense of who they’re talking to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Acosta said they can also figure out exactly when a vote-by-mail voter is likely going to cast his or her ballot so the mailers can be timed just right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“If you’re an absentee voter who always, like I do, holds their ballot until Election Day and walks it in, I can send mail to them later,” he said. “Versus a Democrat, who, the ballots show up the first week and they vote early -- they’re done. We can target them early. So we can slice and dice it different ways.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That level of detail allows campaigns to alter their message as much as they need to.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Consultant Tom Ross recalled working on a transportation-funding measure in Orange County. His firm’s polling showed voters were more likely to support the effort if they heard about the specific, local projects it funded.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We determined we had to do twenty different versions of the same mailer,\" he said. \"Each community got a different mailer with a specific callout ... If this measure passes you’re going to get your intersection fixed. Or you’re going to get a specific road added. Or whatever it might be.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, those messages can be negative, too. Observers say some of the nastiest attacks often come in mailers, where the messages have the ability to fly under the radar, and maybe detect less scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This year, Senate Democrat Alex Padilla pushed unsuccessfully for a bill requiring campaigns to register every voter communication on a central website. That sort of central clearinghouse could bring more accountability to direct mail, though Padilla said his measure was more about creating one-stop shop for voters to research candidates.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Honestly, with technology these days -- social media -- it’s just as easy to take a picture of a mailer with your phone, put it [online] and challenge candidates in a public way that way,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>'Eight Or Nine Seconds'\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>With all the digital distractions out there, Ross said the mail is a good way to get attention.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’ve got, you know, eight or nine seconds by the time they get it from their mailbox to their recycle bin,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Compare that to the broadcast commercials voters can fast-forward on their DVR, or the online banner ads eyeballs often ignore.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So campaigns spend a lot on mail. Just look at one of this spring’s most contested primaries – the 28th state Senate District in Riverside County. First-place finisher Jeff Stone’s campaign spent about 40 percent of its overall budget on mailers and postage. Bonnie Garcia, who came in second, spent more than half of her budget on mail. And under the top-two primary system, these two candidates are doing it all over again this fall.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Both Ross and Acosta say the same thing: When they conduct focus groups after the campaign’s over, it’s the messages from their direct mail that voters remember. The voters may not remember where they heard or saw that particular slogan or argument, but they remember its substance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So brace yourself for a lot of mail over the next few weeks. For what it’s worth, Acosta said he sympathizes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I do pity some of the voters who just get inundated with mail,” he said. “And the thing that we’re all aware of -- there’s other people mailing as well. It’s not just the campaigns I’m working on. It’s the city council race, the race for dogcatcher, and all the rest of it. It’s a lot for people to have to sift through.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "A Tale of Two Davids: Chiu and Campos Battle for District 17 Votes",
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"content": "\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868\" params=\"color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true\" width=\"100%\" height=\"20\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors David Chiu and David Campos faced off on \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201410131000\" target=\"_blank\">Forum\u003c/a> today. The city leaders are in a tight race to win the right to represent District 17 in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange, while polite, featured lots of tension and jabs between the two candidates. They answered questions on everything from affordable housing to governing styles to the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/13/mission-playground-soccer-field-incident-spurs-planned-rally-over-pay-to-play\">video\u003c/a> of a recent conflict over the use of a soccer field at a Mission District playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to both candidates' take on affordability and the soccer video below:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172004659\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the issue that elicited the most passion from listeners was the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2012/10/08/109111/sf_supervisors_to_vote_on_mirkarimis_future?category=bay+area\" target=\"_blank\">2012 vote\u003c/a> on whether to remove Ross Mirkarimi as sheriff. (Former Supervisor Mirkarimi pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor count of false imprisonment after a dispute with his wife. It almost cost him the office right after he was elected.) Chiu voted to oust Mirkarimi, while Campos voted to keep him in office. That vote has been the subject of several David Chiu campaign mailers, which link Campos to domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A caller during the show, who identified herself as a victim of domestic violence, pleaded with Chiu to tell his campaign to stop politicizing the issue. Chiu defended his campaign, saying that the Mirkarimi vote demonstrates a difference of \"values\" between him and Campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to the Mirkarimi exchange here:\u003cbr>\n[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172007280\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you can listen to the entire hour-long show here:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='20'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868&visual=true&color=ff5500&inverse=false&auto_play=false&show_user=true'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Francisco supervisors David Chiu and David Campos faced off on \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/a/forum/R201410131000\" target=\"_blank\">Forum\u003c/a> today. The city leaders are in a tight race to win the right to represent District 17 in the state Assembly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The exchange, while polite, featured lots of tension and jabs between the two candidates. They answered questions on everything from affordable housing to governing styles to the \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/13/mission-playground-soccer-field-incident-spurs-planned-rally-over-pay-to-play\">video\u003c/a> of a recent conflict over the use of a soccer field at a Mission District playground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to both candidates' take on affordability and the soccer video below:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172004659&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172004659'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the issue that elicited the most passion from listeners was the \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/news/story/2012/10/08/109111/sf_supervisors_to_vote_on_mirkarimis_future?category=bay+area\" target=\"_blank\">2012 vote\u003c/a> on whether to remove Ross Mirkarimi as sheriff. (Former Supervisor Mirkarimi pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor count of false imprisonment after a dispute with his wife. It almost cost him the office right after he was elected.) Chiu voted to oust Mirkarimi, while Campos voted to keep him in office. That vote has been the subject of several David Chiu campaign mailers, which link Campos to domestic violence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A caller during the show, who identified herself as a victim of domestic violence, pleaded with Chiu to tell his campaign to stop politicizing the issue. Chiu defended his campaign, saying that the Mirkarimi vote demonstrates a difference of \"values\" between him and Campos.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Listen to the Mirkarimi exchange here:\u003cbr>\n\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172007280&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/172007280'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And you can listen to the entire hour-long show here:\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171987868'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Indian gaming in California brings in an estimated $7 billion each year. Proposition 48 is a referendum on a 2013 agreement between the state and the North Fork Indian tribe allowing a casino to be built off Highway 99 in Madera. Voting \"yes\" would uphold the legislation ratifying the agreement, \u003ca class=\"rssmi_more\" href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410130900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Read More ...\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Source: \u003ca title=\"A Debate on Proposition 48: Indian Gaming in the Central Valley\" href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410130900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\">Forum Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_22018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2014/10/469263795-e1413059491589.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-22018\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2014/10/469263795-640x448.jpg\" alt='Kevin Spacey stars as Frank Underwood in the Netflix series \"House of Cards.\" (Kevin Winter/Getty Images)' width=\"640\" height=\"448\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin Spacey stars as Frank Underwood in the Netflix series \"House of Cards.\" (Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The power play behind Proposition 45 could be fodder for an episode of House of Cards:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Dave Jones might not like this comparison, but he's the Frank Underwood in this fight.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Power is a lot like real estate. It’s all about location, location, location. The closer you are to the source, the higher your property value,” so goes protagonist Frank Underwood, who plays the menacing House majority whip scheming to get closer to the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You'd never think there'd be such positioning over who gets to regulate health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this is California. And no less than three state agencies want to have a say in this one.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve taken a look at the regulation at the Department of Insurance and concluded it’s abysmal,” says Dave Jones the state’s insurance commissioner. “It’s too weak, it doesn’t provide enough teeth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones wouldn't like this comparison, but he's the Frank in this fight. Now, I’m not saying Jones is sneaky or evil. But he is campaigning for Prop. 45 to give himself the power to reject rate hikes in health insurance, even though there are two state agencies that already review rates: the Department of Insurance and the Department of Managed Health Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But neither department has the ability to actually reject health insurance rates that are excessive,” Jones says. “And review simply isn’t enough. We’ve been reviewing for four years now and rates continue to climb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a message that resonates with a lot of voters. Many have been waiting for someone to do something about skyrocketing health premiums. Like Josh Libresco, a market researcher in San Rafael who buys his own insurance. Health care costs for his family have gone up more than a thousand percent in the last fifteen years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become our single biggest expense. Bigger than my mortgage. Bigger than my daughters’ college tuition, which is incredible,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testimonials like this make Prop. 45 seem like a slam dunk. But here’s the plot twist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioners’ own allies are against him on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Covered California is the state agency tasked with implementing the Affordable Care Act in California. Susan Kennedy is a member of the board. It’s a stretch, but let’s cast her as Jackie Sharp from Season Two of House of Cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in politics and government for the last 25, 30 years,” Kennedy says. She served as cabinet secretary for Governor Gray Davis and chief of staff to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the show, Jackie and Frank are united on most issues –- until they aren’t. Similarly, Commissioner Jones and Covered California are on the same side when it comes to Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they disagree big time on whether Prop. 45 would help health reform or undermine it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones says Prop. 45 is the missing piece of the Affordable Care Act; Kennedy says the timing is all wrong, and that the measure would interfere with Covered California’s ability to do its job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be one thing if we were to vote for Prop. 45 before we had begun implementing Obamacare, but I just don’t see how it’s possible to inject an entirely different system into an existing one and not expect it to cause chaos, delay, and cost,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Covered California has its own power to negotiate with insurers who want to sell health plans through the state’s individual and small business marketplace. The agency keeps an eye to cost already, but Kennedy says that’s not its only priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the last hundred years, health care reform has been about controlling the cost of health care. And, we want to improve quality of care and the outcomes of health care as opposed to just the cost,” she says. “Those are sometimes very conflicting goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Hollywood version of this debate, one side self-implodes, or pulls out a dirty trick to throw the others’ credibility into question. 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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_22018\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 640px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2014/10/469263795-e1413059491589.jpg\">\u003cimg class=\"size-large wp-image-22018\" title=\"\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/stateofhealth/wp-content/uploads/sites/27/2014/10/469263795-640x448.jpg\" alt='Kevin Spacey stars as Frank Underwood in the Netflix series \"House of Cards.\" (Kevin Winter/Getty Images)' width=\"640\" height=\"448\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Kevin Spacey stars as Frank Underwood in the Netflix series \"House of Cards.\" (Kevin Winter/Getty Images)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The power play behind Proposition 45 could be fodder for an episode of House of Cards:\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">Dave Jones might not like this comparison, but he's the Frank Underwood in this fight.\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>“Power is a lot like real estate. It’s all about location, location, location. The closer you are to the source, the higher your property value,” so goes protagonist Frank Underwood, who plays the menacing House majority whip scheming to get closer to the president.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>You'd never think there'd be such positioning over who gets to regulate health insurance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But this is California. And no less than three state agencies want to have a say in this one.\u003c!--more-->\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve taken a look at the regulation at the Department of Insurance and concluded it’s abysmal,” says Dave Jones the state’s insurance commissioner. “It’s too weak, it doesn’t provide enough teeth.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones wouldn't like this comparison, but he's the Frank in this fight. Now, I’m not saying Jones is sneaky or evil. But he is campaigning for Prop. 45 to give himself the power to reject rate hikes in health insurance, even though there are two state agencies that already review rates: the Department of Insurance and the Department of Managed Health Care.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But neither department has the ability to actually reject health insurance rates that are excessive,” Jones says. “And review simply isn’t enough. We’ve been reviewing for four years now and rates continue to climb.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It's a message that resonates with a lot of voters. Many have been waiting for someone to do something about skyrocketing health premiums. Like Josh Libresco, a market researcher in San Rafael who buys his own insurance. Health care costs for his family have gone up more than a thousand percent in the last fifteen years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It has become our single biggest expense. Bigger than my mortgage. Bigger than my daughters’ college tuition, which is incredible,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Testimonials like this make Prop. 45 seem like a slam dunk. But here’s the plot twist.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The commissioners’ own allies are against him on this one.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Covered California is the state agency tasked with implementing the Affordable Care Act in California. Susan Kennedy is a member of the board. It’s a stretch, but let’s cast her as Jackie Sharp from Season Two of House of Cards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I’ve been in politics and government for the last 25, 30 years,” Kennedy says. She served as cabinet secretary for Governor Gray Davis and chief of staff to Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the show, Jackie and Frank are united on most issues –- until they aren’t. Similarly, Commissioner Jones and Covered California are on the same side when it comes to Obamacare.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But they disagree big time on whether Prop. 45 would help health reform or undermine it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jones says Prop. 45 is the missing piece of the Affordable Care Act; Kennedy says the timing is all wrong, and that the measure would interfere with Covered California’s ability to do its job.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It would be one thing if we were to vote for Prop. 45 before we had begun implementing Obamacare, but I just don’t see how it’s possible to inject an entirely different system into an existing one and not expect it to cause chaos, delay, and cost,” she says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Covered California has its own power to negotiate with insurers who want to sell health plans through the state’s individual and small business marketplace. The agency keeps an eye to cost already, but Kennedy says that’s not its only priority.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“For the last hundred years, health care reform has been about controlling the cost of health care. And, we want to improve quality of care and the outcomes of health care as opposed to just the cost,” she says. “Those are sometimes very conflicting goals.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the Hollywood version of this debate, one side self-implodes, or pulls out a dirty trick to throw the others’ credibility into question. But in real life in Sacramento, this is where the debate spirals into a long he-said-she-said and ends with Dave Jones swearing it can all work out and everyone can work together.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The Department of Insurance, which has had over 25 years’ experience with rate regulation for all these other insurance products has reviewed Prop. 45 and concluded that Prop. 45 can be implemented consistent with Covered California,” he says.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Polls show support for the measure is slipping, with a third of voters still undecided.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So I guess by my own metaphor, this makes me journalist Zoe Barnes, a comparison I do not appreciate, thank you very much. I assure you there were no shady deals in the making if this story. Though I’m pretty sure Dave Jones and Susan Kennedy will not be responding to my texts for a while.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Chevron has funneled $3 million into a trio of campaign committees to influence the Nov. 4 Richmond city election, including a nearly $1.3 million contribution on Aug. 8, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/29767\" target=\"_blank\">newly filed campaign finance documents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committees, each a variation of Chevron’s \"Moving Forward” campaign, spent about $1.3 million on the Richmond mayoral and City Council races as of the end of September, much of it on attack ads targeting local officials who are critical of Chevron’s massive local refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron’s independent campaign contributions, which are unlimited under federal law, have come in two installments. In March, a Moving Forward committee received $1.6 million from Chevron, with $1,296,700 coming Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-43\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending.png\" alt=\"Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending\" width=\"960\" height=\"779\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron created the original Moving Forward committee in 2012 as part of a new strategy to advance its political interests in Richmond. Its full name is: “Moving Forward, a coalition of labor unions, small businesses, public safety and firefighters associations. Major funding by Chevron.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving Forward representatives listed on the campaign finance documents did not respond to calls seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014 Chevron created two new committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first is organized under the name Moving Forward and supports Nat Bates for mayor and Donna Powers, Charles Ramsey and Al Martinez for City Council. The committee has received $1.4 million -- nearly all from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second Moving Forward committee -- organized to oppose incumbent Mayor Gayle McLaughlin and council candidates Eduardo Martinez and Jovanka Beckles -- has received $500,000. Again, almost all of that sum is from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two newer committees spent about $1.3 million between Aug. 15 and Sept. 29. The $1.3 million figure is sure to grow quickly now that Moving Forward is running TV ads, expenditures for which have not yet been reported to the Richmond City Clerk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Moving-Forward-Chevron-Source.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-large wp-image-44\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Moving-Forward-Chevron-Source-1024x735.png\" alt=\"Moving Forward Chevron Source\" width=\"640\" height=\"459\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some observers think Chevron’s involvement in the Richmond election overwhelms the voices of regular Richmond citizens by bombarding them with shiny mailers, billboards and television attack ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a pretty big red flag when you have a multimillion-dollar corporation getting involved in a local election,” said Sarah Swanbeck a campaign finance transparency advocate with California Common Cause. “The average Richmond citizen is not equipped or able to fight back with their own resources.”\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"nprByline": "\u003ca href=\"https://richmondconfidential.org/author/harriet_rowan/\" target=\"_blank\">Harriet Rowan\u003c/a>\u003cbr >\u003ca href=\"https://richmondconfidential.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Richmond Confidential\u003c/a>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Chevron has funneled $3 million into a trio of campaign committees to influence the Nov. 4 Richmond city election, including a nearly $1.3 million contribution on Aug. 8, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.ci.richmond.ca.us/DocumentCenter/View/29767\" target=\"_blank\">newly filed campaign finance documents\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The committees, each a variation of Chevron’s \"Moving Forward” campaign, spent about $1.3 million on the Richmond mayoral and City Council races as of the end of September, much of it on attack ads targeting local officials who are critical of Chevron’s massive local refinery.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron’s independent campaign contributions, which are unlimited under federal law, have come in two installments. In March, a Moving Forward committee received $1.6 million from Chevron, with $1,296,700 coming Aug. 8.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-full wp-image-43\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending.png\" alt=\"Copy-of-Moving-Forward-flow-chart-spending\" width=\"960\" height=\"779\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Chevron created the original Moving Forward committee in 2012 as part of a new strategy to advance its political interests in Richmond. Its full name is: “Moving Forward, a coalition of labor unions, small businesses, public safety and firefighters associations. Major funding by Chevron.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Moving Forward representatives listed on the campaign finance documents did not respond to calls seeking comment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In 2014 Chevron created two new committees.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The first is organized under the name Moving Forward and supports Nat Bates for mayor and Donna Powers, Charles Ramsey and Al Martinez for City Council. The committee has received $1.4 million -- nearly all from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The second Moving Forward committee -- organized to oppose incumbent Mayor Gayle McLaughlin and council candidates Eduardo Martinez and Jovanka Beckles -- has received $500,000. Again, almost all of that sum is from Chevron.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The two newer committees spent about $1.3 million between Aug. 15 and Sept. 29. The $1.3 million figure is sure to grow quickly now that Moving Forward is running TV ads, expenditures for which have not yet been reported to the Richmond City Clerk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Moving-Forward-Chevron-Source.png\">\u003cimg class=\"alignnone size-large wp-image-44\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/canews/wp-content/uploads/sites/5/2014/10/Moving-Forward-Chevron-Source-1024x735.png\" alt=\"Moving Forward Chevron Source\" width=\"640\" height=\"459\">\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Some observers think Chevron’s involvement in the Richmond election overwhelms the voices of regular Richmond citizens by bombarding them with shiny mailers, billboards and television attack ads.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You have a pretty big red flag when you have a multimillion-dollar corporation getting involved in a local election,” said Sarah Swanbeck a campaign finance transparency advocate with California Common Cause. “The average Richmond citizen is not equipped or able to fight back with their own resources.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"disqusTitle": "Beverage Industry Spends Big to Beat Berkeley Soda Tax",
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"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | News Fix | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Anyone who walked into the Ashby BART station Wednesday night would have been barraged by “No on Measure D” ads. They were plastered on the walls across from the trains, pinned to spaces near the ticket machine, and laid out on the floor of the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s known as saturation advertising and the No on Measure D campaign is using it across Berkeley to get its message across. There are ads in bus shelters. There are ads on Berkeleyside. There are ads in the Daily Californian and on SFGate. There are campaign signs pinned to posts and stuck in medians around town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get used to it. Newly filed finance reports show that the No on Measure D campaign has spent $1.675 million so far trying to defeat a 1-cent-per-ounce tax on sugary beverages, which is about $275,000 more than was previously disclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'When one side has more than 10 times as many resources as another, it starts to make a mockery of what our democracy is supposed to be like.'\u003ccite>Daniel Newman\u003cbr>\nPresident, Maplight.org\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The American Beverage Association California PAC, which is funding the campaign, donated $1.4 million but has actually spent more. The campaign is also carrying $947,433 in accrued expenses. The bulk of the money is going to campaign literature, advertising, a website and campaign, and public relations consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes to $21.43 for each of Berkeley’s 78,144 registered voters. In comparison, the beverage industry is spending $15.50 per registered voter in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/default/article/Soda-industry-spends-7-7-million-to-defeat-SF-5807057.php\" target=\"_blank\">according to the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>. (The stakes for soda manufacturers are higher in Berkeley, where the measure only needs a simple \"50 percent plus one\" majority to pass; in San Francisco, a two-thirds majority vote is needed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of money spent dwarfs previous Berkeley political campaigns, and distorts the electoral process, according to Daniel Newman, the president and co-founder of \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\">MapLight\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan research organization in Berkeley that tracks money in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When one side has more than 10 times as many resources as another, it starts to make a mockery of what our democracy is supposed to be like,” Newman said. “If one side has 10 times more money to send mailers, and pay people to have conversations with voters, it creates distorted conditions for voters to effectively decide on what laws they want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roger Salazar, a spokesman for the No on D campaign, would not directly answer whether the amount of money the beverage industry is spending in Berkeley would turn off voters. He pointed out that the Yes on D campaign is also using seasoned campaign consultants and that all the city officials running for re-election are using their bully pulpit to push the tax. The beverage industry must overcome that, he said. In addition, the Berkeley City Council spent $60,000 to conduct a poll about the proposed 1-cent-tax-per-ounce measure, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve got government sponsorship,” Salazar said. “We are going to be informing voters about the flaws and impacts of this misguided venture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(The City Council did spend $60,000 on two polls, but the questions that were posed covered a range of issues, not just the soda tax.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a small portion of the $1.675 million declared recently was actually spent in Berkeley, according to campaign finance documents reviewed by Berkeleyside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dustan Batton, who works for Rodriguez Strategies, the Los Angeles-based consulting firm that is running the Berkeley campaign, paid $622 to stay at the Durant Hotel, according to campaign filings. The campaign has paid Wong Property Management $11,040 for rent and $1,020 to Parking Concepts for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two print shops were paid for printing campaign literature: Zee Zee Copy and Alliance Graphic got a combined $4,239. The campaign has paid Berkeleyside $9,393 for advertising. It has also taken out ads that cover two full pages in the Daily Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the major expenditures, according to campaign filings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10343289\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png\" alt=\"Expenditures by the No on Measure D campaign. (Berkeleyside)\" width=\"600\" height=\"801\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10343289\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures-400x534.png 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Expenditures by the No on Measure D campaign. (Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to blitzing the Bay Area with ads, the No on D campaign has sent out at least seven mass mailings, defined by Berkeley election law as those going to more than 200 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent days, the No on D campaign has also been passing out a flyer that features excerpts from two anti-soda tax op-eds that were published on Berkeleyside in the Opinionator section. Berkeleyside’s logo is prominently featured at the top of the page. Many Berkeley residents have been confused by that campaign literature, and have asked Berkeleyside whether the news site has taken a position to oppose Measure D. Berkeleyside does not take editorial positions. The flyer is a production of the No on Measure D campaign. (\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/10/10/berkeleyside-does-not-endorse-candidates-measures/\" target=\"_blank\">Read more \u003c/a>about Berkeleyside’s position on endorsements.)\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'From our perspective, it’s bad public policy. There are ways you can promote healthy lifestyles. We don’t believe taxing people is the way to do it.'\u003ccite>Roger Salazar,\u003cbr>\nNo on D spokesman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The proliferation of campaign signs has also been a problem. The city of Berkeley has sent the No on Measure D campaign two letters informing it that its signs are illegally placed in Berkeley. Berkeley’s sign ordinance does not allow campaign signs on wooden utility poles, public sidewalks, median strips, fire hydrants, curbs, or any traffic control fixture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 2 and then again on Oct. 6, Berkeley noted that there were No on Measure D signs on at least six different roundabouts or median strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The willingness of the beverage industry to pour close to $2 million into the campaign to defeat the proposed soda tax should come as no surprise. The beverage industry has spent $117 million since 2009 to quash or roll back soda taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/08/us/berkeley-officials-outspent-but-optimistic-in-battle-over-soda-tax.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">according to the New York Times\u003c/a>. The beverage industry has defeated more than 30 initiatives around the United States in those years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, the fight has been funded by political action committees of the American Beverage Association, a trade organization made up of the world’s largest beverage companies and businesses that sell their products. They include the Coca-Cola Company, PepsiCo, Dr. Pepper-Royal Crown Bottling Co., Canada Dry Bottling Co. of New York, the Can Manufacturers Institute, 7-Eleven Convenience Stores, and Yum! Brands (KFC, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brands include Honest Tea, Snapple, Tropicana, Minute Maid, Aquafina, Mountain Dew, Starbucks coffee drinks, Fuze Tea, Odwalla, Glacéau Vitaminwater, Hawaiian Punch, 7-Up, Coca–Cola and many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar said the beverage industry wants to help people reduce their sugar consumption, just not through local legislation. The soda industry has reduced the calories in many of its drinks by 10 percent in the last 10 years, and just recently pledged to reduce it an additional 20 percent, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From our perspective, it’s bad public policy,” Salazar said of local legislation. “There are ways you can promote healthy lifestyles. We don’t believe taxing people is the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Berkeleyside publishes many articles every day. To see all our stories in chronological order, and read ones you may have missed, check out \u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/all-the-news/\" target=\"_blank\">All the News\u003c/a>.\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Anyone who walked into the Ashby BART station Wednesday night would have been barraged by “No on Measure D” ads. They were plastered on the walls across from the trains, pinned to spaces near the ticket machine, and laid out on the floor of the station.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s known as saturation advertising and the No on Measure D campaign is using it across Berkeley to get its message across. There are ads in bus shelters. There are ads on Berkeleyside. There are ads in the Daily Californian and on SFGate. There are campaign signs pinned to posts and stuck in medians around town.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Get used to it. Newly filed finance reports show that the No on Measure D campaign has spent $1.675 million so far trying to defeat a 1-cent-per-ounce tax on sugary beverages, which is about $275,000 more than was previously disclosed.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">'When one side has more than 10 times as many resources as another, it starts to make a mockery of what our democracy is supposed to be like.'\u003ccite>Daniel Newman\u003cbr>\nPresident, Maplight.org\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The American Beverage Association California PAC, which is funding the campaign, donated $1.4 million but has actually spent more. The campaign is also carrying $947,433 in accrued expenses. The bulk of the money is going to campaign literature, advertising, a website and campaign, and public relations consultants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That comes to $21.43 for each of Berkeley’s 78,144 registered voters. In comparison, the beverage industry is spending $15.50 per registered voter in San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"http://www.sfgate.com/default/article/Soda-industry-spends-7-7-million-to-defeat-SF-5807057.php\" target=\"_blank\">according to the San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/a>. (The stakes for soda manufacturers are higher in Berkeley, where the measure only needs a simple \"50 percent plus one\" majority to pass; in San Francisco, a two-thirds majority vote is needed.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The amount of money spent dwarfs previous Berkeley political campaigns, and distorts the electoral process, according to Daniel Newman, the president and co-founder of \u003ca href=\"http://maplight.org/\" target=\"_blank\">MapLight\u003c/a>, a nonpartisan research organization in Berkeley that tracks money in politics.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When one side has more than 10 times as many resources as another, it starts to make a mockery of what our democracy is supposed to be like,” Newman said. “If one side has 10 times more money to send mailers, and pay people to have conversations with voters, it creates distorted conditions for voters to effectively decide on what laws they want.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Roger Salazar, a spokesman for the No on D campaign, would not directly answer whether the amount of money the beverage industry is spending in Berkeley would turn off voters. He pointed out that the Yes on D campaign is also using seasoned campaign consultants and that all the city officials running for re-election are using their bully pulpit to push the tax. The beverage industry must overcome that, he said. In addition, the Berkeley City Council spent $60,000 to conduct a poll about the proposed 1-cent-tax-per-ounce measure, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They’ve got government sponsorship,” Salazar said. “We are going to be informing voters about the flaws and impacts of this misguided venture.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(The City Council did spend $60,000 on two polls, but the questions that were posed covered a range of issues, not just the soda tax.)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Only a small portion of the $1.675 million declared recently was actually spent in Berkeley, according to campaign finance documents reviewed by Berkeleyside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dustan Batton, who works for Rodriguez Strategies, the Los Angeles-based consulting firm that is running the Berkeley campaign, paid $622 to stay at the Durant Hotel, according to campaign filings. The campaign has paid Wong Property Management $11,040 for rent and $1,020 to Parking Concepts for parking.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Two print shops were paid for printing campaign literature: Zee Zee Copy and Alliance Graphic got a combined $4,239. The campaign has paid Berkeleyside $9,393 for advertising. It has also taken out ads that cover two full pages in the Daily Californian.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Here are some of the major expenditures, according to campaign filings:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10343289\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 600px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png\">\u003cimg src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png\" alt=\"Expenditures by the No on Measure D campaign. (Berkeleyside)\" width=\"600\" height=\"801\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10343289\" srcset=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures.png 600w, https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/No-on-D-expenditures-400x534.png 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 600px) 100vw, 600px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Expenditures by the No on Measure D campaign. (Berkeleyside)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>In addition to blitzing the Bay Area with ads, the No on D campaign has sent out at least seven mass mailings, defined by Berkeley election law as those going to more than 200 households.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In recent days, the No on D campaign has also been passing out a flyer that features excerpts from two anti-soda tax op-eds that were published on Berkeleyside in the Opinionator section. Berkeleyside’s logo is prominently featured at the top of the page. Many Berkeley residents have been confused by that campaign literature, and have asked Berkeleyside whether the news site has taken a position to oppose Measure D. Berkeleyside does not take editorial positions. The flyer is a production of the No on Measure D campaign. (\u003ca href=\"http://www.berkeleyside.com/2014/10/10/berkeleyside-does-not-endorse-candidates-measures/\" target=\"_blank\">Read more \u003c/a>about Berkeleyside’s position on endorsements.)\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">'From our perspective, it’s bad public policy. There are ways you can promote healthy lifestyles. We don’t believe taxing people is the way to do it.'\u003ccite>Roger Salazar,\u003cbr>\nNo on D spokesman\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>The proliferation of campaign signs has also been a problem. The city of Berkeley has sent the No on Measure D campaign two letters informing it that its signs are illegally placed in Berkeley. Berkeley’s sign ordinance does not allow campaign signs on wooden utility poles, public sidewalks, median strips, fire hydrants, curbs, or any traffic control fixture.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>On Oct. 2 and then again on Oct. 6, Berkeley noted that there were No on Measure D signs on at least six different roundabouts or median strips.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The willingness of the beverage industry to pour close to $2 million into the campaign to defeat the proposed soda tax should come as no surprise. The beverage industry has spent $117 million since 2009 to quash or roll back soda taxes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.nytimes.com/2014/10/08/us/berkeley-officials-outspent-but-optimistic-in-battle-over-soda-tax.html?_r=0\" target=\"_blank\">according to the New York Times\u003c/a>. The beverage industry has defeated more than 30 initiatives around the United States in those years.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Nationwide, the fight has been funded by political action committees of the American Beverage Association, a trade organization made up of the world’s largest beverage companies and businesses that sell their products. They include the Coca-Cola Company, PepsiCo, Dr. Pepper-Royal Crown Bottling Co., Canada Dry Bottling Co. of New York, the Can Manufacturers Institute, 7-Eleven Convenience Stores, and Yum! Brands (KFC, Pizza Hut and Taco Bell).\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The brands include Honest Tea, Snapple, Tropicana, Minute Maid, Aquafina, Mountain Dew, Starbucks coffee drinks, Fuze Tea, Odwalla, Glacéau Vitaminwater, Hawaiian Punch, 7-Up, Coca–Cola and many more.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Salazar said the beverage industry wants to help people reduce their sugar consumption, just not through local legislation. The soda industry has reduced the calories in many of its drinks by 10 percent in the last 10 years, and just recently pledged to reduce it an additional 20 percent, he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“From our perspective, it’s bad public policy,” Salazar said of local legislation. “There are ways you can promote healthy lifestyles. We don’t believe taxing people is the way to do it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cp>Proposition 47 would reclassify some nonviolent felonies as misdemeanors, including crimes like shoplifting, grand theft, receiving stolen property, writing bad checks and drug possession. Forum debates the initiative. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410100900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" class=\"rssmi_more\">Read More ...\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Source: \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410100900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"California's Proposition 47 Seeks to Reduce Penalties for Certain Crimes\" rel=\"nofollow\">Forum Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Proposition 47 would reclassify some nonviolent felonies as misdemeanors, including crimes like shoplifting, grand theft, receiving stolen property, writing bad checks and drug possession. Forum debates the initiative. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410100900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" class=\"rssmi_more\">Read More ...\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Source: \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410100900?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"California's Proposition 47 Seeks to Reduce Penalties for Certain Crimes\" rel=\"nofollow\">Forum Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"disqusTitle": "Proposition 48: A Casino Precedent -- or Not?",
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"headTitle": "California Election Watch 2014 | The California Report | KQED News",
"content": "\u003cp>Depending on whom you believe, plans for a new tribal casino alongside Highway 99 in Madera County are either a classic case of making lemonade from lemons -- or just a sour deal all the way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing's for sure: There's a lot riding on what happens Nov. 4, when voters are asked in \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_48,_Referendum_on_Indian_Gaming_Compacts_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 48\u003c/a> to either approve or overrule the state's decision to allow the North Fork Rancheria of Mono Indians to build an off-reservation casino outside the city of Madera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would hope that the voters of California understand that this is a local decision,” said Maryann McGovran, vice chair of the North Fork tribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[soundcloud url=\"https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171388472\" params=\"color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false\" width=\"100%\" height=\"166\" iframe=\"true\" /]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long, twisted path of this casino project -- a large-scale facility with as many as 2,000 slot machines and eventually a hotel -- dates back at least a decade. The tribe, though, points out that the struggles actually began with the federal government's 1987 restoration of its legal status -- status that came with the only land ever given to the North Fork people set aside for just a handful of members, leaving the rest of the tribe without a reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They never said, 'Here's land in trust,'\" McGovran said. \"That never happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast-forward to 2011, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.northforkrancheria.com/files/DOI%20BIA%20Two%20Part%20Announcement%20Press%20Release_090211.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">the U.S. Department of the Interior approved the tribe's acquisition\u003c/a> of a 305-acre parcel on the outskirts of Madera, about a 45-minute drive west from the tiny Sierra foothill town of North Fork. On that site, between a small vineyard and Highway 99, \u003ca href=\"http://www.northforkrancheria.com/page.cfm?pageID=21\" target=\"_blank\">the tribe promises\u003c/a> a project that will bring much-needed jobs both during and after construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gambling parlance, one could say that winning Interior Department approval was like hitting the rare straight flush in poker: The North Fork Mono got permission to build through \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/25/2719\" target=\"_blank\">a two-part determination.\u003c/a> That process requires federal officials to find that a project is in a tribe's best interests and not detrimental to the surrounding community. Only a handful of tribes nationwide have ever won such a ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"This is a statewide issue. If it happens here, it's going to happen elsewhere.\"\u003ccite>Cheryl Schmit, Stand Up for California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown, who then had to concur with the decision, did so in 2012. And after a somewhat rocky reception in the Legislature -- with opposition by some of California's most politically powerful gaming tribes -- \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2013/jun/27/local/la-me-pc-jerry-brown-north-fork-tribal-indian-casino-gambling-gaming-20130627\" target=\"_blank\">North Fork's casino compact was formally ratified\u003c/a> in June 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleven days later, longtime tribal gaming critic Cheryl Schmit filed a referendum to force an up-or-down vote on the North Fork casino. That referendum is now \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/03/california-watch-2014-election-guide/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 48\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a statewide issue,\" says Schmit, the leader of the citizen's group, \u003ca href=\"http://www.standupca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Stand Up for California\u003c/a>. \"If it happens here [in Madera County], it's going to happen elsewhere.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"it\" is \u003ca href=\"http://www.americangaming.org/government-affairs/key-issues/reservation-gaming\" target=\"_blank\">off-reservation gaming\u003c/a>. The North Fork casino would be the first in California under the federal two-part determination process. Another tribe, the Enterprise Rancheria of Maidu Indians, has also cleared all of its hurdles with the feds and the governor. But the clamor over the North Fork proposal \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758941/\" target=\"_blank\">has stalled Enterprise's plans for a Yuba County casino\u003c/a> in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n\"I expect there will be few requests from other tribes that will present the same kind of exceptional circumstances to support a similar expansion of tribal gaming land.\"\u003ccite> Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schmit, the official proponent of Prop. 48, argues that there are two reasons the North Fork project would set a precedent. First, she believes the Obama administration has signaled a willingness to approve more off-reservation proposals, and many of those are from California. Second, she believes more Nevada gaming corporations are willing to step up and finance these projects in hopes of a big payout from tribes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But would Brown go along? The governor voiced skepticism about future projects when he agreed to the North Fork casino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I expect,\" wrote Brown in \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=17700\" target=\"_blank\">his August 2012 letter\u003c/a> approving the casino compact, \"there will be few requests from other tribes that will present the same kind of exceptional circumstances to support a similar expansion of tribal gaming land.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Fork casino supporters point to two other parts of the deal: agreements with local governments and even a Humboldt County tribe to provide cash payments from the casino's profits (the Wiyot Tribe Humboldt, in exchange, has given up plans for a casino on its environmentally sensitive reservation), and payments into the state's revenue sharing fund for nongaming tribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop. 48 is a referendum, the usual roles of the campaigns are reversed: Voters who think Brown and the Legislature were correct in approving the casino cast a \"yes\" ballot, while those who hope to block the project would vote \"no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The No on 48 campaign has raised more than $11 million this year to kill the casino plan, including a $5.4 million contribution on Tuesday from one of North Fork’s neighboring tribes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.tmcasino.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Table Mountain Rancheria\u003c/a>. They, and the nearby \u003ca href=\"http://www.chukchansi.net/\" target=\"_blank\">Picayune Rancheria of Chuckchansi Indians\u003c/a>, both have their own big casinos, and they say another gaming palace will cut into the region’s existing gambling business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for all the bluster of the campaign, the bottom line is that the North Fork project could ultimately be decided in court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters say yes to Prop. 48 and thus approve the casino, opponents are likely to keep pursuing lawsuits challenging everything from the project's land rights to its environmental impact. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Prop. 48, some believe the Obama administration can overrule the referendum and unilaterally impose the casino compact -- Brown himself suggested as much \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/local/story.aspx?storyid=258773\" target=\"_blank\">in a 2013 television interview\u003c/a>. The governor's tribal advisors have said such action could come without the lucrative side deals struck with the North Fork tribe as mitigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And one historical note: A defeat of Prop 48 would be the first time California voters have ever rejected Indian gaming on a statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Depending on whom you believe, plans for a new tribal casino alongside Highway 99 in Madera County are either a classic case of making lemonade from lemons -- or just a sour deal all the way around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One thing's for sure: There's a lot riding on what happens Nov. 4, when voters are asked in \u003ca href=\"http://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_48,_Referendum_on_Indian_Gaming_Compacts_(2014)\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 48\u003c/a> to either approve or overrule the state's decision to allow the North Fork Rancheria of Mono Indians to build an off-reservation casino outside the city of Madera.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We would hope that the voters of California understand that this is a local decision,” said Maryann McGovran, vice chair of the North Fork tribe.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cdiv class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__shortcodes__shortcodeWrapper'>\n \u003ciframe width='100%' height='166'\n scrolling='no' frameborder='no'\n src='https://w.soundcloud.com/player/?url=https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171388472&visual=true&color=ff5500&auto_play=false&hide_related=false&show_comments=true&show_user=true&show_reposts=false'\n title='https://api.soundcloud.com/tracks/171388472'>\n \u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/div>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The long, twisted path of this casino project -- a large-scale facility with as many as 2,000 slot machines and eventually a hotel -- dates back at least a decade. The tribe, though, points out that the struggles actually began with the federal government's 1987 restoration of its legal status -- status that came with the only land ever given to the North Fork people set aside for just a handful of members, leaving the rest of the tribe without a reservation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"They never said, 'Here's land in trust,'\" McGovran said. \"That never happened.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Fast-forward to 2011, when \u003ca href=\"http://www.northforkrancheria.com/files/DOI%20BIA%20Two%20Part%20Announcement%20Press%20Release_090211.pdf\" target=\"_blank\">the U.S. Department of the Interior approved the tribe's acquisition\u003c/a> of a 305-acre parcel on the outskirts of Madera, about a 45-minute drive west from the tiny Sierra foothill town of North Fork. On that site, between a small vineyard and Highway 99, \u003ca href=\"http://www.northforkrancheria.com/page.cfm?pageID=21\" target=\"_blank\">the tribe promises\u003c/a> a project that will bring much-needed jobs both during and after construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In gambling parlance, one could say that winning Interior Department approval was like hitting the rare straight flush in poker: The North Fork Mono got permission to build through \u003ca href=\"http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/25/2719\" target=\"_blank\">a two-part determination.\u003c/a> That process requires federal officials to find that a project is in a tribe's best interests and not detrimental to the surrounding community. Only a handful of tribes nationwide have ever won such a ruling.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignright\">\"This is a statewide issue. If it happens here, it's going to happen elsewhere.\"\u003ccite>Cheryl Schmit, Stand Up for California\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Gov. Jerry Brown, who then had to concur with the decision, did so in 2012. And after a somewhat rocky reception in the Legislature -- with opposition by some of California's most politically powerful gaming tribes -- \u003ca href=\"http://articles.latimes.com/2013/jun/27/local/la-me-pc-jerry-brown-north-fork-tribal-indian-casino-gambling-gaming-20130627\" target=\"_blank\">North Fork's casino compact was formally ratified\u003c/a> in June 2013.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eleven days later, longtime tribal gaming critic Cheryl Schmit filed a referendum to force an up-or-down vote on the North Fork casino. That referendum is now \u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/2014/10/03/california-watch-2014-election-guide/\" target=\"_blank\">Proposition 48\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"This is a statewide issue,\" says Schmit, the leader of the citizen's group, \u003ca href=\"http://www.standupca.org/\" target=\"_blank\">Stand Up for California\u003c/a>. \"If it happens here [in Madera County], it's going to happen elsewhere.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The \"it\" is \u003ca href=\"http://www.americangaming.org/government-affairs/key-issues/reservation-gaming\" target=\"_blank\">off-reservation gaming\u003c/a>. The North Fork casino would be the first in California under the federal two-part determination process. Another tribe, the Enterprise Rancheria of Maidu Indians, has also cleared all of its hurdles with the feds and the governor. But the clamor over the North Fork proposal \u003ca href=\"http://www.news10.net/story/news/politics/john-myers/2014/01/22/4758941/\" target=\"_blank\">has stalled Enterprise's plans for a Yuba County casino\u003c/a> in the Legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003caside class=\"pullquote alignleft\">\n\"I expect there will be few requests from other tribes that will present the same kind of exceptional circumstances to support a similar expansion of tribal gaming land.\"\u003ccite> Gov. Jerry Brown\u003c/cite>\u003c/aside>\n\u003cp>Schmit, the official proponent of Prop. 48, argues that there are two reasons the North Fork project would set a precedent. First, she believes the Obama administration has signaled a willingness to approve more off-reservation proposals, and many of those are from California. Second, she believes more Nevada gaming corporations are willing to step up and finance these projects in hopes of a big payout from tribes in the future.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But would Brown go along? The governor voiced skepticism about future projects when he agreed to the North Fork casino.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\"I expect,\" wrote Brown in \u003ca href=\"http://gov.ca.gov/news.php?id=17700\" target=\"_blank\">his August 2012 letter\u003c/a> approving the casino compact, \"there will be few requests from other tribes that will present the same kind of exceptional circumstances to support a similar expansion of tribal gaming land.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>North Fork casino supporters point to two other parts of the deal: agreements with local governments and even a Humboldt County tribe to provide cash payments from the casino's profits (the Wiyot Tribe Humboldt, in exchange, has given up plans for a casino on its environmentally sensitive reservation), and payments into the state's revenue sharing fund for nongaming tribes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Because Prop. 48 is a referendum, the usual roles of the campaigns are reversed: Voters who think Brown and the Legislature were correct in approving the casino cast a \"yes\" ballot, while those who hope to block the project would vote \"no.\"\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The No on 48 campaign has raised more than $11 million this year to kill the casino plan, including a $5.4 million contribution on Tuesday from one of North Fork’s neighboring tribes, \u003ca href=\"http://www.tmcasino.com/\" target=\"_blank\">Table Mountain Rancheria\u003c/a>. They, and the nearby \u003ca href=\"http://www.chukchansi.net/\" target=\"_blank\">Picayune Rancheria of Chuckchansi Indians\u003c/a>, both have their own big casinos, and they say another gaming palace will cut into the region’s existing gambling business.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But for all the bluster of the campaign, the bottom line is that the North Fork project could ultimately be decided in court. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters say yes to Prop. 48 and thus approve the casino, opponents are likely to keep pursuing lawsuits challenging everything from the project's land rights to its environmental impact. \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If voters reject Prop. 48, some believe the Obama administration can overrule the referendum and unilaterally impose the casino compact -- Brown himself suggested as much \u003ca href=\"http://archive.news10.net/news/local/story.aspx?storyid=258773\" target=\"_blank\">in a 2013 television interview\u003c/a>. The governor's tribal advisors have said such action could come without the lucrative side deals struck with the North Fork tribe as mitigation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And one historical note: A defeat of Prop 48 would be the first time California voters have ever rejected Indian gaming on a statewide ballot.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>It wasn’t Monday Night Football or the baseball playoffs, but there were plenty of hits in Monday night’s 75-minute debate between longtime Democratic Congressman Mike Honda and his Democratic challenger, Ro Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the only side-by-side match before the election on Nov. 4. If you missed it, NBC Bay Area, the host of the debate, has posted video \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/Ro-Khanna-Mike-Honda-Meet-for-17th-Congressional-District-Debate-278327881.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, both sides are declaring victory. Tyler Law, press secretary for the Ro Khanna for Congress campaign, tweeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" lang=\"en\">\u003cp>I’ve never been more motivated to work for change. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RoKhannaUSA\">@RoKhannaUSA\u003c/a> presented a clear choice to voters tonight. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/CA17Debate?src=hash\">#CA17Debate\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/CA17?src=hash\">#CA17\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Tyler Law (@tyzlaw) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tyzlaw/status/519338684114796544\">October 7, 2014\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“We felt great,” said Vivek Kembaiyan, communications director for the Mike Honda for Congress campaign. “Congressman Honda did better than expected. Khanna needed to do something to drastically alter the race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna was in attack mode all evening, trying to do exactly that by challenging Honda’s abilities and record at every turn. The two candidates answered questions ranging from H1B visas to student debt to immigration reform to income inequality in Silicon Valley. Repeatedly, both veered off from the questions to get to their own talking points and agendas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is getting done. I would work with Republicans,” Khanna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former Obama Administration Department of Commerce official argued that Honda has been in lock-step with the Democratic Party during his seven terms in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a Republican-controlled Congress, we’re going to need someone to influence the debate,” Khanna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he did not give any specifics on how he would work across the aisle with Republicans on contentious issues like immigration reform and budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intellectual property lawyer appeared to be giving a strategic nod to local Republicans and Independents who voted for Vanila Singh and Joel Vanlandingham in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna finished 20 points behind Honda in June. Analysts are now wondering if Khanna can close the gap with the voters who did not vote for Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.govtrack.us/congress/members/CA/17\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Congressional District 17\u003c/a> hugs the heart of Silicon Valley, including parts of the East Bay — the cities of Fremont, Newark and Milpitas in southern Alameda County — and Cupertino, Sunnyvale, Santa Clara and north San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s biggest challenge is convincing fellow Democrats that Honda does not deserve to serve an eighth term in the heavily Democratic district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most telling exchange in the debate came near the end when Honda was asked straight up if he’s burned out. Honda joked: “I’ve got a lot of gas in this tank, and I’m not even a hybrid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted the only full-throated laugh of the night in the press room. Within minutes came a meme-fest from his own campaign and other supporters in the Democratic party establishment. This is what the California Young Democrats put out:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10342872\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 523px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10342872\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png\" alt=\"Supporters of Mike Honda wasted no time turned this quip from the debate into an Internet meme. (Courtesy California Young Democrats)\" width=\"523\" height=\"267\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png 523w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme-400x204.png 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 523px) 100vw, 523px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Mike Honda wasted no time turning this quip from the debate into an Internet meme. (Courtesy California Young Democrats)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khanna used it to his advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what great democracies are about: Someone carries the ball and then hands it off,” he said. “That’s what keeps this country moving forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether anyone scored a touchdown in the debate won’t be known for another month.\u003c/p>\n\n",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>It wasn’t Monday Night Football or the baseball playoffs, but there were plenty of hits in Monday night’s 75-minute debate between longtime Democratic Congressman Mike Honda and his Democratic challenger, Ro Khanna.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s the only side-by-side match before the election on Nov. 4. If you missed it, NBC Bay Area, the host of the debate, has posted video \u003ca href=\"http://www.nbcbayarea.com/news/local/Ro-Khanna-Mike-Honda-Meet-for-17th-Congressional-District-Debate-278327881.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">here\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Naturally, both sides are declaring victory. Tyler Law, press secretary for the Ro Khanna for Congress campaign, tweeted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cblockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\" lang=\"en\">\u003cp>I’ve never been more motivated to work for change. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/RoKhannaUSA\">@RoKhannaUSA\u003c/a> presented a clear choice to voters tonight. \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/CA17Debate?src=hash\">#CA17Debate\u003c/a> \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/hashtag/CA17?src=hash\">#CA17\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>— Tyler Law (@tyzlaw) \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/tyzlaw/status/519338684114796544\">October 7, 2014\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\u003c/blockquote>\n\u003cp>“We felt great,” said Vivek Kembaiyan, communications director for the Mike Honda for Congress campaign. “Congressman Honda did better than expected. Khanna needed to do something to drastically alter the race.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna was in attack mode all evening, trying to do exactly that by challenging Honda’s abilities and record at every turn. The two candidates answered questions ranging from H1B visas to student debt to immigration reform to income inequality in Silicon Valley. Repeatedly, both veered off from the questions to get to their own talking points and agendas.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>",
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"content": "\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Nothing is getting done. I would work with Republicans,” Khanna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The former Obama Administration Department of Commerce official argued that Honda has been in lock-step with the Democratic Party during his seven terms in office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“In a Republican-controlled Congress, we’re going to need someone to influence the debate,” Khanna said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But he did not give any specifics on how he would work across the aisle with Republicans on contentious issues like immigration reform and budgets.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The intellectual property lawyer appeared to be giving a strategic nod to local Republicans and Independents who voted for Vanila Singh and Joel Vanlandingham in the primary.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna finished 20 points behind Honda in June. Analysts are now wondering if Khanna can close the gap with the voters who did not vote for Honda.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"https://www.govtrack.us/congress/members/CA/17\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Congressional District 17\u003c/a> hugs the heart of Silicon Valley, including parts of the East Bay — the cities of Fremont, Newark and Milpitas in southern Alameda County — and Cupertino, Sunnyvale, Santa Clara and north San Jose.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Khanna’s biggest challenge is convincing fellow Democrats that Honda does not deserve to serve an eighth term in the heavily Democratic district.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perhaps the most telling exchange in the debate came near the end when Honda was asked straight up if he’s burned out. Honda joked: “I’ve got a lot of gas in this tank, and I’m not even a hybrid!”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That prompted the only full-throated laugh of the night in the press room. Within minutes came a meme-fest from his own campaign and other supporters in the Democratic party establishment. This is what the California Young Democrats put out:\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_10342872\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 523px\">\u003ca href=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-10342872\" src=\"http://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png\" alt=\"Supporters of Mike Honda wasted no time turned this quip from the debate into an Internet meme. (Courtesy California Young Democrats)\" width=\"523\" height=\"267\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme.png 523w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2014/10/GasTankMeme-400x204.png 400w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 523px) 100vw, 523px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Supporters of Mike Honda wasted no time turning this quip from the debate into an Internet meme. (Courtesy California Young Democrats)\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Khanna used it to his advantage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is what great democracies are about: Someone carries the ball and then hands it off,” he said. “That’s what keeps this country moving forward.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Whether anyone scored a touchdown in the debate won’t be known for another month.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>",
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"content": "\u003cp>As part of our California Election Watch 2014 coverage, we meet the Republican candidate for state attorney general, Ron Gold. He is challenging incumbent Democrat Kamala Harris. \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410070930?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"nofollow\" class=\"rssmi_more\">Read More ...\u003c/a> \u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Source: \u003ca href=\"http://www.kqed.org/epArchive/R201410070930?pid=RD19\" target=\"_blank\" title=\"California Attorney General Candidate Ron Gold\" rel=\"nofollow\">Forum Election Coverage\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n",
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"info": "What kind of no sabo word is Hyphenación? For us, it’s about living within a hyphenation. Like being a third-gen Mexican-American from the Texas border now living that Bay Area Chicano life. Like Xorje! Each week we bring together a couple of hyphenated Latinos to talk all about personal life choices: family, careers, relationships, belonging … everything is on the table. ",
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"info": "Our flagship program, helmed by Kai Ryssdal, examines what the day in money delivered, through stories, conversations, newsworthy numbers and more. Updated Monday through Friday at about 3:30 p.m. PT.",
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"info": "The MindShift podcast explores the innovations in education that are shaping how kids learn. Hosts Ki Sung and Katrina Schwartz introduce listeners to educators, researchers, parents and students who are developing effective ways to improve how kids learn. We cover topics like how fed-up administrators are developing surprising tactics to deal with classroom disruptions; how listening to podcasts are helping kids develop reading skills; the consequences of overparenting; and why interdisciplinary learning can engage students on all ends of the traditional achievement spectrum. This podcast is part of the MindShift education site, a division of KQED News. KQED is an NPR/PBS member station based in San Francisco. You can also visit the MindShift website for episodes and supplemental blog posts or tweet us \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/MindShiftKQED\">@MindShiftKQED\u003c/a> or visit us at \u003ca href=\"/mindshift\">MindShift.KQED.org\u003c/a>",
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"info": "For decades, the process for how police police themselves has been inconsistent – if not opaque. In some states, like California, these proceedings were completely hidden. After a new police transparency law unsealed scores of internal affairs files, our reporters set out to examine these cases and the shadow world of police discipline. On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. Is it the officers, or the public they've sworn to serve?",
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"politicalbreakdown": {
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"title": "Political Breakdown",
"tagline": "Politics from a personal perspective",
"info": "Political Breakdown is a new series that explores the political intersection of California and the nation. Each week hosts Scott Shafer and Marisa Lagos are joined with a new special guest to unpack politics -- with personality — and offer an insider’s glimpse at how politics happens.",
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"possible": {
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"title": "Possible",
"info": "Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.",
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"info": "Each weekday, host Marco Werman and his team of producers bring you the world's most interesting stories in an hour of radio that reminds us just how small our planet really is.",
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"imageSrc": "https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/The-World-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg",
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},
"radiolab": {
"id": "radiolab",
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"info": "A two-time Peabody Award-winner, Radiolab is an investigation told through sounds and stories, and centered around one big idea. In the Radiolab world, information sounds like music and science and culture collide. Hosted by Jad Abumrad and Robert Krulwich, the show is designed for listeners who demand skepticism, but appreciate wonder. WNYC Studios is the producer of other leading podcasts including Freakonomics Radio, Death, Sex & Money, On the Media and many more.",
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},
"reveal": {
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"title": "Reveal",
"info": "Created by The Center for Investigative Reporting and PRX, Reveal is public radios first one-hour weekly radio show and podcast dedicated to investigative reporting. Credible, fact based and without a partisan agenda, Reveal combines the power and artistry of driveway moment storytelling with data-rich reporting on critically important issues. The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.",
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"officialWebsiteLink": "https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/",
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},
"rightnowish": {
"id": "rightnowish",
"title": "Rightnowish",
"tagline": "Art is where you find it",
"info": "Rightnowish digs into life in the Bay Area right now… ish. Journalist Pendarvis Harshaw takes us to galleries painted on the sides of liquor stores in West Oakland. We'll dance in warehouses in the Bayview, make smoothies with kids in South Berkeley, and listen to classical music in a 1984 Cutlass Supreme in Richmond. Every week, Pen talks to movers and shakers about how the Bay Area shapes what they create, and how they shape the place we call home.",
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"order": 16
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},
"science-friday": {
"id": "science-friday",
"title": "Science Friday",
"info": "Science Friday is a weekly science talk show, broadcast live over public radio stations nationwide. Each week, the show focuses on science topics that are in the news and tries to bring an educated, balanced discussion to bear on the scientific issues at hand. Panels of expert guests join host Ira Flatow, a veteran science journalist, to discuss science and to take questions from listeners during the call-in portion of the program.",
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